International Involvement in Bolivias Alternative Development Program

Once heralded for its successful coca-plant eradication program, Bolivia is under attack again for the increasing production of cocaine and the relative failure of the Alternative Development Programs initiated to wean the country off its dependence on coca. This attack comes primarily from the nited !tates in terms of economic, political and military pressure on the Bolivian government to eradicate coca plantations, without fully considering the su"se#uent ramifications that arise from the a"sence of long-term development goals. $ontinuous political upheaval, an uncompromising and rigid geography, the em"eddedness of coca as an intrinsic part of Andean and Bolivian culture and international aid donors% domestic policies have constrained "oth local coca supply reduction as well as national development programs in Bolivia. &n such a situation, the international community can definitely play an important role in pulling Bolivia out of its uni#ue %poverty trap% "y redesigning aid packages, providing suita"le markets for the su"stitute crops grown as part of the Alternative Development program, focusing on cur"ing the demand for cocaine and strengthening local institutions independent of coca eradication programs as a show of faith. According to a $ongressional report, 'long-term social ine#uities and economic and political unrest contri"ute to coca(s dominant role in the economy of Bolivia.)* The widespread presence of coca crops in Bolivia occurred as a result of internal as well as e+ternal forces that necessitated a shift in the dominant industry and in the glo"al demand for drugs. Paula ,endo-a

* Office of Technology Assessment, $ongress of the nited !tates. Alternative $oca .eduction/ !trategies in the Andean .egion. 0ashington, D.$/ .!. 1overnment Printing Office, 2uly *334/ 5.

e+plains that the closing of mines and the economic crisis at the national level6and su"se#uent agrarian reforms in *3546led to a mass migration from the rural areas to the $hapare province in Bolivia, a region historically renowned for growing coca.7 The government provided titles to small parcels of land in order to provide employment for the migratory population. !ince the land and climate in the lowlands of $hapare was suita"le to the sparse demands of the coca crop, farmers "egan cultivating coca in large amounts. The increase in the international demand for cocaine, particularly from the nited !tates in the *389s, led to a spiraling demand for cocaine, and "y *385, coca production made up ::; of agricultural production in the $hapare region.4 0hat must "e remem"ered is that the production of coca on such a large scale was "eing undertaken "y farmers "elonging to a culture where the coca leaf was an intrinsic part of the culture.< Any efforts to redesign Bolivia%s economy and its path to development must consider the position of coca in the larger scheme of things. =or the diverse indigenous ethnicities in Bolivia, cultivating coca plays an important role in esta"lishing gender identities, "uilding communal trust and relationships important to the smooth functioning of social networks in rural areas and solidifying connections that are necessary for strengthening institutions that can6and should6play a role in the distri"ution of development aid and infrastructure. Alison >. !pedding e+plains that one of the most consistent ?and powerful@ claims made in opposition to the drive against coca cultivation in Bolivia is that the chewing of the leaf is deeply em"edded in Andean cultural "eliefs and socioeconomic
7 Paula ,endo-a, A !tudy of !ome of the $hallenges of the Alternative Development Program in Bolivia. Thesis. Airginia Polytechnic &nstitute and !tate niversity, 799<. *7. 4 >inda =arthing and BenBamin Cohl, $onflicting Agendas/ The Politics of Development Aid in Drug-Producing Areas. Development Policy .eview. Aol.74, 7995. *8<-*85 < Ai"eke Anderson. !ocial ,ovements and Political !trategies/ $ocaleros in Bolivia. Paper delivered at conference/ '!ocial ,ovements andDin post $olonial Dispossession, Development and .esistance in the 1lo"al !outh). Eottingham, 2une 7998. 4

practices.5 =or the indigenous peasant communities in rural Bolivia, coca production is linked to the esta"lishment and legitimacy of informal institutions ?such as a handshake or a ver"al contract@, employment opportunities for women, sustained economic growth for multiple generations and the construction of community spirit in the form of wayka or group competitions where each coca farm tries to demonstrate its superiority. : &n short, the cultivation, harvest and marketing of coca leaves is a Fsimultaneous economic, social and cultural undertaking central to everyday life...it is a %total social fact%, and as such, central to the life of peasantsF in Bolivia.G =or these campesinos ?workers from the countryside@, the historical and cultural significance of the coca leaf is far more superior and heavily distanced from the creation of the illegal drug cocaine. However, the demands of the international drug trade have led to a greater use of the coca leaf in creating cocaine than in its traditional uses. According to 2o Ann Cawell, appro+imately :99, 999 people live off cocaine production/ of those, <59,999 are coca growers and *59,999 produce the cocaine paste.8 Hence, any effort to reform the coca industry needs to consider the difference "etween the production of coca and the production of cocaine, and its impact on the livelihood of these rural communities. Eevertheless, due to weak leadership and unsta"le military coups in the *389s, the unions of coca farmers assumed the role of local government, assigning land, resolving disputes and undertaking community proBects such as "uilding schools or roads3, leading to a further divide "etween the policies of the central government and the realities of coca farming. As a result, when the nited !tates "egan its war on drugs6fuelled "y the rising use of cocaine among the American population6and approached the Bolivian government with 5 Alison >. !pedding. The Coca Field as a Total Social Fact. $oca, $ocaine and the Bolivian .eality. Id.
,adeline Bar"ara >Jons and Harry !ana"ria. !tate niversity of Eew Kork Press, *33G. <G. : G 3 !pedding 5: !pedding <G =arthing and Cohl *8:

8 2o Ann Cawell, The Addicted Iconomies. .eport on the Americas. Aol. 77, E.:. ,ach :, *383/ 45.

plans for controlled eradication of coca fields, the elite-controlled state agreed to participate in such actions in return for development aid. This was the start of the Alternative Development program in Bolivia, whose mission was to eradicate coca farming and su"stitute it with other crops. The twentieth special session of the 1eneral Assem"ly of the nited Eations on &nternational Drug control officially recogni-ed the definition of Alternative Development ?AD@ as follows/ Defining Alternative Development as a process to prevent and eliminate the illicit cultivation of plants containing narcotic drugs and psychotropic su"stances through specifically designed rural development measures in the conte+t of sustained national economic growth and sustaina"le development efforts in countries taking action against drugs, reorgani-ing the particular sociocultural characteristics of the target communities and groups, within the framework of a comprehensive and permanent solution to the pro"lem of illicit drugs.*9 The main o"Bectives of AD are to reduce the supply of raw materials for drug production and to Fconsolidate a licit economy, allowing regions to return to the mainstream of the country%s economic and social development.F** &n Bolivia, AD went through four stages of evolution "etween *3G<-*33G, when the nited !tates worked with Bolivia to target and eradicate coca plantations, and provide alternative means of su"sistence to farmers. &n the first period ?*3G<*387@, the ! and Bolivia esta"lished mechanisms to paraly-e and eliminate the supply of cocaine, and recogni-ed that the su"stitution of another crop would reduce the illicit use of the

*9
**

&nter-American Drug A"use $ontrol $ommission. The Alternative Development $oncept/ A $ommon Definition, *338. Lhttp/DDwww.cicad.oas.orgDDesarrolloMAlternativoDIE1DA"out.aspN Accessed ,ay 4, 7993. i"id

plant.*7 However, this assumption negates the fact that the licit use of the plant--in traditional rituals, medicines and healing potions and other customs--would also "e affected "y this eradication. The second stage "egan in *384 at a time of political insta"ility and the a"sence of legal mechanisms to check the growth of drug trafficking in the region.*4 This, coupled with the international demand, created the perfect storm of elements that propelled the production of coca crops to "e used for cocaine. The nited Eations and the .!. 1overnment initiated the %Agroyungas% and %Desarrollo .egional $hapare% proBects respectively as part of the Alternative Development proBect. During the third period of AD, the %>ey del .Jgimen de la $oca y !ustancias $ontroladas% OThe $oca and $ontrolled !u"stances >awP was passed in *388.*< As a result of this law, a very small portion of land ?*7,999 hectares@ was marked for cultivation of coca for %traditional% purposesQ all other plantations were deemed legal and su"Bect to forced eradication. The fourth and final phase of AD "egan in *33G "y integrating the idea of !ustaina"le Development in order to increase productivity and #uality of life for all citi-ens and preserve environmental #uality.*5 The Alternative Development program descri"ed a"ove was intended to su"stitute crops such as "ananas, pineapples, passion fruit, "lack pepper and palm hearts in place of coca in order to stop the supply of cocaine. The program was designed in a way that would make coca farming less attractive and would encourage the switch to other legal crops. However, a failure on the part of the Bolivian government to provide the necessary infrastructure and a lack of .!. and international support for Bolivia%s entry into the glo"al market proved to "e o"stacles in the success of the Alternative Development program.

*7 *4 *< *5

,endo-a 3 i"id ,endo-a *9 ,endo-a **

There were certain limitations to AD right from the start that could have "een the result of a misunderstanding of how coca-growing communities in $hapare and the Kungas valley functioned. Eoam >upu e+plains that/ The program signed agreements with communities rather than individuals to reduce coca production in return for infrastructure proBects, agricultural credits and a %technical package% of inputs to help cultivate new varieties of coffee. But since certain "etter-suited regions of the Kungas were already cultivating vast amounts of coffee, these communities were the ones most interested in participating in Agroyungas. The proBect therefore "ecame concentrated in areas that already produced far less coca and where farmers were already far "etter off than those where coca was a primary source of su"sistence.*: Therefore, while the proBect produced su"stantial results in terms of showing regions where crop su"stitution took place, it was most pro"a"ly constrained "y the pressure to produce results in the short term in order to maintain cash inflows from the nited Eations in order to continue the proBect. As far as the Agroyungas proBect was concerned, choosing coffee--an e+isting Bolivian cash crop--as the su"stitute was a failure "ecause of Fthe narrow vision of the proBect design and the a"sence of ade#uate market appraisal and infrastructure development.F*G Agroyungas had already introduced high-yielding strains of coffee "eans in $olom"ia and Bra-il with climates "etter suited to coffee cultivation, and the additional e+penditure needed to provide the technical assistance to Bolivian farmers to make their lands suita"le to growing coffee contri"uted to a growing feeling of failure and loss of hope among the Bolivian farmers. ,. Bar"ara >Jons
*: Eoam >upu. Towards a Eew Articulation of Alternative Development/ >essons from $oca !upply .eduction in Bolivia. Development Policy .eview. Aol.77, E.<, 799<. <98 DocumentaciRn e &nformaciRn. *335. **:

*G 1. >an-a. >a coca prohi"ida/ producciRn, transformaciRn y persecuciRn a fines del siglo SS. >a Pa-/ $entro de

shares that the population of $hapare and the Kungas region "elieved that the move to introduce %alternative% crops was, and would continue to "e, a failure "ecause although it was conceived as a %voluntary% program, the peasants viewed it as a serious threat to their livelihood, and more importantly to their cultures and traditions. 1iven that the indigenous populations of Bolivia had not had significant representation in the national government, they were disinclined to trust governmental policies--and especially those linked to .!. involvement--that re#uired them to give up cultivating coca.*8 This resulted in an increase in the gap "etween the center and the coca-producing regions, as the "ureaucracy tried to impose foreign6mostly .!.6demands on stopping the production of coca. Ceeping in mind these events, the prescriptions for ensuring the success of the Alternative Development program lie in the participation of the international system in e+tending a hand to the Bolivian market. By addressing each of the challenges faced "y the Alternative Development program, it is hoped that the phenomenon of crop su"stitution will take place in a more regulated market that is ready to make the transition from a coca-dominant economy to one in which considers the demands and rights of coca farmers while moving away from the economic dependency on coca at the same time. As Bolivia is a land-locked country in >atin America, it faces considera"le geographical constraints in its path to development. The lack of access to ports, and conse#uently a gateway to international trade, is a maBor o"stacle in encouraging the growth and supply of su"stitute crops that would have a demand overseas. A large portion of development aid, therefore, should "e diverted from current eradication efforts in order to construct roadways and strong transport

*8 ,. Bar"ara >Jons. After the Boom: Income Decline, Eradication and Alternative Development in the !n"as. $oca, $ocaine and the Bolivian .eality. *43

routes that give Bolivia access to $hile(s ports. By doing so, the Tspecialty( crops produced in lieu of coca can have reach their markets in a more efficient fashion. At the same time, Bolivia faces tough competition from countries such as $olom"ia and Bra-il who would produce similar crops and have access to a "roader e+port "ase. &f the 0orld Trade Organi-ation would encourage predominantly 0estern donor countries to open up their markets to countries who are trying to decrease their dependency on coca, it might "e possi"le to achieve the goals of the Alternative Development program. As a final point, it must "e remem"ered that the onus on starting the Alternative Development program came from the nited !tates in fear of the increasing cocaine use among its people. 0hile the goal of reducing cocaine production is "eneficial to society in general, there should "e sufficient efforts on the part of the .!.6and other countries affected "y cocaine use 6to monitor the drug trade and to impose such stringent penalties and punishments on the consumption and supply of cocaine that the demand for the drug would reduce, there"y decreasing the demand for the production of coca from Bolivian farmers. The Iuropean nion has also "een involved in Bolivia(s development goals and has "een working through the Assistance to the $hapare Alternative Development !trategy6P.AIDA$ 6to strengthen local administrative capacity and access to credit for poor farmers.*3 =arthing and Cohl point out the uni#ueness of the I program in its willingness to work with already esta"lished local organi-ations and offer assistance without demanding coca eradication.79 The prevalent anti- .!. sentiment e+isting in Bolivia could "e countered if the .!. also adopts such a policy and makes it a point to interact with the coca farmers whose fields are "eing eradicated
*3 =arthing and Cohl *3* 79 i"id

in order to find a solution that would work for all parties concerned. To conclude, the Alternative Development program in Bolivia faces pressure from multiple groups, "oth within Bolivia and on the world stage. The goals of the program must "e refocused taking into consideration the presence of the coca leaf in Bolivian culture and "oth the Bolivian as well as foreign donor governments must make it a point to engage with the local farmers and campesino unions and syndicates in order to esta"lish a relationship of trust from which to "ase their development efforts.

Bi"liography Anderson, Ai"eke. !ocial ,ovements and Political !trategies/ $ocaleros in Bolivia. Paper delivered at conference/ '!ocial ,ovements andDin post $olonial Dispossession, Development and .esistance in the 1lo"al !outh). Eottingham, 2une 7998. =arthing, >inda and BenBamin Cohl, $onflicting Agendas/ The Politics of Development Aid in Drug-Producing Areas. Development Policy .eview. Aol.74, 7995. &nter-American Drug A"use $ontrol $ommission. The Alternative Development $oncept/ A $ommon Definition, *338. Lhttp/DDwww.cicad.oas.orgDDesarrolloMAlternativoDIE1DA"out.aspN

Accessed ,ay 4, 7993. Cawell, 2o Ann. The Addicted Iconomies. .eport on the Americas. Aol. 77, E.:. ,ach :, *383. >an-a, 1. >a coca prohi"ida/ producciRn, transformaciRn y persecuciRn a fines del siglo SS. >a Pa-/ $entro de DocumentaciRn e &nformaciRn. *335. >Jons, ,. Bar"ara. After the Boom: Income Decline, Eradication and Alternative Development in the !n"as. $oca, $ocaine and the Bolivian .eality. >upu, Eoam. Towards a Eew Articulation of Alternative Development/ >essons from $oca !upply .eduction in Bolivia. Development Policy .eview. Aol.77, E.<, 799<. ,endo-a, Paula. A !tudy of !ome of the $hallenges of the Alternative Development Program in Bolivia. Thesis. Airginia Polytechnic &nstitute and !tate niversity, 799<. Office of Technology Assessment, $ongress of the nited !tates. Alternative $oca .eduction/ !trategies in the Andean .egion. 0ashington, D.$/ .!. 1overnment Printing Office, 2uly *334. !pedding, Allison >. The Coca Field as a Total Social Fact. $oca, $ocaine and the Bolivian .eality. Id. ,adeline Bar"ara >Jons and Harry !ana"ria. !tate niversity of Eew Kork Press, *33G.