The Leeds Sound: 1979-1984

I would first and foremost like to thank my dissertation mentor, David Bell. Without David, I would not have been able to take such joy and interest in conducting research for this project, nor would I have found a fantastic new interest in Post-punk. He has been inspirational, positive and consistently encouraging. I am so grateful for his continual personal and academic support and advice.

I am also so lucky to have a mother whose eyes never miss a semi-colon out of place, nor an unwarranted possessive apostrophe within an its. Thank you; Mum, for having the eyes of a hawk.

Thank you to Natalie, for understanding and support.

I finally like to thank Hannah, for changing all my perceptions and helping me know what to do.

Punk kicked off in 1976, after Johnny Rotten walked into Malcom McLarens SEX shop wearing a t-shirt saying I hate Pink Floyd. It died about three years later, along with the Sex Pistols. What followed was a change in the way political awareness was executed through music, as the Post-punk movement took inspiration from its predecessors and succeeded in effectively targeting mainstream audiences with its values, morals and overall agenda. In Leeds, a small but perfectly formed scene kicked off, with bands such as Gang of Four, Delta 5 and The Mekons championing Post-punk politics, firstly to loyal Yorkshire fans and then on an international scale. Nevertheless, the Leeds faction is relatively unknown in comparison to that of its Manchester counterpart. In this paper I ask how and why the town of Leeds produced the very distinct Postpunk sound that it did, looking in particular at the bands mentioned above within the years of 1979 - 1984. I question the effectiveness of subcultural movements in shaping identities of place and vice versa - looking at how landscape and environments, politics and culture, produce particular or individual music scenes. Using first hand anecdotes and opinions of band members at the vanguard of the Leeds Post-punk scene, I conduct an in depth analysis of the space, place and sound interrelationship, (featuring a fantastic interactive video soundtrack). Play as you go along.

Keywords: Post-punk, Leeds, Subculture, Manchester, Place-making, Identity, Space, Politics.

Acknowledgements. Abstract Contents 1 Table of Figures...... 2 Introduction: A night at the Brudenell. 3 Placing sound in space. 7 Aims and Objectives....... 10 Background to Britain.... 12 Part 1: Punk before Post-punk.. 16 Pare 2: The Leeds Faction 1979 - 1984.. 20 Part 3: Manchester - a case study... 24 Part 4: Space, place and sound... 28 Back to the Brudenell...30 The intro chat....31 What about the politics?..33 Question time.....36 Nostalgia.... 41 Concluding thoughts: So what? .; 43 Bibliography.. 47 Appendix

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Figure 1: The Panel. Figure 2: Me and my notebook. Figure 3: Chumbawumba - Tubthumping. Figure 4: The Shapes - Wots for lunch mum (not beans again!). Figure 5: Gang of Four - Outside the trains dont run on time. Figure 6: The English Beat - Stand down Margaret (dub). Figure 7: Margaret Thatcher talking on Miners Strikes. Figure 8: Sex Pistols interview with Bill Grundy. Figure 9: Gang of Four on the NME front cover 1980. Figure 10: Gang of Four - To hell with poverty (live). Figure 11: Delta 5 - Mind your own business. Figure 12: Joy Division - Shadowplay. Figure 13: The Negatives - Bradford. Figure 14: Dr Feelgood - Roxette.

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Its 2.50 to get in. Were given a bingo ticket along with our stamp. I get a Crabbies ginger beer, with a pint of ice and some nuts. Ive brought my friend Steph and my (cool) friend called Cameron along. We sit down at the front. I get my notes out, a biro and my purple notepad. On stage there is a wide, old, dark brown, battered leather sofa seating three men, each with a distinctly different appearance. There are another three chairs on the end for the remaining three men and each is handed a beer by a member of the bar staff.

These guys have lived. You can see it on their faces. Kelvin Knight, Delta 5s drummer, who sits on the far left of the sofa, has, concealed underneath his heavy leather biker jacket, something resembling kwashiorkor. Next to him sits Tony Wolgarh, gig goer and ex-journalist for the alternative Leeds Other newspaper sits quietly cooped up, nervously scoping out the room perhaps in fact very excited and keeping it under wraps. Right of him, John Keenan, Leeds biggest promoter of the post-punk epoch (figuratively and now literally; we are in December and Cameron makes a joke that weve come to Santas grotto by accident). On the first chair, Mark Wilson, lead singer of tongue in cheek rockabilly band Pink Peg Slax; dapper, bow-tied and doc Martend. On his right, Paul Grape Gregory, lead singer of The Expellaires. Last but certainly not least, sits Steve Goulding, drummer of The Mekons, looking like a Kentish commuter in a suit.

This is the panel.

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Figure 1: A diagram to show members of the panel. (Left to Right; Kelvin Knight (Delta 5 Drummer), Tony Wolgarh (gig goer and journalist for the Leeds Other paper), John Keenan (Promoter), Mark Wilson (Pink Peg Slax), Paul Grape Gregory (The Expellairs lead singer) and Steve Goulding (Drummer of The Mekons). Taken by self.

Ignore first impressions; all the coolest punks get old someday. Before us were not just any old men. Some thirty years ago, they were Leeds coolest kids. A short film is played to set the scene, featuring clips from a BBC4 documentary titled Punk Britannia, wherein the Post-Punk movement is discussed by its pioneers, featuring Mark E. Smith, Joy Division band mates and the Gang of Four clan.

The host asks the panel one by one to introduce themselves and follows up with his first question. What influenced the beginning of playing in bands?, and so the discussion begins.

Kelvin Knight casually tells tales of hanging out with The Clash and letting Kurt Kobain sleep on his sofa. John Keenan reels off lists of bands hes put on stage: Joy Division, Echo and the Bunnymen, U2, Nirvana, The Police, Radiohead, Blur, Muse, The Stranglers, The Specials, Black Uhuru, B52s Its enough to rival a decade of Glastonbury line-ups. As the conversation develops throughout the night, and endless stories and questions are thrown across stage, I cannot stop scribbling. I am writing so furiously that after part 1 of the event, Steph and Cameron make their excuses and leave. ! %!

Figure 2: My notebook and me at the event. Taken by Steph.

Prior to beginning this research, I had not heard of any of the bands involved with the Post-Punk scene in Leeds. When I tell fellow student comrades of my dissertation topic, they too are bemused and bewildered, having never heard of these musicians before. Not even my parents recognised their names. In fact, only one friend had heard of Gang of Four and he is in a band. Initially I was clueless about which topic to study for my dissertation after plans to explore festival culture failed to come into fruition. It was when I went to see a play in October 2013 at the West Yorkshire Playhouse called My Generation, that I knew. Set in Leeds, the play explores the social, cultural and political shifts occurring at intermittent periods of time: 1979, 1984, 1991 and 2013. Written by Chumbawumbas lead singer, Alice Nutter, the topics delved into within the first half of the play included the punk and squatter scenes of the late 70s, radical feminism, the Yorkshire Ripper, Thatcherism and the Miners Strikes. I left the play feeling inspired, intrigued and keen to examine these events in Leeds history in further detail.

I had plans to use the play as a framework through which to explore these geographies until I put the Chumbawumba Tubthumping equation togetherNevertheless, coming to Leeds University was driven by a fascination with the North and an honest appreciation of what Katie Milestone ! &!

refers to as Northernness (Milestone, 1996; 2008). It seemed both apt and fitting to investigate a relatively under-researched period within the scope of geographic academia; and more particularly, to focus upon one of its primary features - the music scene.

Figure 3: Chumbawumba - Tubthumping.

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The relationship between space, place and sound is documented in detail amongst a small pool of academic researchers within human geography. The body of research I will be contributing to is not strictly bound to geographic study and is also widely spread across the disciplines of sociology, music the Post Punk technology, history and anthropology.

I have also informed much of my debate with the writings of music journalists, those writing during the time of era and afterwards, from both Britain and America. Using the works of Simon Reynolds (2005), Simon Frith (1983), Michael Bracewell (1997), Paul Lester (2008) and Greil Marcus (1993), I have identified core arguments within the debate over music meaning within the subcultures of both Punk and Post-Punk. These writers uphold similar arguments yet present their views in different ways leaving a space in the overall discussion for alternative perspectives, of which I intend to contribute.

As put by Ray Hudson (2006: 626), it is surprising that music and its relation to place has been a rather neglected topic in human geography. Nevertheless, he goes on to note the increasing interest in the importance of space and place in relation to making music and issues of identity. Indeed, the recent emerging literature on the role of music within geography coincides well with the general broadening of themes within the discipline.

There is a tendency amongst human geographers when researching modern and contemporary musical encounters to draw upon the most obvious examples of Manchester, Bristol and Sheffield (Connell and Gibson, 2003; Hudson, 2006; Milestone, 1996; 2008). Thus, there is a significant lack of reference to the Yorkshire story and its music scene, meaning that my findings will fill a Leeds-shaped gap within the literature. It is both useful and interesting to compare and contrast the ! (!

scenes that emerged from Sheffield and Manchester, particularly due to their similar backgrounds as deindustrialised Northern towns, which were heavily affected by the introduction of neoliberalism and privatisation under Thatchers government.

Figure 4: The Shapes Wots For Lunch Mum (Not beans again!).

Through examining the relationship between sound, and the city that makes it, I will undoubtedly navigate through to a wider web of issues regarding the complexities of place making and the shaping of social and cultural identity. Using the Leeds story between 1979 and 1984 paves the way to a theoretical understanding of how and why politics, cultural contestations and societal shifts can shape music and solidify the image of particular places. In order to do accurately assess the sound-space interrelationship, I will look at the impact of Punk as a precursor to Post-Punk, and both subcultures influence on music history and the formation of place-based identity, fundamentally focusing on the effectiveness of each. Did these scenes fulfil their ideological, political or lyrical aims, and what kind of legacy remains of these movements today?

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Ultimately, I will be contributing to an academic body of research informed by a range of genres of information. Overall I intend to explore the links between music and its environment, highlighting that music upholds an important role within the diverse myriad of geographical identities that form place and more importantly, vice-versa. The distinct sound which surfaced from Leeds at this particular time, serves to inform future explorations of the ways in which political structures, societal shifts and cultural change can contribute to the creation of genres, subcultures and sounds.

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If the North, historically, has been regarded as a psychic lightning conductor for suffering and random evil, informed by legends of witchcraft, the exploits of Brady and Hindley on the Moors, the horror of working conditions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the botched redevelopment schemes of the 1960s and 1970s and the collapse of local industries throughout the 1980s, then you have a region of mythological darkness. (Bracewell, 1997; p. 172).

I aim to begin by looking at the movement of Punk comparatively with the Post-Punk music scene, focusing principally on the political agendas and motives laced within each scene. I aim to unveil the flaws and successes of each movement according to the principles established by them, in particular concentrating on meaning in music and the effect on audience and the music industry in general. Secondly, I shall be examining the Leeds sound, looking closely at the music of bands Gang of Four, The Mekons and Delta 5; who all attempted to champion political uniqueness in lyricism and pioneered the notoriously and controversially radical tone and sound embedded within the genre of Post-Punk. The information collected at the Brudenell Social Club event has informed much of my research which was collected through informal and unstructured interviews with the main players in the Post-Punk music scene in Leeds in the early 1980s.

The existing literature on the Northern music scene of the time generally utilises the Manchester Post-Punk movement as a primary case study, highlighting the connection between the sounds of bands such as Joy Division with the grey backdrop of Mancunian industrial urbanity (Bracewell, 1997; Connell and Gibson, 2003; Milestone, 1996; 2000; Nehring; 2007). I intend on briefly

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drawing upon the similarities and differences with the scene in Manchester, using informal journalist sources and academic research to outline my comparison.

The literature review begins with an introduction to Britain at the time, and then is divided into four sections; Punk as a precursor to Post-Punk; the Leeds faction 1979-1984; the North and a comparison with the Manchester sound and finally space/place and music relationships in general. I aim to provide a range of insights, thus building a review which functions historically, analytically and theoretically. The authors I have read from interact differently with the themes involved and offer contrasting opinions; enhancing the role of debate and discussion scoping each band of literature. By objectively and methodologically addressing the relationship between music and place from a series of different perspectives, I aim to conclude with a dynamic and in-depth analysis of why exactly Leeds produced the sound it did at that time, whether or not this was more effective than the Punk movement before it, and what sound/space/place relationships can tell us on a conceptually wider scale.

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Figure 5: Gang of Four Outside the Trains dont run on time. Britain. 1977. Jim Callaghan is running the country under a Labour government. The welfare state is suffering, unemployment is on the rise and the North/South divide feels more prevalent than ever. The industrial towns of the North are struggling economically and it is becoming increasingly evident that drastic political change is looming (Milestone, 1996). By 1978, extensive striking and dispute amongst trade unions leads to the winter of discontent, marking Callaghans reign as highly unpopular. When gravediggers nationwide go on strike regarding pay freezes, and the unemployment figure for the country reaches 1.1 million, the reality of the problem hit home. Eventually, after what had seemed like months of widespread uselessness, the national elections were welcomed with open arms and saw the first ever woman stand for prime minister (Reynolds, 2005). For many, there was no other feasible option but to vote in the Conservative party, regardless of ideological values upheld.

This point in British politics is arguably one of the countrys most significant periods. ! "#!

Between 1979 and 1987; total unemployment in England rose to 1,321,0001, yet it was the emerging
North-South divide which caused most resentment, especially from the working classes; (really, the statistic was: in the North employment fell by 1,357,000, however in the south it rose by 3,5002).

Margaret Thatcher gradually had begun to incite an undertone of hatred across the counties of the North, arousing political activism, strikes and demonstrations, widening social segregation and raising racial hostility (Spracklen, 2013). This caused even further pejorative bearings on societal interaction, as increased disparity between North and South perpetuated a general mood of impending doom for those teetering on the poverty line and turning to the dole as a means to support their families.

Along with this harsh introduction of neoliberal policies and the damning effects of the inflation that followed it, an uprising of a young and politically aware generation had started to pronounce their misfortunes. Though many resorted to crime and vandalism, or partook in the repeated riots, a large proportion articulated their views through various cultural mediums, ensuring their voices were heard through either art or music.

Figure 6: The Beat - Stand down Margaret (Dub) !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

1

Turley, A. (2013) Margaret Thatchers legacy was to ingrain a north-south divide in our body politic. Left

Foot Forward Online. Available Online at: http://www.leftfootforward.org/2013/04/margaret-thatcherslegacy-was-to-ingrain-a-north-south-divide/. Accessed on: 13/03/2014
2

(ibid.)

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In his account of Punk and Britain in the 70s 80s crossover, In the fascist bathroom, by Greil Marcus features the prime minister in his The Real Life Rock Top Ten 1980, at number 10 (ironically), 10. Most Valuable Player: Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom. Raising unemployment and inflation with her right hand, while slashing social services and pressing if youre white youre right immigration policies with her other right hand, she fostered an upsurge of music made in a critical spirit. (Marcus, 1993, p. 175).

Figure 7: Margaret Thatcher talking on the Miners Strikes

It is debated by most of the music journalists that Punk turned political revolt into a kind of exhibition to be marvelled at, whereas the successors of the Post-Punk circle focused more on effective and cutting lyricism to present their views and expose their political standpoints (Bracewell, 1997; Frith, 1983; Reynolds, 2005). Furthermore, it is generally agreed upon within the literature that the drastic decline of the Northern landscape and environment paradoxically provided a perfect backdrop for Post-Punks boom (Bracewell, 1997; Connell and Gibson, 2003; Frith, 1983; Nehring, 2007; Marcus, 1993; Milestone, 1996; 2008; Reynolds, 2005). I argue, however that there is a difference between the musical contributions of bands who grew up in the physically and mentally scarred North and those who simply moved there to enrol at University ! "%!

(Reynolds, 2005; p. 15). Contemporary music journalists upheld debate through magazines, writing articles that asked questions and pondered over changes in the music scene. They speculated over why exactly consumerism, sexual relationships, and the mundane occurrences of everyday life were themes so prominently sung about from bands up North.

Despite the majority of Northern towns retaining their staunch Labour loyalty throughout the 1970s, there was a working class backlash against the uselessness of the Callaghan government after repeated blackouts, strikes and poor public services (Milestone, 1996; 2008). As the smoking chimneys and factory sirens that had been present in Coronation street and Lowry paintings had begun to fall silent (Milestone, 1996; p. 95), the city had begun to feel desolate, disused and derelict. For Simon Reynolds (2005; p. 24), it is no coincidence that these declining industrial cities formed the bleak heartland of British post-punk.

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Figure 8: Sex pistols interview with Bill Grundy

If punk says Life Stinks, post-punk says, Why does life stink? (Marcus, 1993; p. 190)

The beginnings of Post-Punk saw a questioning of not only the music industry, but also society as a whole. When Gang of Four, the most successful band to emerge from the Leeds scene, made it to the front cover of NME (New Musical Express) Magazine in June 1980, their guitarist Andy Gill recalls excitement in musically contributing to the on going interesting debate, wherein the oratory of journalists expressed their perplexities on the meaning of post punk3. Drawing upon debates documented in fanzines, mainstream music magazines such as NME and Melody Maker and independent or fanzine written articles; I intend to review the debate on the then radically different music scene, offering my own ideas and thoughts as to why these politically aware and maturely articulate musicians surprised and shocked their listeners. I shall look at the Punk scene

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3

Gill, A. (2013) In Punk Britannia, Episode 3. BBC.

Available online at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HaA0BfADpYg Accessed online on: 12/02/2014

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as a springboard through which to analyse this change, investigating comparisons and utilising a range of media sources, which have informed my opinions, ranging from song lyrics to interviews.

Figure 9: Gang of Four: The first unsigned band to ever appear on the front cover of NME.

At the core of the discussion on the transition from Punk to Post-Punk is the question of effect; as Simon Frith asks throughout his 1983 article for left wing paper, Marxism Today; What long term changes, if any, did that explosion of 1976 make to the music business? And what is the significance, if any, of pop music now? (Frith, 1983; p. 18). By pop music, Frith is also referring to the Post-Punk sounds hitting the mainstream from bands such as Gang of Four, The Smiths, Joy Division and Scritti Politti. Punk was, in the end, a short-lived crusade, fully igniting in Britain in 1976 and arguably ending with the split of the Sex Pistols in 1979. The popularisation of the Sex Pistols followed a scene on the Kings Road, after Johnny Rotten had entered Malcom McLarens SEX shop wearing an I hate Pink Floyd t-shirt 4. Even slight controversial behaviour was rare in the mid-1970s the movement of Punk was both liberating

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R. (2013) The Sex Pistols, Creators of the Punk Rock Image.

Available online at: http://punkmusic.about.com/od/artistssz/p/sexpistols.html. Accessed online on: 12/02/2014.

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and forward-thinking, as it wholly pushed boundaries set up within society and quickly became something for youth culture to look towards (Bracewell, 1997; Frith, 1983).

Despite its working class roots; it was often noted that the left-wingers seized on Punk opportunistically, clumsily adding Punk signs and symbols to its existing rhetorical repertoire (Frith, 1983; p. 18). The political significance of Punk lyrics and the DIY sound that accompanied it was questionable in its authenticity and over time was, in a way, neutralised (Clarke, 2003). The ability to shock and alarm eventually became predictable; and as conventionality expanded to include liberal and boundary-pushing style the fire behind Punk movement began to slow (Clarke, 2003; Frith; 1983; Nehring, 1997).

So was it just another spectacle (Frith, 1983, p. 20)? In Dylan Clarkes article for The Post Subcultures Reader, the motives behind the movement are scrutinised and examined as he states; Within six months, the movement had been bought out. The capitalist counter-revolutionaries had killed with cash. Punk degenerated from being a force for change to becoming just another element in the grand media circus. (Clarke, 2003; p. 226).

Indeed, Punk heightened awareness through brashly and aggressively attention grabbing, it showcased the corruption embedded within capitalism and consumerism, challenging the mass music industry and politicising the ordinary (Bracewell, 1997; Dylan, 2003; Frith, 1983; Reynolds, 2005; Nehring; 2007). For Michael Bracewell (1997), it was in fact this shock factor, pumping through the veins of Punk and catalysing its furore across the music industries, which lead to the subcultures inevitable death. A self-defeating vehicle fuelled by anti-government mentality - Dylan Clarke (2003) agrees; punk committed suicide. Both Bracewell (1997) and Clarke (2003) note that its expectations, driven by the fantasies piled onto it to drastically change the ideologies of the masses, were the causes of its death (Clarke, 2003; Bracewell, 1997). For Frith (1983: 20) it failed to alter the mainstream music machine because it was part of it. So did ! ")!

it become just another consumer preference (Clarke, 2003, p. 231) and die along with the Pistols? Or does a Punk legacy remain?

I argue that not only does it live on in those inspired by it, but that the ethics, sounds and aims it withheld transferred into Post-Punk. In Hodkinsons (2011: 80) analysis of subcultural identity, he magnifies the fact that subcultural identities can accompany, alter and adapt into adulthood, pointing out that the energy of the movement became less prevalent or popular and more personal. Likewise, Bennett (2006) argues that Punk lives on into adulthood for many, highlighting that often those individuals remain involved in the scene from managerial or organisational positions. In an interview with an older Punk, this maturing is aptly observed; You can always tell. Maybe its just a jacket, or a patch or something just something there that says punk, yknow. (Bennett, 2006; p. 229).

In a parallel fashion, Clarke (2003) argues that the movements following Punk sheltered its existence and they remain the location of its force and energy, shaping the tone of more tightly arranged and well edited music. What crawled from the wreckage? (Clarke, 2003, p. 232) He asks.

The answer, I argue, is Post-Punk. Mature, stripped-back and intellectual, I will discuss how it asked the questions Punk never quite could.

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Figure 10: Gang of Four - To Hell with Poverty (live)

The Post-Punk epoch is spread over a definitively metamorphic political phase in British history, one that mirrored its American counterpart as the respective populations witnessed the drastic swing from centre-left governments to the conservative inaugurations of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher (Reynolds, 2005). As the Labour partys demise shattered prospects for a liberally ruled country, the working classes felt the new changes introduced by the right-wing leaders harshly, predominantly in the industrial sector (Milestone, 1996; Spracklen, 2013).

Katie Milestone explores the relationship between political crunch-down and Post-Punk prevalence in Manchester and Sheffield; the bleak, solemn, decaying industrial landscape suited the mood and atmosphere of the music (Milestone, 2008; p. 1172). Likewise, Connell and Gibson (2003), observe symbols of uniqueness and indicators of individuality in Durham and Bristol, noting that the shutting down of the industrial North fuelled a renewal of the local cultural industry, forcing councils to strategically capitalise on alternative programmes and methods of economic gain, such as investment in new music venues and recording studios. ! #+!

Still, in all the literature discussing the Northern scene, only few mention the thriving music activity of the Leeds faction, notably Greil Marcus, who cites Gang of Four, Leeds Universitys post-punk pioneers, as the most interesting band (Id) seen since the sex pistols and the most exciting (Marcus, 1993; p. 50). After listening to their album Entertainment released in 1979, I had to agree.

Thematically ranging from paradox to paradox, their songs explore self, sex, subjugation all through the framework of scrutinising false consciousness within consumer culture (Marcus, 1993; p. 51).

Capital (It fails us now) On the first day of my life I opened my eyes Guess where? It was in a superstore Surrounded by luxury goods I need a freezer, I need a hi-fi No credit, no goods - call my bank, I say They say were bankrupt

Capital it fails us now, comrades let us seize the time Capital it fails us now, scientist blame it on pollution People are not happy This is caused by alienation.5

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of Four - Capital (It fails us now) lyrics.

Available online from: http://www.lyricstime.com/gang-of-four-capital-it-fails-us-now-lyrics.html Accessed on: 11/03/2014

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Alongside Gang of Four were bands Delta 5, The Au Pairs, The Mekons, Scritti Politti and Girls at Our Best, a group of bands consisting of University students and locals alike, all politically aware, musically radical and vigilant in attempts to voice responses to mass-culture (Bracewell, 1997). Displaying intellectual quirkiness and confrontational attitudes, these bands manifested at the crux of the Leeds music scene between 1979 and 1984, playing with anti-fashion and rebelling against the insincerity they felt was embedded within consumerism (Lester, 2008).

Unlikely as it seems in todays culture, female presence alone in the music industry was a political statement in itself. So why exactly did it sound so unique, so different, so forward thinking? And how did it change from the Punk movement before it?

Paul Therberge (2001) argues that the DIY sound, inspired by Punk, was what made the music so different and original. He states that; the aggressive, lo-fi approach to the recording medium rejected the dominant practices and aesthetics of the record industry and played a role in defining these genres, in ideological terms, as more authentic than other forms of mainstream pop and rock (Therberge, 2001; p. 18). Marcus (1993; p. 53) similarly notes that the Gang Of Four are all inheritors of Johnny Rotten their music has the feeling of beginning just where he left off. For Simon Frith, the concept of pleasure is the driver behind the Post-Punk phenomenon, as he questions what desires pop music can define, what pleasure can it evoke emphasizing that the Gang of Four, the Au Pairs and Scritti Politti, were concerned with answering such queries (Frith, 1983; p. 21).

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Figure 11: Delta 5 - Mind your own business.

In essence, is it somewhat obvious to draw the perhaps blatant connections between sound and scene, Punk and Post-Punk? Regardless, I feel it is not only of interest to observe the range of various contributory factors to creating particular sounds, but that this case study and others like it can tell us much more about the relationship between politics and society. It fits in with a pattern observed across many epochs of history and in various locations worldwide, that when society is suffering under political regimes and unemployment rates are peaking; the cultural industries of the arts and music tend to thrive (OConnor, 2000). By understanding the impacts of political change on culture, it is possible to unhinge connections on a much wider scale, and this may help with societal organisation and investment in future politically precarious situations.

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Figure 12: Joy Division - Shadowplay

The North backward, unsophisticated, artless (Katie Milestone, 1996, p. 99)

When the Sex Pistols took on the North in their 1976 tour, playing in Manchester and Leeds, it was to a crowd containing future members of bands The Smiths, Joy Division, Happy Mondays and The Buzzcocks (Milestone, 2008). During our discussion at the Brudenell Social Club, Steve Goulding of The Mekons was quick to announce the hilarity of their performance; I thought they were shit, he exclaimed to the audience, they forgot their own drum kit!. Bernard Sumner of Joy Division relays this in a documentary interview; they were shit. It just made me want to get on stage and be shit too!6 Manchester stood as an industrial hub even more built up, industrial and bleak in the early 1980s than its Yorkshire counterpart, Leeds. Katie Milestone thoroughly explores the city and its identity, picking apart the combinatory factors leading to the eventual thriving music scene. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
'!Sumner,

B. (2013) In Punk Britannia, Episode 3. BBC. Available online at:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HaA0BfADpYg Accessed online on: 12/02/2014

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She writes; In Manchester, it was the combination of a variety of seemingly disparate things such as of the impact of exposure to new forms of popular culture (the Sex Pistols concert at the citys Free Trade Hall), policies (Margaret Thatchers Enterprise Allowance Scheme) and the availability of particular types of urban space (the Afflecks Palace pop cultural market for example) that allowed pop cultural industries to begin to flourish. (Milestone, 2008; p. 1173)

Similarly, Connell and Gibson (2003) magnify the importance of musical infrastructures in the process of movement development, alongside a loyal and available following; signifying the fertile ground provided by University towns for such scenes to thrive. In light of this, the various mechanisms in place contributing to the creation of the Leeds sound share huge parallels with that of Manchester, but there are contrasts. For starters, the city of Leeds was less urban and less industrial, meaning less availability of space for recording music and performing gigs (Spracklen et al, 2013). Furthermore, the suburban band around the city was significantly smaller than that of Manchester practical purposes prevented gig-goers from travelling, the trains wouldnt run late and buses never ran overnight.

However, the large population of students in both cities provided a perfect breeding ground for alternative scenes, despite their suffering under newly introduced neoliberal economic policies (Spracklen et al, 2013). Whats more, in both towns, a melting pot of different backgrounds led to the generation of politically driven, stripped back sounds; the art school crew, the working class Northerners, the university intellectuals and The Situationist7 inspired contingent were drawn together by shared common interest in making this kind of music (Milestone, 2008). For the Leeds scene, a major influence lay within the art faculty of the University. Headed by a Situationist International member, Tim Clark, the department fuelled the sarcastic, combative approach to their meta-rock (Lester, 2008; p. 18). The North created its own cultural infrastructures which destroyed !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
7

(The Situationist International was an organization/left wing movement of avant-garde intellectuals and social

revolutionaries)

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conventional expectations and turned away from the London scene, using inspiration from the miserable and moody environments of a perpetually declining industrial homeland to shape an equivocal, enigmatic and dour sound (Bracewell, 1997; Nehring, 2007; Milestone, 1996; 2008)

The story of Manchesters Post-Punk evolution is certainly a case study whose formula is applicable to Leeds and other deindustrialised towns of the Thatcher period; yet why exactly did the scene across the Pennines not quite make it to the same level of global success? And why is it comparatively under-researched within the context of academia?

The Leeds Post-Punk scene was significantly less successful than that of Manchester for a number of reasons. Before this period in Leeds musical history, there was no scene in Leeds; this was equally about putting Leeds on the map as a town capable of producing decent or exciting cultural product as well as attempting to really partake in the wider industry. Furthermore, the second bands such as Gang of Four and The Mekons started to gain popularity, they were shipped off to America to sell themselves, like so many other bands, which dampened their abilities to leave a mark on the British scene. Not only this, but these band members were in fact predominantly from the South, so they inevitably lacked that understanding of the Northern landscape which so tightly binds the Northern Post-Punk bands to their audiences. It is the connections made and bridges built wherein fans and musicians meet on a shared platform of ideological understanding which catapults those bands into success and binds a loyal fan base. Where Joy Division could sing about the Northern apathetic acceptance that this was just the way things were (Milestone, 1996, p. 95), their audiences would be simply mesmerised. These musicians were committed to liberating and mobilising their audiences through articulating their experiences in a penetratingly raw yet empathetically compassionate manner on stage, confirming collective understanding; exciting in its surprise.

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Indeed, in Manchester, a larger catchment area of suburban, working class youth on the outskirts seeking interests opposing those of their parents and their backgrounds kick started a fan-base which catapulted bands bred on the outskirts of the city into pop success at its core. Comparatively, the Leeds scene was significantly smaller, which was re-established by the panel interviewed at the Brudenell Social Club event. According to John Keenan, Leeds largest music promoter, the scene was limited to surviving in a small square mile between the University and town; put simply, the logistical setup of the city put barriers in place, preventing an expansion of an insular scene into mass culture.

In general, although clich and completely cheesy, it is the music itself which brings people from different backgrounds, classes and environments together. Hesmondhalgh (2008; p. 15) underlines the opportunities within music for people to make connections with each other, enriching their inner lives and enhancing a sense of community. As such, the brief explosion of subculture in these settings indicates a solid format through which young people can connect and identify. It creates a shared interest community, enabling genuine interaction and bridging social boundaries. This, in particular serves to counteract notions of alienation and diaspora prevalent in suburbia (Hesmondhalgh, 2008).

Figure 13: The Negatives - Bradford ! #(!

The moment we feel music taking us out of ourselves, is a moment when the terms we usually use to construct and hold ourselves together suddenly seem to float free (Simon Frith, Sound Effects, in Marcus, 1997; p. 211).

Amongst debate on music, identity and place, numerous examples of sound and space relationships within cities across the world, from Seattle and the grunge scene, to Detroit and the Techno scene, are researched and examined with a means to understanding why these places produce these sounds. Fundamentally, the processes involved in generating certain scapes or scenes are a combination of environmental, societal, political and cultural equations that add up to exerting reactions in music. There is a growing body of literature contributing to analysing this interrelationship, from music-technology backgrounds to those of human geography. Nonetheless, it is a limited and constricted discussion; some twenty years ago declared an intellectual and spiritual bankruptcy in studies of contemporary culture by Professor of Musicology, Philip Tagg (1994; p. 203). Thus, arguments and opinions Ive selected are from a range of disciplines, which essentially form to build the varied mesh of information and theory, covering place and identity, music psychology and popular culture.

The multifaceted, complex web of flows and constructs that define place are impacted upon continually, shaping and being shaped by the political, social, cultural and economic contexts that frame them (Connell and Gibson, 2003; Hudson, 2006). This means that movements or scenes in music and culture are often fleeting, their remnants surviving in the products of song and the nostalgias of imagination (Clarke, 2003; Connell and Gibson, 2003).

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Ray Hudson (2006: 633) notes that music in both its production and consumption can be an important influence in shaping the typically hybrid identities of people and places, of engendering a sense of place and deep attachment to place. Similarly, Baker (2008: 4) discusses the role played by music making practices in creating a local scene, reiterating that a sense of uniqueness is derived through musical articulation of a localitys physical and symbolic attributes. Such notions are heavily analysed in Connell and Gibsons Sound Tracks (2003), in which the process behind genre creation are discussed; These processes are complex, yet the credibility of some musical styles and genres arises from their origins, their sites of production, evident in a number of possible ways: smaller locations, places off the beaten track, isolation and remoteness from hearths of industrial production or working class communities. This is particularly evident in music with unusual arrangements or vocal sounds. (Connell and Gibson, 2003; p. 93)

The landscapes and contexts in which music activities are situated can entirely morph the sounds produced into new and radical genres, inspired by a complex coalescence of musical forms, local attitudes and political influences. It is precisely this notion, which I endeavour to examine further and more in depth relating to the Leeds Post-Punk sound between 1979 and 1984.

Through researching the sound/space relationship from a range of different backgrounds and perspectives, I have found that taking information from varied mediums of writing has enabled me to note where there are gaps in the literature and understand how I am going to contribute to it. I intend on using the information gathered at the Brudenell Social Club event to further evolve my argument, using first hand opinions and speculation from those involved in the scene at the time.

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On December 17th 2013, after the majority of students had left town for Christmas, The Brudenell Social Club in Hyde Park, Leeds held a panel event on the Post-Punk music scene in the city. Featuring some of the main players of the scene, the event provided the perfect opportunity for ethnographic observation alongside unstructured interviewing and discussion of why and how the Leeds sound came to be. This was not the only theme discussed; there was an emphasis on the citys cultural and political backdrop in the early 80s, as the panel members consistently reinforced the fact that the environment was hugely different to the present day.

Overall, the turnout was impressive. My two friends and I were the youngest in the audience by far, noticeably so. When question time came around and I put my hand up, the panel instantly embarked upon quizzing me, inquisitive and puzzled by my presence at the event. When I responded that I was in fact writing my dissertation about them, the music they produced and performed, they battled over the microphone in an attempt to thank me, and exclaim their joy and pride in hearing this. At the end of the night, Kelvin Knight, Delta 5s drummer rushed over to repeat that he was genuinely honoured that his band was being written about.

It seemed completely natural to be gathering information in such a setting. I observed, as an outsider, the banter thrown across the room, whilst noting subtly the appearances of everyone, their attitudes towards the panel members and the types of questions that were asked. Perhaps had I met the interviewees in the context of a coffee shop or in an equally neutral location to discuss their involvement in the music scene, answers could have differed. It is undeniable that the setup of the event potentially provided more room for glorification of the past and exaggerated nostalgia, although I felt their answers were sincere and genuine.

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The initial question posed to the six men on stage was; What first got you interested in music and playing in bands?

John Keenan, one of Leeds most successful promoters was handed the microphone and the first thing said was; Nothing else was happening in Leeds. I wasnt even a fan of punk. Keenan had begun promoting in the summer of 1977, organising performances at Leeds Polytechnic and eventually moving on to found The F Club (he laughs whilst recalling local fanzine The Leveller claiming in an article that the F stood for Fascist). These events began to attract an alternative crowd, fuelling the emergence of a so-called scene in Leeds.

Kelvin Knight is next to discuss his involvement, recollecting the boredom of his teenage youth; There was absolutely no music scene in York, where I was from. I wanted to start a band when I came to visit Leeds, I went to the F Club to see Madness and realised that this was the place to be.

The panel unanimously agreed that the feeling was really good in Leeds at the time, calling it a cosmopolitan heaven, a kind of paradise, which led a huge populous of young people to visit the city, some relocating from their suburban parental homes to join friends in the student areas of Hyde Park and Woodhouse.

The Punk scene is discussed with enthusiasm. Steve Goulding, drummer of The Mekons, a band heavily influenced by Punk and once referred to by a music journalist critic in the 1990s as the only 1977 leftovers with an answer to Reagan-Thatcher (Bracewell, 1997, p. 13), discusses the North/South musical divide. ! $"!

He reiterates to the audience that technology and communication in the late 1970s kept scenes and music genres far from being accessible

The only way you found out about music was through Top of the Pops, fanzines, or John Peel. That was pretty much it. When the Sex Pistols tour came to Leeds, I thought they were shit! Then suddenly by the end of summer in 1977, we were all listening to Patti Smith. Until then you had read about punk but it was a very London thing, it hadnt really reached the Northern parts of the country.

The fact that subculture was cordoned off from certain parts of Britain at the time highlights the impact of technology in todays culture, and emphasises the element of isolation, which infiltrated the sounds produced by each respective end of the country.

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If music felt political in 1976, but doesnt now then we need to look not at whats happened to the music, but whats happened to our feelings. (Frith, 1983; p. 21).

Although having no fixed political agenda, the Punk scene in Leeds was surrounded by the presence of The National Front, a radically racist political party whose aims are to inhabit a white, British only nation. Knight recalls being pinned up against the wall and called a N***a lover after being followed by a group of radical, right-wing young men;

Being in a band was scary, even in the local Merrion Centre, a load of NF boys would hang out there all the time, if they got you theyd really kick your head in, it was worse if you dressed like a teddy boy.

This level of paranoia between the left and right wing led to the scene being pushed from Leeds core, central venues to more peripheral and multicultural locations such as the Leeds West Indian Centre in Chapeltown. Despite John Keenan exclaiming to the audience that music should be about bloody engagement not politics!, the panel are quick to talk about the extremist politics surrounding the scene at the time. Paul Grape Gregory informs us of the anti-Thatcher attitudes upheld by most;

She was destroying the countrys heartland, we hated her! Everyone hated her! Many people soon realised that the stage was the wrong place to be political on, but we did support the miners strikes and there were a load of performances at their protests.

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A solid fifteen minutes of conversation is given to nostalgic storytelling of the city and its best hangouts as the panel reminisce about pubbing, gigging and dancing. The Fenton pub situated a small walk from the University campus was the central location for the members of the Post-Punk clan to reside in. Knight is quick to remind the audience that in 1980 and the years surrounding it; pub closing time was 10.30pm on weekdays and 11pm on weekends, meaning that were you to be stranded in the city having missed the last bus, it was potentially a very dangerous situation to be in. Mark Wilson held the attention of the room as he talked of the National Fronts violent raid of The Fenton pub one night

You didnt want to be stranded in town after a night at the pub. It was a different place, not like it is now, it was desolate. The main National Front attack on The Fenton was very scary, doubly scary as it was one of the few places we could really escape to. After that, The Faversham became the new location, the new go-to safe place.

Undoubtedly, the politically aware group attracted the wrong kinds of attention at times. The majority of bands involved in the Post-Punk scene were also often involved in promoting feminism and performing at Rock Against Racism gigs. The lyrics and sounds produced by bands such as Gang of Four, Delta 5 and The Mekons continued to mirror the political opinions being deliberated by their contemporaries, critiquing the ever-expanding reign of capitalism and the symptoms it leaves with society. The men on stage appear proud of their feminist values, proclaiming that it became a popular set of morals to proudly parade, and the politics behind feminism and socialism inspired much of their music. In The Mekons song Authority, themes of female empowerment, industrial decline and blind consumerism are portrayed in a mocking and cynical tone.

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Authority Her surrender is her guarantee She loves to know she can't be free Every wish is like a debt, how strange her debt is infinite Industry culture land where we live and obey commands It's very sad I'm afraid the goose that laid the golden egg is dead I never cry nor ever smile faking orgasms all the while.8

Here, the word her abstractly refers to women in general, highlighting a distanced and subjugated set of circumstances. I reason that it is precisely this elaborate articulation of cultural and social dilemmas within lyrics, which further expands the gap between the Punk and Post-Punk genres. Punk pushed boundaries simply by shocking, in a knee-jerk kind of manner, whereas the Post-Punk formula forces its listeners and fans to listen, providing them with though-provoking, lyrically and politically scandalous ideas against the mainstream pop world and ultimately calling for attention to be given to these themes (Clarke, 2003; Bracewell, 1997). Karl Spracklen et al (2013) define this attitude as Oppositionality, meaning the way in which people and subcultures reject the restrictions of instrumentality and express their refusal to conform as passive consumers (Spracklen et al, 2013; p. 167). For all its unacceptable behaviour and drastic avoidance and rejection of the ordinary, the legacy of Punk stands strong in comparison to that of its philosophising successor. Was it just another charade, a fad passing through the music and arts industries to shock and annoy? Has Post-Punk succeeded in not following that trail? And what des this tell us about wider issues of society and the subcultures that navigate through it? I endeavoured to answer these queries throughout the evening at the Brudenell Social Club !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
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Mekons - Authority lyrics. Available online from: http://www.mekons.de/lyrics/lyrics.htm

Accessed on: 12/03/2014

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The sound we produced was like part of the air we breathed. (Steve Goulding, The Mekons)

After a half hour bingo game we were asked to write down any questions we had for the panel and hand them over to the host. I must have written at least six rather heavily detailed questions regarding the impacts of industrial milieu and declining economy on the music sound produced. Mine were saved till last.

Question 1 comes from Terry, wheres Terry?, asks the host on stage. The blokish Northerner next to me raises his hand; Just wanted to ask about like locals interacting with the scene n that. What about people who were from Leeds? How would your average working class lad get involved with it all?

This question was something I hadnt previously considered yet felt was completely relevant. The Leeds scene was certainly composed of a more middle class populous, (entirely different to Manchesters Post-Punk movement) as the University contingent dominated and there was a smaller population of band members from Leeds or Yorkshire. I realised that this must have impacted on the sound the people at the forefront of the scene were not born and bred in the declining industrial heartland. How did this affect the music? Kelvin was quick to answer, as a Yorkshire man and member of one of the most famous PostPunk bands to come from Leeds;

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Now this is very important! He said, finger pointed at Terry and then to the rest of the audience. It wasnt just uni students. Gang of Four, Delta 5 and The Mekons were a mixture of toffs and locals! We came from all walks of life! We welcomed people from all different backgrounds no matter whatPeople wanted to get involved because it was cool, it was an extremely explosive time in Leeds. Very narrow. But very explosive.

This fusion of cultural and political difference combined to create a community, which the entire panel agreed to be more important than anything. Steve Goulding of The Mekons went on to explain that the people and their backgrounds only played a small role in forming and shaping the kind of music created. He elaborated that unbeknown to many, Leeds has a long-standing history of radicalism which naturally infiltrated the music they were writing; stating the sound we produced was like part of the air we breathed.. What was also underlined, was the importance of the DIY attitude, often noted by academics as the unique ingredient to Punk, which came directly from a lack of cultural industry or formal music business in the area;

We nurtured that DIY sound you know, it was like, if youre gonna go and do it, go and bloody do it. There was nobody around to help you.

Knight reiterated Gouldings point stressing the logistics of the situation. This particular sound became so intrinsic and embedded in their playing also due to the fact that there was only one recording studio, shared by a multitude of similar sounding musicians. Not only did they mature musically together, but rather than being rivals, they were close contemporaries, inspiring and feeding off each other. Connell and Gibson (2003: 102) underline the role of infrastructures of musical exchange as solidifying meaning within cultural interaction. For the panel, these infrastructures were where they grew up together, sharing music and inspiring one another. They celebrate Dr Feelgood as a main funky, underground inspiration.

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Figure 14: Dr Feelgood - Roxette

When I am eventually called out to ask my question to the panel, the attention of the room turns to me I feel the need to explain my reasons for being there. After being thanked and praised by the admiring panel for choosing to research the music scene they pioneered, I ask:

Would you say there is a Leeds sound?

I had expected the panel on stage to respond perhaps instantly and passionately with an Of course theres a bloody Leeds sound you silly student! - in my imagination they chimed in unison, potentially even offended by the cheek of my question. To my surprise, their response was divided.

I wouldnt say there is a Leeds sound. Said Mark Wilson of Pink Peg Slax, I mean Goths, they had a Leeds sound, they came from Leeds and did their Goth thing.

I can only assume his lack of involvement in the Post-Punk scene (as a rockabilly) was the reason he produced this answer. ! $)!

Whoa there! responds John Keenan, you cant say that! The people involved in this scene were totally shaped by being in Leeds!

It seemed I had created something of an on stage debate! After they eventually come to the conclusion that, yes, there was a distinct Leeds Post-Punk sound, I go on to ask my second and even more controversial question.

So, why do you think it is, that the Leeds music scene at the time didnt quite take off in the same way as Manchester or Sheffields?

I brace myself. They look quizzical. Quiet. Im nervous I might be shouted at. A member of the audience breaks the silence.

It never happened for Leeds in the same way cause of the Yorkshire temperament!

The panel nod. They seem to understand what this means, unlike me.

We were very loyal to our Yorkshire crowd, we tended to play to them and that was cool with us. They were so faithful to us so we were faithful to them, reiterates Kelvin Knight.

The question master moves on, and I feel slightly at a loss. I didnt feel I had really got to the bottom of my investigation. I had fantasised over true synchronicity with the literature I had been reading, some kind of ornately phrased academic recipe for the Yorkshire sound, utilising terms such as place-making and subcultural identities. I had naively hoped that the band members themselves would be able to pull apart the equation for the production of their Post-Punk sound. I

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wanted them to hand the answers for my dissertation over on a plate. What an unrealistic expectation.

Until, that same audience member who had interrupted my questioning already puts his hand up and shouts Can I say summit?, in a thick Leeds accent. We all turn around

Yeh, well, in the answer to the girls question about the Leeds sound n that, well I think it was a number of things Firstly, it was such a minutely concentrated scene, with a melting pot of factors in like, one square mile. This whole scene literally happened in one square mile, between university and town. It was a combination of Northern grit, plus a lack of resources making that DIY sound, and it was all in this tiny core hub where everything was exploding. It was the sheer determination of the scene! Plus, you had the influence of all the London students, who were down right intelligent It was angry and intense, which attracted the local crowd perfectly, cause we were all angry and intense. It just fitted in with the community. And it was a huge community, in such a small space! It had a real feel to it.

A completely apt summary... I scribbled down an equation.

Lack of resources + square mile + pissed off Northerners + clever Londoners + sheer determination + Northern grit + huge community + genuine feel + angry + intense = That Leeds Sound. The panel nod again.

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The impact of nostalgia in accordance with validity of information is a concept necessary to explore in order to create an in depth analysis of my findings. It is important to note that whilst questioning these men, nostalgia and general notions of remembering affect their reactions, answers and stories. The panel did guide the conversation on the whole, on occasion fighting over the microphone to answer questions or unveil an anecdote. It was clear that all were susceptible to wistfulness and the hazy memoires they retain and probably rarely have a chance to present. All of the panel are all still involved with the music industry, thus the experience shared and the values they commonly withhold are internalised facets of their identities (Hodkinson, 2011). Bennett (2006) notes that experiences of Punk and subculture are highly personal; stating that, the private quality of memory is enhanced with age something I gathered through ethnographically studying the behaviours of the men. When asking his informants about their opinions of the modern Punk music scene, Andy Bennett is humoured to find the response to be They can all play, mind youThey write proper songs (Bennett, 2006; p. 229). This exact question was asked at the Brudenell Social Club event and merited the exact same answer.

As I was observing their mannerisms and patterns of speech as they spoke of their experiences, it was possible to identify glorified ways of presenting the past. The repeated name-dropping, though endearing was certainly overplayed (i.e. before playing with The Clash was mentioned, Kelvin Knight would pronounce And heres another name drop!). Clearly, the point of the evening was to entertain the audience, so the motives behind stories told and answers given may have differed due to the context.

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I think this is a common feature of everyday conversation and do not feel that my findings are untrue or over exaggerated purely because of the setting and the context in which they were received. To add, the audience were familiar faces to the men on stage, they pointed out ex groupies and fans in the crowd, meaning that there was a comfortable social platform before them and ease to their gesticulations as a result.

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If pop music is a form of pleasure, then one way of making it political is to politicise its pleasures, to lay bare their construction, to challenge their taken for granted dance floor funThe politics of pleasure lies not in what art school musicians put into their packages, but what pop fans take out. (Frith, 1983, p. 21)

So, what has been left behind by the Leeds sound? What have people taken from Punk and Postpunk? How has the music itself informed and shaped people and place and vice-versa?

It is actually an incredibly difficult question to answer. There is no fixed answer. As the evidence I have found and the questions I have asked are heavily based on perception and personal experience, (which inevitably changes constantly along with the shifts in cultural and artistic identities), my findings are highly theoretical. For each individual, music can mean something completely different, as no one persons experience of something is ever totally identical to anothers.

However, it is more a question of when brought together, and the collective impetus of personal experience combines, what is created and why? How has the sound produced mirrored the place which produced it? And finally, how this music interacts with its audience, wider culture and the identities of place.

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I have found so many new and unexpected connections and angles from which to observe the interrelations between space, place and sound. Initially, I had set out to examine and analyse four separate yet interlinked objectives. Why exactly Leeds produced the sound it did at that time. Whether or not this was more effective than the Punk movement before it. A comparison with the Manchester Post-punk movement. What can sound/space/place relationships tell us on a conceptually wider scale?

Firstly, I reviewed the movement of Punk as a precursor to the Post-punk movement that followed it, asking, which was more effective, and what legacy remains. I feel now that Punk has imprinted its legacy on British subcultural history to a larger extent than Post-punk, however, Post-punk succeeded in what it set out to do much more effectively. Post-punk was like the mature older brother of Punk. It didnt lose its temper with society in the same way, it withheld, and calmly articulated greatly intellectual lyricism as a response to the issues it had with society and politics. Punk died so soon after it had begun, whereas Post-punk continued long after its beginnings in the 1980s, inspiring bands far into the future (such as Red Hot Chilli Peppers, Blur and Pulp). In so many ways, Post-punk won, mainly because it did what it set out to do. Its legacy still stands strong, although, it is a shame that it is rarely connected directly to politics, unlike Punk which generations after it look to as a glorified and radically political subculture. People nowadays tend to remember Punk as the political musical subculture, not the movement that followed.

Therefore, can it be said that Punk was in fact more effective? Does effectiveness depend on legacy, an intangible imagined collective of musical-political identity, thought of by the majority as one thing but built by academics and journalists as another?

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I have only come to the conclusion that Post-punk is a more effective long-term pop-culture answer to politics than the movement before it because I have conducted this in depth, well informed research paper. Prior to beginning my dissertation, I certainly thought differently. I had wanted initially to write it on Punk as a political subculture, but soon found after reading from a few different sources that it was quite far from it and there was little to say on the matter. It was a highly simplistic response to social and political problems. The more I read, the more I realised that Post-punk was the topic to be researching. It offered so much more lyrically, theoretically, conceptually than the movement before it and unlike Punk, didnt sell out to capitalism or die out with an embarrassed fizzle becoming a walking parody. I dont condemn Punk for this, simply I feel it is unfair that what followed, particularly in the city Leeds, is so quickly forgotten and under-researched.

Is it a generalisation to suggest that people are able to see Punk as a short-lived explosion with no real or informed agenda other than to shock they just think its cool, because its currently quite unattainable, slightly alien, and highly rebellious, and this is why it retains such a legacy. Regardless, I argue, with or without majority vote, most likely against mass perception, that yes, Post-punk is more politically effective subculture and a music genre.

Secondly, I observed the contributory factors combining to create the unique Post-punk sound; looking predominantly at Leeds as a declining industrial town and using a case study of Manchester to compare and contrast similarities and differences. I discussed the importance of simply geographical logistics in preventing the Leeds scene from booming as much as Manchesters. I argued that for the Manchester Post-punk contingent, their Northern upbringings rooted them to their landscape in a way that Leeds couldnt quite match. In essence, meaning an overall slightly looser place based sound identity formed from the Leeds movement, who were a greater mix of different backgrounds. Nevertheless, I state that there is a distinct Leeds sound, a concept wholly reinforced after interviewing ex Post-punkers at The Brudenell Social Club. ! %&!

This paper, overall, aimed to form a greater understanding of the impact of place on the subcultural movements that occupy it, and the music that emerges from it. I have used the Leeds scene in the early 1980s as a case study through which connections between space, place and sound can be formulated. The event at the Brudenell provided me with first hand accounts and opinions from some of the most highly successful musicians of the Post-punk movement in Leeds. This was incredibly insightful, and gave me an opportunity to ask the people themselves what they thought, and they (or rather Mr interrupter in the audience) provided me with huge insight to the ways in which Leeds as a place shaped the sound it produced.

The Leeds sound is a response to the environment it stems from, an articulation of local uniqueness and an answer to the politics that governed society at the time. Nevertheless, it is not a wholesome representation of Leeds as a place, because the music, the people who created it, the subcultures than influenced them no longer exist and were only ever fleeting and ever changing within the complex entity of place (Connell and Gibson, 2003). Therefore, a sense of locality, a sense of uniqueness and a sense of legacy remains, predominantly in that fixed past place, shaped by nostalgia yet surviving in the lyrics, sounds and scenes of today. Word Count: 10, 317 (extension approved).

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Baker, S. (2008) Cultural Precincts, Creative Spaces: Giving The Local A Musical Spin. Space And Culture. Sage Publications: London. Bennett, A. (2006) Punks Not Dead: The Continuing Significance Of Punk Rock For An Older Generation Of Fans. Sociology. Volume 40 (2). p. 1219 1235. Bracewell, M. (1998) England Is Mine: Pop Life From Wilde To Goldie, London: Flamingo. Clark, D. (2003) The Death And Life Of Punk, The Last Subculture. (In Muggleton, D. and Weinzierl, R. The Post Subcultures Reader). p. 223-234. Connell, J. And Gibson, C. (2003) Sounds And Scenes A Place For Music? In Sound Tracks: Popular Music, Identity And Place. London: Routledge. Cooper, R. (2013) The Sex Pistols, Creators of the Punk Rock Image. Available online at: http://punkmusic.about.com/od/artistssz/p/sexpistols.htm Frith, S. (1983) Post Punk Blues. Marxism Today. Available Online At: http://Www.Amielandmelburn.Org.Uk/Collections/Mt/Pdf/83_03_18.Pdf. Hesmondhalgh, D. (2008) Towards A Critical Understanding Of Music, Emotion And SelfIdentity. Available Online At: http://Eprints.Whiterose.Ac.Uk/42750/9/Hesmondhalgh.Dj8.Pdf Hodkinson, P. (2011) Ageing In A Spectacular Youth Culture: Continuity, Change And Community Amongst Older Goths. The British Journal Of Sociology. Volume 62 (2) p. 262-282. Hudson, R. (2006) Regions And Place: Music, Identity And Place. Progress In Human Geography (30). p. 626 634. Lester, P. (2008) Gang Of Four: Damaged Gods. Omnibus Press: London. Marcus, G. (1993) In The Fascist Bathroom: Punk In Pop Music, 1977-1992. (Originally Published As Ranters & Crowd Pleasers). Harvard University Press.

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Milestone, K. (1996) Regional Variations: Northernness And New Urban Economies Of Hedonism (In From The Margins To The Centre: Edited By Oconnor, J. And Wynne, D.) Popular Cultural Studies: 10. p. 91 116. Milestone, K. (2008) Urban Myths: Popular Culture, The City And Identity. Sociology Compass. Volume 2. p. 1165 1178 Nehring, N. (2007) Everyone's Given Up And Just Wants To Go Dancing: From Punk To Rave In The Thatcher Era. Popular Music And Society, 30:1. p. 1-18. OConnor, J. (2000) The Definition Of The Cultural Industries. The European Journal Of Arts Education, Volume 2 (3). p. 15-27. Reynolds, S. (2009) Totally Wired: Post Punk Interviews And Overviews. Faber And Faber Ltd. Spracklen, K., Richter, A. & Spracklen, B. (2013) The Eventization Of Leisure And The Strange Death Of Alternative Leeds. City: Analysis Of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action. Volume 17 (2) p. 164-178. Stevenson, N. (1999) Vacant: A Diary Of The Punk Years 1976-79. Thames And Hudson. London. Tagg, P. (1994) From Refrain To Rave: The Decline Of Figure And The Rise Of Ground. Available Online At: Http://Www.Tagg.Org/Articles/Pmusrave.Html Therberge, P. (2001) Plugged In: Technology And Popular Music, In The Cambridge Companion To Pop And Rock. p. 3 - 25.

All videos sourced from www.youtube.com

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Students Evaluation of Dissertation and Mentor This form provides an opportunity for you to comment on your experience of doing a dissertation, particularly the effectiveness of the DSG and the support you received. It will not be seen by your dissertation markers, but may be looked at by the External Examiner (for example, in the case of those students close to the threshold between two classifications, where particular attention is often paid to the dissertation).

Your Name: Claudia Gould

Name of Mentor: David Bell

Approximately how often did your peer group meet? Every 3 weeks (approx.) until closer to the hand in date when meetings became more regular

Approximately how often did you meet with your group mentor? (a) In a group session? 5 (b) On an individual basis? 10-15 (many informal and quick)

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Use the following space to add other comments on your dissertation and/or your supervision experience (optional): I found the dissertation supervision provided by mentor David Bell to be invaluable. I have luckily had a fantastic peer group as well, whose suggestions and insights have been incredibly helpful. The entire process of meeting the others regularly with and without Davids supervision meant that we could support one another, inspire each other (with the simplest of things such as layout or structure ideas) and ultimately reassure each other that we were all in the same boat.

I found the one-to-one meetings most beneficial, as it really gave me an opportunity to simply angst, worry and question every last detail. David Bells expertise and cultural knowledge has been so useful. He has been able to source multiple readings for me, suggest innovative ideas for doing my dissertation and sharing fantastic music, which I am now into for life. Furthermore, his local knowledge is second to none, and as my dissertation has been predominantly on Leeds-based and university activity, this has been incredibly useful.

Not only has David provided fantastic academic support, but also, and perhaps more importantly, I have had continual excellent personal support. Any obstacles that have come my way throughout the dissertation process, I have felt able to discuss and work out with his help and advice. His upbeat and fantastically positive attitude has driven me to thinking I can actually do this at times when I have felt so far from seeing the light at the end of the tunnel! I am forever grateful for his help.

Also the help of Natalie Ania and Frances Drake, my personal tutor, has meant that any issues I have had had are listened to and understood. Natalie has been the most supportive and helpful person at times of real need, which has made the entire process much easier. Frances has been brilliant, a friend and maternal figure in the department over the last three years.

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Throughout my dissertation process, the peer group have been helpful in every way. I have enjoyed listening to the challenges they have faced throughout the process, and have found group meetings to be greatly reassuring. If we had not had group sessions regularly, I think I would have felt more stressed and under pressure.

Towards the end, longer two-hour sessions to discuss the logistics of writing and presenting were held, which solidified unwarranted concerns and dispelled any worries and queries. These were also greatly helpful, and we have all discussed how thankful we are to have a mentor who really puts in so much effort to help us all feel supported.

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 1 Members present: 1 Apologies for absence: n/a Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): Change of dissertation topic over the summer holidays. Need to work out a new theme and idea. Worried about time. Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): Take time to think about what you want to write about. No rush just yet, keep looking around for inspiration, brainstorming etc etc. Helpful suggestions discussed potential themes of fashion, art, music and culture. Quite interested in looking at subcultures but not sure about the relevancy of subcultures within the context of a geographical dissertation. Will keep brainstorming and reading around my subject ideas. Date: 28/09/2013

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 2 Members present: 1 Apologies for absence: n/a Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): I have found my topic! Is it geography enough? Reassurance and guidance on how to approach research. Ideas thrown around and debated. Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): Going to see the play My Generation. Get email of Alice Nutter, send her an email potentially interview? Research the punk and post-punk scenes in Leeds. Get lots of books out on the Punk movement from Edward Boyle. Read Rip it Up and Start Again by Simon Frith. Not necessary at this stage to have a fixed title, it will come naturally later on in the dissertation process. Date: 01/10/2013

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 3 Members present: 7 Apologies for absence: Adam Warren Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): General catch up since summer holidays. Better understand everyones projects. Sharing our topics and ideas. Raising concerns if research has changed direction at all. When to stop researching / start conducting data collection. Interim Report what to expect? Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): Lots of reading will be inevitable eventually irrelevant, all pointers in the right direction. Reassurance and guidance given continue as we are going. Keep note of references and ideas as you go along, dont panic. Interim to be to useful to self, an update as to where you are and where you want to be. It should be realistic, you can bullet point. Dont worry about literature review, it is bound to change as you continue researching and gather data. Dont let it stress you! Mentioned that there are previous dissertations, which would be good to look at to get guidance. Date: 02/10/2013

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 4 Members present: 8 Apologies for absence: n/a Peer-Group Meeting Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): Going over the interim report collectively to ensure we are all on track and see what concerns we might all have. Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): n/a Questions for mentor (record after peer-group meeting only; bring to next meeting with mentor): Should we be panicked if the literature review seems to be changing lots, do we have to do one or can we integrate literature throughout? Date: 24/11/13

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 5 Members present: 7 Apologies for absence: Romy Bartram Peer Group Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): Making plans for the Christmas holidays and reiterating changes since interim report was written. Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): Had a general catch up round the room, which reassured us we would all, be at different stages and be doing things in slightly different ways, does not mean any of us are wrong. Narrowing down the literature being looked at, making sure that I keep trying to source more academic papers rather than just media/informal ones. Research being undertaken over holidays David informs me of a panel event being held at the Brudenell Social Club. Group discussions about what we aim to have completed over the holidays. Questions for mentor: Coding process. Date: 04/12/13

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 6 Members present: 7 Apologies for absence: Gaby Salmon Peer Group Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): Has everyone achieved what he or she had hoped to over Christmas holidays? What we plan on getting done next? Other deadlines interfering with progress. Have I completed enough primary research? Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): Goals set up for where we want to be over next 4 weeks. Independent thought and bias encouraged. Make a thorough plan for day by day. Keep actively making time for dissertation; regardless of how much you do, for instance just taking a few hours to edit bibliography here and there. Questions for mentor: Planning concerns, presentation ideas. Date: 31/01/14

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 7 Members present: 1 Apologies for absence: n/a Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): Discussed all literature read so far. Planned ideas for presenting work, complexities of pdf idea is it possible? Concerns about writing organisation Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): David suggested some more academic reading on subcultures and suggested books to read and songs to listen to. Keep checking in, devise a thorough plan for the next meeting. Date: 10/02/2014

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 8 Members present: 1 Apologies for absence: n/a Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): Presentation of thorough plan. Discussion of themes and ideas, making sure I am keeping in check with my aims and objectives. Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): Get going! Thorough plan approved! Start writing. Date: 18/02/2014

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DSG Report Form Name of Student: Claudia Gould Meeting Number: 9 Members present: 8 Apologies for absence: none Group Meeting With Mentor (DB) Issues to be raised (complete prior to each meeting): All the small details of handing in dissertation Solutions discussed (to be completed during/after the meeting): A long session going through every single minute detail we need to remember. Indenting for binding. Where to go for binding. Appendix details, font details, spacing details, contents page explained, acknowledgements explained, abstract explained. Thanks and good luck given! Date: 07/03/2014

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! ! ! Dissertation Interim Report (1)

Introduction The initial plans I had made for my dissertation were to investigate the rave culture scene at Glastonbury Festival. I found the connection between music, people and their behaviour fascinating. I wanted to see if there were particular reasons behind attending festivals and spending a large sum of money on a ticket. Glastonbury embodies utopian hedonism; was this responsibility free world of spontaneity leading people there and why? Unfortunately I had to change my dissertation topic last minute, which has delayed my new research. Nevertheless, I have taken what excited me about researching rave culture and applied it to an entirely different scene, one I find altogether more real.

Ideas/Aims/Objectives The topic I have now chosen to research for my dissertation is the music scene in Leeds (and potentially the North as a whole) between the years of 1977-1984. I am focusing on the relationship between the emerging post-punk movement with rising political and social tensions, particularly in Leeds at the time. I was initially inspired to focus on this subject when I went to see a play called My Generation at the West Yorkshire Playhouse. It covers the struggles faced by a generation; miners under Thatchers changing Britain, the terror of the Yorkshire ripper, the rise of radical feminism. Although I found the play insightful it didnt quite explore the socio-political aspects of Northern life as in depth as I hoped it would. There was more emphasis the family dynamic and personal relationships. Despite this, the soundtrack was fantastic and the themes fascinating. ! "$!

I would like to focus in on the parallels between politics and music. I will explore Thatcherism, radical feminism, miners strikes, the failings of new labour, the National Front, Rock against Racism, music journalism, psychogeography, the development of subcultures. I may also choose three or four bands from the time as case studies through which I can explore the above concepts potentially; Gang of Four Delta 5 Scritti Politti The Mekons

All the bands listed above were at the forefront of the music scene in Leeds in the late 70s-early 80s, and produced music that mirrored the socio-political tensions at the time. Questions I am asking now include; Why did Leeds produce the music scene that it did at that time? How did the post-punk subculture develop, and was it more powerful and effective than its precursor, the punk scene?

Literature Review Existing literature hugely debates whether the punk or post-punk movements had more of a national and political impact. Contemporary music journalists such as Simon Reynolds and Simon Frith contemplate the importance of the movement in relation to the mainstream. Both agree that as a subculture, punk was one of a kind. Although the attitude and lifestyle it encouraged catapulted radical new values and morale into the mainstream. During the late 1970s, political music was at its height; music which meant something and angrily shouted about something. But did it effectively grab anyones attention? Certainly the attention of a young, disillusioned, disenfranchised and let down generation of teenagers. I have so far been reading from mainstream literature on punk/post-punk, using Rip it up and Start again by Simon Reynolds, an anecdotal insight into the political and social turbulence ! "%!

fuelling the punk revolution between 1978-1984. I have also been reading England is mine by Michael Bracewell, a historical account of pop culture in Britain. Another insightful book is In the fascist bathroom by Greil Marcus, an American music journalist whose stories are contemporarily told in over seventy articles written over fifteen years. I have also been reading articles from old fanzines, magazines and newspapers. One article in particular, written for Marxism Today, titled Post-punk Blues by Simon Frith explores the shift from punk to post-punk, concluding with the grand statement.. If pop felt political in 1976 but doesnt now, then we need to look not at whats happened to the music, but at whats happened to our feelings (Frith, 1983). Watching documentaries, music videos and listening to full albums has taught me more about the musical side to things. Overall, the literature so far has highlighted to me that music had never provoked such shocking reactions in its listeners as anarchic punk did in the mid-70s. It catalysed a group of inspired people to buy guitars and start writing music with a message. Similarly it catalysed another group, the older generation, to react in the opposite way, dismissing punks and the music scene as pure, meaningless anarchy. However, the movement it initiated lasted many years more, and reached a wider demographic of people through its popularity. I would like to investigate the debate in the literature; Did post-punk more effectively target a wider audience with the original messages by integrating itself into the charts? Or does a slot on Top Of the Pops endorse and support the capitalist corporations regardless of what is being sung?

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Methodology I have secured interviews with the writer, director and main actors of the play as I am still considering using the play as a framework through which I can explore the music/politics relationship. Once I have spoken with them I will be in a position to decide which route I want to take research-wise. I have also planned interviews with four adults who were living in Leeds between 1977 and 1984 and were involved in the music scene. I have not yet finalised the questions I will be asking, although I know that I would like to discover more about the views felt by the young generation. I have also created a list of reading which I feel will be highly insightful and beneficial to the research. It also must be remembered that I am writing about a time period of around 20 years ago thus I cannot carry out participant observation or ethnographic studies by attending punk gigs or interviewing band members. My primary sources of research will ask interviewees to rely on memory and nostalgia; which will certainly be helpful, although not necessarily 100% reliable. I still need to work out how I will be collecting and delivering my research. I dont think focus groups will help me to collect the kind of information I need. I need to talk to people who were involved with the music scene in Leeds at the time. How will I interview them? Will I be using the play as a framework for my dissertation? Will I be using questionnaires and what will I be asking, who will these be for?

Analysis, write up and presentation Since deciding upon researching the post-punk period I have immersed myself in the music of Northern bands emerging at the time. After reading interviews and listening to the lyrics of bleak, radically different post-punk albums, I am becoming a total enthusiast. This is something I must bare in mind during analysis, as I dont want my conclusions to be biased or one sided. Otherwise, I have had a number of rather creative ideas that I would also like to consider. I may write and present my dissertation in the form of a fanzine or magazine, taking inspiration from ! "'!

Simon Friths Marxism Today piece. I could also create a pdf version with interactive videos and songs, where the examiner is asked to listen to particular songs at certain intervals, or watch a video of Gang of Four, or Scritti Politti play live in Leeds, for example. I would definitely like to include photographs, potentially from the exhibition that accompanied the play My Generation. Andrew Bannerman-Bayles and Andrew Medcalf took a series of black and white photographs throughout the 1980s; these were showcased alongside the play when I went to see it. The photographs expose the political tensions through images of demonstrations, house arrests and people living in squats. I found these pictures quite profound in their honesty, highlighting an exciting period of time for music and politics.

Plan In order to ensure I stay on track I have created personal deadlines for some of my research Have key question, aims and objectives outlined by 10th November 2013 Complete key readings and interviews by 1st December 2013 Draft of introduction, aims and objectives by 20th December 2013 Finalise intro/aims/objectives and 1st draft of literature review completed by 10th January 2014 Analysis of findings complete by 1st February 2014 Conclusions and ideas finished by 20th February 2014 Create magazine/pdf/fanzine? How will I do this, using what software? Final hand in

Overall, I understand I have a lot to figure out. I am really enjoying doing the research for this project and I know I will have a fun time writing up ideas, analysing texts and debating the current literature. The themes I am exploring fascinate me, meaning that the deadlines ahead of me evoke a more nervous/excitable response rather than one of intimidation!

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Dissertation Interim Report (2) Introduction I would like to introduce my dissertation with a video (on the blog) of Gang of Four playing live. They were reported by Greil Marcus to have been the most impressive British band he had ever seen on stage. I would like my reader to feel involved with the music they are reading about. I will follow with the event at the Brudenell Social club, where I will set the scene of the panel of speakers and the environment in which it was held. My intention is to really create an atmosphere and captivate the reader, rewinding them back to the late 1970s, where music and life in general was radically different from how it is today. Aims and Objectives Initially, the main inspiration for my dissertation was a play showcased in the West Yorkshire Playhouse throughout October called My Generation. Written by Alice Nutter (Chumbawumba), the play follows the story of a family at intermittent points over the last 50 years (1979/1984/1991/2013). I was keen to use the play as a framework through which I could explore the relationship between the Leeds music scene and the factors influencing it. However, once I had begun properly researching the Leeds music scene, my dissertation changed its focus and I felt I had unravelled a whole new scene to research. I began listening to bands such as Gang of Four, Delta 5 and the Mekons, becoming increasingly fascinated with the turning point from punk to post-punk, which these bands championed in the Northeast corner of England. At a time where political struggle was a main feature of everyday life (miners strikes/radical feminism/Northern Front/racism/Thatcherism), it would seem unlikely that such a huge shift would be occurring in the alternative music. I have become genuinely slightly obsessed with this period in Leeds local-cultural history. The main questions I will be asking throughout my dissertation are;

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1. Why did Leeds produce the music scene it did at the time? Which factors contributed towards this radical shift in musicianship? 2. Was the post-punk movement more powerful/impacting/effective than its precursor, the punk scene? 3. Did this Northern post-punk movement more effectively target a wider audience by reaching a more mainstream group? And on a more in-depth level I will be assessing; 1. How and why did the lyrics change and how did the style of music created differ from the punk scene? 2. What kind of legacy remains from this movement? Literature Review

The literature I will be looking at, analysing and comparing will divide into three strands. It is most likely that they will be interlinking, crossing over and informing each other at certain points, although I will conduct a divided literature review to highlight the different forms/styles of writing.

I will be assessing the viewpoints stemming from;

Contemporary music journalism, mainstream and local Modern/Recent music journalism, mainstream and local Academic evaluations of space/place/sound relationships

List of things I still need/want to do

Complete/Summarise all academic music readings Type up and evaluate Brudenell Social Club music event Contact drummer of Delta 5 about a more in depth chat "*!

Talk to Terry Dunn (an ex punk rocker of the late 70s living in Yorkshire) Talk to jumbo/crash/tribe owners Compile and write up all contemporary music journalism and modern music journalism notes

Create an online blog to upload my enhanced and interactive dissertation on to Collect images Really develop my own thorough analysis and opinion Design an unbelievably detailed plan Write the dissertation

Analysis At present, I feel slightly unable to fully analyse all my findings and I know this will come naturally to me as I unravel more quotes, stories and facts whilst reading from academic sources. I know where I am headed with my analysis and I know the direction my findings so far are pointed. Therefore, I am not worried about this section of the project it will happen.

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Here is how I am going to do all of these things (having factored in periods where I am away or unable to work): My Dissertation Timetable!

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