Ankita Saxena Social 20-AP Nationalism Essay: 2 What fosters Canadian nationalism or at the very least- makes Canadians

want to remain Canadian? Is it our unanimous love for hockey, our patronage of French and English or our role in the world? Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the 15th Prime Minister of Canada, writes in his book Federalism, Nationalism and Reason that will rather than the aforementioned factors of geography, common language, common culture is the most critical to the foundation of the nation. He furthers his point by comparing the United States and Switzerland to Brazil and Belgium. All of the states are host to a variety of cultures and languages to Belgium and Brazil and yet the former have a much stronger sense of national cohesiveness than their counterparts- a factor that Trudeau attributes to a greater will. What Trudeau fails to recognize is that a nation and a state are not necessarily the same especially in countries such as Canada, where a multitude of cultural groups reside. The rights and interests of the minorities can never be truly placed first because even a representative democracy must give in to the will of the majority. Thus, for individuals to have will which holds a country containing minorities together, there have to be incentives in place that counteract any ethnic tensions. In Canada, these incentives manifest themselves as: (i) history and (ii) material benefit. These factors, along with time and governmental support help to create a national identity for individuals to be loyal to, which subsequently leads to civic nationalism. Therefore, while Trudeau is correct in his support for will, he is wrong to not recognize that it originates from a larger national identity created by history and the idealized benefits of being a nation. History, or the retelling and discussion of the common shared sacrifices made in the past, can be used to remind individuals of their common ties and instigate cooperation; however, in Canada, history has the potential to both furthers and harm the separatist cause in Quebec. Originally settled in 1524 by Jacques Cartier, an explorer from France, Quebec has arguably been a cornerstone of Canadian society since then (Jacques). Quebec was the first province in the modern area of Canada to be settled and one of the original provinces in the Confederation of 1867 (Confederation). Furthermore, it has contributed to much of Canadas modern culture it is arguable that with the original Quebec act of 1774, which sought to appease Canadiens or Canadian francophones (Quebec) Britain set a precedent for the establishment of an officially multicultural society. This legacy is something Canadians embrace openly today; in 2010, Canada accepted 280, 636 new immigrants

(Canada). This is quite significant, given that most western countries have cut back on immigration, while Canada has accepted 6% more immigrants (Canada). Because Quebec has been, part of us, for such a long time- 1760 to present, it is easy to see why most English Canadians and the government do not desire Quebec to split off (Conquest). However, from a francophone perspective, Quebec has been readily marginalized for the past 250 years. The Constitutional Act of 1791 came into being and resulted in the province of Canada being split into Upper (Anglo) and Lower (French) Canada (Constitutional). This was acceptable to both parties the French had a homeland of sorts and the British were no longer bound by French civil law. However, the French were disturbed by what they saw as overt meddling in their political affairs. This is best exemplified with the British Governor blatantly vetoing any unfavourable legislation put forth by the Canadien assembly. This phenomenon pushed disgruntled citizens to rebel in the Lower Canada Rebellions of 1837-1838 (Rebellions). Britain, in an attempt to quash any future rebellions sought to culturally assimilate the French-Canadians by the Union Act of 1840, which unified the two Canadas (Act). While Canadiens regained some rights from Confederation in 1867, it is easy to see, after multiple assaults on their culture and the fact that they are vastly outnumbered by these former oppressors, why the French have typified the anglophones as a villainous out group. This mistrust is then exploited by individuals supporting separatism to establish a clear divide between Quebec and the rest of Canada. Because of this, leaders can claim that the two groups have different interests and support nationalistic sentiment in the guise of self defense. This is best exemplified by the liberal Premier Robert Bourassas comments in 1990, when he claims that Quebec would only negotiate bilaterally with English Canada"a nonexistent entity- and that unless acceptable "offers" were forthcoming, Quebec would take its future in its own hands (Nenmi). The aforementioned Quebec nationalism is what is pushing individuals to promote separation despite impressive reforms by the federal government. For instance, Trudeau himself implemented a national policy of bilingualism (Bill). Furthermore, Canada as a country delegates much power to individual provinces as defined by the constitution, they are even able to invoke the notwithstanding clause to ignore certain aspects of the constitution. Quebec also receives 7.3 billion dollars in equalization payments from the federal government, in order to compensate for their lack of revenues from taxes. In many ways, it is indicative of its weak economy and inability to survive independently (Equalization). Interestingly, while Quebec residents have vetoed both

referendums in 1980 and 1995 which sought to establish Quebec as a separate entity, they have given support to the Parti Quebecois which supports separatism (Werbowksi). Ultimately; however, this battle will come down to which nationalism is stronger, as perpetual threat of Quebec separation has the potential to erode larger Canadian support for the retention of Quebec (Murphy). At the same time, economic realities and new attempts to invoke civil nationalism and build a new history by emphasizing common Canadian sports such as hunting and fishing may make Quebec separatists discard their beliefs. Overall, this phenomenon goes to show the double sided nature of history depending on the viewpoint, it can be used to both to promote ethnic nationalism but also civic nationalism. However, what is undeniable is historys immense power in creating nations. The other main reason behind the development of will is an idealistic version of the benefits that belonging to a country provide. In other words, individuals will be willing to pledge themselves to the country if they believe that the country benefits them. This means that the state has a particularly important role in creating nationalistic sentiment; its policies will affect whether citizens view the country as a worthy investment or not. From a historical point of view, Canada became the Dominion of Canada in 1867 via the British North America Act (BNA) by the direction of early Canadian nationalists who were motivated by internal and external pressures (Confederation). Namely, they feared an attack from the Americans - the War of 1812 had not quenched American Manifest Destiny ideologies and another attack from the Americans seemed like a feasible prospect. Additionally, America had also gone ahead and cancelled the Britain-America Reciprocity treaty partly in response to British support of the South in the American civil war (Reciprocity). This treaty enabled an early version of free-trade between the United States and Canada and without it, Canada had smaller markets to trade and draw upon. The founding fathers thought this issue could be ameliorated by Confederation as Canadians would be able to trade across provinces. All in all, the Dominion was born not as a result of necessity, but rather because individuals who lived in Canada believed it would provide superior lives for them and theirs. This guiding philosophy was seen in Prime Minister John A MacDonalds actions massive infrastructure projects such as the inter-colony and Pacific railways and the implementation of protectionist economic policies (Sir). Ultimately, this is an example of early nation building as a result of nationalistic sentiment derived from pressure. The scarcity of resources and imminent threat forced Canadians to come together and form a nation. However, this relationship between the people and the government; the rights of the citizens to give or to withdraw support from a

government that failed to respect its wishes or really, a social contract was not established in its entirety until 1982, when Trudeau himself amended the constitution and added the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Constitution). In order to retain power, governments often create external or internal pressures to push citizens towards one political party or the other. In a world with increased economic and global problems that have the capacity to threaten the benefits that Canada can provide, citizens often find themselves espousing more intense nationalistic sentiments. For instance, the North American Free Trade Alliance (NAFTA) was bitterly controversial amongst Canadians, who were tired of having their culture Americanized and losing jobs (Faux). Returning to the contentious case of Quebec, it is worth noting that the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, by codifying the respect and rights awarded to Quebec, and francophones in general effectively eliminated previous controversy on English Canadas insensitivity to the francophone nation (Nemi). However, it is contingent on Quebec voters to decide whether the remunerations they are receiving under this contract will be better than the ones in a separate Quebec nation-state. There is typically one main argument used by those who do not consider history and common interests the foundation of a nation. It is the premise that a national identity or civic nationalism cannot develop from history and common interests alone and that without greater ties, there will be fragmentation. That may have been a valid sentiment in earlier times, when there was less integration of newcomers; however, if we consider sociological patterns within new immigrants to Canada, it is quite clear that although older immigrants may carry their prejudices and issues with them, they feel that they belong to Canada at higher rates (81%) than the native born population (79%). This pattern is furthered when we examine second generation immigrants: 88% feel that they belong to Canada, which is nearly 10% higher than the native born population (Griffths). As a result of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the Canadian identity was fundamentally altered. Not only did the Charter ensure protection of an individuals culture while also enshrining the essential social contract but it also made inclusion of all cultures a Canadian concept. This gave immigrants the essential right to enjoyment and representation of their culture. As a result, immigrants will be enticed by the benefits of being Canadian, stay in Canada and be gradually absorbed into the collective identity. Furthermore, this situation differs greatly from that of the Quebecois- the Canadiens desires were often ignored by British governors and much of their legislation

vetoed. Greater polarization in terms of religion at that time, made religion a large determinant in ones identity. As such, Roman Catholic Christian versus Protestant was easily a large distinction (LEncyclopedie). However, as the constitution ensures a secular government and since a fewer percentage of people are involved with organized religion in Canada, now religion is not as prominent an issue. All in all, nationalism, or the will to be a nation is undoubtedly an important ingredient in the formation and retention of a nation; however, it is obvious that will does not inherently exist in the minds of individuals but that it must be cultivated by an attachment to the ideal of the nation. This attachment; however, can only exist through the combined effect of common interests and gains but also a common, shared history. As the state is involved with both: (a) the presentation of history and (b) making decisions for the country, missteps or more benevolent successes have the ability to drastically impact an individual, and thus the nation.Thus, while Trudeau has a point when he says will is the foundation of the nation, it is important to remember that this will is a product of history and mutual interests and is highly dependent on the state.

Bibliography: "Act of Union." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"Bill 101." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. Canada Welcomes Highest Number of Legal Immigrants in 50 Years While Taking Action to Maintain the Integrity of Canadas Immigration System."Government of Canada, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Communications Branch. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. "Confederation." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"Conquest." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"Constitutional Act 1791." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982." Legislative Services Branch of the Canadian Government. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. "LEncyclopdie De Lhistoire Du Qubec / The Quebec History Encyclopedia."Religious History of Canada. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. "Equalization Program." Department of Finance Canada. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

Faux, Jeff. "NAFTA at 10." Economic Policy Institute. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. Griffths, Rudyard, and Grace Tong. Becoming Canadian: Social Engagement and Attachment to Canada Among First and Second Generation Canadians A New Study Conducted to Launch the 8th Annual LaFontaine-Baldwin Symposium.Historica Dominion. The Dominion Institute, n.d. Web. "Jacques Cartier." Jacques Cartier. Institut Historica Dominion Institute, n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. Murphy, Rex. "Enough with the Neverendum referendum." National Post. N.p., 12 Sept. 2008. Web. 24 June 2013.

Nemni, Max. "The Case Against Quebec Nationalism." American Review of Canadian Studies 24.2 (1994): 17195. Print. "Quebec Act." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"Rebellions of 1837." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"The Reciprocity Treaty." Library and Archives Canada. Government of Canada, n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.

"Sir John Alexander Macdonald." The Canadian Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 June 2013. Trudeau, Pierre E. "Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason." N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. Print.Federalism and the French Canadians. N.p.: MacMillian, 1968. Werbowski, Michael. "Reflections on Quebec's Referendums." Digital Journal. Digital Journal, n.d. Web. 24 June 2013.