SCIR Spring 2014 Issue

Southern California
International Review
Volume 4, Numbei 1 - Spiing 2014
Te Southern California International Review (SCIR) is a bi-annual inteidis-
ciplinaiy piint and online jouinal of scholaiship in the feld of inteinational
studies geneiously funded by the School of Inteinational Relations at the
Univeisity of Southein Califoinia (USC). In paiticulai, SCIR would like
to thank the Robeit L. Fiiedheim Fund and the USC SIR Alumni Fund.
Founded in 2011, the jouinal seeks to fostei and enhance discussion between
theoietical and policy-oiiented ieseaich iegaiding signifcant global issues.
SCIR is managed completely by students and also piovides undeigiaduates
valuable expeiience in the felds of editing and giaphic design.
Copyiight 2014 Southern California International Review.
All iights ieseived. No pait of this publication may be iepioduced oi tiansmitted in any
foim without the expiess wiitten consent of the Southern California International
Review.
Views expiessed in this jouinal aie solely those of the authois themselves and do not necessaiily
iepiesent those of the editoiial boaid, faculty advisois, oi the Univeisity of Southein Califoinia.
Southern California International Review
scinteinationalieview.oig
Staf
Editor-in-Chief:
Matthew Piusak
Editors:
Ciistina Patiizio
Petei Hughes
Natalie Tecimei
Daniel Silveimintz
Layout: Ciistina Patiizio & Petei Hughes
Cover: Samii Kumai
ISSN: 1343-2611
In memoiy of Nelson Mandela, who wiote that Education is the most poweiful
weapon which you can use to change the woild."
Contents
1. Following the Ball
Te Development Potential of African Migrant Players
Xan Avendano-Gaiio
11
2. Explaining Jewish Teiioiism in Mandatoiy Palestine
A Case Study of Midlarskys Ephemeral Gains Teory
Sean McGuiie
33
3. Women in Cential Ameiican Gueiilla Movements
An Examination of Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Cuba
Siobhan Biown
43
4. Te Inteiplay Between Language and Nationalism
An Analysis of Language Policy in the Former Yugoslavia
Jefiey Caso
53
3. Ruining the Canadian Advantage
Te Disparity Between the Rhetoric and Actions of Canadian Mining Companies
Maic-Antoin Foitin Robitaille
63
Deai Readei,
It is with gieat pleasuie that I intioduce the seventh issue of the Southern California
International Review (SCIR). Tis semestei's issue continues oui mission of pioviding a
platfoim foi undeigiaduate scholais of inteinational afaiis to piovide theii woik to a laigei
audience.
Tis semestei I have had the piivilege of woiking with an inciedibly talented team in the
cieation of this issue. Teii haid woik and steadfast dedication has pioduced a quality joui-
nal we aie singulaily pioud of. We ieceived moie submissions than evei befoie, with pieces
coming fiom univeisities aiound the globe. Tis issue iefects that global pool, with aiticles
fiom schools aiound the countiy and the woild.
If theie is a theme that caiiies thiough all oui pieces this semestei, it is an exploiation of
cause and efect. Whethei desciibing the iole of soccei playeis as conduits of wealth tiansfei
to developing nations oi chaiting how language policy shaped the linguistic landscape of
the Balkans today, oui authois biought foith how the afaiis of yesteiday and today shape
the woild of today and tomoiiow.
In the cieation of this issue, the SCIR is extiemely appieciative of the suppoitive iole that
the Univeisity of Southein Califoinia's School of Inteinational Relations has played. Te
school's diiectoi, Robeit English, and the iest of the faculty and staf gave us the guidance we
needed to giow. I also extend oui thanks to Ms. Robin Fiiedheim foi hei geneious scholai-
ship, which piovides the foundation upon which oui endeavoi thiives.
Eveiy issue caiiies with it a new set of ideas and opinions. We hope that in ieading this issue,
you come away a little moie infoimed as to how some aspects of inteinational afaiis came
to be - and wheie they might be going.
Sinceiely,
Matthew Piusak
Editor-in-Chief
Editors Note:
Following the Ball
Te Development Potential of African Migrant Soccer Players
Xan Avendano-Gaiio
Introduction
Soccei is a souice of enteitainment, a passionate pastime, and a poweiful souice of
national identity.
1
Many sociological scholais have studied all of these fascinating chaiactei-
istics of the game. Recently, the spoit has been the focus of economists as well. Yes, soccei
is a beautiful game, but it is also a high-skill, high-wage laboi maiket.
2
In the last 20 yeais,
the spoit has become moie than a pastime-it has become an oppoitunity. Te top paying
soccei leagues aie no longei exclusive to Euiopean athletes, as a iising piopoition of immi-
giant playeis fiom developing countiies aie beginning to dominate payiolls and headlines
of majoi clubs.
3
Tese migiant athletes have been studied in teims of theii cultuial impact
on Euiopean societies, theii infuence on iacial and ethnic noims, and theii stiengthening
of Afiican national soccei teams. A ciucial question, howevei, has yet to be thoioughly an-
sweied: what is the economic impact of this migiant laboi foice on theii home countiies:
By measuiing the piesence of Afiican soccei playeis in highly paid leagues and analyzing
theii piopensity to tiansfei capital to home communities, this papei aigues that the soccei
industiy has a signifcant untapped potential in piactical economic development.
Globalization is ofen thought of in teims of inteinational tiade, cultuial dissemina-
tion, oi multinational oiganizations. Tough some have disiegaided spoit as iiielevant,"
this iising feld in development discouise encapsulates each of these phenomena.
4
Cuiiently,
spoit is excluded fiom piactically eveiy populai inteinational ielations textbook.
5
But how
can that be, when spoit, paiticulaily soccei, is eveiywheie: Not only do 208 nations have
inteinationally iecognized national soccei teams, piivate clubs in most of those nations
1 Fozooni, Babak. Religion, Politics and Class: Confict and Contestation in the Development of Football in Iian." Soccer &
Society 3 (2004): 336-370.
2 Dobson, Steven, and John Goddaid. Te Economics of Football (London: Cambiidge Univeisity 2001).
3 Littlewood, Maitin, Chiis Mullen, and David Richaidson. Football Laboui Migiation: An Examination of the Playei Re-
ciuitment Stiategies of the 'big Five' Euiopean Football Leagues 2004-3 to 2008-9." Soccei & Society 12 (2011): 788-803.
4 Beck, Petei J. Te Relevance of the 'Iiielevant': Football as a Missing Dimension in the Study of Biitish Relations with
Geimany.' Inteinational Afaiis (Royal Institute of Inteinational Afaiis 1944-) 79 (2003): 389-411. Pioquest.
3 Allison, Lincoln and Teiiy Monnington. Spoit, Piestige, and Inteinational Relations," Goveinment and Opposition 37
(2002): 106-134. Pioquest.
X: Aviu:o-G:vvo is a junior at American University.
12
Southern California International Review - Vol. 4 No. 1
Xan Avendano-Garro
constitute a huge inteinational laboi maiket of ovei 263 million piofessional athletes.
6

Accoiding to a suivey conducted in 2006 by the Fedeiation of Inteinational Football
Associations (FIFA), 17 peicent of piofessional soccei playeis aie Afiican-an especially
inteiesting statistic consideiing the minimal amount of piofessional leagues on the Afiican
continent.
7
A signifcant amount of these Afiican playeis have been able to succeed by mi-
giating to populai, high-paying Euiopean leagues. In the past two decades, the numbei of
migiant soccei playeis has vastly incieased, and the change that is so cleai on the feld also
has inciedible economic implications. Te unique tianspaiency of the inteinational soccei
maiket seives as a valuable case study with which to obseive the economic and socio-cul-
tuial potential of the Afiican migiatoiy laboi foice.
Economic migiation is consideied by many scholais and inteinational oiganizations
to be a valuable souice of development.
8
Remittances seive as the most tangible measuie to
connect migiation and development.
9
Recently, the fow of capital fiom outside to within
the continent of Afiica has quadiupled since 1990, escalating to an estimated $40 billion
in 2009.
10
Tese iemittances-ofen associated with poveity ieduction-giant millions
of households a ieliable souice of newfound wealth to pay foi food, education, and busi-
ness investments.
11
Although the amount is giowing, the United Nations (UN) and the
Inteinational Fund foi Agiicultuial Development (IFAD) agiee that the potential foi gieatei
iemittance fows is much highei than the cuiient quantity.
12
Tough ofen oveilooked, the
soccei laboi maiket can be a signifcant souice of incieased iemittances and investment in
Afiican communities. Afiican playeis, both fist geneiation migiants and descendents of
migiants, eain ielatively high wages woiking in the soccei industiy abioad, paiticulaily in
Euiopean fist and second divisions.
13
Yet, foi the most pait, the iole of this laboi foice in
Afiican economic development has been ignoied. Now that the numbei of Afiican migiant
playeis in Euiope is incieasing exponentially, a signifcant development potential may be
quietly giowing befoie oui eyes.
6 Dietschy, Paul and David-Claude Kemo-Keimbou. Le Football et l'Afiique (Paiis: EPA 2008), 336.
7 Ibid.
8 Ratha, Dillit, Sanket Mohapatia, Caglai Ozden, Sonia Plaza, William Shaw, and Adebe Shimeles. Leveiaging Migiation foi
Afiica: Remittances, Skills, and Investments," (Te Woild Bank: Washington DC, 2011), 47.
9 Sending Money Home to Afiica: Remittance maikets, enabling enviionments and piospects," IFAD: 2010, 2.
10 Ratha, Dilip. Leveiaging Remittances foi Development." Papei piesented at the Secondaiy Plenaiy Meeting of the Leading
Gioup on Solidaiity Levies to Fund Development, Oslo, Noiway, Febiuaiy 6-7, 2007.
11 Ibid.
12 Sending Money Home to Afiica: Remittance maikets, enabling enviionments and piospects," 2.
13 Poli, Rafaele. Afiicans' Status in the Euiopean Football Playeis' Laboui Maiket." Soccer & Society 7 (2006): 278-291.
13
Following the Ball
Literature Review
As a ielatively young feld within inteinational ielations discouise, spoit liteiatuie is
mostly conceined with the iole of sociology within a spoiting context. Te few scholaily
jouinals solely devoted to the iole of spoit in society have all emeiged within the past two
decades.
14
In teims of laboi migiation within the soccei industiy, theie has not been any
liteiatuie that puiely focuses on iemittances as a foim of development, and many schol-
ais appioach migiation in the light of neocolonialism. Te liteiatuie mainly focuses on
the muscle diain" occuiiing in developing countiies, and the humanitaiian conceins that
follow the exploitation of Afiican laboi.
1316
Similaily to the populaiized migiation phenomenon known as the biain diain," the
muscle diain" is the idea that the most skilled soccei playeis leave theii home countiies to
play abioad, iesulting in a talent void in many Afiican leagues.
17
Tis theoiy is a hotly de-
bated subject. Wladimii Andief piesents the aigument that the migiation of Afiican soccei
playeis makes it impossible foi competitive, high-wage leagues to be foimed in Afiican
countiies. Andief concludes that, in oidei to keep playeis fiom leaving, a tax needs to be
implemented on foieign clubs who ieciuit young Afiican playeis. If moie talent stays in
Afiica, then expeiienced coaches will also want to stay, and, in tuin, new employment op-
poitunities will be available foi young athletes. Andief stiesses that only by becoming moie
independent of foieign maikets can countiies hope to develop theii own soccei industiies
to seive as a souice of economic and social development.
Not all spoit scholais, howevei, suppoit Andief's opinion. Bill Geiiaid aigues that mi-
giation is not necessaiily damaging, and it may seive as the fist step towaids development.
Geiiaid notes that the success of Afiican soccei playeis in populai foieign leagues is ciucial
in cieating iole models foi the young geneiation. Knzlei and Poli expand on this idea by
extensively studying the constant exposuie of the Ivoiian public to images and headlines of
Didiei Diogba, one of the most successful Afiican soccei stais in histoiy. Because the most
expeiienced coaches aie in Euiope, migiant playeis like Diogba aie able to inciease theii
human capital abioad moie so than at home.
18
Successful playeis, Geiiaid aigues, aie then
able to ietuin to theii home countiies as ambassadois" to encouiage the development of a
14 Most spoit ielated jouinals focus on physical education, spoit maiketing and spoit science. Notable jouinals conceining
spoit's societal impact and histoiy aie Sport in Society, European Journal for Sport and Society, International Journal of the History
of Sport, and Journal of Sport and Social Issues.
13 Teie is also a gieat deal of sociological liteiatuie on Afiican migiant footballeis that is mostly conceined with iacial and
ethnic issues.
16 Geiiaid, Bill. Te Muscle Diain, Coubeitobintype Taxes and the Inteinational Tiansfei System in Association Football."
Euiopean Spoit Management Quaiteily 2 (2002): 47-36.
17 Ibid.
18 Knzlei, Daniel, and Rafaele Poli. Te Afiican Footballei as Visual Object and Figuie of Success: Didiei Diogba and
Social Meaning." Soccei & Society 13, no. 2 (2012): 207-221.
14
Xan Avendano-Garro
gieatei talent pool. With newfound wealth and an idealized image, expatiiate playeis could
potentially be valuable social entiepieneuis foi the futuie giowth of theii home countiy's
soccei industiy.
On the othei hand, a select few scholais aie moie conceined with the humanitaiian
implications of such fiee laboi movement. Paul Daiby, piofessoi and Afiican histoiian,
calls attention to the lack of iegulation that occuis duiing the ieciuitment of Afiican play-
eis by Euiopean clubs. Many foimei colonial poweis, paiticulaily Belgium and Fiance, use
theii foimei Afiican colonies as souices foi cheap laboi.
19
As a iesult of this exploitation,
Daiby claims that success stoiies foim only a poition of the soccei migiant foice, and many
unsuccessful playeis iesoit to the life of illegal Euiopean immigiants that aie too ashamed
to ietuin home. Fuitheimoie, Jonas Scheiians notes the many instances in which ciooks
acting as playei agents take advantage of hopeful Afiican adolescents, foicing them into a
life of human tiamcking.
20
As a iesult of such studies, piessuie has been placed on FIFA and
iegional soccei associations to inciease iegulations on laboi migiation woildwide. It is of
the upmost impoitance that humanitaiian injustices within the soccei maiket be addiessed;
howevei, the ciimes committed by a handful of fiauds should not displace the dieams of
thousands of young Afiican soccei playeis.
Tough the afoiementioned liteiatuie focuses on the Afiican individual, the ovei-
whelming majoiity of liteiatuie on soccei migiation is conceined with sociological phe-
nomena and the success of Euiopean clubs. Geiiaid does mention the possibility of expatii-
ate Afiican playeis encouiaging development, but he and a few othei scholais only sciatch
the suiface of the Afiican soccei playei potential. Yes, these athletes aie giving back to theii
communities, but how much aie they giving and to whom: How can soccei playeis make a
difeience, not just as symbols of hope, but as investois in ieal oppoitunities: I hope to iaise
awaieness of these gaps in the liteiatuie by ieseaiching how little attention is being given to
the subject of migiant playei iemittances and investment.
Methodology
Befoie continuing, it is impoitant to note that the ieseaich I am advocating in this papei
is limited to the male laboi industiy. Female Afiican soccei teams have peifoimed suc-
cessfully on the inteinational stage, and it is ciucial that the industiy become a sustainable
option foi women. Unfoitunately, a substantial women's soccei maiket has yet to be estab-
lished, and ieseaiching the iole of the female soccei playei deseives an inciedible amount
of attention in its own iight, as its laboi maiket is unique and veiy complex. Tus, this
19 Daiby, Paul, Geiaid Akindes, and Matthew Kiiwin. Football Academies and the Migiation of Afiican Football Laboi to
Euiope." Jouinal of Spoit & Social Issues 31, no. 2 (2007): 143-161.
20 Scheiians, Jonas. Te Muscle Diain of Afiican Football Playeis to Euiope: Tiade oi Tiamcking." PhD diss., Univeisity of
Giaz, 2007.
15
Following the Ball
papei focuses on the potential foi male Afiican soccei playei iemittances and investment.
Quantifying the specifc amount of iemittances and investment by Afiican playeis thiough
suiveys and inteiviews is the ideal methodology to appioach my fundamental question.
Due to the lack of necessaiy iesouices to take on such an endeavoi, this papei emphasizes
the untapped potential of migiant athletes to contiibute to development and uiging the ne-
cessity foi moie extensive studies that link the soccei laboi maiket with development. Tis
papei aigues foi feld study ieseaich in two paits.
Te fist section establishes the potential of Afiican migiant soccei playeis to give back
to theii home communities. Tis potential is captuied thiough the histoiy of Afiican playei
migiation to Euiope, paiticulaily focused on the incieasing numbei of Afiican migiants in
the peiiod following 1993. Te potential is most obseived thiough the measuie of migiation
statistics to the Big Five leagues (Fiance, Spain, England, Italy, and Geimany), and the avei-
age salaiies of playeis iegisteied in these leagues. Te Big Five leagues iepiesent only a small
poition of the soccei laboi industiy, but I have chosen to obseive them specifcally ovei
otheis because of theii signifcantly highei aveiage wages in compaiison to othei Euiopean
leagues and the availability of theii migiation statistics. Tese statistics weie collected using
a combination of the CIES Football Obseivatoiy Database and oiiginal ieseaich. My ie-
seaich is collected fiom the omcial websites of each soccei league in question, and the
Transfermarkt.co.uk database of playeis.
Te second section of the papei is devoted to evaluating the piopensity of Afiican
soccei playeis to contiibute to development piogiams in theii countiies of oiigin. Using
the LexisNexis and Factiva databases, a systematic oveiview is piesented of media covei-
age of migiant soccei playeis since 1993 within Te Guardian and Te Times, two majoi
publications of the United Kingdom. Te puipose of such ieseaich is to collect and analyze
inteiviews and stoiies iepoited by the media that aie conceined with soccei playei chaiity
oi iemittances. By combining both the big-pictuie potential with the ielevance of media
coveiage, this papei highlights the iole of migiant athletes as agents foi development and
ieinfoices the impoitance of studying iemittances and investment in the soccei industiy.
Te African Migrant Soccer Player
Te stoiy of Afiican soccei playei migiation is not a new one. Euiopean colonialism
in Afiica biought about gieat social change on both continents, including the intioduc-
tion of soccei to indigenous Afiican communities. Beginning in coastal cities, the Afiican
continent developed a fascination and love foi the game that theii colonizeis intioduced.
21

Tough soccei began in Afiica as a Westein spoit, the game was quickly adopted by people
21 Boei, Wiebe. Nation-Building Exercise: Sporting Culture and the Rise of Football in Colonial Nigeria (UMI 2003).
16
Xan Avendano-Garro
of all classes and ethnicities.
22
Even the autobiogiaphy of Nnamdi Azikiwe, the fist piesi-
dent of Nigeiia, ieveals that soccei became a pait of eveiyday Afiican life, and childien
would play the game in the stieets with mango seeds, limes oi oianges oi old tennis balls."
23

Gabiiele Maicotti of Te Times peihaps best desciibes the Afiican passion foi soccei:
Euiope may have invented it, South Ameiica may have iaised it to high ait, Noith
Ameiica may leain to love it and exploit its full commeicial potential and Asia may
iepiesent its futuie, but no continent lives football the way Afiica does. And nowheie
else is football the lingua fianca that it is in Afiica.
24
Once the spoit was ingiained in the cultuie of many Afiican societies, Euiopean
clubs-paiticulaily those of Fiench, Dutch, and Belgian oiigin-staited ieciuiting Afiican
talent as a foim of cheap laboi.
23
Many of these playeis succeeded, but the numbei of Afiican
migiants was limited due to laws that iegulated the amount of non-nationals on club ios-
teis. Neaily eveiy countiy in Euiope adopted similai systems of migiation contiol, ofen
modeled afei the Union of Euiopean Football Associations (UEFA) iegulation that allowed
each club to feld no moie than thiee foieign playeis and two assimilated" playeis who had
ascended theii youth system. By the mid-1990s, howevei, most of these limitations ended.
Te 1993 Bosman Ruling tiansfoimed the movement of laboi in the Euiopean soccei
industiy. Jean-Maic Bosman, a Belgian midfeldei, is not iemembeied foi his play, but iathei
his couit case that changed the face of soccei.
26
Te Bosman Ruling established two sig-
nifcant changes to the Euiopean maiket. Fiist, the iuling tiansfeiied powei fiom the club
to the playei.
27
Te playei, who pieviously was not allowed to change teams without his
club's peimission, was gianted the ability to leave following the teimination of his contiact.
Tough a simple iule change, it was a ciucial one that gave a substantial amount of levei-
age to the individual and encouiaged highei wages and longei contiacts.
28
Te second pait
of the iuling is most signifcant to the issue of migiation. Te 1993 case iuled that iegula-
tions on migiation within Euiope weie an infiingement of Euiopean Union laboi iights.
29

Teiefoie, the new iuling allowed clubs to hiie any numbei of playeis holding EU national-
22 Azikiwe, Nnamdi. MyOdyssey: An Autobiogiaphy (Piaegei 1970): 402.
23 Ibid.
24 Maicottie, Gabiiele. A level playing feld and Afiica will shine." Te Times, Januaiy 21, 2008. Pioquest.
23 Muiiay, William James. Te Woild's Game: A Histoiy of Soccei (Illinois Univeisity 1998).
26 Paiiish, Richaid, and David Mcaidle. BeyondBosman: Te Euiopean Union's Infuence Upon Piofessional Athletes' Fiee-
dom of Movement." Spoit and Society 7, no. 3 (2004): 403-419.
27 Ibid.
28 Niemann, Aine, and Alexandei Biand. Te Impact of Euiopean Integiation on Domestic Spoit: Te Case of Geiman
Football." Spoit in Society 11, no. 1 (2008): 90-106.
29 Ibid.
17
Following the Ball
ity. Following the iuling, neaily all leagues acioss Euiope abolished iegulations conceining
playeis of any foieign nationality.
Te 1993 Bosman Ruling immediately iesulted in a mass migiation of inteinational
soccei playeis to Euiope. Fiom 1996 to 2000, the numbei of Afiicans playing in piofessional
Euiopean leagues giew fiom about 330 to ovei 1,000.
30
Te sheei quantity of this migiant
laboi foice is one of the most impoitant factois in establishing theii potential as a souice of
economic development. Tough they aie ofen viewed as nothing moie than athletes, each
playei is undoubtedly contiibuting to the tiansnational ievolution that is ieshaping societ-
ies and politics aiound the woild."
31
Africans in Big Five Leagues
Tough the soccei industiy is ielatively tianspaient, quantifying the numbei of Afiican
migiant playeis in Euiope is not as simple as it may seem. Te CIES Football Obseivatoiy,
one of the piimaiy nonpiofts that measuie the numbei of Afiican soccei playeis specif-
cally within the Big Five leagues, defnes an Afiican expatiiate as someone who was boin in
Afiica but is playing soccei outside theii countiy of biith.
32
Tis defnition, howevei, is not
sumcient to adequately captuie economic development potential. Afiican playeis do not
necessaiily need to be boin in an Afiican countiy in oidei to give back to Afiican commu-
nities, a point that will latei be addiessed. Teiefoie, in oidei to moie accuiately iefect the
potential of Afiican playei iemittances, this papei opeiationally defnes the Afiican soccei
playei as an athlete of Afiican oiigin, eithei thiough biith oi diiect lineage.
Compaiing the CIES database statistics with my own ieseaich exposes a substantial
disciepancy in the magnitude of Afiican playeis with the piopensity to iemit and invest in
Afiica. Te latest CIES data fiom the 2010/11 season ieveal a total of 133 Afiicans playing
in Big Five leagues.
33
Due to the availability of cuiient data, I constiucted my own database
with the 2012/13 season iosteis, in which 172 Afiican-boin playeis weie iegisteied in the top
Euiopean leagues. Tis difeience suggests that the numbei of native-boin Afiican soccei
playeis incieased by 19 fiom the 2010 to 2012 seasons. Such an inciease is noimal considei-
ing the giowing emphasis that many Euiopean clubs aie placing on ieciuiting young Afiican
talent.
34
To believe, howevei, that in 2010 theie weie only 133 playeis of Afiican lineage in
30 Alegi, Petei. Afiican Socceiscapes: How a Continent Changed the Woild's Game
(Athens, Ohio: Ohio Univeisity 2010): 1-179.
31 Castles, Stephen and Maik Millei. Te Age of Migiation (Te Guilfoid 2003): 3.
32 CIES Football Obseivatoiy. Map of expatiiate playeis." Accessed Decembei 1, 2012.
33 Ibid.
34 Littlewood, Maitin, Chiis Mullen, and David Richaidson. Football Laboui Migiation: An Examination of the Playei
Reciuitment Stiategies of the 'big Five' Euiopean Football Leagues 2004-3 to 2008-9." Soccei & Society 12 (2011): 788-803.
18
Xan Avendano-Garro
the Big Five leagues would be a mistake. Te contiast between my ieseaich and that of the
CIES Obseivatoiy is my intioduction of ancestiy as a ciucial dynamic.
Accoiding to my ieseaich, at the stait of the 2012/13 season, a total of 2,638 playeis
weie iegisteied in fist division Fiench, Spanish, English, Italian, and Geiman leagues. As
pieviously iefeienced, of the 2,638 total playeis, 172 weie Afiican-boin. Howevei, by adding
Euiopean-boin playeis of Afiican descent, the numbei of Afiican playeis incieases to 386. By
using statistics only based on biithplace (see Figuie 1), the quantity of playeis, along with theii
potential to ieinvest in Afiica, is gieatly undeiestimated. A moie accuiate pictuie of Afiica's
position in Euiopean leagues includes the dynamic of playeis with multiple nationalities.

!"#$%& (: Player Composition oI Big Five Leagues Adjusted Ior Multiple Nationalities
1 1
0
4
14
12
68
EU S. America AIrica Other Europe Oceania Asia N. America
20
80
70
30
40
30
10
60
1 1
5
7
72
EU S. America AIrica Other Europe Oceania Asia N. America
20
80
70
30
40
30
10
60
13
!"#$%& ): Player Composition oI Big Five Leagues by Birthplace
1
19
Following the Ball
Accounting foi Euiopean-boin Afiicans is impoitant foi making the issue of iemit-
tance study even moie ielevant. By compaiing Figuies 1 and 2, it is cleai that the quantity
of Afiicans on the wealthiest, most publicized, and most competitive clubs in the woild has
ofen been undeiestimated. Fuitheimoie, the addition of the multiple nationality vaiiable
changes the entiie image of Euiopean soccei. Foi example, South Ameiicans aie known foi
being the laigest migiatoiy gioup in the soccei industiy.
35
When including Euiopean-boin
Afiicans with multiple nationalities, howevei, Afiicans become the laigest expatiiate popu-
lation. In fact, in the Fiench Ligue 1 alone, playeis of Afiican descent make up one thiid
of the entiie population, a statistic that would have been outiageous befoie the Bosman
Ruling.
36
Analyzing these data moie closely ieveals iegions within the Afiican continent
with the most potential foi positive economic development thiough soccei.
Of the 368 Afiicans iegisteied in Big Five leagues, the majoiity hails fiom West and
Noith Afiica.
37
Tese aieas aie piobably wheie iemittances and investment fiom soccei
playeis has the most impact and potential, and they should be the main focus of futuie
studies of iemittances. It is inteiesting to note that of the 33 countiies in Afiica, 37 aie
iepiesented in at least one of the Big Five leagues. Even the smallest of countiies, such as
Comoios oi Cape Veide, have a signifcant showing in the most competitive club competi-
tions. Consideiing the extiemely high salaiies eained in this level of club soccei, and the
hundieds of othei soccei playeis that aie iegisteied in leagues outside of the Big Five, the
positive potential economic impact of Afiicans in the soccei industiy appeais to have been
vastly undeiestimated.
African Migrant Salaries
Now that playeis of Afiican oiigin aie an established, sizeable peicentage of the total Big
Five laboi maiket, the additional step in measuiing the potential of playei iemittances lies in
theii wages. Following the Bosman Ruling, the piofessional soccei maiket has been maiked
by both high salaiies and extieme inequality amongst and within piofessional clubs.
38
Some
ciitics of this inequality note that many Afiicans take on the iole of the lowei class" playeis,
as many claim they eain minimal compensation compaied to theii Euiopean teammates.
39

Howevei, accoiding to France Football magazine, inspecting the ten highest eaining soccei
playeis in 2012 ieveals that fve aie Euiopean, thiee aie South Ameiican, and two hail fiom
Afiica. Samuel Eto'o and Yaya Toui may be the minoiity of Afiican migiants, but a similai
case can be made foi extiemely high-eaining playeis of any oiigin. Teiefoie, aveiage wages
33 Cacioli, Renan. Exodo De Jogadoies Espalha Biasileiios No Mundial." Folha, Decembei 10, 2006. Factiva.
36 See Figuie 3
37 See Figuie 6
38 Poli, Rafaele. Afiicans' Status in the Euiopean Football Playeis' Laboui Maiket.' Soccei & Society 7 (2006): 278-291.
39 Ibid.
20
Xan Avendano-Garro
within the Euiopean maiket, especially compaied to wages in the Afiican maiket, seive
as an impoitant indicatoi of the legitimacy of soccei migiation as a souice of economic
development.
Te aveiage net annual compensation of fist division playeis in the 2002/03 season
was 709,000 euio in Italy, 634,000 euio in England, 340,000 euio in Spain, 310,000 euio in
Geimany, and 223,000 euio in Fiance. Tough this papei focuses on the Big Five, it should
be noted that in less wealthy leagues with signifcant Afiican populations, such as that of
Belgium, aveiage pay is estimated at 60,000 euio, a still substantial amount.
40
It is tiue that
these data aie a bit outdated, but they aie the iesult of one of the most compiehensive feld
studies to date and, even accounting foi a change in the numbeis today, they still seive as a
ieliable estimate. Teiefoie, assuming the Afiican migiant eains the aveiage salaiy in theii
iespective league, it is faii to claim that these playeis aie living comfoitably and have enough
capital to send back to Afiica. Even analyzing the data undei the assumption that Afiican
playeis in these leagues aie membeis of the lowei pay tiei, they still eain enough to iemit.
As pieviously mentioned, theie is a laige gap between the top and bottom wage eaineis
in Euiopean soccei. Foi example, in Italy duiing the 2001/02 season, 34.4 peicent of Seiies
A (fist division) soccei playeis weie in the lowest salaiy class, while 29.6 peicent weie in the
highest.
41
Tis lef only 36 peicent of Seiies A playeis in the middle salaiy classes.
42
Because
theie is not any data on the specifc playeis in each of these classes, it may be unfaii to assume
that Afiicans make up moie of one salaiy class than the otheis. Inteiestingly enough, duiing
the 2012/13 season, Italy is the Big Five league with the second fewest iegisteied playeis
of Afiican oiigin. Howevei, of the 41 Afiican playeis in the league, 17 of them aie on the
payiolls of the fve wealthiest Italian clubs, suggesting that these playeis-neaily half of all
Afiicans in Seiies A-aie paid at oi above the aveiage salaiy. Even those who occupy the
lowei salaiy class in these leagues still eain aiound 100,000 euio, substantially moie than
successful athletes in Afiica would be compensated.
Te piofessional soccei industiy is not as glamoious in Afiica as in Euiope, and the
wages most ceitainly iefect that. Tough theie is a tiemendous maiket foi the spoit, soccei
associations on the continent most ofen lack the funding and infiastiuctuie to maintain a
giassy feld, much less pay high salaiies.
43
In the Cameioon Football League, foi instance,
Coton Spoit Gaioua, one of the most successful clubs, is only capable of compensating its
40 Bouig, ''Le maich du tiavail spoitif '' qtd. in Petei Alegi. Afiican Socceiscapes: How a Continent Changed the Woild's
Game (Athens, Ohio: Ohio Univeisity) 2010.
41 Calcio 2000 no.63, May 2003 qtd. in Rafaele Poli. Afiicans' Status in the Euiopean Football Playeis' Laboui Maiket." Soc-
cei & Society 7 (2006): 278-291.
42 See Figuie 3
43 Alegi, Petei. Afiican Socceiscapes: How a Continent Changed the Woild's Game (Athens, Ohio: Ohio Univeisity 2010): 86.
21
Following the Ball
playeis less than foui hundied euios pei month duiing the season.
44
Foi the time being, high
wages aie infeasible in Afiica. Consideiing both the Euiopean salaiies and the numbei of
Afiicans who desiie to be employed in the inteinational soccei laboi maiket, migiation may
not be so bad if iemittances and investment aie the long-teim iesult. Tough 386 Afiican
playeis do not seem like a signifcant foice foi development, consideiing the veiy high sala-
iies of piactically all of them, these athletes have enough capital to tiuly make a difeience
in an aiea of the woild that needs them most.
Te Propensity to Give
Soccei is a paiticulaily inteiesting laboi industiy because it incoipoiates a unique dy-
namic of national identity. So fai I have focused on the club level of the spoit, as it is the
souice of employment and ievenue within the soccei industiy. Howevei, especially con-
sideiing the issue of migiation, it is impossible to ignoie the iole of the inteinational level.
Soccei is unique because the most skilled playeis ietuin to theii countiy of oiigin to pai-
ticipate in competitive inteinational competitions such as the Woild Cup, the Euiopean
Cup, and the Afiican Cup of Nations. Tese competitions fostei national piide and cieate
long teim ties to the home nations of inteinational soccei celebiities.
45
In essence, the most
talented expatiiate playeis aie not foiced, but honoied to ietuin to theii home countiy mul-
tiple times a yeai, making it impossible foi them to foiget theii ioots.
Tis aspect of the soccei piofession difeientiates it fiom othei laboi industiies. Foi
example, an immigiant bioengineei in Ameiica may lose ties to his oi hei countiy of oiigin
and completely assimilate into Ameiican society. Te immigiant soccei playeis in Euiope,
howevei, paiticulaily the most talented and highest eaining, aie able to both integiate into
Euiopean society while also being exposed to the pioblems of theii home countiy eveiy
time they paiticipate in an inteinational match. Not only do fist geneiation immigiants
have a tie to Afiica, all Euiopean-boin childien of Afiican lineage aie also eligible to play
foi theii paient's oi giandpaient's countiy.
46
Teiefoie, thiough the inteinational spiiit of
soccei, it is possible that the piopensity to iemit and invest in Afiica is ielatively high foi
piofessional playeis. A limited selection of newspapei aiticles and inteiviews captuie mi-
giant ties to theii countiies of oiigin.
44 Cameioon Tiibune (Yaound), 21 Nov. 2003 qtd. in Petei Alegi. Afiican Socceiscapes: How a Continent Changed the
Woild's Game (Athens, Ohio: Ohio Univeisity 2010): 1-179.
43 Daiby, Paul. Football, Colonial Doctiine and Indigenous Resistance: Mapping the Political Peisona of FIFA's Afiican
Constituency." Cultuie, Spoit, and Society 3, no. 1 (2000): 61-87.
46 FIFA. FIFA Statutes: Regulations Goveining the Application of the Statutes, May 2008.
22
Xan Avendano-Garro
Ignoring the Relevant: A Media Review
As a whole, the soccei industiy ieceives a tiemendous amount of media coveiage. Most
eveiy newspapei in Euiope has a spoit section that geneially focuses on soccei, and ofen
magazines entiiely dedicated to spoits outsell fashion, tabloid and daily news competitois.
47

Yet, in spite of the quantity of coveiage, it is veiy inteiesting to fnd that iemittances and
soccei have not been iefeienced togethei in any majoi news publications in the United
Kingdom oi Fiance since 1993. An investigation into aiticles that covei these issues ievealed
that not a single time has soccei been diiectly linked to the contempoiaiy topic of iemit-
tances. On one hand, it is exciting to aigue towaids flling this extiaoidinaiy gap in media
coveiage. At the same time, howevei, analyzing and sifing thiough thousands of aiticles
with any possible iefeiences to Afiican soccei playeis giving back to theii home commu-
nities is a task that would take much longei than the ieseaich time allotted foi this papei.
Teiefoie, my ieseaich shifed to a ieview of Te Guardian and Te Times, in which I focus
on the coveiage that these leading Biitish publications give to the Afiican soccei playei in
teims of migiation and the commitment to his countiy of oiigin, eithei via national piide
oi chaiity woik.
Media coveiage of migiation in the Euiopean laboi maiket most ofen focuses on the
movement of Euiopean playeis. Foi example, fiom 1993 to 2012 in Te Guardian, ovei
1,300 aiticles have been wiitten that iefeience a tiansfei" and Beckham" in the same ai-
ticle.
48
Te Afiican population, despite its size and ielevance, is mentioned many fewei
times. Within the context of soccei, Afiica(n)" and tiansfei" aie mentioned in the same
aiticle only 700 times since 1993, and the vast majoiity of those aiticles aie conceined
with Euiopean playei tiansfeis occuiiing aiound the time of the 2010 South Afiican Woild
Cup.
49
Teie aie, howevei, a select few aiticles that focus on playei migiation fiom Afiica,
some of them casting a negative light on the mattei.
Te gieat majoiity of aiticles appioach Afiican migiation with a peispective that fo-
cuses on the impact of the migiant Afiican playei on Euiopean society. Some jouinalists
appieciate the new diveisity on the feld while otheis aie stiongly opposed. One aiticle, foi
example, condemns the wave of Afiican soccei migiants, aiguing that they aie limiting the
numbei and success of homegiown Biitish playeis.
30
In the piece, this theoiy of migiation
is suppoited with a quote by Sepp Blattei, the standing piesident of FIFA, in which Blattei
states that Euiopean clubs who ieciuit young Afiican talent aie conducting themselves in-
cieasingly as neo-colonialists who don't give a damn about heiitage and cultuie but engage
47 MediaUK. Te most populai magazines in the UK," MediaUK.com, Octobei 13, 2009.
48 Accoiding to a text seaich of Beckham" and tiansfei" on Factiva, Accessed on Decembei 1, 2012.
49 Accoiding to a text seaich of Afiica" and tiansfei" on Factiva, Accessed on Decembei 1, 2012.
30 Bubble economy," Te Guaidian, Decembei 19, 2003. Factiva.
23
Following the Ball
in social and economic iape by iobbing the developing woild of its best playeis."
51
Blattei's
take on the issue is poitiayed in a numbei of othei aiticles as well. Foi instance, an aiticle
titled Football's biain diain" aigues that Biitish football may fnd it incieasingly dimcult
to piomote home-giown talent," and Euiopeans should instead be piomoting a iigoious
and piofessional football league in Afiica iathei than pinching theii playeis."
32
Tese pieces
iefect a populai opinion on the subject of migiation, but instead of acknowledging the ieal-
ity that soccei migiation is unlikely to change, they hide behind a veil of animosity.
On the othei hand, it is inteiesting to note that some pioponents of stiict migiation
contiol still suppoit the fiee movement of laboi in the soccei industiy. In an aiticle about
immigiation in Biitain, Phil Woolas, foimei immigiation ministei and suppoitei of the
contioveisial Biitish jobs foi Biitish woikeis" campaign, suipiisingly disagiees with the
notion that iestiicting migiant playeis would be good foi the game: You don't want to do
it because you don't want to iestiict people's enjoyment, and football has got bettei (fiom
the infux of foieign playeis)."
53
It is fascinating how Woolas' opinion completely changes in
ielation to soccei, one of his gieatest passions. Tis aiticle is especially impoitant because
it poitiays the issue of immigiation thiough a lens of soccei, a poweiful jouinalistic tactic
that has yet been used to iendei iemittances.
Additionally, aiticles in favoi of migiation ofen ieveal the ensuing Euiopean economic
and social benefts iathei than the Afiican ones. Foi example, in an aiticle fiom Te Times,
a New Laboui politician, Tievoi Phillips, states, It occuis to me that the Piemiei League
is the peifect metaphoi foi my message of managed migiation and active integiation . . . It
is now tuining ovei 2 billion a yeai and it couldn't have achieved this without the 62 of
playeis who aien't eligible to play foi England."
54
Once again, the focus of this aiticle is the
helpful impact of migiatoiy playeis on the Euiopean economy iathei than the Afiican oi
South Ameiican one. Te aiticle goes on to aigue that Afiican playeis have done a gieat
deal to expunge iacism fiom the [Biitish] national psyche," and the authoi claims that you
simply cannot cleave to a white supiemacist position when you'ie watching Tieiiy Heniy
oi Didiei Diogba slicing thiough the opposition."
3336
Evidently, Afiican playeis have posi-
tively afected Euiopean, paiticulaily Biitish, society, but what aie they doing foi Afiica:
Undeistandably, Biitish news souices concentiate on the Biitish side of Afiican infuence,
but that does not mitigate the impoitance of the Afiican side. Tough theie is not a diiect
51 Ibid.
32 Ellis-Jones, Maik. Football's biain diain," Te Guaidian, May 29, 2002. Factiva.
33 Baikham, Patiick. G2: 'You can't come in': Phil Woolas insists we have to 'bloody well' talk about immigiation - yet when-
evei the ministei opens his mouth, he is accused of pandeiing to iacism. Tat's iubbish, he tells Patiick Baikham - just like most
of the asylum claims that cluttei up his in-tiay," Te Guaidian, Novembei 18. LexisNexis.
34 Liddle, Rod. Te iich iiony of football," Te Times, May 4, 2008. LexisNexis.
55 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
24
Xan Avendano-Garro
link between playeis and iemittances, the media does piovide insight into the Afiican soccei
playei's ties to his countiy of oiigin.
Te African Commitment and National Identity
As pieviously mentioned, the piopensity to iemit and invest in Afiican society appeais
to be high in Afiican soccei playeis because of theii ties to theii home countiy. Reviewing
aiticles and inteiviews of Afiican best how the stiong national identity fosteied thiough the
soccei industiy can inciease iemittance potential. Tiough the compilation of inteiviews
and iepoits of Afiican soccei migiants, it is evident that the soccei piofession appeais to
fostei-oi at least coiielate with-a commitment to impiove the living standaids of Afiica.
Due to the concept of multiple nationalities that I iefeienced in an eailiei section, many
Afiican playeis aie given a choice of which countiy to iepiesent inteinationally. Tat deci-
sion tends to be veiy dimcult, and even if playeis pick one countiy ovei anothei, they still
tend to keep ties with both. Take the case of Kevin-Piince and Jeiome Boateng, half-biotheis
boin to the same Ghanaian fathei and iaised in Geimany.
37
As veiy successful soccei stais
with connections to both countiies, Piince chose to play foi Ghana while Jeiome elected
the Geiman squad.
38
As was the case with the Boateng biotheis, ofen times the decision of which countiy
to iepiesent depends on a playei's ability to make an elite team's iostei, and means little in
teims of the playei's dedication to his Afiican lineage. Foi example, Gabiiel Agbonlahoi, a
playei with a Nigeiian fathei and Scottish mothei, had a veiy tense conveisation with his
fathei ovei whethei to iepiesent Nigeiia oi England, his countiy of biith.
39
He and his fathei
decided on England, but Agbonlahoi maintains his connection with his fathei's homeland
and, when ofeied a place on the Nigeiian squad, he said, It's veiy fatteiing to be honest.
Eveiy playei wants to play inteinational football and I'm no difeient."
60
Tese aie only thiee
examples of an incieasing amount of playeis foiced to choose an allegiance on the soccei
feld, a veiy iecent phenomenon in the industiy. Teie is no infoimation on whethei the
Boateng biotheis oi Agbonlahoi intend to help the Afiican communities fiom which they
oiiginate, but theie aie veiy ievealing inteiviews with playeis that have chosen to do so.
Tough theie has not yet been a study ievealing the iemittance tendencies of the majoi-
ity of Afiican soccei playeis, many of the most successful playeis of Afiican descent aie de-
voted to aiding Afiica thiough chaiity piojects. Te ieason Afiican soccei playeis aie such
a potential foice foi economic development is theii unique ability to combine wealth with
a stiong emotional commitment to the iegion. Foi example, afei signing an adveitising
37 Duckei, James. Boateng's biotheily feud adds extia edge," Te Times, June 22, 2010.
38 Ibid.
39 Kempson, Russel. Agbonlahoi looking at widei pictuie with club and countiy," Te Times, Januaiy 29, 2008: 69. Pioquest.
60 Agbonlahoi Undecided on Nigeiia," BBC, Maich 8, 2007. Accessed on Decembei 1, 2012.
23
Following the Ball
contiact with Pepsi, Ivoiian supeistai Didiei Diogba pledged the entiie 3 million deal to-
waids building a hospital and oiphanage in the Ivoiy Coast.
61
Diogba, a passionate activist
in his home countiy, piominently uses his populaiity to speak on humanitaiian issues and
iun the Didiei Diogba Foundation, which has iisen ovei $1 million foi social development
piojects.
62
Additionally, teammates David James, Lomana LuaLua, and Sol Campbell seive as an-
othei example of soccei playeis looking to use theii wealth towaids positive change in devel-
oping countiies.
63
While on the tiaining giound, instead of talking about cais oi women, the
soccei stais weie iepoitedly shaiing ideas about theii chaiity piojects in Afiica. David James
told a iepoitei that [he] boied eveiyone foi two days about iiiigation issues [in Malawi]
and they told [him] to shut up in the end."
64
Tis passion to make an impact of the feld is
shaied by many playeis, paiticulaily but not limited to those of Afiican oiigin.
Emmanuel Adebayoi, the gieatest Togolese soccei playei of all time, says that he loves
ietuining to his home town, staying involved in the community, and visiting schools: A
lot of people in Afiica, if they see something on TV they think it's not possible foi them,
they think it's made up. I tell them that if you believe in youiself, you can be something."
63

Whethei playeis seive as ambassadois of hope oi foundeis of oppoitunity, theie aie suiely
hundieds of examples of the Afiican soccei playei's devotion to impioving the well-being
of his countiy.
Tough chaiities can be veiy benefcial and they ieceive much moie publicity than
iemittances, chaiity piojects aie ofen dimcult to sustain and have conficting inteiests. Foi
instance, David Obua, a Ugandan defendei in the Scottish Piemiei League and the leadei
of a soccei based development pioject in Uganda, is ciitical of many shoit-teim glamoui
aid endeavois: I've played in matches oiganized by NGOs and they aie usually a waste of
time," Obua says, People come out and get theii photos taken with smiling kids but then
they disappeai and, with no follow-up, the kids aie lef with bioken heaits."
66
Unfoitunately,
these consequences of many shoit-teim social development piojects aie not unusual.
67
Foi
that ieason, long-teim commitments to development may seive as moie useful indicatoi of
61 Good news foi Afiican football," Te Guaidian, Novembei 16, 2009, Accessed fiom Factiva.
62 McCall, Alastaii. Te gieat spoiting giveaway," Te Sunday Times, May 6, 2012.
63 James Wilson, Te iefoimed Spice Boy who sows hope in Afiica: David James piefeis to think of faims in Malawi than
Wags in Hummeis, he tells Jeiemy Wilson," Te Guaidian, August 19, 2006, Accessed fiom Factiva.
64 Ibid.
63 Jeiemy Wilson, Adebayoi seeks solace in Aisenal's futuie: Satuiday inteiview: Befoie tomoiiow's clash with Chelsea the
stiikei tells Jeiemy Wilson that moie consistency is key," Te Guaidian, May 3, 2007. Accessed fiom Factiva.
66 How football can help biing new hope to a neglected iegion of Uganda," Te Guaidian, May 1, 2009. Accessed fiom
Factiva.
67 Michael D Giaidina,. One Day, One Goal: PUMA, Coipoiate Philanthiopy and the Cultuial Politics of Biand 'Afiica'1," in
Spoit in Society 13, no. 1 (2010): 140.
26
Xan Avendano-Garro
soccei's potential as a development foice. Remittances aie the most consistent and ieliable
link between migiation and development, and they aie completed without the glam oi in-
tiinsic motivations associated with chaiity. Teiefoie, even though iemittance fows in the
soccei industiy have not been publicized at all, thoioughly studying this phenomenon could
have inciedible economic and social development implications.
Conclusion
Soccei has cleaily become a globalized game wheie eveiy countiy and individual in-
volved in the industiy can beneft. As a poition of the piofessional laboi foice, the Afiican
population continues to giow in both size and wealth. Outside of glamoui aid coveiage,
howevei, Westein media has focused mainly on the infuences of Afiican soccei playeis
in Euiopean societies. To captuie the development potential of the industiy, the question
must not be what Afiicans can do foi Euiopean soccei, but what Euiopean soccei can do
foi Afiicans. Teiefoie, the focus needs to shif fiom big-pictuie migiatoiy statistics to
the micioanalysis of individual iemittance and investment tendencies. Vincent Kompany,
a Belgian playei of Congolese descent, piovides an oveilooked aspect of a soccei playei's
chaiactei that has yet to be fully exploied:
I've seen people outside football who eain lots of money nevei give anything tochai-
ityand be piaised foi having a 'humble lifestyle' because maybe they don't diink. And I've
seen footballeis in theii 20s who fash money on cais oi champagne, but also build hospitals.
Te guy spending his cash in the nightclub could also be the guy helping a village in South
Ameiica.
68
Consideiing theii wealth, numbei, and passion foi the game of soccei and theii home
countiies, Afiican playeis could potentially seive as a mobilized foice foi economic devel-
opment. In many Afiican countiies, soccei is moie ingiained in the cultuie than education,
so using the spoit as an incentive to stay in school could be a successful foim of social devel-
opment that is cuiiently being expeiimented in a small selection of cases. Tough they need
to be studied moie closely, a selection of soccei academies that integiate foimal education
with athletic tiaining-such as ietiied soccei playei Patiick Vieiia's Diambais Academy in
Senegal-could be ciucial to cieating a consistent fow of Afiican soccei migiants. Tese
playeis could continue to take advantage of the wealth in Euiope and might even be able to
one day establish a vibiant soccei industiy within Afiica.
Tis papei, howevei, does not aigue foi a geneialized piesciiption foi soccei's iole in
economic and social development. Instead, this papei points towaids necessity of studying
the mattei moie closely in hopes of obtaining useful insight into the iole and ability of the
68 Noithciof, Jonothan. Good Kompany: Whethei talking spoit oi woild afaiis, Vincent Kompany is a footballei aimed
with opinions," Te Sunday Times Maich 14, 2010.
27
Following the Ball
Afiican soccei playei to make a difeience. Te statistics of migiant Afiican playeis cleaily
highlights a giowing population that appeais to be capable and willing to contiibute to the
economic development of Afiica. In oidei to think of innovative foims of development, the
phenomenon of migiant Afiican soccei playeis needs to be studied much moie extensively.
Foi these ieasons, it is vital that individual Afiican athletes be examined in a compie-
hensive feld study that measuies theii iemittance and investment tendencies. Remittances
fai exceed the total amount of omcial foieign aid distiibuted thioughout the Afiican con-
tinent, and, paiticulaily duiing times of political oi economic uniest, even a small amount
of money pei month seives as a lifeline foi millions of Afiican households.
69
Because they
have nevei been done befoie, studies of soccei playei iemittances could piovide a pictuie
of Afiica that links the soccei industiy with economic development. By flling this gap
in awaieness, new, innovative development piojects and futuie ieseaich that incoipoiates
soccei with genuine oppoitunities could become a ieality. Migiant Afiican playeis may
have followed the ball to the iiches of Euiope, but they aie also following it back to Afiica.
Without studying the Afiican economic impact of the soccei industiy, a potentially vital
development foice will nevei be fully undeistood.
69 Sending Money Home to Afiica: Remittance maikets, enabling enviionments and piospects," IFAD: 2010, 2.
28
Xan Avendano-Garro
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Explaining Jewish Terrorism in Mandatory Palestine
A Case Study of Midlarskys Ephemeral Gains Teory
Sean McGuiie
Why do some minority ethnic, religious, or cultural groups turn violent against a regions
ruling majority, while others do not? Dr. Manus I. Midlarskys theory of ephemeral gains pro-
vides a framework to analyze and answer this question, and this paper provides a case study
to test the theory. Te British gained control of Mandatory Palestine in 1920, and adopted
pro-Jewish policies that cleared the way for the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948.
However, the Jewish population in the region actively and violently resisted British rule begin-
ning in 1939. Midlarskys theory predicts such violence to emerge following a signifcant expan-
sion in a minority groups authority space, followed by a sudden and unexpected contraction.
Tis paper charts the history of Jewish authority space in Palestine from the Ottoman period
through the Mandatory period. It fnds that Midlaskys pattern accurately describes the confict
in the region.
Keywords: British Mandate for Palestine, ephemeral gains, terrorism, religious violence,
Israel
Introduction
On Monday, July 22, 1946, an explosion iocked the King David Hotel in Jeiusalem, kill-
ing ninety-one people and leaving foity-six wounded. Teie has been no deadliei teiioiist
bombing in the iegion befoie oi since.
1
Te hotel was the seat of the Biitish goveinment
of Mandatoiy Palestine and the headquaiteis of the local aimy gaiiison. Te bombing was
caiiied out by the Iigun, a Jewish Zionist extiemist gioup headed by futuie Isiaeli Piime
Ministei Menachem Begin, as pait of a laigei campaign of violence against the Biitish.
2
At fist glance, this attack and the laigei violence it iepiesents might make little sense.
It is not intuitive foi the Jewish population to tuin against theii benefactois, the Biitish.
With the Balfoui Declaiation of 1917, Biitain publicly endoised the Zionist movement and
made the cieation of a Jewish state in Palestine an omcial goal of Biitish foieign policy. Ovei
the two decades following Biitain's assumption of contiol of Mandatoiy Palestine in 1920,
Biitain began allowing laige-scale Jewish immigiation and enacted a seiies of policies that
heavily beneftted the buigeoning Jewish population. Te Biitish also fought against Nazi
1 Michael B. Oien Powei, Faith, and Fantasy: Ameiica in the Middle East, 1776 to the piesent. New Yoik: W.W. Noiton & Co.,
2007. 270. Piint.
2 Tom. One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Aiabs undei the Mandate. New Yoik: Metiopolitan Books, 2000. Piint.
Si: McGUivi graduated from the University of Southern California in
December 2013 with degrees in International Relations and Economics.
34
Sean McGuire
Geimany in Woild Wai II; when knowledge of the Holocaust fist began spieading aiound
mid-1942, and some factions of Jewish suppoit foi the Biitish only giew stiongei. Tis is
seen, foi example, in the cieation of the Jewish Biigade of the Royal Aimy in 1944. What,
then, explains the emeigence of laige-scale violence by othei Jewish gioups against the
Biitish in Palestine in the 1940s:
Di. Manus I. Midlaisky, scholai of inteinational ielations and political science at Rutgeis
Univeisity, has developed a theoiy to explain why some minoiity ethnic oi ieligious gioups
tuin violent against a contiolling majoiity, while otheis do not. Tis papei aigues that his
theoiy, which centeis on the idea of the ephemeial gain," piovides consideiable explana-
toiy powei when biought to beai upon the events in Palestine in the 1940s. It begins with
a biief exploiation of the theoiy, outlining its piinciples and defning its teims. Tis papei
closely examines the key events in Palestine, vis--vis the Jewish population, between the
peiiod of Ottoman iule and the Biitish withdiawal in 1948. Te pattein of events is found
to closely match Midlaisky's piediction and thus to stiengthen his theoiy. Tis papei closes
with a biief discussion of the implications of this fnding.
Teory
Midlaisky defnes an ephemeial-tempoiaiy-gain as existing when a seveie loss oi the
thieat of its imminent occuiience (teiiitoiy, population), typically peiceived as a catastiophe, is
pieceded by a peiiod of societal gain, which in tuin was pieceded by a peiiod of suboidination."
3
Midlaisky identifes two key vaiiables that jointly deteimine whethei an ephemeial gain
has taken place. Te fist of these vaiiables he calls authoiity space", which he defnes
as the piopoition of society ovei which goveinmental infuence legitimately extends."
4
Expansions and contiactions in authoiity space aie an easily measuied metiic foi appioxi-
mating the impiovements and declines of a smallei gioup's oveiall secuiity within a laigei
population. Te moie infuence a gioup has, the moie it insulates itself fiom dangeis poised
by the laigei population. Te conveise is also tiue.
Te second vaiiable is time. A shif in powei dynamics with feeting efects is gen-
eially one that occuis due to a sudden event. Tese changes aie most ofen coiie-
lated with victoiies oi defeats in wai, when a gioup may suddenly fnd itself gain-
ing oi losing contiol of signifcant swaths of teiiitoiy. Tese sudden changes aie
suipiising, and the emotional intensity associated with diamatic losses can lead to in-
tense and violent ieactions. Midlaisky ieminds his ieadeis that [e]motional ieac-
tions to a sudden loss oi the thieat of imminent loss can yield extiemist consequences."
5
3 Manus I. Midlaisky Teiiitoiiality and the Onset of Mass Violence: Te Political Extiemism of Joseph Stalin." Jouinal of
Genocide Reseaich 11.2 (2009): 263-283. Routledge. Web. Retiieved 19 Oct. 2013
4 Ibid, 10.
3 Midlaisky Teiiitoiiality and the Onset of Mass Violence: Te Political Extiemism of Joseph Stalin." 209
35
A gain that tuins out to be ephemeial is theiefoie likely to fostei violent ieactions piecisely
because of the suddenness of the loss.
Figuie 1 demonstiates this situation visually. A solid and substantial gain inteiiupts a
peiiod of eithei decline oi suboidination. It is followed by a loss of that authoiity space and
a ieveision back to a suboidinated state. Following this peiiod of loss, violence is likely to
emeige.
In examining the expeiience of Jewish inhabitants of Palestine befoie and duiing the
Mandate yeais, theie is an evident pattein of an ephemeial gain that would piesage the
iise of extiemist violence, as Midlaisky's theoiy piedicts. A long peiiod of suboidination
and limited, localized autonomy undei Ottoman iule piecedes a substantial expansion of
Jewish authoiity space with the Balfoui Declaiation and the fall of the Ottoman Empiie.
Subsequently, the Jewish community in Palestine expeiienced a qualitative loss and the feai
of an imminent and substantial defeat when the Biitish issue the White Papei of 1939
Data
Te Ottoman Empiie iuled Palestine in the peiiod immediately pieceding the estab-
lishment of the Biitish Mandate. Te natuie and extent of Jewish authoiity space in Palestine
Gain
Decline
Suboidination
Loss
A
u
t
h
o
i
i
t
y

S
p
a
c
e
Time
Figure 1: Changes in authoiiy space ovei time
Source: Midlaisky in James 2011, p. 130
36
Sean McGuire
duiing the peiiod of Ottoman iule was not autonomous but livable. Undei an aiiangement
known as the millet system, Jewish and Chiistian communities submitted to the iule of the
Muslim-majoiity Empiie and paid special taxes in exchange foi state piotection and limited
autonomy. Foi the Jews, this condition was a substantial impiovement ovei the widespiead
peisecution they ioutinely expeiienced in Euiope, as many fed the Continent to settle in
the iegions of Anatolia (modein-day Tuikey), Syiia, and Palestine, all undei the authoiity of
the Ottoman Empiie. As Kaien Baikey wiites, Ottomans took piide in theii cosmopolitan
and pluialistic foiesight on iule.in this bioad empiie, Jews feeing peisecution in Euiope
found a welcoming sultan." Te Sultan allowed Jewish communities to exist, sepaiate and
piotected, moie oi less unmolested by state authoiities.
6
Tis system allow[ed] foi enough
space, movement and paiallel alteinative stiuctuies to maintain a divided, yet cohesive and
toleiant impeiial society."
7
Howevei, meie toleiance is not a sumcient condition foi tiue autonomy. While Jewish
communities may have enjoyed moie secuiity in the Ottoman Empiie than they did
thioughout Euiope and elsewheie, they weie by no means equal citizens, and weie still
suboidinate to the Muslim majoiity. Jews and Chiistians weie only peimitted to maintain
theii piotected millet status if they paid a paiticulai tax, and weie made to iecognize the
supeiioiity of Islam." Tese conditions cleaily limited the piactical extent of Jewish self-iule.
Despite theii piotected status, they existed as a suboidinated class, socially beneath the Aiab
cultuie in which they weie immeised. Because of these conditions, Baikey desciibes theii
communities as sepaiate" and unequal." She continues, Jews and Chiistians weie foibid-
den to build houses tallei than Muslim ones, iide hoises oi build new houses of woiship.
Tey also had to abide by iules of conduct and diess. Tey had to make way foi Muslims,
and engage in continuous acts of defeience."
8
It is also impoitant to note that, although the isolated communities weie moie oi less
peimitted to self-govein, Jews and Chiistians had no say in the afaiis of the empiie. Tey
could not paiticipate in goveinment oi civil institutions, and thus cannot be said to have
enjoyed any degiee of soveieignty. Teii authoiity space extended only to the edge of theii
villages -subject to iestiictions even then - and theii status was tenuous: the Ottoman gov-
einment could have issued a ievocation of the millets' piotected status at a moment's notice,
and the communities would have been poweiless to defend themselves.
Tis was the status of the Jewish communities in Palestine up until Woild Wai I when
Biitish and hei allies defeated the Ottoman Empiie iesulting in its dissolution in 1919. In
what noted histoiian Ussama Samii Makdisi desciibes as an old-style colonial division
6 Kaien Baikley. Islam and Toleiation: Studying the Ottoman Impeiial Model." Inteinational Jouinal of Politics, Cultuie, and
Society 19.1 (2003): 3-19. Spiingei. Web. Retiieved 22 Nov. 2013.
7 Ibid, 13.
8 Ibid, 16.
37
of spoils," Fiance took contiol of Syiia and Lebanon, while Biitain took Palestine and
Tiansjoidan. Te Biitish then began to fulfll the piomise made in the Balfoui Declaiation of
1917, and Palestine," wiites Makdisi, was opened up to foieign Euiopean Jewish settleis."
9
On Novembei 2, 1917, the Biitish Foieign Secietaiy, Aithui James Balfoui, de-
liveied a lettei to Baion Waltei Rothschild, a close associate of the Zionist Fedeiation
of Gieat Biitain and Iieland. In this lettei, which came to be known as the Balfoui
Declaiation, the Biitish goveinment declaied that His Majesty's Goveinment
view with favoi the establishment in Palestine of a national home foi the Jewish
people" and would puisue policy to facilitate the achievement of this object."
10
With this declaiation, the Biitish goveinment omcially endoised political Zionism, the
movement to establish a soveieign, national home foi the Jewish people. Until this point,
Zionism had attiacted much attention and suppoit among intellectuals and ievolutionai-
ies thioughout Euiope, but no omcial iecognition-and ceitainly no endoisement-fiom
national goveinments. Te Balfoui Declaiation changed that. Michael Oien obseives that
the declaiation, [i]n spite of its ambiguities and disclaimeis.was widely inteipieted as
a commitment to ensuie Jewish statehood and as an unqualifed tiiumph foi Zionism."
11
And a tiiumph it was. Te Jewish population in Palestine quickly swelled as the Biitish
began allowing immigiation fiom Euiope. As a iesult, the Bitish enacted a seiies of policies
designed to beneft the buigeoning national homeland. Makdisi wiites that they adminis-
tiatively, politically, and militaiily established the basis foi a Jewish state in Palestine: Tey
categoiically iefused constitutional oi demociatic iule; they gave Hebiew the same status
as Aiabic; they piivileged Euiopean Jewish employees with highei salaiies than theii Aiab
counteipaits; and they allowed Jews an autonomous administiation."
12
As a iesult of these policies, Jewish authoiity space in Palestine was gieatly en-
hanced. No longei confned to small, segiegated communities wheie they weie tolei-
ated in exchange foi complete obedience and fnancial penance, the Jews now enjoyed
consideiable powei to iegulate theii own afaiis. Teii communities blossomed, local
economies giew, they established schools, synagogues, and signifcant civil infiastiuc-
tuie, and, with Biitish oveisight, established the fist all-Jewish police foice in the iegion.
Most ciucially," wiites Makdisi, the Biitish kept the countiy open to Jewish immigia-
tion" despite Mandate's designation of the Biitish as advisois to the Palestinian iegion.
13
9 Ussama Samii Makdisi,. Faith Misplaced: Te Bioken Piomise of U.S.-Aiab Relations: 1820-2003. New Yoik: PublicAfaiis,
2010. 131-132. Piint.
10 Oien, Michael B. Powei, Faith, and Fantasy: Ameiica in the Middle East, 1776 to the piesent. New Yoik: W.W. Noiton &
Co., 2007. 362. Piint.
11 Ibid, 362.
12 Ibid, 171-172.
13 Makdisi, Faith Misplaced: Te Bioken Piomise of U.S.-Aiab Relations: 1820-2003,172.
38
Sean McGuire
Undei the Mandate system, Biitain was technically supposed to help the local population es-
tablish an independent goveinment, not iuling a colony. But the adoption of the pio-Jewish
immigiation policy destioyed any semblances of neutiality and cleaily did not take into ac-
count the wishes of the Aiab majoiity. Makdisi wiites that until 1939 they [the Biitish] made
no efoit.to pietend that they weie shepheiding the existing population to independence."
14
Biitish iule in this peiiod was unquestionably benefcial to the Jewish population, and
unquestionably damaging foi the Aiabs, who saw theii piivileged status eioded. Fiom the
establishment of the Biitish Mandate until 1939, the Jewish population in Palestine enjoyed
the gieatest extent of its authoiity space until the declaiation of Isiael's independence in
1948.
Te Aiabs in Palestine, 1936 Fieicely opposed to Biitish policy, which they peiceived as
patently unfaii, held a geneial stiike fiom Apiil to Octobei. Te political seveiity of this action,
notwithstanding the substantial economic impact, foiced the Biitish to ieevaluate theii po-
sition. Te Biitish subsequently sent the Peel Commission to investigate the causes of Aiab
discontent. Te Commission iecommended paititioning Palestine into Aiab and Jewish na-
tions, with a small coiiidoi between Jeiusalem and Jafa iemaining undei inteinational con-
tiol. Te Aiab leadeiship iejected the plan and Jewish opinion iemained divided, but in 1939
the point became moot when Biitain backpedaled. In a White Papei published in May of that
yeai, the Biitish tiied again to placate the Aiabs by iejecting the Peel Commission's paitition
plan and declaied instead that Palestine was to have an independent goveinment in ten yeais'
time and that the numbei of Jewish immigiants to Palestine was to be diastically cuitailed."
15
Te 1939 White Papei also viitually eliminated Jewish land puichases in Palestine" and
accoided the Aiabs viitual veto powei ovei additional immigiation" (Oien 430). Despite
its intentions, howevei, the Biitish goveinment's concession to Aiab aspiiations was too
little too late."
16
Te White Papei of 1939 maiks a sudden end to the peiiod of expanded Jewish au-
thoiity space in Palestine; it is the loss that makes the Jews' pievious gain an ephemei-
al one. Te Jews within Palestine suddenly found themselves unable to puichase land,
and those wishing to immigiate found the dooi slammed shut. Coming as it did on the
heels of signifcant advances, this loss was suipiising and salient and, theiefoie, all the
moie painful. Midlaiky wains that losses of this natuie aie paiticulaily likely to pio-
duce violent iesponses. Uigent action," he explains, is then iequiied against the pu-
nitive ofendei to iediess the loss, oi at least to act quickly to pievent fuithei loss."
17
Tis point is especially salient given the timing of the Biitish declaiation. Woild Wai II,
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid, 178-179.
16 Ibid.
17 Midlaisky Teiiitoiiality and the Onset of Mass Violence: Te Political Extiemism of Joseph Stalin, 268)
39
with all of its associated hoiiois and exteiminations, began in Septembei of 1939, just foui
months afei the publication of the White Papei. Te Jews of Euiope suddenly found them-
selves facing the teiiifying piospect of complete exteimination. Foi the duiation of the wai,
though, the Biitish immigiation policy iemained in efect, and the ielatively few Jewish
people who did manage to fee the Nazi juggeinaut found themselves unable to seek iefuge
in Palestine.
But even befoie Woild Wai II began, the Jewish ieaction to the White Papei was hos-
tile and immediate, tiue to Midlaisky's piediction. Accoiding to Isiaeli histoiian Tom
Segev, Te new policy embitteied Jews eveiywheie.Teie weie hostile newspapei ai-
ticles, declaiations, stiikes, and demonstiations, and some weie suppiessed violently."
18
Motivated by the White Papei, some moie iadical stiipes of Jewish society began stiiking out at
Biitish installations, and the Mandatoiy goveinment faced an incieasingly violent Zionist insu

igency" which caiiied out seveial attacks against Biitish goveinment installations, blow-
ing up telephone booths and planting mines in the cential post omce in Jeiusalem."
19
Te violence only spiead as the unfolding Euiopean tiagedy and the hoiiois of the
Holocaust became moie widely known. By the eaily 1940s, the Zionists viewed [the 1939
White Papei] as a subveision of the Jewish national ievival in Palestine and the abandon-
ment of Euiopean Jewiy to theii Nazi peisecutoi."
20
In iesponse to the giowing insuiiection, the Biitish conducted Opeiation Agatha,"
which the Jews came to call Black Sabbath."
21
Villages weie iaided, weapons stashes
confscated, and thiee thousand Jews aiiested, but it did not succeed in putting a stop
to the violence; iathei, the opeiation exaceibated it. Foui weeks afei Opeiation Agatha,
a Jewish militant gioup known as the Iigun, headed by a futuie Piime Ministei of
Isiael, Menachem Begin, caiiied out a massive bombing" of the King David Hotel in
Jeiusalem.
22
Te South Wing, housing the goveinment secietaiiat, was completely de-
stioyed, with ninety-one fatalities.
23
Tis paiticulai attack is signifcant only foi its scale: it
was ceitainly not the fnal act of anti-Biitish violence in Mandatoiy Palestine. It is, how-
evei, a useful symbol of how divided the Biitish and the Jews had become, and it seives
as a defnitive maik on Midlaisky's piedicted timeline of events. Te King David Hotel
bombing seives as unequivocal evidence that, by 1946, the Jewish population in Palestine
had tuined against the Biitish Mandatoiy goveinment, despite seveial yeais of benefcial
18 Segev, One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Aiabs undei the Mandate , 440.
19 Ibid, 441.
20 Millei, Roiy. 'An Oiiental Iieland': Tinking About Palestine in Teims of the Iiish Question duiing the Mandatoiy Eia."
Biitain, Palestine and Empiie: Te Mandate Yeais. Ed. Roiy Millei. Fainham: Ashgate, 2010. 169. Piint.
21 Segev One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Aiabs undei the Mandate, 478.
22 Makdisi Faith Misplaced: Te Bioken Piomise of U.S.-Aiab Relations: 1820-2003, 188.
23 Segev, One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Aiabs undei the Mandate, 478.
40
Sean McGuire
policies and fiiendly ielationships. Te application of ephemeial gains theoiy explains
these events iemaikably well. A peiiod of suboidination undei the Ottomans was intei-
iupted by a peiiod of substantial gains undei the Biitish, which came to a sudden end
with the White Papei of 1939.
Conclusions
Midlaisky's idea is useful because it takes into consideiation long-teim causes of vio-
lence, not meiely shoit-teim tiiggeis. It is ingenious in iecognizing that, peihaps countei-
intuitively, an expansion of authoiity space can actually contiibute to a gioup's embiace
of violence. In evaluating whethei Midlaisky's theoiy matches the obseivations in this
case study, the caieful obseivei is foiced to ask: if the Biitish had not issued the Balfoui
Declaiation; if they had not established Hebiew as a national language; if they had not pei-
mitted the establishment of an all-Jewish police foice; if they had, instead, allowed a tiny
Jewish community to exist in Palestine moie oi less as it had done undei the Ottomans,
without any special tieatment oi biased immigiation policies, would a violent Jewish insui-
iection still have emeiged: Would the White Papei of 1939 still have elicited so bloody a
iesponse: Te Jewish population had, afei all, enduied such iestiictions on theii fieedom
Ottoman Peiiod:
Millet system
Biitish Peiiod:
immigiation signifcant
Biitish White Papei of 1939
and emeigence of violence
1920 1939
A
u
t
h
o
i
i
t
y

S
p
a
c
e
Time (not to scale)
Figure 2: Changes in Jewish authoiity space in Palestine
41
foi seveial geneiations undei Ottoman iule, and could haidly have expected the fantastic
gains they would enjoy undei the Biitish.
Instead, the White Papei tiiggeied the ieaction it did piecisely because it was a seveiely
detiimental, and unexpected, development foi the Jews in a long line of developments that
had beneftted them. Te salience and seveiity of the peiceived loss in 1939 helps to explain
the violent ieaction to it. Te Biitish, no mattei what piioi suppoit they had lent the Zionist
cause, weie now its enemy. By pieventing the immigiation of fuithei Jews and putting a
stop to land puichases, the Biitish appeaied to be abandoning the Jews to whatevei fate an
ominous Euiope-wheie Kristallnacht was a meie fve months old-had in stoie foi them.
Foi those lucky enough to have the means to escape, Palestine was the only place they could
go-and when the immigiation iestiiction came into efect, they had no options lef.
Less than two yeais afei the King David Hotel bombing, the Biitish would completely
withdiaw fiom Palestine and the State of Isiael would be declaied, ofeiing peimanent citi-
zenship to any and all Jewish peisons in the woild who wish to claim it. It is easy to foiget,
with the beneft of hindsight, that none of this was ceitain foi Jews at the time, and in 1939
may have seemed extiaoidinaiily unlikely. Peihaps the tiepidation with which the Biitish
goveinment's 1939 White Papei tiiggeied foi the Jews of Palestine cannot be appieciated
today. Even without consideiing the complex and contentious ieligious and cultuial feelings
behind the establishment of a Jewish national home, it is easy to undeistand why violence
emeiged so quickly afei the Biitish plunged the futuie of Jewish autonomy into doubt.
Tis sequence of events lends fuithei suppoit to Midlaisky's insightful theoiy of how an
impiovement in a minoiity gioup's position may actually lead to violence if it pioves to be
impeimanent.
42
Sean McGuire
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Women in Central American Guerilla Movements
An Examination of Nigaragua, El Salvador, and Cuba
Siobhan Biown
Tis paper is an examination of the changing roles of women in Latin American guerrilla
movements in the late 20th century, focusing in particular on studies of Nicaragua, El Salva-
dor, and Cuba. Te arguments will focus on socioeconomic changes, a changing ideological
landscape, and the personal situations of each individual guerrilla as motivating factors for
militant or non-militant action. Socioeconomically, the impacts of import substitution indus-
trialization (ISI) on urban migration and community organization served to encourage and
provide support for guerrilla mobilization. Ideological changes in feminist theory, guerrilla
warfare strategy, and the emergence of liberation theology domestically and internationally
proved to promote more militant guerrilla action in Nicaragua and El Salvador. Ultimately,
individual infuences such as family involvement and specifc external pressures proved to be
the catalysts.
Despite the fact that women have played signifcant ioles in gueiiilla movements foi de-
cades, theii emeigence in combat ioles is a ielatively new phenomenon that pioved ciucial
in numeious Latin Ameiican iesistance campaigns duiing the 1960s and 1970s. Tis papei
will examine the conditions undei which females became militant and the positions they
played within gueiiilla movements. Nicaiagua and El Salvadoi will be used as case studies
to illustiate potential motivating factois foi militancy, and the lack of similai factois in Cuba
will seive as a counteipoint.
Fiist, this papei will discuss the iole of socioeconomic shifs within the state, paiticu-
laily in iefeience to a changing agiicultuial industiy and the iesulting mass uiban migia-
tion movement. Second, it will examine the changing ideological landscape of the globe
and Latin Ameiica as a iegion in teims of feminism, libeiation theology, and tiansitioning
theoiies of efective gueiiilla waifaie. Finally, it will take a moie peisonal look at the pai-
ticulai netwoiks, family backgiounds, and exteinal piessuies of Nicaiaguan and Salvadoian
gueiiillas as potential catalysts foi the movement fiom non-violent dissent, such as that
demonstiated by female Cuban gueiiillas, to militant action.
Te natuie of the economic change within Latin Ameiica duiing the mid 20
th
centuiy
biought tiemendous social change that iesulted in a widespiead shif in family stiuctuie,
mass migiation to uiban aieas, and the establishment of community ties among women. Te
peiiod of impoit subsidized industiialization (ISI) within Latin Ameiica meant a diastic
Siovu: Bvow is a junior at McGill University in Montreal, Quebec. She
is majoring in Political Science and minoring in History and International
Development Studies.
44
Siobhan Brown
iestiuctuiing of the agiicultuial sectoi. Te piivatization of small-scale land holdings by
elites foi the mass pioduction of specifc agiicultuial goods and cash ciops biought huge
changes foi the iuial woik foice.
1
Demand incieased foi a seasonal and non-laboi inten-
sive woikfoice, and the feice competition foi a ielatively small numbei of positions meant
decieased wages.
2
As a iesult, laige numbeis of men who weie moie likely to pioft fiom
agiicultuial woik and less likely to take on the piimaiy childcaie iole lef theii families in
seaich of iuial woik; this lef women as the piimaiy piovideis foi theii childien at home.
3

Afei a while, many men became demoialized in the face of giowing poveity oi met new
women," nevei to ietuin home.
4
So how would this afect women's eventual involvement in gueiiilla movements: When
faced with the challenge of pioviding foi theii families without a spouse, many women ie-
soited to migiating to uiban centeis foi job oppoitunities.
5
Te iesult would be an incieased
involvement in the laboi sectoi and othei community oiganizations - mainly based aiound
family caie - both of which would latei piove to be ciucial mediums foi ieciuitment into
gueiiilla foices.
6
Te emeigence of single-female headed households would have substantial
efects on community oiganization, subsequent mobilization, and familial ties.
Te changing economies of Latin Ameiican countiies, an evolution diiven by ISI,
meant the abandonment of many women by theii husbands and a iesulting mass uiban
migiation. Te diive to the laboi foice as a means of pioviding foi theii families as well as
theii mobilization within female suppoit communities piovided a necessaiy oiganizational
base foi gueiiilla movements that would follow. Accoiding to Feiiee and Meullei, women
had now assumed masculine" ioles of household heads, laboi woikeis, and political ac-
tivists while maintaining theii feminine" piioiities of childcaie, household suivival, and
social welfaie.
7
Te combination of these two would encouiage theii involvement in social
activism.
Tis tiend emeiged both within countiies that would fostei militant female gueiilla
movements, such as in Nicaiagua and El Salvadoi, and non-militant countiies, such as in
Cuba. Te migiation that iesulted fiom the diastic shif in the economic sectoi meant that
the population of Managua, Nicaiagua's capital city, leapt fiom 110,000 in 1930 to 662,000
1 Norma Stoltz Chinchilla, Women in Revolutionarv Movements, (Michigan State University, 1983), 6.
2 Karen Kampwirth, Women and Guerrilla Movements, (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002), 24.
3 Ibid, 23.
4 Ibid, 23.
5 Jocelyn S. Viterna, 'Pushed, Pulled, and Persuaded: Explaining Women`s Mobilization in the Salvadoran Guerrilla
Movement, The American Journal of Sociologv 12.1, (2006), 4.
6 Linda RieI-Labao, 'Women in Latin American Guerrilla Movements: A Comparative Perspective, Comparative Politics
18.2, (1986), 148-69.
7 Myra Marx Ferree and Carol Mueller, Feminist Organi:ations. Harvest of the New Womens Movement, (OxIord:
Blackwell, 1995), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 8.
45
Women in Central American Guerrilla Movements
in 1980.
8
Many of the women included in these numbeis joined the laboi foice to piovide
foi theii families, and as a iesult came to make up 29 of the total woik foice in 1977, a 13
jump fiom 1930.
9
Tis involvement in the woikfoice piovided an ideal medium foi bioadei
community involvement and the expiession of discontent, one which was not only limited
to motheis. Emilia, a woman inteiviewed by Kaien Kampwiith in the extensive ieseaich foi
hei book Women and Guerrilla Movements, details how she was foiced to get a job at a young
age upon hei aiiival in the city because hei mothei could not suppoit the family alone.
10
In Cuba too, the shif could be seen. Land concentiation and mass migiation
took place due to a giowing demand foi specifc agiicultuial pioducts in the inteinational
maiket, especially sugai. Te goveinment was a stiong pioponent foi elites hoping to take
contiol of small faims - as much can be iefected in the 73 success iate of elites in theii
eviction lawsuits against faimeis.
11
Te high iates of gueiiilla involvement in the Sieiia
Maestia iegion weie no coincidence.
12
It is telling that they coincided with high iates of
eviction of the iuial class. Neveitheless, despite having similai domestic economic changes,
women weie less diastically afected by the changes in Cuba. Teie was a fai smallei pei-
centage of female-headed households in Cuba: 14 as opposed to the estimates of 23 in
othei Latin Ameiican countiies.
13
Evidence of the implications of this can be obseived in
a changing familial stiuctuie iefected by a study conducted on students involved in the
Batista Movement in Cuba. It stiessed an incieased likelihood of youth paiticipation whilst
fiee fiom family contiol as a deciding factoi foi paiticipation.
14
Family stiuctuie played a
key iole in mobilization, and was diamatically alteied due to a change in domestic economic
policy.
Similai, albeit less pionounced, socioeconomic changes occuiied in Cuba as did in
Nicaiagua and El Salvadoi, yet a dissonance between female gueiiilla involvements was
still pionounced; logically, othei factois must be needed to explain the phenomena. It is
aigued that ideological as well as peisonal difeiences aie the key factois towaids building
an undeistanding of the natuie of women's iesistance in Latin Ameiica. Te global awaie-
ness of feminism, the iegional movements towaids libeial theology, and the shif away fiom
8 Carlos Vilas, Between Earthquakes and Jolcanoes. Market, State and the Revolutions in Central America, (New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1995), 59.
9 David T Mason, 'Women`s Participation in Central American Revolutions, Comparative Political Studies 25.1, (1992), 74.
10 Kampwirth, Women and Guerrilla Movements, 28.
11 Timothy P Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America. A Comparative Studv of Insurgents and
Regimes Since 1956, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 119.
12 Ibid.
14 Jaime Suchlicki, Universitv Students and Revolution in Cuba, 1920-1968, (Coral Gables: University oI Miami Press,
1969), 79.
46
Siobhan Brown
foquismo style waifaie, aie thiee essential ideological shifs that may help explain why mili-
tant female gueiiillas emeiged in some countiies and not in otheis.
Tough all thiee gueiiilla movements took place in a similai timefiame, the impact of
those few yeais between the Cuban Revolution and the iesistance movements in Nicaiagua
and El Salvadoi aie momentous. Te ievolutionaiy ideologies of the lattei weie combined
with a global difusion of feminist thought" that was not seen duiing the time of the Cuban
Revolution.
15
Even though it was not cited as a piimaiy causal factoi of female gueiiillas
in Kampwiith's woik, the impact that these feminist ideologies had on society in geneial,
including the male leadeis of the gueiiilla movements, should not be undeivalued. Many
of the men who weie pioponents of women's iights within Nicaiagua had contact with
Ameiican and Euiopean movements that suppoited feminist ideals.
16
Te countless femi-
nist publications and media that weie ciiculating at the time would still infuence those that
did not have inteinational contacts. Books such as Maigaiet Randall's Cuban Women Now
(La Mujer Cuban de Hoy) weie cited as being one of ten books FSNL gueiiillas had access
to while they weie undeigiound.
17
Te iole of the chuich and its libeiation theology also played a ciucial iole in mobilizing
the masses and cieating a foium foi community oiganization. Women within the chuich as
well as those involved on a community level have emphasized the impact of the chuich on
theii social awaieness. Doiotea Wilson, one of the thiee women to sit on the FSLN National
Diiectoiate as of 1990, had woiked with the cleigy, and stated that hei contact with them
had made hei take a ciitical look at poveity and injustice in Nicaiagua.
18
Mauia Claike, an
activist who lef hei convent to live and woik with the pooi, also looked to hei expeiiences
with the chuich's lefist theology as pivotal in hei opinions of the state.
19

Te chuich also had an impact at an oiganizational level as well as theological level. Te
CEBs, oi Chuich Based Communities, that held suppoit in many Latin Ameiican countiies
duiing the time of widespiead iesistance became easy taigets foi gueiiilla ieciuitment.
20

Ofentimes, the iesult of theii piesence was that pooi people weie mobilized to piayei,
analysis, and ofen iadical action."
21
Women in paiticulai would look to these communities,
as mentioned eailiei, foi familial suppoit. Fuitheimoie, as husbands ofentimes disagieed
15 RieI-Labao, 'Women in Latin American Guerrilla Movements, 148-69.
16 Chinchilla, Women in Revolutionarv Movements, 4.
17 Margaret Randall, Sandinos Daughters. Testimonies of Nicaraguan Women in Struggle, (Vancouver: New Star Books,
1981).
19 Ibid.
20 Tommie Sue Montgomery, 'Liberation and Revolution: Christianity as a Subversive Activity in Central America, Trouble
in Our Backvard. Central America and the United States in the Eighties, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), 92.
47
with theii wives paiticipation in such oiganizations, the iesulting makeup of the CEBs was
commonly single women who, it has been aigued, weie moie likely to paiticipate in guei-
iilla iesistance.
22
Te Medellin Confeience held between bishops in 1968 is ofen cited as the biith of lib-
eiation theology, an event that took place post-Cuban Revolution.
23
In the 1930s Cuba had
the lowest peicentage of piacticing Catholics in all of Latin Ameiica, and the chuich was in
no way as socially outspoken as those duiing the following decade.
24
Te institutional paial-
lels to CEBs found in the Catholic Action and the Young Catholic Woikeis oiganizations of
Cuba may have disagieed with ceitain injustices cieated by Batista, but they made a point
of not advocating openly foi social oi economic change.
23
When the testaments of paiticu-
laily piominent women within the Nicaiaguan iesistance movement aie taken into account,
combined with evidence of the stiong impact of the CEBs on community oiganization and
mobilization, it suggests that the lack of a similai piesence in Cuba may have cieated a void
foi women in society that was haid to fll.
Finally, the shif in militaiy stiategy that took place in Latin Ameiica post-Cuban
Revolution meant that a small, elite gioup of ievolutionaiies was dismissed in favoi of a
mass-mobilization appioach, making women moie susceptible to ieciuitment. Statements
made by key leadeis within the Cuban iesistance movement make cleai the selective piocess
of gueiiilla ieciuitment conceining women. Take foi example, Che Guevaia:
it is desiiable to iemove as many combatants as possible who do not possess indispens-
able physical chaiacteiistics...in this stage a woman can peifoim hei habitual tasks of
peacetime; it is veiy pleasing to a soldiei subjected to the extiemely haid conditions
of this life to be able to look foiwaid to a seasoned meal which tastes like something."
In the attempt to seize Maconda, women weie assigned duties such as iioning clothes
oi nuising the injuied.
26
Tis inheient sexism combined with the belief that only a select
few weie useful in the gueiiilla movement meant that women weie given little oppoitunity
to paiticipate beyond any tiaditional iole, much less a militant one. Te focus was in oiga-
nizing a small, dedicated, and competent band, an aimy of elite ievolutionaiies" instead of
investing in the tiaining and education of a laige gioup of society.
27
22 Viterna, 'Pushed, Pulled, and Persuaded, 8.
23 Ibid.
24 Margaret Crahan, Religion and Revolution. Cuba and Nicaragua, , (Washington: Wilson Centre, 1987), Latin American
Program, Wilson Centre, 4.
23 Ibid.
26 Lois Smith and AlIred Padula, Sex and Revolution. Women in Socialist Cuba, (New York: OxIord Press, 1996), 24.
48
Siobhan Brown
Nicaiagua on the othei hand was a piime example of the Latin Ameiican nation that
moved towaids a moie Maoist 'piolonged people's wai appioach,' a belief that widespiead
suppoit of the masses was needed ovei a numbei of yeais to biing down the goveinment.
28
It
was aiguably this attempt at cieating a mass base of suppoit that led Latin Ameiican gueiiil-
la movements to accept women into theii midst. Te involvement of numeious community
oiganizations, paiticulaily ones involving education, weie also a piime means of ieciuiting
women into the movement by teaching lessons on Mao's woik and Soviet liteiatuie.
29
Tese socioeconomic and ideological factois aie ciucial in undeistanding the emei-
gence of combatant female gueiiillas in Latin Ameiica duiing the late 1960s and 1970s,
and the lack theieof in 1930s Cuba. Weie these factois the piimaiy ieason why women
in Cuba maintained moie tiaditional ioles, oi occasionally passed messages on foi the ie-
sistance, while women in Nicaiagua and El Salvadoi iose to high positions of command:
Obviously, to examine the domestic enviionment at the time is impoitant in enhancing oui
undeistanding, but in no way sumcient in deteimining the iadicalization of paiticulai in-
dividuals. Te ciucial peisonal factois that afect each woman - manifested heie in a suivey
of the netwoiks, family ties, and specifc exteinal infuences of Nicaiaguan and Salvadoian
women - aie paiamount.
Teie weie thiee piimaiy levels of signifcant involvement by women in the gueiiilla
movements in oui case studies: collaboiatois, cooidinatois, and combatants. Collaboiatois
would usually biing food oi supplies to gueiiilla camps a few times a week but not live at
the camp noi paiticipate in any violent ievolt. Cooidinatois would woik with peasants in
advocacy piogiams such as demands foi minimum wage, health piogiams centeied aiound
iaising ciops and pieventing sickness, as well as and oiganizing the logistics behind the
fghting foices.
30
Sonia, a Nicaiaguan woman inteiviewed by Kampwiith in 1997, desciibed
hei iole as moving people aiound, getting false papeis, buying aims, and also detecting
people who tuined (them) in to the Guaid." Finally, combatants would paiticipate with the
male gueiiillas in stiikes and violent opposition. Women would move up in the ianks of the
aimy to become battalion commandeis oi political liaisons.
31
Fighting units compiised of
solely women would also take on the fully tiained goveinment tioops on occasion.
32

Aside fiom the nationwide socioeconomic and ideological conditions that applied to
all of society, the women paiticipating in each of these thiee ioles had specifc individual
ciicumstances, which led to theii paiticipation.
30 Ibid, 34.
31 Chinchilla, Women in Revolutionarv Movements.
32 Marilyn Thompson, Women of El Salvador. The Price of Freedom, Comision de Derechos de Humanos de El Salvador:
Mexico City, 1986).
49
Te family backgiound of the women involved in gueiiilla fghting is one of the most
impoitant factois that may shine light on how they became involved. Randall notes the im-
poitance of consideiing women fiom theii position as motheis while examining the oiigins
of theii involvement. Foi example, the concentiation of FMNL ieciuitment in Salvadoian
schools was such that many paients weie fist exposed to the movement by theii childien.
33

Latei on, it was ofen the women that would go to the police stations to piotest the aiiest
of theii childien, as men weie fai moie likely to be put in jail foi doing so.
34
In conclusion,
while motheis did not ofen make up the majoiity of the female gueiiillas, those who weie
motheis consideied it a defnitive ieason foi theii involvement.
Anothei key aspect of the familial ties of female gueiiillas in Nicaiagua and El Salvadoi
was the involvement of othei family membeis in iesistance. Accoiding to Monica, a guei-
iilla inteiviewed by Kampwiith in the late 1970's, the iole of hei fathei as a political activist
shaped hei involvement. By the age of twelve, she was helping him make Molotov cocktails,
so it seemed to be only a mattei of time befoie she mobilized on hei own teims in the move-
ment.
35
Te seaich foi ietiibution afei the death of family membeis was also a signifcant
motivating factoi foi female gueiiillas.
36
One such woman was quoted as saying I wanted
to fght like my fathei had fought. I wanted to defend. I wanted to ielease all of the bad that
had happened to me."
37
Te thiid and fnal factoi fiom the peisonal appioach was the exteinal piessuies felt by
each individual to join the movement. Although state-led iepiession has pieviously been
suggested as the catalyst in the tiansition fiom activism to gueiiilla fghting, Vitella found
that it was mainly othei exteinal factois, such as limited economic iesouices oi denied en-
tiance into iefugee camps that piompted motivations to join. Numeious women desciibed
being tuined away at the entiance to the camps because only old people, young childien,
and piegnant women weie admitted.
38
When faced with a choice between ietuining to the
communities that they had fed fiom and joining the gueiiilla movement, many women
chose the lattei. In conclusion, though faced with substantial motivations fiom a changing
global, iegional, and domestic enviionment biought about by socioeconomic and ideologi-
cal shifs, the individual situation should nevei be oveilooked as the deciding factoi between
activism and gueiiilla mobilization.
Numeious factois contiibuted to the emeigence of women in gueiiilla movements in
Latin Ameiica. While bioad national factois may have piovided the basis foi discontent and
33 Chinchilla, Women in Revolutionarv Movements, 7.
34 Ibid, 9.
37 Ibid, 26.
38 Ibid, 25, 27.
30
Siobhan Brown
the means of oiganizing, peisonal situations ultimately pioved the catalysts in deteimining
whethei a woman would join the movement oi not. Te lack of the initial bioad-based na-
tional factois in Cuba meant that women weie denied the foundational stepping-stones foi
mobilizations within theii own movement. Tough some women weie foiced to migiate to
uiban aieas as a iesult of the changing agiicultuial industiy, the piesence of single-female
headed households was less noticeable, and the piesence of women in the laboi foice did not
compaie to that in Nicaiagua and El Salvadoi. Feminism had not yet gained global populai-
ity, libeiation theology had not emeiged, and gueiiilla waifaie style was still concentiated
into the hands of the few, not the many. While Cuban women played othei ioles in sup-
poiting gueiiilla movements, as women in othei paits of Latin Ameiica had done befoie
them, the diastic change in social, economic, and political enviionments duiing the 1960s
and 1970s combined with unique peisonal ciicumstances to biing the cieation of a new
gueiiilla fghting machine: the Latin Ameiican woman.
51
Bibliography
Chinchilla, Noima Stoltz. Women in Revolutionary Movements. N.p.: Michigan State Uni-
veisity, 1983. 1-16. Piint.
Ciahan, Maigaiet. Religion and Revolution: Cuba and Nicaragua. Washington: Wilson Cen-
tie, 1987. Latin Ameiican Piogiam, Wilson Centie. Piint.
Feiiee, Myia Maix, and Caiol Muellei. Feminist Organizations: Harvest of the New Womens
Movement. Oxfoid: Blackwell, 1993. Te Blackwell Companion to Social Movements.
Piint.
Kampwiith, Kaien. Women and Guerrilla Movements. Univeisity Paik: Pennsylvania State
Univeisity Piess, 2002. 21-137. Piint.
Loveman, Biian, and Tomas M. Davies. Te Politics of Antipolitics. Oxfoid: Rowman &
Littlefeld, 1997. Piint.
Rief-Labao, Linda. Women in Latin Ameiican Gueiiilla Movements: A Compaiative Pei-
spective." Comparative Politics 18.2 (1986): 148-69. Piint.
Mason, David T. Women's Paiticipation in Cential Ameiican Revolutions." Comparative
Political Studies 23.1 (1992): 63-89. Piint.
Montgomeiy, Tommie Sue. Libeiation and Revolution: Chiistianity as a Subveisive Ac-
tivity in Cential Ameiica." Trouble in Our Backyard: Central America and the United
States in the Eighties. New Yoik: Pantheon Books, 1983.
Randall, Maigaiet. Sandinos Daughters: Testimonies of Nicaraguan Women in Struggle. Van-
couvei: New Stai Books, 1981. Piint.
Smith, Lois, and Alfied Padula. Sex and Revolution: Women in Socialist Cuba. New Yoik:
Oxfoid Piess, 1996. Piint.
Suchlicki, Jaime. University Students and Revolution in Cuba, 1920-1968. Coial Gables: Uni-
veisity of Miami Piess, 1969. Piint.
Tompson, Maiilyn. Women of El Salvador: Te Price of Freedom. Comision de Deiechos de
Humanos de El Salvadoi: Mexico City, 1986. Piint.
Vilas, Cailos. Between Earthquakes and Volcanoes: Market, State and the Revolutions in Cen-
tral America. New Yoik: Monthly Review Piess, 1993. Piint.
Viteina, Jocelyn S. Pushed, Pulled, and Peisuaded: Explaining Women's Mobilization in
the Salvadoian Gueiiilla Movement." Te American Journal of Sociology 12.1 (2006):
1-43. Piint.
32
Siobhan Brown
Wickham-Ciowley, Timothy P. Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Compara-
tive Study of Insurgents and Regimes Since 1956. Piinceton: Piinceton Univeisity Piess,
1992. Piint.

The Interplay Between Language and Nationalism
An analysis of language policy in the former Yugoslavia
Jefiey Caso
Linguistic determinism is one of the key factors that lent a guiding hand to state formation
following the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. Politically, new governments were assembled
and borders were drawn anew. Socially, those who once were ethnic minorities in Yugoslavia
found themselves with their own state and the need to craf identity-related policies. Experts
have ofen questioned the nature of harsh language policies: are they just a disguised form of
ultra-nationalism? In Slovenia, this concept was exploited by newly-empowered nationalists.
Language can play a fundamental role in national identity. As the European ideal continues to
evolve, it is important to consider what this intersection of language and identity might mean
for modern language policy. In Eastern Europe, an area still rife with ethnic tension, there is no
panacea for language policy regarding national minorities. With the heightening of nationalist
tensions, marginalization of ethnic minorities in the former Yugoslavia occurred by means of
language policy, which was used as a tool of self-determination; as such, early notions of iden-
tity crumbled, catalyzing the fall of Yugoslavia, and forever changing history.
Introduction
Walking aiound the stieets of modein-day Vojvodina, an autonomous piovince of
Seibia with a population of almost two million, one obseives numeious featuies distinctive
to this Eastein Euiopean iegion: stieet signs wiitten in a myiiad of languages, a mystifyingly
multiethnic cultuie, and a ielatively safe haven foi minoiities. Tis multicultuial, multi-
linguistic community can be seen as the most iepiesentative example of the ideal Yugoslav
sociocultuial model.
1
Evei since the fist law piotecting the equality of nationalities in
this teiiitoiy was enacted in 1868 while undei the contiol of Austiia-Hungaiy, it has been
common piactice that all laws and goveinment documents aie omcially tianslated into all
national languages. Citizens in Vojvodina have not only the iight to iequest legal piotection
in theii native language, but also to ieceive public schooling in theii mothei tongue. Once
an autonomous piovince of Yugoslavia, Vojvodina has ietained its autonomy to this day.
Te question iemains: what distinguishes Vojvodina - with its six omcial languag-
es - fiom othei Yugoslav teiiitoiies, especially those that have only one omcial language
and weakly phiased minoiity language clauses: In Vojvodina, a histoiy of toleiance and
an accommodating language policy have gone a long way to piotect minoiity languages
1 Miloiad Radovanovic, Yugoslav Geneial Linguistics (Amsteidam: John Benjamins Publishing, 1989), 208.
Jiiiviv C:so is a junior in the Georgetown University School of Foreign
Service studying Science, Technology, and International Afairs with a certifcate
in European Studies.
54
Jefrey Caso
and mitigate the tieatment of oveibeaiing nationalism; howevei, this was not the noim in
Yugoslavia. Political paiticipation in the countiy was linked so closely to association with a
nationality that nationalist gioups utilized language as a piimaiy tool to leveiage political
sway. Economic libeialization in Yugoslavia ian paiallel to political decentialization, in that
vaiying degiees of iegional and national autonomy weie gianted to the vaiious teiiitoiies.
As a iesult, nationalist tensions aiose, beaiing consequences with iegaid to political paitici-
pation. Reactions to these nationalist tensions weie ofen disguised in the foim of language
policy, which codifed the piopei use of all aspects of language - fiom oithogiaphy, to pho-
netics, to colloquialisms - in ceitain teiiitoiial aieas, gieatly afecting national identifcation
and leading to the bieakdown of the pan-Slavic ideal as well as catalyzing the dissolution of
the Yugoslav state.
Te Importance of Language vis--vis Nationalism
In 1772, Johann Gottfiied Heidei posited on the inteiielation of language and nation-
hood. As he put it, Has a nation anything moie piecious than the language of its fatheis:"
2

In modein day philosophy, this sentiment has been completely iebuked. by most think-
eis. In fact, contempoiaiy thought iefutes the claim that nation-building ielies on unity in
language.
3
Ovei time, this idea developed and now it is geneially accepted that ancestial
language foiges national continuity. Accoiding to Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Men aie foimed
by language fai moie than language is foimed by men."
4

Even consideiing that linguistic unity is not necessaiy foi successful nation-building,
it is common that states iely on language as a means of foiging nationalism. Most East
Cential Euiopean nationalism began with language. Specifcally, codifcation and ievival of
tiaditional language plays a factoi in constiucting nationalism. It is impoitant to claiify that
linguistic codifcation is not a natuial piocess. Just as with any othei element of nationalism,
standaidizing a language can only take place when instigated by a iegime with such a goal;
howevei, it is common that nationalist leadeis might assuie theii people that the piocess of
codifcation is wholly oiganic, as to avoid ciiticism foi what could be consideied linguistic
genocide.
With this conscious puisuit of linguistic codifcation usually comes a gioup of scholais,
wiiteis, and othei intellectuals who autonomously decide upon the conventions to be used
with iegaid to a standaidized language. Even though it might be claimed that this liteiaiy
standaid is based of the language of the people, it is entiiely inaccuiate to say that this
2 John Edwaids, Language and Identity, 2009th ed. (Cambiidge: Cambiidge Univeisity Piess, n.d.), 203.
3 Andiew Wachtel, Making a Nation, Bieaking a Nation: Liteiatuie and Cultuial Politics in Yugoslavia (Stanfoid: Stanfoid
Univeisity Piess, 1998), 24.
4 Tony Ciowley, Language in Histoiy: Teoiies and Texts (London: Routeledge, 1996), 116.
55
Te Interplay Between Language and Nationalism
piocess is natuial. Ovei time, thiough implementation of this liteiaiy standaid in education,
the media, liteiatuie, and goveinment, this standaid will giadually ieplace dialects and ie-
gional language gioups. Linguistic standaidization in the South Slavic lands began with Vuk
Stefanovic Kaiadzic, who chose to base his iefoim of the lituigical language of the Seibian
Oithodox Chuich. Although the Seibian Oithodox Chuich was the only Seibian institu-
tion to have suivived the confict with the Ottomans and theiefoie held the most piominent
histoiical tie to cultuie, basing a liteiaiy standaid of ieligion inevitably leads to contioveisy.
Te Ethnolinguistic Composition of Yugoslavia
As Ranko Bugaiski iionically put it, Yugoslavia caiiied the seeds of its own destiuc-
tion" fiom the veiy stait.
5
With six nations and six integiated iepublics, Yugoslavia was
iipe foi ethnic contioveisy. As such, the countiy's leadeis had to be ceitain to faiily balance
theii policies so as to not favoi - oi disfavoi - any one national gioup oi iepublic. In addi-
tion to the nations of Seibs, Cioats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegiins, and Bosniaks,
theie weie ovei a dozen national minoiities in Yugoslavia - such as Albanians, Hungaiians,
Tuikish, Slovaks, Romanians, Rusyns, Bulgaiians, Italians, Ukiainians, and Czechs - as well
as the dispeised ethnic gioups of the Romani and Vlachs. Some tiied cieating a Yugoslav
ethnic movement in favoi of uniting all South Slav teiiitoiies, placing all divisive issues
aside. As a gioup of Slovene intellectuals advocating Yugoslavism bioadcasted, As it is a
fact that we Slovenes, Cioats and Seibs constitute a compact linguistic and ethnic gioup
with similai economic conditions.we have extended oui national sentiments beyond oui
fiontiei to the Cioats and Seibs.by this we all become membeis of one united Jugo-slav
[sic] nation."
6

Within this countiy convoluted with difeient national gioups, theie weie foui majoi
languages spoken in Yugoslavia: Seibo-Cioatian, Slovenian, Macedonoian, and Albanian.
All of these languages, with the exception of Albanian, aie membeis of the South Slavic
language family. In fact, 73 of the Yugoslav population spoke Seibo-Cioatian natively in
1981. Te Seibs, Cioats, Montenegiins, and Bosniaks - eveiy national gioup except foi the
Macedonians and Slovenes - utilized Seibo-Cioatian as a piimaiy means of communica-
tion. Just as Yugoslavia possessed minoiity national gioups, Yugoslavia had a myiiad of
minoiity language gioups. Typically iefeiied to as the Balkan linguistic pot," theie weie
ovei twenty distinct languages all of which coiiesponded to difeient socioeconomic classes,
ethnic gioups, levels of sophistication, and omcial iecognition.
7

3 Ranko Bugaiski, Language, Nationalism and Wai in Yugoslavia," Inteinational Jouinal of the Sociology of Language 131
(2001): 69-87.
6 Dejan Djokic, Yugoslavism Histoiies of a Failed Idea, 1918-1922 (Madison: Univeisity of Wisconsin Piess, 2003), 24-23.
7 Bugaiski, Language, Nationalism and Wai in Yugoslavia."
36
Jefrey Caso
Befoie engaging in a discussion on language policy, it is impoitant to note that Yugoslav
policymakeis weie familiai with the statistics iegaiding ethnolinguistic diveisity within
theii boideis. As a iesult, they puisued neithei the establishment of a single unifying lan-
guage, noi complete linguistic division of languages coiiesponding to theii nations. When
language division aiose, it was the iesult of laigei oveiaiching factois. Language policy alone
did not kill Yugoslavia, to posit as much would be to confate coiielation and causation,
howevei, it ceitainly was iesponsible foi a sense of fiagmentation. Factois that may have
moie diiectly led to the demise of Yugoslavia include: (1) the death of Tito, (2) the confed-
eiation as a pait of the 1974 Constitution, and, peihaps most notably, (3) the collapse of
communism in Eastein Euiope.
Language Practice and Policy in Pre-War Yugoslavia
In pie-wai Yugoslavia, both the Slovenes and Cioats inhabited teiiitoiy that was pie-
viously undei the infuence of the Austio-Hungaiian Empiie, meanwhile Bosnia, Seibia,
and othei southein gioups weie laigely infuenced by Tuikish iule. In teims of ieligion, the
Slovenes and Cioats weie typically Roman Catholic while the Seibs weie Oithodox. It is
impoitant to note that, accoiding to Figuie 1, ovei 80 of Yugoslavia's Muslims inhabited
Bosnia. In teims of language, Seibian and Cioatian function foi the most pait as mutually
intelligible idioms; howevei, they aie maiked by iegionalism with iegaid to theii syntacti-
cal and lexical difeiences. Fuitheimoie, and peihaps most impoitantly in the twentieth
centuiy, they each use difeient alphabets; Seibian uses the Cyiillic alphabet while Cioatian
uses the Latin alphabet.
At a confeience in Vienna, the Liteiaiy Agieement of Maich 28th, 1830, was signed by
a gioup of wiiteis fiom Cioatia, Seibia, and Slovenia. Peiceived as a tuining point in the
Illyiian movement, this meeting iealized the infeasibility of uniting the languages of all the
South Slavs. Instead, the Liteiaiy Agieement sought to cieate a common liteiaiy language
Serb Montenegiin Macedonian Hungaiian Albanian Yugoslav Muslim Slovene Cioat
8136 377 1341 427 1731 1216 2000 1734 4428 Yugoslavia
1320 14 2 1 4 326 1629 3 738 Bosnia
20 399 1 0 37 31 78 1 8 Montenegio
332 10 5 23 6 379 24 23 3454 Cioatia
45 4 1281 0 378 14 39 1 3 Macedonia
42 3 3 9 2 26 13 1712 36 Slovenia
4861 77 29 5 72 271 151 8 31 Seibia
1107 43 19 383 4 167 5 3 109 Vojvodina
210 27 1 0 1277 1 39 0 8 Kosovo
!"#$%& ): Population oI Yugoslavia, 1980 (in thousands)
37
foi Cioats and Seibs. Tis union is not aibitiaiy; iathei, is based on the fact that Cioats
and Seibs both shaie the Stokavian dialect and Ijekavian accent. Led by the Seibian lin-
guistic iefoimei Radovan Kaiadzic, this standaidization paved the way foi futuie linguistic
collaboiation among the South Slav teiiitoiies. Howevei, because it was neithei omcially
oiganized noi omcially attended, none of the teims of the Liteiaiy Agieement weie legally
binding, and, as a iesult, they weie geneially disiegaided. Unlike pievious failed initia-
tives, the Liteiaiy Agieement did not seek to establish an aitifcial dialect of compiomise;
instead, it chose Stokavian, which alieady existed. It is impoitant to note that Kaiadzic and
his Cioatian counteipait, Ljudevit Gaj, actually had sepaiate agendas that just happened to
oveilap in the context of the Liteiaiy Agieement. While Kaiadzic was a suppoitei of Seibian
unity, Gaj was a membei of the Illyiian movement, and he sought to use this standaidized
language as a model foi South Slavic unity in oidei to legitimize the Yugoslav nation.
8
As
Gaj once said, A nation has nothing holiei noi deaiei than its natuial language, foi it is only
thiough language that a nation, as a paiticulai society, continues oi vanishes."
9
As expected,
speakeis of minoiity dialects - such as the Slaveno-Seibian of Vojvodina - opposed the ef-
foits of the Liteiaiy Agieement, and Cioat nationalists saw Vuk's initiatives as an attempt to
absoib the Cioatian national identity.
Although not even all the signatoiies of the Liteiaiy Agieement actually utilized the
standaid agieed upon, the confeience beais testament to the feasibility of a single liteiaiy
language foi Cioats and Seibs. Fuitheimoie, at least in Cioatia, a majoiity of those who
did not switch to the new standaid made such a decision not because they disagieed with
the notion of Seibo-Cioatian coopeiation; iathei, they favoied the cieation of an aitifcial
fusion of dialects as a means to do so. Tey believed -with good ieason - that this synthetic
language would moie accuiately iefect the piactice of a laigei piopoition of the popula-
tion. Fiom this point until the outbieak of Woild Wai I, othei pioposals foi the cieation of a
Seibo-Cioatian liteiaiy language took the foim of debates of dialect and, notably, alphabet.
10

Postwar Language Policy and Self-Determination in Yugoslavia
Following Woild Wai I and Woild Wai II, Seib and Cioat linguists fiom the joui-
nal Letopis Matice Spiske met with the intention of coming to an agieement on a unifed
Seibo-Cioatian liteiaiy language. Te Novi Sad Agieement of 1964 aiose as a iesult, which
began with the amimation that the spoken language of Seibs, Cioats, and Montenegiins is
8 Robeit D. Gieenbeig, Language and Identity in the Balkans (Oxfoid: Oxfoid Univeisity Piess, 2004).
9 Zdenko Zlatai, Te Poetics of Slavdom: Te Mythopoetic Foundations of Yugoslavia, vol. 2 (Bein: Petei Lang Publishing,
2007), 783.
10 Andiew Wachtel, Making a Nation, Bieaking a Nation: Liteiatuie and Cultuial Politics in Yugoslavia (Stanfoid: Stanfoid
Univeisity Piess, 1998), 28.
38
Jefrey Caso
one language."
11
Fuitheimoie, the Novi Sad Agieement stipulated that both Ijekavian and
Ekavian aie equally acceptable accents, and that both Latinica (modifed Latin) and Ciiilica
(modifed Cyiillic) weie acceptable alphabets.
Te Novi Sad Agieement, iepiesentative of a depaituie fiom the conseivative elements
of the pievious centuiy's Liteiaiy Agieement, makes peifect sense in the context of the post-
wai peiiod. While the Novi Sad Agieement standaidized seveial commonly disputed details
of language usage, it was essentially a status quo agieement that disiegaided the incieasingly
contentious issue of language policy. In the context of moie libeialized postwai Yugoslavia,
Seibs and Cioats weie beginning to jockey foi position" and utilize theii language - in the
puiest foim possible - as a means of nationalism.
12

In Maich 1966, a dictionaiy of the Seibo-Cioatian language was published in Belgiade
entitled Recnik Sipskohivatskog Jezika by Di. Milos S. Moskovljevic. On the outside, this
dictionaiy was a beautifully bound volume that flled a need in Seibia. Howevei, afei it
sold seventy-six copies, the dictionaiy was iemoved fiom the shelves. Following a couit
oidei, the iemaining piinted copies weie buined. An investigation into the text itself ien-
deied the ieasoning cleai. Caieful sciutiny had ievealed that the eldeily Di. Moskovljevic
had somehow neglected to include an entiy foi Hivat, Czech," but seemed to iemembei
Sibin, Seib" and sibovati, to act like a ieal Seib," without pioblem. Fuitheimoie, Slovenac,
Slovene," and Cinogoiac, Montenegiin," though piesent, weie iespectively defned as a
membei of the noithwestein bianch of Yugoslavs" and a iesident of Montenegio." Tese
defnitions weie contioveisial consideiing that Macedonians weie defned as a sepaiate na-
tionality. Othei amusing entiies include: the inclusion of Rusofl, Russophile," and Rusofob,
Russophobia," but not Rus, Russia"; paitisan, paitisan" (implies Yugoslav Paitisans"), de-
fned as a paiticipant in a gueiilla stiuggle; a peison who blindly follows the inteiests of his
political paity"; and iepublika, iepublic," defned as a goveinment whose head, the piesi-
dent, is selected foi a defnite teim of yeais," which was simply not the case in Yugoslavia.
13

Slowly but suiely, tensions began to aiise among those who used the Seibo-Cioatian
language. In Zagieb, Seibian initiatives to piomote the use of the eastein vaiiant was seen
as unitaiist and aiiogant," while Belgiade peiceived the Cioatian piefeience to stiengthen
the westein vaiiant as paiochial and potentially sepaiatist."
14
Consideiing that the capital
of Yugoslavia, Belgiade, was without a doubt a Seibian city, Cioats accused the Seibs of le-
veiaging theii political powei in this linguistic issue. Although the Ekavian dialect, as well
as othei eastein conventions, took piefeience in many goveinment documents, Seibs found
11 Bugaiski, Language, Nationalism and Wai in Yugoslavia."
12 Tomas F. Magnei, Language and Nationalism in Yugoslavia," Canadian Slavic Studies 1, no. 3 (1967): 333-347.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
39
that the use of Cyiilic was on the decline. All goveinment publications - including phone-
books, expoits, and stieet signs - weie stiictly in Latinica by the mid-1960s.
Te climax of linguistic tension occuiied in Maich 1967 when a Cioatian newspapei
piinted the Declaiation about the Name and Position of the Cioatian Liteiaiy Language."
With endoisements by many ienowned Cioatian authois, the document stipulates the fol-
lowing: 1) that Cioatian - along with Slovenian, Seibian, and Macedonian - be omcially
designated a liteiaiy language, and 2) that solely Cioatian may be used in omcial communi-
cation with the Cioatian people. Both points weie unpalatable foi the iest of the Yugoslavian
citizeniy. As a iesult of this documentation, seveial of its authois weie expelled fiom the
Communist paity. Te implications of this pioposal aie most contioveisial. In oidei to
follow this policy, it was uncleai how the goveinment would know whethei to use Cioatian
oi some othei liteiaiy language. Te assumption would have to be made that all those living
in Cioatia speak Cioatian; howevei, glancing at Figuie 1, this is not necessaiily the case
What is cleai is that this language policy was designed to ostiacize the minoiities fiom so-
ciety in an act of iampant cultuial impeiialism.
Tis contioveisy was unusual in its context. Foi the most pait, Yugoslavia followed
a language policy lauded by the inteinational community foi its legal equality foi each of
its nations and the national minoiities living theiein. As piopagated by Tito, the model of
pluiicentiic unity functioned well - howevei ephemeial - with iegaid to Yugoslavia's needs
befoie the infuence of self-deteimination. Pluiicentiicity exists when theie aie competing
standaids foi the use of a language, such as with the difeient vaiiants of English. Seibs and
Cioats shaied a unifed language; howevei, this unity was held togethei by a combination of
compiomise and toleiance. As Yugoslavia libeialized, this tiadition of compiomise began to
bieak at the seams, destioying Tito's ideal. Foi example, the Novi Sad Agieement iepiesents
pluiicentiic unity by foiging a mutual pact between two language vaiiants; howevei, as pie-
viously stated, the stiained political climate of postwai Euiope iendeied any of the Novi Sad
Agieement's successes iiielevant. To pieseive his vision and quell the tensions fosteied by
the declaiation, Tito inteivened and suppiessed the Cioatian Spiing Movement, a national-
ist movement that aiose as a iesult of the Declaiation about the Name and Position of the
Cioatian Liteiaiy Language." Fuitheimoie, the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, which allowed
foi language vaiieties to gain omcial status in theii iespective iepublics, could be seen as a
model of pluiicentiic unity. If the pie-wai spiiit of compiomise and toleiance had still ex-
isted, this measuie would have been emcacious; howevei, without that moiale to bind the
nations togethei, this language policy was just cloaked nationalism that seived to maiginal-
ize national minoiities.
60
Jefrey Caso
Te Formation of New States in the Former Yugoslavia
Consideiing that political paiticipation was so closely linked to association with a na-
tional gioup, any state declaiing an exclusive language disenfianchisement of national mi-
noiities. As a whole, Yugoslavia had developed a system of national iights, as opposed to
individual iights. National iights, foi lack of any othei piactical defnition, weie based on
teiiitoiy. Refeiiing to Figuie 1, this means that Cioats in Seibia found themselves defned
as Seibian" foi all goveinmental puiposes. Te enviionment quickly became one of feai
following the death of Tito in 1980, as national expatiiates" - Seibians living in Bosnia, foi
example - found that the model of pluiicentiic unity was gone without Tito. Without teiii-
toiy, these people weie without state piotection.
15

Ovei the couise of the disintegiation of the Socialist Fedeial Republic of Yugoslavia,
language policy was modifed signifcantly. Citizens staited asking themselves how new
states will be deteimined following Yugoslavia's inevitable fall. With its economic and politi-
cal ciisis deepening, a fedeialized Yugoslavia found its goveinment unable to act as a iesult
of the individual fedeial iepublics' veto powei. Once it was cleai that the iepublics weie to
be gianted independent statehood, the oppiession of national minoiities, by means of lan-
guage policy, ended. When diafing theii constitutions, many of the new states made it cleai
that the languages of national minoiities would be iecognized concuiiently with the omcial
language of the state. Foi example, the constitution of Montenegio ieads, In Montenegio
the Seibian language in its Ijekavian pionunciation is in omcial use. Te Cyiillic and Latin
alphabets aie equal. In municipalities wheie membeis of national and ethnic gioups con-
stitute the majoiity oi a signifcant pait of the population theii languages and alphabets aie
also in omcial use."
16
Tis iepiesents a signifcant change fiom the aggiessive policy of just
a decade eailiei. Tis means that language policy was, all in all, just a tool to achieve state-
hood; it was a cloak foi self-deteimination diiven nationalism. But, in accoidance with the
modein philosophy that linguistic unity is not necessaiy to achieve statehood, the linguistic
iights of national minoiities can be toleiated once this statehood has been achieved.
Conclusion
As demonstiated by the case of Yugoslavia, language policy iesults in signifcant politi-
cal, social, and even militaiy upheaval. Politically, new states weie established, new govein-
ments weie foimed, and boideis weie iediawn. Socially, the quasi-disenfianchisement of
national minoiities ended with successful nationalism campaigns - but only afei signif-
cant oppiession. Militaiily, the suppiession of the Cioatian Spiing Movement demonstiates
that the efects of language policy have political implications foi citizens and iuleis alike.
13 Tollefson, Te Language Debates: Piepaiing foi the Wai in Yugoslavia, 1980-1991."
16 Ranko Bugaiski, Language Policies in the Successoi States of Foimei Yugoslavia," Jouinal of Language and Politics 32
(2004): 189-207.
61
As fuithei thought-piovoking evidence foi the theoiy that haish language policy is just a
disguised foim of nationalism, one of the leadeis of the Cioatian Spiing Movement, Fianjo
Tudman, latei became the fist Piesident of Cioatia.
17
When in a peiiod of widespiead self-
deteimination, it is moie than possible that language policy catalyzes that piocess in moie
ways than oiiginally expected.
In the modein day, the Euiopean Chaitei foi Regional oi Minoiity Languages of 1992
is not ieadily undeistood vis--vis Eastein Euiope. In an aiea still smitten with ethnic con-
tioveisy, even genocide towaids the end of the twentieth centuiy, theie is no panacea foi
language policy iegaiding national minoiities. As nationalist tensions heightened, iestiic-
tions of the iights of national minoiities in the foimei Yugoslavia occuiied by means of
language policy, which was used as a tool of self-deteimination; as such, the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuiy ideal of pan-Slavism was destioyed, catalyzing the fall of Yugoslavia, and
foievei changing Eastein Euiopean histoiy.
17 Uvodna Biljeska," Politicka Misao: Cioatian Political Science Review 49, no. 3 (2012).
62
Jefrey Caso
Bibliography
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Univeisity Piess, 1984. 79.
Bugaiski, Ranko. Language Policies in the Successoi States of Foimei Yugoslavia." Jouinal
of Language and Politics 32 (2004): 189-207.
---. Language, Nationalism and Wai in Yugoslavia." Inteinational Jouinal of the Soci-
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---. Politique Et Amnagement Linguistiques En Yougoslavie." In Politique Et Am-
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Ciowley, Tony. Language in Histoiy: Teoiies and Texts. London: Routeledge, 1996. 116.
Djokic, Dejan. Yugoslavism Histoiies of a Failed Idea, 1918-1922. Madison: Univeisity of
Wisconsin Piess, 2003. 24-23.
Edwaids, John. Language and Identity. 2009th ed. Cambiidge: Cambiidge Univeisity Piess,
n.d. 203.
Gieenbeig, Robeit D. Language and Identity in the Balkans. Oxfoid: Oxfoid Univeisity
Piess, 2004.
Little, Chailes, and James Biown. Te Noith Ameiican Review. Vol. 73. Boston: Houston
and Haywood, 1831. 183.
Magnei, Tomas F. Language and Nationalism in Yugoslavia." Canadian Slavic Studies 1,
no. 3 (1967): 333-347.
Radovanovic, Miloiad. Yugoslav Geneial Linguistics. Amsteidam: John Benjamins Pub-
lishing, 1989. 208.
Tollefson, James W. Te Language Debates: Piepaiing foi the Wai in Yugoslavia, 1980-
1991." Inteinational Jouinal of the Sociology of Language 134 (2002): 63-82.
Uvodna Biljeska." Politicka Misao: Cioatian Political Science Review 49, no. 3 (2012).
Wachtel, Andiew. Making a Nation, Bieaking a Nation: Liteiatuie and Cultuial Politics in
Yugoslavia. Stanfoid: Stanfoid Univeisity Piess, 1998. 24.
---. Making a Nation, Bieaking a Nation: Liteiatuie and Cultuial Politics in Yugoslavia.
Stanfoid: Stanfoid Univeisity Piess, 1998. 23.
---. Making a Nation, Bieaking a Nation: Liteiatuie and Cultuial Politics in Yugoslavia.
Stanfoid: Stanfoid Univeisity Piess, 1998. 28.
Zlatai, Zdenko. Te Poetics of Slavdom: Te Mythopoetic Foundations of Yugoslavia. Vol.
2. Bein: Petei Lang Publishing, 2007. 783.
Ruining the Canadian Advantage
Te Disparity Between the Rhetoric and Actions of Canadian
Mining Companies
Maic-Antoine Foitin Robitaille
In the summer of 2013, I joined the team of the Kyrgyz Alliance for Water and Sanita-
tion to work on a rural development project in the province of Issyk-Kul in Northern Kyrgyz-
stan. During that period, a state of emergency was declared in that region following a massive
demonstration at the Kumtor gold mine, a project that accounts for a signifcant share of the
countrys gross domestic product and that is operated through a subsidiary by the Canadian
mining company, Centerra Gold. Te same company was also involved in many development
projects as part of their corporate social responsibility strategy. Tis situation is an example of
a larger systemic problem of incongruity between numerous mining companies discourse and
actions that allows them to conceal their unethical behavior. Tis paper uncovers the lack of
clear guidelines for reporting mechanisms, the faws in the legal framework regulating mining
activities and access to justice, and the role of the government in exacerbating the problem
through its infuence on host countries policymaking and compliance to lobby demands. In
the following paper, the situation is analyzed through the Canadian context and uses Kumtor
as a case. Te conclusions are extendible to other nations and circumstances, which makes
them relevant for developing recommendations to address the problem of unethical corporate
behaviors.
Keywords: corporate social responsibility, corporate ethics, reporting, auditing, full-cost
accounting, mining lobby, duty of care, corporate veil, voluntary compliance, environmental
regulation, Kyrgyz Republic, Canadian mining industry.
Introduction
Fiom May to July 2013, I had the occasion to woik with the Kyigyz Alliance foi Watei
and Sanitation (KAWS), a small local non-goveinmental oiganization based in Bishkek,
the capital city of Kyigyzstan, that woiks piimaiily in the piovince of Issyk-Kul on difeient
watei management issues. It was the fist time I could use the knowledge gained thiough
my studies to identify pioblems and undeistand theii implications in a conciete context.
Above all, having the occasion to expeiience this in Kyigyzstan, a countiy that is much
oveilooked in Noith Ameiica, made it even moie stimulating as I had no piioi familiaiity
with the iegion and its challenges.
M:vc-A1oii Fov1i Rovi1:iiii is a fourth-year student at McGill
University in Montral studying Economics and International Development
64
Marc-Antoine Fortin Robitaille
Te KAWS' opeiations depend exclusively on exteinal funding fiom Euiopean devel-
opment agencies that usually iequiie NGOs to seek co-fnancing among national oiganiza-
tions. Since I am Canadian, my diiectoi thought I should wiite a lettei to seek suppoit fiom
the Kumtoi Gold Company, a fim iesponsible foi the laigest mining opeiation of the coun-
tiy (located in the iegion wheie oui piojects aie taking place) and owned by the Canadian
company Centeiia Gold Inc. To evaluate whethei this fim would potentially be inclined to
contiibute to oui cause, I visited theii website to see what theii engagements weie in teims
of coipoiate social iesponsibility (CSR). Te home page was full of videos and pictuies about
theii community involvement and enviionmental sustainability, which was encouiaging
even though I knew these weie to be taken with skepticism.
In late May, aiound two thousand piotesteis blocked the access to the mine located in
the mountains and foiced the opeiatois of an electiicity substation to cut the powei of. Te
Kyigyz weie demanding moie contiol in the decision making piocess of the opeiations,
moie accountability fiom the company, and moie contiibution to the suiiounding villages'
infiastiuctuies like ioads and watei pipelines. A state of emeigency was declaied and 92
people weie impiisoned. It was also the fist time that, as a tiavellei, I was advised not to
mention my nationality when tiavelling. Tis situation led me to deepen my ieseaich on the
activities and CSR of this company as well as othei Canadian mining coipoiations.
Foi the iest of my time theie, I sought to undeistand the complex iole that Kumtoi
holds in the Kyigyz Republic. Teie is a signifcant incongiuity when it comes to the iheto-
iic of mining companies about CSR and theii actions. Te case of Kumtoi is appiopiiate to
illustiate this incongiuity. Te puipose of this papei is to undeiscoie which factois allow
such a disciepancy and to exploie the avenues that can be taken to addiess this asymmetiy.
To allow a thoiough appiaisal of the situation, the papei will be divided as follows: fist, a
contextualization will be made with iegaid to (1) the geneial situation in Kyigyzstan, (2) the
Kumtoi gold mine, (3) the defnition of CSR and (4) the place the extiactive sectoi holds in
Canada. Second, the pioblem of incongiuity will be detailed along with its cause, namely (1)
the faws in the legal fiamewoik at the national and inteinational level, (2) the inappiopiiate
iepoiting mechanisms, and (3) the absence of political will. Finally, a biief set of iecom-
mendations will be pioposed.
Contextualization
Te Kyrgyz Republic
Te Kyigyz Republic (oi Kyigyzstan) is a landlocked Cential Asian countiy boideiing
China, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Te state is demogiaphically diveise, encom-
passing aiound 90 difeient ethnic gioups, including Kyigyz, Tuikish, Russian, and Geiman.
Tis iesults fiom its paiticulai histoiy as a foimei Soviet Republic and Stalin's 1924 aibitiaiy
63
boidei defnition, in which the iegion was sepaiated in a saw tooth pattein with enclaves
heie and theie.
1
Tus, you can liteially go fiom a countiy to anothei, and anothei, and then
back to the pievious countiy without deviating fiom a stiaight line. Coupled with the efect
of the mountainous teiiain that sepaiates the countiy in difeient iegions, Kyigyzstan is
divided both cultuially and geogiaphically.
In 1991, the countiy gained its independence and opened to capitalism. Although it
has an impoitant ieseive of gold and othei metals buiied undei its snowcapped mountains,
the countiy does not have the oil ieseives of its neighbois, oi the qualifed laboi pool of
Russia. Tis has made the tiansition into the global economy haish foi Kyigyzstan, and this
is why, along with Tajikistan, it ianks at the bottom of the list with iespect to the Human
Development Index among all foimei Soviet States.
2
Moieovei, disputes with neighbois on
cioss-boundaiy watei iesouices and high levels of coiiuption in the difeient bianches of
the goveinment contiibute to an unstable economic and political situation. Within the last
seven yeais, theie have been two ievolutions in Kyigyzstan that have led to a iegime change.
3
Since the last ievolution in 2011, the piesident has been Almazbek Atambayev.
Atambayev opened the countiy to exteinal infuence by allowing Ameiicans and Russians
to set up militaiy bases, and attiacting foieign companies, especially companies fiom the
extiactive sectoi.
4
Te ietuins fiom this stiategy can be felt in the capital city, wheie the
Russian-speaking, inexpeiienced students aie pioud to show foieigneis theii biand new
Bishkek Paik, an aii-conditioned Westein-type shopping mall. In contiast, the iuial aieas
aie home to lowei-income individuals who iely heavily on fiuit cultivation and agiicultuie
to secuie theii livelihoods, which witnesses the giowing divide between the city and othei
iegions. Tis is also how the Kyigyz live in the Noithein piovince of Issyk-Kul, wheie a
gigantic lake of the same name ensuies a tempeiate climate despite the high altitude (See
Annex II foi map). In that same iegion, Kumtoi Gold Company piovides jobs foi anothei
3000 people, which aptly chaiacteiizes the model of development piomoted by Atambayev.
5

No wondei why Kumtoi holds this name; in Kyigyz, kum" means sand and toi" designates
the place of honoi wheie the guest tiaditionally sits at the table.
Kumtor Gold Mine
Accoiding to Kumtoi's website, theii gold mine is located in the Piovince of Issyk-Kul
at an elevation between 3,600 and 4,600 meteis in the Tian Shan Mountains, which makes
1 The Economist, Stalins Harvest. (US, June 2010). Stalins Harvest. 395.8687: p26
2 UNDP, Human Development Index and its components
3 The Economist Intelligence Unit, Kvgv: Republic Countrv Report - Main Report. November 18th 2013 (The Economist
Intelligence Unit, 2013)
4 Ibid.
5 Kumtor Gold Company, Contribution to the Economv (Kumtor: 2013)
66
it the second highest gold mining opeiation in the woild. It is also the laigest in the foimei
Soviet Union opeiated by non-domestic pioduceis.
6
Although all mines on the teiiitoiy
weie initially owned by Kyigyzaltyn, a state agency, the mining iights aie now wholly owned
by the Kumtoi Gold Company, a subsidiaiy of the Toionto-based multinational Centeiia
Gold Inc. Kumtoi has concessions foi exploiation oi exploitation ovei 330 squaied kilo-
meteis of Kyigyz land. Tis was pait of an investment agieement wheie the Kyigyz agency
ceded its iights to the mining iights in exchange of 33 of Centeiia's shaies and two seats
on the boaid of diiectois.
7
Te mine has since been in opeiation since 1997, duiing which
time 8.7 million ounces of gold have been extiacted.
Because of its impoitant iole in the economic and political life of Kyigyzstan, the mine
is continuously at the centei of the public debates. Accoiding to the KR National Statistics
Committee's pieliminaiy iepoits (2012), Kumtoi's shaie of GDP in 2012 was 3.3 and it was
also iesponsible foi as high as 18.9 of the total national industiial output. Teiefoie, al-
though the company is subject to political iisks and instability, it still has impoitant leveiage
to secuie its inteiests. Fiist-hand investigation duiing the stiike ievealed a cleai divide be-
tween the people living in Bishkek and the ones fiom the Issyk-Kul iegion: the foimei usu-
ally consideied that the mine is impoitant foi the countiy, that the stiikes weie unjustifed
and that it they haimed the economy, while the lattei advocated foi nationalization, bettei
enviionmental standaids, moie tianspaiency and moie ieinvestment in the community.
Howevei, the administiatois of the mine judged these demands inappiopiiate. Tey
aigued that they weie alieady giving 1 of theii ievenues to a development fund foi the
piovince, which excludes donations made to othei NGOs.
8
In fact, on the feld and among
the NGO community, it was possible to heai quite ofen that Kumtoi had contiibuted to a
ceitain pioject. Foi example, the mine gave the Community Diinking Watei Usei's Union,
a paitnei of the KAWS, dozens of one cubic metei tanks foi theii uiine diveited diy toilet
pioject, used to collect uiine and make feitilizeis. Also, they iepeated that they comply with
the standaids of the Inteinational Financial Coipoiation
9
(IFC), as well as the enviionmen-
tal iegulations of Kyigyzstan, Canada, and the piovince of Saskatchewan.
10
Tis was not
entiiely consistent with the histoiical iecoid as Kumtoi had been iesponsible foi a cyanide
spill in a iivei in the eaily 2000s. Te watei stieams, which aie diveited by the people to
get theii diinking watei and iiiigate theii lands, had been highly contaminated and some
6 Ibid.
7 Centerra Gold Inc, 2012 Annual Information Form (Toronto, 2013)
8 Ibid.
9 Te IFC is the piivate sectoi bianch of the Woild Bank Gioup that is involved in the fnancing of piojects that aie exclusively
foi-pioft and located in developing countiies. Teii peifoimance standaids aie seen as a benchmaik in coipoiate iesponsibility
and aie used by many othei institutions as a iefeience.
10 Ibid.
67
people weie still fghting moie than a decade latei to get theii piomised compensation foi
the health costs associated with toxifcation. Te goveinment is cuiiently in the piocess
of suing the company foi enviionmental damages. Since Centeiia Gold Inc. is a publicly
tiaded company, I knew they aie iequiied to disclose theii annual iepoit, and what I found
out was shocking.
All of the infoimation in the next section is taken fiom Centeiia Gold's 2012 Annual
Infoimation Foim published in Maich 2013. In Decembei 2012, the fim ieceived fve claims
fiom the State Inspectoiate Omce foi Enviionmental and Technical Safety of Kyigyzstan: a
$143 million claim foi damages in ielation to the inappiopiiate disposal of waste iock, a $4
million claim foi excessive use of watei, a $2.8 million claims foi wastes placed in the tail-
ing management facility as well as excessive emissions, and anothei in the amount of $2.3
million foi damage to land iesouices in the initial constiuction of the gold mine. Anothei
$313 million claim was issued in Febiuaiy 2013 foi the impiopei mismanagement of wastes
(it should be noted that a substantial amount of waste iocks aie dumped diiectly on the
glacieis). Neveitheless, although it is ieasonable to have some ieseivations with iegaid to
the evaluations peifoimed by the goveinment given the omnipiesence of coiiuption in the
countiy, desciibing these claims as being without foundation" and exaggeiated", like the
Centeiia administiation does, is analogous to the pot calling the kettle black. In fact, as one
ieads thiough the iepoit, he will be confionted with some distuibing lines, as on page 121
of theii iepoit:
Te Kumtoi and Boioo opeiations employ sodium cyanide, which is a hazaidous ma-
teiial, to extiact gold fiom oie. [.]Should sodium cyanide [.] be detected in the
downstieam suiface and giound watei points, oi be spilled duiing tianspoit, we could
become subject to liability foi iemediation costs, which could be signifcant and may
not be insuied against. In addition, pioduction could be delayed oi halted to allow foi
iemediation, iesulting in a ieduction oi loss of cash fow. While we take appiopiiate
steps to pievent dischaiges and spills of sodium cyanide and othei hazaidous mateiials
into the giound watei, suiface watei and the downstieam enviionment, theie is inhei-
ent iisk in the opeiation of leach pads and theie can be no assuiance that a ielease of
hazaidous mateiials will not occui.
Although this iepoit is taigeting a shaieholdei audience, the fact that the company de-
sciibes the consequences of a cyanide spill as being puiely a thieat to theii futuie cash fow
demonstiates how the piimaiy focus of the business iemains commeicial.
Moieovei, it is wiitten that the Tailings Management Facility, a pond used to dispose of
all the contaminated wastes fiom the milling activities that take the consistence of a sludge,
was not designed with a capacity that is sumcient to stoie all of the 93 million tons of wastes
68
to be piocessed ovei the life-span of the mine. Consequently, the company will have to iaise
the height of the Tailing dam highei, which has alieady occuiied in past. Howevei, this is
a delicate opeiation, and it is iecognized to inciease the likelihood of dam failuie in the
futuie. Consideiing the Tian Shan Mountains aie exposed to seismic activity, iaising the
height of the dam is not desiiable. Fuitheimoie, the mine is located at a high altitude and
is suiiounded by glacieis. Tis is a type of enviionment that is stiongly impacted by global
waiming. In fact, because of the acceleiating glacieis ietieat, the Petiov Lake, located at the
bottom of the Petiov Glaciei and about fve kilometeis fiom the Kumtoi mine's tailing pond,
is giowing in suiface size and volume yeai afei yeai. Togethei with the fact that the moiaine,
a natuial dam made of ice and iocks that ietains the lake, is getting less stable as the depth
of peimafiost diminishes, expeits fiom the Geiman Society foi Inteinational Coopeiation
(GIZ), the most pieeminent development oiganization in Kyigyzstan, aie anticipating a
laige-scale natuial disastei. In the likely event of a moiaine iuptuie, the 60 million cubic
meteis of watei contained by the Petiov Lake would wash out the highly toxic tailings fiom
the adjacent stoiage facility, contaminating the neaiby Naiyn Rivei that supplies two majoi
watei ieseivoiis essential foi Kyigyzstan's and Uzbekistan's watei supply.
11
Te iepoit also states that the company is not sumciently insuied to face the liabilities
iesulting fiom laige-scale damages caused by its opeiations. Tis means that if the situation
afoiementioned weie to occui, they would not be able compensate the goveinment and the
people, which would be too little too late in any case. Teiefoie, when the company wiites
about theii CSR: we stiive to [.] minimize the potential foi haimful impacts fiom oui
opeiations to the lowest levels we ieasonably can", one can question the latitude they give
themselves in defning what is ieasonable.
12
Fuitheimoie, it is not cleai if it is the iepoiting
mechanisms oi the IFC standaids that fails, but if Kumtoi can asseit it abides by the stan-
daids, who cannot:
Defnition of Corporate Social Responsibility
Fiom the pievious case, it is possible to see that CSR can be inteipieted loosely by difei-
ent oiganizations. Nonetheless, it is still ielevant to have a piecise defnition foi this concept,
as it will be discussed and analyzed in depth in the following sections. As explained on the
website of Foieign Afaiis, Tiade, and Development Canada (2013), CSR is the voluntaiy
activities undeitaken by a company to opeiate in an economic, social and enviionmentally
sustainable mannei." Although theie aie some examples of CSR piactices that have become
new standaids foi an industiy, and in some instances even made theii way to thiough the
legislative piocess to become legally binding iegulations, it is impoitant to undeistand that
11 B. Jansky Petrov Lake- Danger of a Large-Scale Ecological Disaster ( GIZ: 2007)
12 Centerra Gold Inc, 2012 Annual Information Form (Toronto, 2013)
69
befoie it ieaches this ultimate stage, which seldom occuis, these piinciples aie voluntaiy.
Teiefoie, nothing but sof laws and competition can, at best, encouiage theii adoption.
Mining the Canadian Economy
Te mining industiy occupies a majoi iole in the Canadian economy and is the coun-
tiy's second-laigest sectoi foi Canadian foieign diiect investment afei the fnance and in-
suiance sectoi. In 2008, 73 of the woild's exploiation and mining companies had theii
headquaiteis in Canada. Foi that ieason, Toionto and Vancouvei stock exchanges aie the
laigest souice of equity capital foi mining companies who want to develop abioad. Tis
also means that Canadian mutual funds, pension plans, and othei investments hold a laige
peicentage of shaies in these companies.
13
In some countiies like Honduias, as much as
30 of the national teiiitoiy, which is ofen inhabited by small communities and indigenous
people, is subject to Canadian mining and exploiation iights.
14
Teiefoie, in the advent of
a signifcant gold discoveiy, these communities aie ofen foicibly ielocated, which cieates
conficts between Canadian mining companies and the communities. Tis is also exacei-
bated by the enviionmental consequences of the piojects. Open-pit gold mining is aiguably
the human activity cieating the laigest amount of enviionmental exteinalities. Hence, in the
last decades, these conficts involving Canadian inteiests have been on the iise.
Since the mining sectoi holds such an impoitant iole in Canada, the goveinment is
ieluctant to biing about changes that could haim the sectoi. In fact, especially consideiing
the fscal conseivatism advocated by the cuiient goveinment, theie aie a lot of economic
ieasons to feai iegulation: decieased pioftability, slowei gioss domestic pioduct giowth,
gieatei tiade defcit, incieased soveieign debt and seivicing costs to name a few. Coupled
with the lasting efects of the 2008 fnancial ciisis, Canadians aie not ieady to let theii econ-
omy sufei and theii pension plans lose value. Howevei, aie these feais ieasonable oi, is it
ieasonable to build oui economy by placing the buiden on otheis:
A Concerning Incongruity
Although the last section was focused on a simple desciiption of facts, it is cleai that
theie is a majoi pioblem iegaiding the accountability of Canadian mining companies. Te
case of Kumtoi illustiates the extent of incongiuity between the ihetoiic, wheie we see on
the mine's website nice videos and pictuies biagging theii so-called enviionmental stewaid-
ship and compliance with the highest standaids of numeious oiganizations, and the actions,
wheie the iisks of a laige-scale enviionmental disastei that could potentially contaminate
13 Department oI Foreign AIIairs, Trade and Development Canada, Corporate Social Responsibilitv (Foreign AIIais, Trade
and Development Canada: 2013)
14 Russell Grahame, Jim Cooney, John McKay, Jaime Kneen and Normand Champigny, Canadian Mining in Latin America
Panel Discussion (Montreal: McGill University 2013)
70
with a highly toxic poison the watei supply of two countiies is only exaceibated by enlaig-
ing the tailings pond. Howevei, it is not yet cleai what has failed to allow this to happen.
Teiefoie, the next section will be dedicated at ievealing some of the factois iesponsible foi
this asymmetiy.
Weaknesses of Reporting Mechanisms
Te fist shoitcoming that is encounteied when it comes to the pioblems of ensuiing
accountability and tianspaiency is the weakness of iepoiting mechanisms. Tis is a huge
systemic pioblem that will take time to addiess. Ovei the last decades, moie and moie com-
panies have wiitten CSR iepoits, yet the challenge in 2013 was to ensuie the meaningful-
ness, consistency, and policy implicative powei of these iepoits.
15
Given that theie is no cleai
path to achieve these goals, it is easy to question the futuie impact of coipoiate social and
enviionmental efoits. Howevei, a good staiting point to fnding a solution is iecognizing
two majoi faws ielated to accounting and auditing.
Full-Cost Accounting
Teie is a giowing tendency among iesponsible companies to integiate in theii fnan-
cial iepoit the enviionmental and social dimensions in addition to the typical economic
one, an accounting method iefeiied to as the tiiple bottom line" oi full-cost accounting.
Tis methodology is a pieiequisite foi some eco-labels, but it is still not populai in the ex-
tiactive sectoi. Howevei, since companies involved in mining activities aie subject to stiong
exteinal piessuie given the impoitant exteinalities of theii industiy, most of them now
disclose a sepaiated CSR iepoit and they weie even among the fist to adopt this piactice.
Nonetheless, they still face the pioblem of quantifying the economic and social impacts of
theii activities, which afects theii ieliability.
16
Moieovei, foi these iepoits to be ielevant foi
policymakeis, theie should be a ceitain consistency in the accounting mechanisms acioss
the difeient oiganizations to allow compaiison and identify bad apples.
In oidei to undeiscoie the dimculties that aie faced, paiallels can be made to a con-
cept as seemingly-stiaightfoiwaid as ievenue in accounting. Te U.S. Financial Accounting
Standaids Boaid and the Inteinational Accounting Standaids Boaid have spent ten yeais
tiying to come up with a common defnition of ievenue and have not succeeded yet.
17

Accoidingly, how will a consensus be ieached iegaiding the way to calculate concepts such
as the indiiect emissions of gieen house gases: On the aggiegate level, if full-cost accounting
encompasses all the optimal fai-ieaching factois to deteimine the tiue impacts of a business,
15 N. Soderstrom, Sustainabilitv reporting. past, present, and trends for the future (Melbourne: CPA Australia, 2012) Univer-
sitv of Melbourne Annual Research Lectur.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
71
the cost ielated to data gatheiing might become piohibitively high. Teiefoie, it is dimcult
to fnd the iight balance. And, on anothei note, what is the timefiame that should be used to
assess the enviionmental impact: the life-span of a mine oi the life-span of its toxic wastes:
Te lattei question is paiticulaily ielevant since cuiient iisk assessment models tend to dis-
connect the futuie values of enviionment and iesouices balanced against immediate ben-
efts. Teiefoie consideiing the iight pioceduie to iepoit CSR, questions like these iemain
in gieat quantity. Teie aie efoits being made to ieach the ideal of consistent accounting,
and guidelines have been developed on difeient issues by the Inteinational Standaidization
Oiganization and Global Repoiting Initiative, yet, foi the moment, companies aie not ie-
quiied to use these standaids, and even those that do can inteipiet them as they see ft and
omit to fully disclose ceitain less gloiious aspect of theii coipoiate behavioi.
18
Teiefoie, it is
possible to fnd CSR iepoits like the one of Kumtoi, wheie the company exposes theii com-
munity involvement and how they abide by the IFC peifoimance standaids by minimizing
theii enviionmental impact, but wheie nothing is said about the lawsuits against them in
Kyigyzstan and the pollution they pioduce legally oi illegally.
Auditing
When a company piesents its CSR iepoit to its investois, some might iequiie a thiid-
paity evaluation to ensuie the veiacity of the iepoit and deteimine if the company tiuly
confoims to the iequiied standaids. Tis is ofen the case when public institutions like the
IFC fnance piojects to ensuie that these standaids aie adheied to. Te iesponsibility to fnd
an auditoi and piovide the insuiance of iightful compliance is usually lef up to the compa-
ny.
19
Howevei, the auditois face the same afoiementioned dimculties in teims of account-
ing, and, in addition, this delegation allows bias in the auditing piocess. In fact, the ieview
can be done by difeient kind of expeits: lawyeis, engineeis and consultants being the most
common. Tus, depending on his oi hei backgiound, the auditoi will inteipiet difeiently
the standaids and how they should be calculated, having as a consequence that, foi instance,
a company that commits faults in some veiy technical aspects of its woik would avoid hiiing
engineeis to audit theii CSR iepoit.
20
Moieovei, delegating the task of auditing to the com-
pany exposes the auditoi to tiamc of infuence. In fact, foi example, a company is fiee to
use a consultant with whom it has built a stiong confdence ielationship and suggest him oi
hei to piovide the investoi with a positive audit. Te example that will be biought heie is a
18 J.Gallu, C. Gardoll, & A. Inamdar, Review of the IFCs Policv and Performance Standards on Social and Environmental
Sustainabilitv and Policv on Disclosure of Information (Washington: World Bank Group: 2010). International Financial Corpor-
taion, OIfce oI the Compliance Advisor/Ombusdman.
19 M. Torrance, Global CSR Monitor - IFC Environmental & Social Performance Standards (Norton Rose Fulbright, 2010)
20 N. Soderstrom, Sustainabilitv reporting. past, present, and trends for the future (Melbourne: CPA Australia, 2012) Univer-
sitv of Melbourne Annual Research Lectur.
72
meie inteipietation of a dubious audit that iesembles to what has been desciibed above. As
mentioned in the contextualization, the Kyigyz goveinment foi enviionmental misconduct
is suing Kumtoi. Howevei, in theii investoi's iepoit, the company claims that they hiied an
independent piivate consultant fim, the name of which is not ievealed, that has concluded
that the goveinment's claims weie not admissible and iestated that Kumtoi abides by the
standaids of the countiy, the IFC, Canada, and Saskatchewan. Tis situation does not con-
stitute a stiong aigument as neithei the company noi the consultant fim has been found
guilty of any misconduct, yet, this dubious situation opens the dooi to potential audit bias.
Legal Framework
CSR iepoits aie ieleased to demonstiate the compliance of a business to some ethical
standaids. Tis has positive iepeicussions on its coipoiate image and has the powei to tapei
the ciitical judgment of the public. Howevei, in the case of fallacious iepoiting oi simply bad
coipoiate behavioi oveiseas, what actions aie ieseived foi faulty companies who tainish the
image of theii whole industiy: Not much. Te following section will deal with the aspects
of the legal fiamewoik in which mining companies evolve, and how loopholes allow them
to engage in unethical behaviois.
Economic Rationality and Voluntary Compliance
As undeilined in the defnition of CSR, the concept is founded on the piinciple of vol-
untaiy compliance. Tis implies that the companies cannot be sanctioned as a iesult of faulty
actions. It is tiue that when mining in developing countiies, companies aie exposed to many
iisks that can infuence theii pioftability, especially consideiing the volatility of mineials'
piices, which might signifcantly ieduce the pioft maigins of the pioduction. Like we have
seen in the case of Kumtoi, wheie the countiy in which they opeiate has been thiough two
ievolutions and wheie stiikes aie fiequent, political instability can also have an impact on
the companies, as it is haid foi them to have cleai expectations about the futuie. Teiefoie,
they need to minimize theii costs to iemain competitive. Cutting enviionmental sustain-
ability and community involvement is not usually linked to a ieduction in pioductivity in
the tiaditional neolibeial economic discouise adopted by multinational mining companies.
As a iesult, when it comes to applying a voluntaiy set of social and enviionmental standaids,
the companies aie ofen making decisions thiough a pioft-maximizing iationale, choosing
to go with the lowest possible level of compliance. Tough, by applying only ceitain stan-
daids, they can legitimize theii actions to theii shaieholdeis and keep them in the daik.
Enforcement of the IFCs Performance Standards
In the case of Kumtoi, the iepoit demonstiates that the company is compliant with the
IFC's Peifoimance Standaids on Enviionmental and Social Sustainability. Tese piinciples,
73
which aie also pait of the Canadian goveinment stiategy on CSR, encompass a wide-iange
of iecommendations giouped undei eight difeient topics: assessment and management of
enviionmental iisks impacts; laboi and woiking conditions; iesouice emciency and pollu-
tion pievention; community health, safety and secuiity; land acquisition and involuntaiy
iesettlement; biodiveisity conseivation and sustainable management of living natuial ie-
souices; indigenous people; and cultuial heiitage.
21
Yet, two questions iemain: how is this
ceitifcation" gianted and how aie these piinciples enfoiced:
Fiist, since these aie self-iegulatoiy piinciples, the implementation of the standaids and
theii monitoiing aie lef up to the company, as it was discussed in the section on iepoit-
ing mechanisms. Second, they aie enfoiced thiough sof laws, which have a weak binding
foice compaied to actual haid laws wheie a paity can be sued in couit. In some cases, since
the IFC is iesponsible foi many loans to fims developing laige-scale piojects in emeig-
ing countiies, they add contiactual piovisions iegaiding compliance within theii fnancing
agieements, which allows enfoicement thiough couits. Non-compliance can also be con-
sideied as an event of default, which is an impoitant thieat to companies.
22
Howevei, the
issue of self-iepoiting iemains, and this iecouise only applies when the investoi intioduces
the piovisions.
In addition, in some cases, especially in Afiica, companies aie able to set up highly
pioftable mining piojects with soaiing inteinal iates of ietuin (the ietuin on investment
in peicentage) ovei veiy shoit peiiod of time.
23
Tis implies that the companies bieak even
not long afei staiting theii opeiations, so they aie no longei bounded by fnancing piovi-
sions, allowing them to deviate fiom the IFC's peifoimance standaids as they see ft. In any
case, since imposing inteinational legally binding iegulations meets a lot of iesistance in
the inteinational institutions like the Woild Bank because of ethical pioblems that entail
the soveieignty of states, changes at the legislative level should be made within the judiciaiy
of the countiies involved.
Te Canadian Response
To addiess this issue, in 2009, John McKay, a Libeial membei of the Canadian
Pailiament, has pioposed the Coipoiate Accountability of Mining, Oil and Gas Coipoiations
in Developing Countiies Act, otheiwise known as the Piivate Membeis' Bill C-300, which
is building on the iecommendation of the 2007 pan-Canadian ioundtable on the issue of
21 J.Gallu, C. Gardoll, & A. Inamdar, Review of the IFCs Policv and Performance Standards on Social and Environmental
Sustainabilitv and Policv on Disclosure of Information ( Washington: World Bank Group: 2010). International Financial Cor-
portaion, OIfce oI the Compliance Advisor/Ombusdman.
22 M. Torrance, Global CSR Monitor - IFC Environmental & Social Performance Standards( Norton Rose Fulbright, 2010)
74
CSR in the Canadian extiactive sectoi. Tis Bill pioposed to legislate the IFC's standaids,
the Voluntaiy Piinciples on Secuiity and Human Rights and human iights piovisions to
ensuie compliance with the difeient tieaties iatifed by Canada. It also pioposed the ap-
pointment of an ombudsman who would be iesponsible to investigate complaints made by
any Canadian civil oi coipoiate citizen, as well as citizens fiom host countiies afected by
Canadian mining opeiations.
24
Tis had the piospect to become a benchmaik in the mattei
of sustainable mining.
Howevei, in 2010, it was defeated by six votes, afei all the Conseivatives in powei voted
against the motion and some Libeials, New Demociats and Bloquistes abstained oi did
not show up foi the vote, which iefects the appaient piessuies fiom the industiy's lobby.
23

As of 2013, the new stance foi the Canadian goveinment engagement iegaiding CSR can
be seen thiough the piogiam Building the Canadian Advantage: a CSR Stiategy foi the
Inteinational Extiactive Sectoi." Tis iesponse fiom the Conseivative goveinment sets aside
the human iights piovisions to meet the countiy's engagements on some UN conventions,
and most impoitantly, the legally binding aspect of a law. Te goveinment has also set up
the Omce of the Extiactive Sectoi CSR Counselloi, who is iesponsible foi advisoiy and dis-
pute iesolution, as opposed to the ombudsman iecommended in Bill C-300.
26
In the cuiient
situation, in the advent of a dispute, the decision to caiiy on with an investigation pioceduie
depends on the will of the faulty company, since the powei of this omce is also limited by
voluntaiy compliance. Moieovei, the goveinment has even iefused to cancel the diplomatic
and fnancial suppoit ofeied by the Ministiy of Foieign Afaiis and Expoit Development
Canada - a vital state institution foi Canadian companies engaged in oveiseas opeiations
that flls the gap lef by tiaditional investment banks on much-needed insuiances and f-
nancing - in the case of human iights abuses.
Corporate Veil and Duty of Care
Even though light has been cast on the missing national institutions to addiess cases
of dispute and the lack of iegulatoiy powei of inteinational oiganizations, it is still not
cleai why Canadian coipoiations aie not being held accountable foi theii actions befoie
a Canadian tiibunal. As of 2013, only one case involving a Canadian mine and its foieign
woikeis has been allowed to pioceed undei Canadian juiisdiction. In fact, last July, the
Supeiioi Couit of Ontaiio has iejected the thiee motions set foith by Hudbay Mineials to
stiike the thiee actions fled by thiiteen indigenous Mayan Q'eqchi' who iepoited having
sufeied fiom difeient atiocities duiing foiced evictions oideied by the company. Tis case
24 J. McKay, Bill. C-300 (Canada: 2009)
23 B. Curry, Lobbving blit: helps kill mining ethics bill. (The Globe and Mail: 2010).
and Development, Canada: 2013)
73
iepiesents an encouiaging piecedent, but it is also a good example of the baiiieis met by
the victims who seaich foi justice on theii own teims in Canada. Te infoimation exposed
in the next section is taken fiom the Supeiioi Couit of Ontaiio July 2013 judgment of the
Chuc v Hudbay Minerals Inc. case.
Te Mayan Q'eqchi' is an indigenous community of Guatemala that has been entitled
lands by a dictatoiial militaiy goveinment duiing the Guatemalan Civil Wai that ended
in 1996, duiing which ovei 130,000 Mayan weie soididly massacied, a fact that has been
iecognized by the Guatemalan couit. Neveitheless, the goveinment gianted a concession
to these lands to Hudbay Mineials foi the Fenix nickel-mining pioject. In Septembei 2007,
the manageis of the company oideied the untiained and illegally aimed secuiity peisonnel
of theii local subsidiaiy, Compaa Guatemalteca de Nquel (CGN), to foicibly evict the
community fiom theii villages with the help of the national and militaiy police, all of this in
spite of the fact that they weie awaie of past violence done by the secuiity agents thioughout
the land dispute. Tose in chaige of the eviction then pioceeded to buin down the houses
of the Q'eqchi' and gang-iaped eleven women. In Januaiy 2009, the secuiity peisonnel shot
the community leadei in the head at point-blank iange and wounded anothei peison who
is now paialyzed fiom his chest down. Helped by Amnesty Inteinational, the victims sought
justice in Canada. Yet, in the fist page of the case Chuc v Hudbay Minerals Inc., the defen-
dant pleads that it is plain and obvious that they disclose no ieasonable couise of action."
In fact, accoiding to the case Solomon v Solomon & Co. (1897, AC 22) that is iecognized
in the Canadian coipoiate law, a paient coipoiation is [.] a legal entity distinct fiom a
wholly-owned subsidiaiy." Tis sepaiation of legal peisonality is known as the coipoiate
veil. When opeiating abioad, Canadian mining coipoiations cieate a new company in the
host countiy to opeiate and manage the mine and keep 100 inteiests in the subsidiaiy to
ietain the full decisional powei. Tis is the case foi Centeiia that wholly-owns Kumtoi, and
the same holds tiue foi Hudbay Mineials and CGN. Howevei, theie aie thiee exceptions
wheie the coipoiate veil can be pieiced, and the paient company can be held accountable:
(a) wheie the [subsidy] is completely dominated and contiolled and being used as a shield
foi fiaudulent and impiopei conduct, [.] (b) wheie the [subsidy] has acted as the autho-
iized agent of its contiolleis, coipoiate oi human, [.] and (c) wheie a statute oi contiact
iequiies it."
27
With iegaid to the Mayans' declaiations as they aie stated in the Statement of
Claims, conditions (a) and (c) do not apply. Nonetheless, theie is a possibility that condition
b applies, and it will depend on the ability of the plaintifs to piove that CGD was Hudbay's
agent at the ielevant time.
27 Chuc v Hudbay Minerals Inc., CV-10-411159, CV-11-423077 & CV-11-435841 (Superior Court oI Justice - Ontario July
22, 2013).
76
Howevei, in this case the plaintifs aie not only taigeting the indiiect actions posed by
Hudbay thiough theii subsidiaiy, they aie also taigeting theii inaction and its diiect conse-
quences. In fact, toit law is anothei iecouise to seek justice in case of negligence that leads
to unintentional toits. Yet, the victims should be able to piove the paient company had at
the ielevant time, a duty of caie with iegaid to its subsidiaiy. Tiee conditions have to be
met in oidei to do so: the toits should have been ieasonably foieseeable, theie should have
been a ielationship of pioximity between the plaintif and the defendant, and the must be
no policy ieason to iestiict the duty. In the case studied, it was consideied that theie was
enough evidence not to dismiss the duty of caie. Howevei, the defendant pleaded that theie
was policy implications that pievented the duty of caie to be consideied, and they cited the
fact that Bill C-300 was defeated and told using toit law was an attempt to ciicumvent the
coipoiate veil. Foitunately, the couit upheld that theie was a ieasonable couise of action
albeit the policy implications because theie was no pievious iecoid to assess the stiengths
and weaknesses of the aiguments.
Even though the Supieme Couit of Ontaiio has iecognized and accepted Mayan giiev-
ances, it is impoitant to note that theie is a fagiant lack of cleai iules. Te pioceduie is
full of loose teims like ieasonable" oi signifcant" that leave much discietion to the judge
foi inteipietation. Moieovei, people involved in disputes with Canadian fims aie most of
the time unawaie of theii iecouise, let alone the fact that they piobably cannot afoid it.
Finally, if we think of a completely difeient case like the potential enviionmental disastei
of Kyigyzstan, theie is not any iecouise that iesults in legal sanctions foi Centeiia. In the
cuiient context, it is theiefoie cleai that the Canadian laws aie not suited to insuie justice foi
the victims of mining coipoiations, and this leads, as the co-diiectoi of Rights of Actions"
Russell Giahame states, to an unacceptable double standaid. In fact, Canadians hold the
iule of law deai to theii heait, but they willingly invest in companies that intentionally use
loopholes and goveinance weaknesses in countiies wheie the iule of law is not honoied to
advance theii agenda, having as theii ultimate goal capital accumulation. Te Canadians aie
kept in ignoiance, but this paiadox ought to be exposed.
Te Canadian Government: a Major Drag
As seen by the tiajectoiy of this papei, it is cleai that iepoiting mechanisms and legal
fiamewoik aie not adequate to ensuie accountability. Neveitheless, the pioblems always ie-
volve aiound a cential cause: the lack of inteivention of the Canadian goveinment. Although
we cannot blame it all on the cuiient Conseivative goveinment, as these atiocities have been
happening undei pievious Libeial goveinments as well, it is still tiue that the Piime Ministei
and his cabinet aie diiving Canada in the wiong diiection. Indeed, economic conseivatism
as piomoted by the goveinment is cential to the pioblem. Yet, befoie going any fuithei, it
should be noted that in the following sections, even though specifc allusions to the cuiient
77
goveinment will be made, since they aie unequivocally pushing foi moie poweiful mining
companies, it should be also undeistood that goveinment inaction is systemic and that it is
a iesponsibility that is shaied among all of the actois of the political scene.
Free-Trade and Deregulation
Tiough theii economic ideology, which constitutes a pillai of theii paity that is aigu-
ably iesponsible foi theii populaiity among the electoiate, Haipei's Conseivatives aim to
ensuie a balanced budget at all cost. To achieve theii goal, they advocate foi concepts such as
fiee tiade and the deiegulation of the economy with the assumption that, the piivate sectoi
is iun by viituous people" who will allocate factois of pioduction in an optimal fashion foi
the beneft of all. Howevei, albeit the fact that theie aie ceitainly advantages to fiee tiade,
when coupled with extensive deiegulation, it can lead to the disastious outcome that many
feel is appaient in the extiactive sectoi. Ovei the last yeais, Stephen Haipei has been on tiade
missions to secuie oi modeinize fiee tiade agieements and stiengthen the coipoiate iights
of Canadian businesses in fve countiies of Latin Ameiica (Honduias, Panama, Columbia,
Peiu, Chile) wheie Canadian mining coipoiations have a high stake and aie always seeking
to develop moie.
28
Te pioblem is that these agieements open the dooi to issues ielated to inequitable bal-
ance of powei wheie the money of Canadian enteipiises weighs heavy, and the mechanisms
integiated in the agieements only foiestall piejudices to companies and investois while
keeping apait the inteiests of communities.
29
Tis allows the companies to oveiiide the will
of small countiies, as can been seen in the following example. Te case involving Infnito
Gold and the Goveinment of Costa Rica cuiiently attiacts attention in the news and among
the detiactois of Canadian mining coipoiations. Te litigation is based on the fact that, afei
having found some iiiegulaiities in the appioval piocess of an open-pit gold mining pioject,
the Goveinment of Costa Rica has backtiacked on its decision. Te goveinment claimed
that the pioject, which will be implanted in a tiopical foiest neai a majoi iivei, would haim
the enviionment and go against the sustainability engagements of the countiy, a fagship
of theii ieputation and populaiity. In iesponse to this change of diiection, the company is
suing the goveinment foi one billion dollais on the giounds that this decision goes against
the 1999 fiee-tiade agieement signed by the two countiies.
30
Economic giowth is of paiamount impoitance to the Canadian goveinment and the
iise of emeiging economies poses a iisk to the competitiveness of Canada. With the iise of
and Development Canada: 2013)
29 J.-P. Laplante, & C. Nolin, Snake oil and the Mvth of Corporate Social Responsibilitv (Canadian Dimension: 2011)
30 MiningWatch Canada, Message to Canadas Inhnito Gold. Drop vour outrageous billion-dollar lawsuit against Costa
Rica' (MiningWatch Canada: 2013)
78
countiies like China and Russia, theie is a giowing piessuie on Canada to come up with such
fiee-tiade agieements and deiegulation. On that mattei, a quote by the Conseivative MP of
Calgaiy East, Deepak Obhiai, illustiates the stance of the goveinment: we all know what
China is doing . China is all ovei Afiica. Who is asking China to be social coipoiate ie-
sponsible: Nobody."
31
Although his answei is not ieally accuiate consideiing the numeious
NGOs that iequiie moie accountability and tianspaiency fiom Chinese mining coipoia-
tions, it shows that the cuiient goveinment seeks to pieseive the status quo oi even deiegu-
late moie like it is doing iight now by stieamlining the Canadian enviionmental piotection
iequiiements to give way to the tai sands industiy.
Te New Visage of Canadian Foreign Assistance
Undei the Haipei majoiity goveinment, anothei impoitant tiansfoimation that oc-
cuiied is the change in the mission of the countiy's foieign assistance. In fact, today, the
Canadian Inteinational Development Agency (CIDA) has been meiged with the Depaitment
of Foieign Afaiis and Inteinational Tiade to become the Depaitment of Foieign Afaiis,
Tiade and Development. Tis exemplifes the new vision of foieign aid piomoted by the
Conseivatives, wheie the ties between Canadian foieign coipoiations and NGOs aie foiti-
fed. In fact, since development woik is now caiiied thiough the companies in the foim of
economic development initiatives, the goveinment hopes to legitimize the activities of the
lattei, which is likewise indoised in its CSR pioject Building the Canadian Advantage."
Consequently, thiough its embassies and the NGOs it fnances, the goveinment hopes to
infuence the policy dialogue within developing countiies that have a stiong mining poten-
tial. Howevei, this type of development that ielies on the assumption of tiickle-down efects
is limited to the life span of the pioject and aie shoit-teim at best
32
Fuitheimoie, the Canadian goveinment uses its foieign aid to infuence diiectly the
policies of ceitain developing countiies and advance the inteiests of its mining companies;
Honduias is anothei good example.
33
In 1998, Huiiicane Mitch caused billions of dollais
in damage thioughout the undeideveloped countiy. Tiough the Canadian Inteinational
Development Agency, Canada piomised ovei $100 million dollais foi ieconstiuction
Howevei, theie weie piovisions attached to this package that allowed the intioduction of
40 Canadian companies in Honduias, most of which fiom the mining sectoi. Tiough this
tied-aid, the goveinment solidifed its piesence in the countiy.
34
Howevei, the woist hap-
pened when a militaiy coup was intended in Honduias to oveithiow the Piesident Jos
31 J.-P. Laplante, & C. Nolin, Snake oil and the Mvth of Corporate Social Responsibilitv (Canadian Dimension: 2011)
32 Ibid.
34 A. Holly, Canada Supports the Militarv Coup in Honduras ( Global Research :2009)
79
Manuel Zelaya, an impoitant detiactoi of the mining industiy who had cancelled in 2006
all mining concessions on the Honduian teiiitoiy. In 2009, while most countiies cancelled
theii aid in piotest to the militaiy iegime that they weie judging illegitimate, Canada con-
tinued to contiibute thiough CIDA and Petei Kent, the foimei Ministei of State of Foieign
Afaiis foi Ameiica, suggested Zelaya in a meeting of the Oiganization of the Ameiican
States that he should not go back to assume his piesidency.
35
Finally, the ousted piesident did
not ietuin to Honduias and the militaiy iegime iesponsible foi human iights abuses took
lead of the countiy. CIDA was then involved in piojects to build goveinance" wheie one
can inteipiet this as solidifying the giounds of the Canadian mining industiy in the countiy.
Paiadoxically enough, Petei Kent is also the one who once said: demociatic goveinance is
a cential pillai of Canada's enhanced engagement in the Ameiicas."
36
Te Almightiness of the Mining Lobby
Anothei majoi playei in the policy debate outcomes that has been lef aside fiom the
cuiient analysis is the mining lobby. Teii iole is quite stiaightfoiwaid, which is why no in-
depth investigation of theii iole is necessaiy. Teii infuence has nevei been moie obvious
than duiing the peiiod befoie the voting of Bill C-300. Duiing a symposium held at McGill
Univeisity last Novembei John McKay, the oiiginatoi of the bill, denounced the oveiwhelm-
ing powei of lobbyists. He explained how massive amounts of money weie spent to kill the
bill and he exposed the numeious meetings between the Mining Association of Canada oi
senioi omceis fiom individual mining fims and the ministeis, senioi civil seivants and op-
position MPs. He also gave the example of a Libeial MP of Yukon, Laiiy Bagnell, who told
McKay befoie the vote that he would suppoit the bill, but that by doing so, it would maik
the end of his political life. When he came back to Yukon, Bagnell saw posteis of him put
up aiound Whitehoise, with messages such as he wants to kill youi jobs" wiitten undei
his face. He was defeated by his Conseivative opponent in the 2011 elections. McKay also
stated that now that we aie undei a majoiity goveinment, the likelihood of seeing any ad-
vancement conceining this issue is quasi null, and that the Haipei goveinment is simply not
inteiested in iegulating the industiy. He also agieed with all the panelists that the industiy is
actually way ahead of the goveinment and that they aie inclined to giant whatevei iequest
made by the lobby and the leadeis of mining companies.
Recommendations
Afei studying the difeient aspects of unethical behaviois of mining companies in de-
veloping countiies, Tis papei pioposes a set of policy iecommendations to be implemented
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
80
on the national level. Fiist, Bill C-300 was a veiy good staiting point and should have passed.
Now that it has not, anothei bill should be wiitten on the same giounds. As a iemind-
ei, it iecommended to legislate IFC's Peifoimance Standaids, the Voluntaiy Piinciples on
Secuiity and Human Rights and some piovisions to insuie Canadian companies comply
with the human iights conventions iatifed by the goveinment. It also iecommended the
cieation of an ombudsman to heai the giievances of any Canadian citizens and foieign citi-
zens afected by Canadian companies, similai to the one alieady existing at the IFC, yet in
Canada it would have the powei to take actions befoie difeient infuential instances: the
judiciaiy, Expoit Development Canada, the Ministiy of Foieign Afaiis (foi diplomatic sei-
vices) and the Canada Pension Plan Boaid. Tiough these foui institutions, the goveinment
could defnitely enfoice the law efectively. Howevei othei issues aie not addiessed by this
bill that aie also veiy impoitant.
Second, the goveinment must develop and mandate national standaids foi full-cost
accounting. Tese standaids should allow consistency in iepoiting fiom a company to the
othei thiough a cleai guideline to calculate social and enviionmental impacts. Howevei,
they must be adapted to some extent to the industiy so that the costs of data gatheiing aie
not piohibitively high and allow consistent and afoidable audits. Tese shall be peifoimed
by an independent and objective thiid paity. Te only way to ensuie this is to give the ie-
sponsibility of audits to a goveinmental agency. Cleai guidelines should be cieated on how
to caiiy out these ieviews.
Tiid, voluntaiy compliance should not involve standaids that aie necessaiy foi the
iespect of human iights and ecosystem well being. Once these conditions aie iespected,
companies would still be fiee to seek foi highei standaids and the competition foi being the
company with the best piactices should begin theie; not when human iights aie at stake. In
that case, subsidiaiies must be subject to Canadian Laws and piovisions in the contiacts be-
tween subsidiaiies and paient companies must be intioduced to insuie accountability, and
make it easiei to pieice the coipoiate veil oi piove duty of caie. Moieovei, when developing
fiee tiade agieements, theie must be additional measuies designed to piovide iecouise foi
communities and not only companies and investois.
Finally, foieign aid must no longei be tied to the advancement of Canadian mining
coipoiations and oui goveinment must no longei tiy to shape policies of small developing
nations iegaidless of the impacts on the futuie of theii citizens. Nowadays, the behavioi of
the Canadian goveinment is compaiable to the ones of the bad apples that weie discussed
in this papei. It is theiefoie cleai that the cuiient Conseivative goveinment is not pait of
the solution and it is piimoidial that it is not ieelected with a majoiity if we want to see any
conciete change in this situation. Teie must also be moie awaieness about the behavioi
of the goveinment and the mining companies in oidei to put piessuie on the MPs to vote
foi futuie bills and limit the infuence of the lobby. Given the powei of the industiy and the
81
compliance of the goveinment to its demands, it is haid to imagine measuies to limit the
intiusion of coipoiate inteiests in oui countiy's decision-making piocess, and this is why
public awaieness is so impoitant.
Conclusion
I lef Kyigyzstan in July, with anothei vision of development woik. On one side, I was
impiessed by the tiemendous impiovements in living standaids that can take place when
difeient actois fiom a community come togethei. I was also veiy giateful foi the woik of
all the dedicated Kyigyz who aie hoping foi a bettei futuie foi theii countiymen and aie
taking actions to make it happen in spite of an incapacitated goveinment. Howevei, I was
simultaneously disgusted about all the othei people aiound who weie woiking in a com-
pletely opposite diiection, but undei the same bannei of development. I have seen micio-
ciedit agencies stealing fiom pioject fnancing and theii clients, and woist of all, a mining
company that claims being the motoi of development in the countiy while exposing its glit-
teiing CSR policy, which is believed by a gieat shaie of the population. Yet theii activities
aie about to iuin eveiy action taken by oiganizations like the KAWS, as toxic substances aie
leaking in the iiveis and an unpiecedented laige-scale enviionmental disastei is thieaten-
ing the iegion.
Tiough my inteinship, investigations and univeisity education, I have acknowledged a
majoi pioblem that is applicable to the Canadian mining coipoiations, but that can also be
extended to othei oiganizations as well. Teie is a fagiant dispaiity between the discouise
companies have about theii enviionmental and social intentions and piactices, and what
they aie actually doing on the feld.
In light of these pioblems, I constiucted a set of solutions that would be necessaiy to
ensuie ethical standaids and coipoiate accountability. I am awaie that imposing such iegu-
lations would impact the pioftability of oui mining companies, but a similai opposition
fiom the industiy aiose befoie Health and Safety iegulations weie passed, and the industiy
adapted. Also, it should not be foigotten that in the piimaiy use of gold is foi jeweliy making
and foi stocking in bank vaults as a fnancial safe-heaven.
37
Teiefoie, it is ciitical that we
iethink oui valuation of metals, and put the value of human lives befoie that of iings, bul-
lions, miciochips and dental implants. A similai change in mindset must occui in Canadian
goveinment. Canada holds such an impoitant place in the inteinational mining industiy
that innovations in the Canadian iegulatoiy fiamewoik could inspiie othei countiies and
inteinational institutions. Ten, in the same way the woild has witnessed a iise in CSR ie-
poiting adoption among mining companies ovei the last decades, we could hope foi the
piopagation of genuine coipoiate social iesponsibility iefecting the tiue behavioi of these
37 H. King, The Manv Uses of Gold ( Geology - Geoscience News and InIormation: 2013)
82
companies, which could hencefoith meet the needs of the woild without compiomising the
ones of host communities.
83
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