**CAPITALISM**

2AC
Frameworkrole of the ballot is plan vs. competitive policy option Best A. Competitive equitydiscursive assumptions as a priori issues are unpredictable and jack aff ground B. Utopian thinking badpolicy focus is keyanalysts prove that space weaponi ation is inevitable absent the plan C. c!"read your # as a counterplanthat avoids abusive individual and private fiat
Their totalizing representation of capitalism as the root cause of problems is a self-fulfilling prophecyit overlooks the complexities and discontinuities within capitalism and destroys the possibility of non-capitalist thought Gibson-Graham 9 $%ulie &raham' professor' U (assachusetts' and #atherine &ibson' professor' (onash U' )he *nd of Capitalism $As +e #now "t,' p -./' A&,
)he *nd of Capitalism $As +e #new "t, problemati es 0capitalism0 as an economic and social descriptor. 1crutini ing what might be seen as throwaway uses of the term . passing references' for e2ample' to the capitalist system or to global capitalism . as well as systematic and deliberate attempts to represent capitalism

as a central and organi ing feature of modern social e2perience ' the book selectively traces the discursive origins of a widespread understanding3
that capitalism is the hegemonic' or even the only' present form of economy and that it will continue to be so in the pro2imate future. "t follows from this prevalent though not ubiquitous view that noncapitalist economic sites' if they e2ist at all' must inhabit the social margins4 and' as a corollary' that deliberate attempts to develop noncapitalist economic practices and institutions must take place in the social interstices' in the realm of e2periment' or in a visionary space of revolutionary social replacement. 5epresentations of capitalism are a potent constituent of the anticapitalist imagination' providing images of what is to be

resisted and changed as well as intimations of the strategies' techniques' and possibilities of changing it. 6or this reason' depictions of 0capitalist hegemony0 deserve a particularly skeptical reading. 6or in the vicinity of these representations' the very idea of a noncapitalist economy takes the shape of an unlikelihood or even an impossibility. "t becomes difficult to entertain a vision of the prevalence and vitality of noncapitalist economic forms' or of daily or partial replacements of capitalism by noncapitalist economic practices' or of capitalist retreats and reversals. "n this sense' 0capitalist hegemony0 operates not only as a constituent of' but also as a brake upon' the anticapitalist imaginations. +hat difference might it make to release that brake and allow an anticapitalist economic imaginary to develop unrestricted7 "f we
were to dissolve the image that looms in the economic foreground' what shadowy economic forms might come forward7 "n these questions we can identify the broad outlines of our project3 to discover or create a world of economic difference' and to populate that world with e2otic creatures that become' upon inspection' quite local and familiar $not to mention familiar beings that are not what they seem,. )he discursive artifact we call 0capitalist hegemony0 is a comple2 effect of a wide variety of discursive and nondiscursive conditions. "n this book we focus on the practices and preoccupations of discourse' tracing some of the different' even incompatible' representations of capitalism that can be collated within this fictive summary representation. )hese depictions have their origins in the diverse traditions of (ar2ism' classical and contemporary political economy' academic social science' modern historiography' popular economic and social thought' western philosophy and metaphysics' indeed' in an endless array of te2ts' traditions and infrastructures of meaning. "n the chapters that follow' only a few of these are e2amined for the ways in which they have sustained a vision of capitalism as the dominant form of economy ' or have contributed to the possibility or

durability of such a vision. But the point should emerge none the less clearly3 the virtually unquestioned dominance of capitalism can be seen as a comple2 product of a variety of discursive commitments' including but not limited to organicist social conceptions' heroic historical narratives' evolutionary scenarios of social development' and essentialist' phallocentric' or binary patterns of thinking. "t is through these discursive figurings and alignments that capitalism is constituted as large' powerful' persistent' active' e2pansive' progressive' dynamic'
transformative4 embracing' penetrating' disciplining' coloni ing' constraining4 systemic' self.reproducing' rational' lawful' self.rectifying4 organi ed and organi ing' centered and centering4 originating' creative' protean4 victorious and ascendant4 self. identical' self.e2pressive' full' definite' real' positive' and capable of

conferring identity and meaning. Perm do the plan and reject capitalism. !ap is key to "merican preeminence #halilzad 899$ :;almay' <=>osing the (oment7 )he United 1tates and the +orld After the Cold +ar'? +ashington @uarterlyA )he United 1tates is unlikely to preserve its military and technological dominance if the U.1. economy declines seriously. "n such an environment' the domestic economic and political base for global leadership would diminish and the United 1tates would probably incrementally withdraw from the world' become inward.looking' and abandon more and more of its e2ternal interests. As the United 1tates weakened' others would try to fill the Bacuum. )o sustain and improve its economic strength' the United 1tates must maintain its technological lead in the economic realm. "ts success will depend on the choices it makes. "n the past' developments such as the agricultural and industrial revolutions produced fundamental changes positively affecting the relative position of those who were able to take advantage of them and negatively affecting those who did not. 1ome argue that the world may be at the beginning of another such transformation' which will shift the sources of wealth and the relative position of classes and nations. "f the United 1tates fails to recogni e the change and adapt its institutions' its relative position will necessarily worsen.

No link the plan does nothing to extend capitalism. !apitalism is inevitable and is the only way to prevent the problems they isolate %ey& '9( $(ichael &' (anagement Crof in the school of Business Admin at (ontclair 1tate D *2ec Eirector of the *2pansionary "nsitute' 1ei ing the 6uture' p. -FG.9, A culture includes a societyHs values' behavior patterns' customs' norms' belies' and most importantly its +eltanshauung. )his last term' translated from the &erman' really means the worldview of a society. 1o pervasive is a societyHs +eltanshauung that largely determines that societyHs overall direction and shapes the actions of its members. "n the (acroindustrial *ra' society will require what " label the *2pansionary Culture $)able 9.8,. )he society possessing this culture welcomes progress' fosters human potential' and encourages and celebrates growth. "ts members envision the current state of affairs not as an end point' but as a launching pad to greater achievements. "t does not look for a compromise between the species and the universe' but sees the growth of one intertwined with the progress of the other. Io country can hope to lead the way into the ne2t century unless the culture supports growth and progress. A country that doubts its ability to create and produce or' worse' questions whether is should even commit itself to a pro.growth policy will soon lose the ability to innovate' e2pand' and sei e the future. " collapse in the short-term will fail and won't lead to a sustainable alternative ) more than two decades are still needed Trainer' *+++ $)ed' Crofessor of 1ocial +ork at the University of Iew 1outh +akes in Australia' )he "nternational %ournal of "nclusive Eemocracy' =+here are we' where do we want to be' how do we get there7? %uly' vol. J' no. -' www.democracynature.org!dn!volJ!trainerKwhere.htm, !! %(C "f there is a boom we in the *co.village (ovement should welcome it' through gritted teeth' because it will give us the time we desperately need. )he last thing we want is a collapse of the system in the immediate future. +e are far from ready. Lardly any of the hundreds of millions of people who live in rich world cities have any idea of an alternative to the consumer way and their settlements have no provision for anything but ma2imising the throughput of resources. By all means letHs have a collapse a little later' but the prospects for )he 1impler +ay depend greatly on how e2tensively the concept can be established before the mainstream runs into serious trouble. +e need at least two more decades to build the understanding' and the most effective way to do that is by developing e2amples. " should make it clear that my argument is about what we should focus on doing here and now. "t is not being argued that confrontation with capitalism can or should always be avoided' nor that the new ways could be increasingly adopted to the point where they have smoothly and peacefully replaced the old. Ior is it being assumed that a transition from capitalist society can take place without at some point becoming a matter of mass political involvement and intense conflict in which power is taken from those who now have it. "n the distant future we may well find ourselves in a situation in which fighting against the system becomes the most appropriate thing to do. (y basic argument is that building eco.villages' rather than fighting against capitalism' is the most sensible thing to do here and now in order to ma2imise our long term contribution to the transition from consumer society to a sustainable society. )hat is' trying to build the new social forms seems to me to be by far the most effective first step open to us at this point in time' towards the day when we have built the mass political movement that will replace the present order' with or without conflict. "f we are lucky people will in time adopt the new ways in such large numbers that the old system will be more or less abandoned. "f we are not so lucky and great conflict occurs' so be it.

Capitalism is utterl ine!ita"le#the le$t onl looks cra% &hen the $ocus on Mar'ism o!er practical re$orms. (ilson) 2*** Author of many books including The Myth of Political Correctness !!! "#ohn $. %ilson& '(o) the *eft can %in Arguments
and +nfluence People, p. -. /!0

Cede the Political

1ocialism is dead. $aput. 1tick a fork in *enin2s corpse. Take the 3idel posters off the )all. %elcome to the t)enty.first century. %ake up and smell the capitalism. + ha4e no particular hostility to socialism. 5ut nothing can kill a good idea in America so 6uickly as sticking the 7socialist7
label on it. The reality in America is that socialism is about as successful as Marxist foot)ear "and ha4e you e4er seen a sickle and hammer on anybody2s shoes80. Allo) your position to be defined as socialist e4en if it isn2t "remember Clinton2s capitalist health care plan80& and the idea

is doomed. +nstead of fighting to repair the tattered remnants of socialism as a marketing slogan& the left needs to address the core issues of social
9ustice. :ou can form the )ord socialist from the letters in social 9ustice& but it sounds better if you don2t. At least ;! percent of America opposes socialism& and ;! percent of America thinks 7social 9ustice7 might be a good idea. %hy alienate so many people )ith a )ord8 <4en the true belie4ers ha)king copies of the =e4olutionary 1ocialist %orker must reali>e by no) that the )ord socialist doesn2t ha4e a lot of dra)ing po)er. +n the mo4ie 5ul)orth& %arren 5eatty declares? 7*et me hear that dirty )ord? socialism@7 1ocialism isn2t really a dirty )ord& ho)e4erA if it )ere& socialism might ha4e a little underground appeal as a forbidden topic. +nstead& socialism is a forgotten )ord& part of an archaic 4ocabulary and a dead language that is no longer spoken in America. <4en Michael (arrington& the founder of the Bemocratic 1ocialists of America "B1A0& didn2t use the )ord socialism in his influential book on po4erty& The Cther America. The best reason for the left to abandon socialism is not P= but honesty.

Most of the self.described 7socialists7 remaining in America don2t 6ualify as real socialists in any technical sense. +f you look at the B1A ")hose prominent members include (ar4ard professor Cornel %est and former Time columnist 5arbara <hrenreich 0& most of the policies they urge.a li4ing )age& uni4ersal health care& en4ironmental protection& reduced spending on the Pentagon& and an end to corporate )elfare.ha4e nothing to do )ith socialism in the specific sense of go4ernment o)nership of the means of production. =ather& the B1A program is really nothing more than )hat a liberal political party ought to push for& if )e had one in America. <uropeans& to )hom the hysteria o4er socialism must seem rather strange& )ould ne4er consider abandoning socialism as a legitimate political ideology. 5ut in America& socialism simply isn2t taken seriously by the mainstream. Therefore& if socialists )ant to be taken seriously& they need to pursue socialist goals using nonsocialist rhetoric. %hene4er someone tries to attack an idea as 7socialist7 "or& better yet& 7communist70& there2s an easy
ans)er? 1ome people think e4erything done by a go4ernment& from 1ocial 1ecurity to Medicare to public schools to public libraries& is socialism. The rest of us 9ust think it2s a good idea. "%hene4er possible& thro) public libraries into an argument& )hether it2s about good go4ernment programs or D<A funding. Dobody )ith any sense is opposed to public libraries. They are by far the most popular go4ernment institutions.0 +f an argument turns into a debate o4er socialism& simply define socialism as the total go4ernment o)nership of all factories and natural resources..)hich& since )e don2t ha4e it and no one is really arguing for this to happen& makes socialism a rather pointless debate. Cf course& socialists )ill al)ays argue among themsel4es about socialism and continue their internal debates. 5ut )hen it comes to influencing public policy& abstract discussions about socialism are

)orse than useless& for they alienate the progressi4e potential of the American people. +t2s only by pursuing specific progressi4e policies on nonsocialist terms that socialists ha4e any hope in the long term of con4incing the public that socialism isn2t "or shouldn2t be0 a long.dead ideology. Apocal ptic predictions a"out the ills o$ capitalism &ill not moti!ate acti!ism#practical re$orms are the onl hope $or the le$t. (ilson) 2*** <ditor and Publisher of +llinois Academe !!! "#ohn $. %ilson& '(o) the *eft can %in Arguments and +nfluence People, p.
/E. /F0

*eftists also need to abandon their tendency to make apocalyptic predictions. +t2s al)ays tempting to predict that en4ironmental destruction is imminent or the stock market is ready to crash in the coming second Great Bepression. Arguments that the H.1. economy is in terrible shape fly in the face of reality. +t2s hard to claim that a
middle.class American family )ith t)o cars& a big.screen TI& and a computer is oppressed. %hile the poor in America fell behind during the =eaganJGingrichJClinton era and the middle class did not recei4e its share of the )ealth produced during this time& the economy itself is in excellent shape. +nstead& the problem is the redistribution of )ealth to the 4ery rich under the resurgence of 7free market7

capitalism. +nstead of )arning that the economy )ill collapse )ithout progressi4e policies& the left should emphasi>e that the progressi4e aspects of American capitalism ha4e created the current success of the American economy after decades of hea4y go4ernment in4estment in human capital. 5ut the cutbacks in in4estment for education and the gro)ing disparity bet)een the ha4es and the ha4e.notes are threatening the economys future success. Capitalism is ine!ita"le#re$orms) not re!olution) are the onl option. (ilson) 2*** <ditor and Publisher of +llinois Academe !!! "#ohn $. %ilson& '(o) the *eft can %in Arguments and +nfluence People, p.
/F. /K0

Capitalism is far too ingrained in American life to eliminate. +f you go into the most impo4erished areas of America& you )ill find that the people )ho li4e there are not seeking go4ernment control o4er factories or e4en more social )elfare programsA they2re hoping& usually in 4ain& for a fair chance to share in the capitalist )ealth. The poor do not pray for socialism.they stri4e to be a part of the capitalist system. They )ant 9obs& they )ant to start businesses& and they )ant to make money and be successful. %hat2s )rong )ith America is not capitalism as a system but

capitalism as a religion. %e )orship the accumulation of )ealth and treat the horrible ine6uality bet)een rich and poor as if it )ere an act of
God. %orst of all& )e allo) the go4ernment to exacerbate the financial di4ide by fa4oring the )ealthy? go any)here in America& and compare a rich suburb )ith a poor to)n.the city ser4ices& schools& parks& and practically e4erything else )ill be better financed in the place populated by rich people.

The aim is not to o4erthro) capitalism but to o4erhaul it. Gi4e it a social.9ustice tune.up& make it more efficient& get the economic engine to hit on all cylinders for e4erybody& and stop putting out so many en4ironmentally ha>ardous substances. To some people& this goal means selling out leftist ideals for the sake of capitalism. 5ut the right
thri4es on ha4ing an ineffecti4e opposition. The =e4olutionary Communist Party helps stabili>e the 7free market7 capitalist system by making it seem as if the only alternati4e to free.market capitalism is a return to 1talinism. Prospecti4e acti4ists for change are instead channeled into

pointless discussions about the re4olutionary potential of the proletariat. +nstead of )orking to persuade people to accept progressi4e ideas& the far left talks to itself ")hich may be a blessing& gi4en the )ay it communicates0 and tries to sell copies of the 1ocialist %orker to an uninterested public. +!erthro&in, capitalism is a political non-starter#re$orms are the onl &a that the le$t &ill "e e$$ecti!e. (ilson) 2*** <ditor and Publisher of +llinois Academe of many books including The Myth of Political Correctness !!! "#ohn $. %ilson&
'(o) the *eft can %in Arguments and +nfluence People, p. / L0 The left often finds itself stuck in a debate bet)een re4olution and reform. To self.described re4olutionaries& any attempt to reform the system is a liberal compromise that only delays the creation of a socialist utopia. The 4ision of )orkers casting off their chains and embracing the o4erthro) of capitalism is pure fantasy. Do one actually kno)s )hat it means to o4erthro) capitalism& and it clearly isn2t going to happen&

any)ay. =eforming American capitalism is not a halfhearted effort at modest changeA it is a fundamental attack on the reigning ideology of 7free market7 capitalism. Progressi4e reforms& taken seriously& are re4olutionary in e4ery important sense. =eforms such as the De) Beal )ere truly re4olutionary for their time& and American capitalism has been sa4ed from its o)n fla)s by these progressi4e reforms. The problem is that these progressi4e reforms ha4e not been carried far enough& in part because the re4olutionary left has too often failed to support the progressi4es reformist agenda. The only leftist re4olution in America )ill come from an accumulation of progressi4e policies& and so the 6uestion of re4olution 4ersus reform is irrele4ant.

Cede The Political .Trainer Speci$ic/

Trainer admits his ar,ument &ould destro mainstream en!ironmentalism an reason &h this is ,ood is a disad to the alternati!e. Trainer) *0 "Ted Trainer& 1enior *ecturer in the 1chool of 1ocial %ork at the Hni4ersity of De) 1outh %ales. '=ene)able <nergy Cannot 1ustain a
Consumer 1ociety, p. -.M0 Cb4iously this

books message is not a pleasant one for people in the Green Mo4ement and + am acutely a)are of the damage it )ould do the general en4ironmental cause if it )ere taken seriously. <n4ironmental acti4ists ha4e great
difficulty get. ting the public in general to respond to en4ironmental issues& e4en )hen they pose no significant challenges to the lifestyles and systems of consumer society. Almost all en4ironmental acti4ists seem to be obli4ious to the contradiction built into their thinking. They are in effect saying& 'Please help us sa4e the planet by call. ing for a s)itch to the use of rene)able energy sources N )hich can sustain con. sumer society and )ill pose no threat to our obsession )ith affluent lifestyles and economic gro)th., <4en getting people to attend to such unthreatening

messages is 4ery difficult. 1o ho) much more difficult )ould it be to get people to listen to the claim that to sa4e the en4ironment )e ha4e to cut consumption by perhaps ;!O& and gi4e up fossil fuels and rene)ables cannot substitute for them8 Gi4en that + ha4e been part of the Green Mo4ement for decades& + realise that green goals could be significantly undermined if the theme of this book became )idely discussed& let alone generally accepted. The most
immediate effect )ould be a surge in support for nuclear energy "despite the case against it gi4en in Chapter ;0.

Perm
,erm -nly using capitalism against itself succeeds .onthly /eview 899+ :v. /8' no. 8M' pg. NG' (archA Io institution is or ever has been a seamless monolith. Although the inherent mechanism of American capitalism is as you describe it' oriented solely to profit without regard to social consequences' this does not preclude significant portions of that very system from joining forces with the worldwide effort for the salvation of civili ation' perhaps even to the e2tent of furnishing the margin of success for that very effort0 ,ragmatism solves best 1ixon' -MM2' :1ummer' Chris' Activist and founding member of Eirect Action Ietwork ' =5eflections on Crivilege' 5eformism' and Activism? http3!!www.geocities.com!kkKabacus!ioaa!di2on-.htmlA )o bolster his critique of Oreformism'O for instance' he critically cites one of the e2amples in my essay3 demanding authentic we need revolutionary strategy that links diverse' everyday struggles and demands to long.term radical objectives' without sacrificing either. Pf course' this isnOt to say that every so.called OprogressiveO ballot initiative or organi ing campaign is necessarily radical or strategic. 5eforms are not all created equal. But some can fundamentally shake systems of power' leading to enlarged gains and greater space for further advances. Andre &or ' in his seminal book 1trategy for >abor' refers to these as 0non.reformist0 or 0structural0 reforms. Le contends' 0a struggle for non. reformist reforms..for anti.capitalist reforms..is one which does not base its validity and its right to e2ist on capitalist needs' criteria' and rationales. A non.reformist reform is determined not in terms of what can be' but what should be.0 >ook to history for e2amples3 the end of slavery' the eight.hour workday' desegregation . All were born from long' hard struggles' and none were endpoints. Qet they all struck at the foundations of power $in these cases' the state' white supremacy' and capitalism,' and in the process' they created new prospects for revolutionary change. Iow consider contemporary struggles3 amnesty for undocumented immigrants' sociali ed health care' e2pansive environmental protections' indigenous sovereignty. )hese and many more are arguably non.reformist reforms as well. Ione will single. handedly dismantle capitalism or other systems of power' but each has the potential to escalate struggles and sharpen social contradictions. And we shouldnOt misinterpret these efforts as simply meliorative incrementalism ' making OadjustmentsO to a fundamentally flawed system. ,erm solves bestrenewables will inevitably be part of the world of the alt 34onnes' -MM( :5oar 5amesh Bjonnes' co.founder of Center for 1ustainable Billages' freelance writer. =)he *nd of 6ossil 6uel3 Crisis and Ppportunity? http3!!www.sentienttimes.com!M/!febKmarKM/!fossileKfuel.htmA )he energy problem is not just a problem of energy4 it is a problem endemic to our wasteful way of life ' to corporate capitalism' to our reductionist and materialist worldview' to our lack of an ecological ethics' and' most importantly' lack of political leaders guided by perennial ethics and wisdom. 6or some renewable energy e2perts' though' the goal is simple3 create an abundance of cheap and clean energy from renewable sources to replace fossil fuel. %eremy 5ifkin claims that the hydrogen economy is the answer' and that it is =within sight.? Lydrogen' he writes' is abundant' it will soon be cheap to produce' and it will' by its very nature' decentrali e and democrati e the energy web and help shape a whole new society formed around bioregions. Caul Lawken and Amory >ovins' authors of Iatural Capitalism' claims we need a new industrial revolution based on more energy efficient products' the elimination of waste' and on investing in natural capital. 6or others' the changes needed are much more comple2 and far.reaching3 produce cheap and clean energy' yes' but' more importantly' to reorgani e our whole economy and dramatically change our lifestyle and our worldview. )rainer' an advocate of this school of thought' claims there is no scientific' quick fi2 to this global problem. Le promotes a dramatically new economy based on )he 1impler +ay3 less lu2ury consumption' self.sufficient regions' local economic independence and cooperatives. Ptherwise' we are likely to end up with a hybrid system of haves and have.nots3 a few rich countries and corporations will own and profit from the renewable energy grid' while the poor are still poor and polluted' fighting over the dirty crumbs from the fossil fuel age. C.5. 1arkarHs C5PU) $Crogressive Utili ation )heory, outlines such an emerging economy in more detail3 a three.tiered' decentrali ed structure' global

political cooperation' a guaranteed minimum living standard and a ma2imum income' an economy driven not by profit but by production for human needs' dynamic balance between economic output and environmental needs' ma2imum utili ation of resources $closed loop industries' =cradle to cradle? industrial designs,' international barter trade' and much more. "n addition' 1arkar e2tends the spiritual perspective of traditional peoples' and the worldHs mystical traditions' by maintaining that we all belong to Iature. (oreover' that Iature and the Cure Consciousness that created Ler are inseparable. )hus' he declares' the *arth is the common inheritance of all3 people' plants and animals. *nergy' water' soil' sun light' therefore' does not belong to anyoneespecially not to the rich' nor to the corporations. )hus a fundamental tenet of the new energy economy' according to 1arkarHs principles' is that these resources must be respectfully shared and appropriately utili ed by all. )he ideas promoted by 5ifkin' 1arkar' )rainer' Lawken and >ovins' although very different' are 5uite complimentary. +e need a new environmental ethics4 hydrogen must undoubtedly be part of the new economy4 industrial innovation and investing in natural capital is important in order to keep the biosphere in tact 4 a simpler lifestyle is vital in order to reduce consumption and waste4 a three.tiered restructuring of the economy is a radical new way to balance the ingenuity of individual enterprise with cooperation and collective human needs4 finally' all this must be balanced with the welfare of nature. An alternative energy society will thus consist of both high and low technology' both personal lifestyle!worldview changes as well as radical structural changes to the economy 3 non.polluting hydrogen cars and public transportation' walking and bicycling to work and for shopping' computer and machine parts that are 8MM percent recyclable' locally produced food $even in urban areas,' energy efficient houses made of local raw materials $wood' straw' sand' clay' glass, that produce more renewable energy than they use' a cooperative economy with less working hours' a dramatic reduction in consumerism' frugality and self.sufficiency' and more time for recreation' family' friends' spirituality' and fun. Criti1ue alone $ails inte,ration o$ actual solutions ke 2ickens and +rmrod 0 - PIisiting Professor of 1ociology at the Hni4ersity of <ssex ADB PP*ecturer in 1ociology at the Hni4ersity of 5righton
"Peter and #ames& Cosmic Society: Towards a Sociology of the Universe pg /;!& dml0

<xplanatory criti6ue can only go so far. Philosophy and sociology are only tools for unco4ering ho) reality is structured and for freeing up the discussion of feasible alternati4es. +t )ill take much hard )ork and politics on a mass scale to forge ne) social alliances& counter.hegemonic ideologies and space pro9ects that benefit oppressed populations. The ultimate aim of this must be a relationship )ith the uni4erse that does not further empo)er the already po)erful. The alt alone is coopted ou need a multitude o$ standpoints means the perm sol!es Carroll 3* Pfounding director of the 1ocial #ustice 1tudies Program at the Hni4ersity of Iictoria
"%illiam& 'Crisis& mo4ements& counter.hegemony? in search of the ne)&, +nterface ? & /KM./;M& dml0

#ust as hegemony has been increasingly organi>ed on a transnational basis through the globali>ation of Americanism& the construction of global go4ernance institutions& the emergence of a transnational capitalist class and so on "1oederberg !!KA Carroll !/!0 counter. hegemony has also taken on transnational features that go beyond the classic organi>ation of left parties into internationals. %hat 1ousa 1antos " !!K0 terms the rise of a global left is e4ident in specific mo4ementbased campaigns & such
as the successful international effort in /;;M to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on +n4estment "MA+0A in initiati4es such as the %orld 1ocial 3orum& to contest the terrain of global ci4il societyA and in the gro)th of transnational mo4ement organi>ations and of a democratic globali>ation net)ork& counterpoised to neoliberalisms transnational historical bloc& that address issues of Dorth.1outh solidarity and coordination "1mith !!M? E0. As + ha4e suggested else)here "Carroll !!-0& an incipient )ar of position is at )ork here a bloc of oppositional forces to

neoliberal globali>ation encompassing a )ide range of mo4ements and identities and that is global in nature& transcending traditional national boundaries "5utko !!K? /!/0. These moments of resistance and transborder acti4ism do not yet combine to form a coherent historical bloc around a counter.hegemonic pro9ect. =ather& as Marie.#osQe Massicotte suggests& )e are )itnessing the emergence and re.making of political imaginariesR& )hich often lead to 4aluable locali>ed actions as )ell as greater transborder
solidarity " !!;? E E0. +ndeed& Gramscis adage that )hile the line of de4elopment is international& the origin point is national& still has currency. Much of the energy of anti.capitalist politics is centred )ithin )hat =aymond %illiams "/;M;0 called militant particularisms

locali>ed struggles that& left to themsel4es R are easily dominated by the po)er of capital to coordinate accumulation across uni4ersal but fragmented space "(ar4ey /;;K? L 0. Catharsis& in this context& takes on a spatial character. The scaling up of militant particularisms re6uires alliances across interrelated scales to unite a di4erse range of social groupings and thereby
spatiali>e a Gramscian )ar of position to the global scale "$arriem !!;? L E0. 1uch alliances& ho)e4er& must be grounded in local conditions and aspirations. <li 3riedmans " !!;0 case study of t)o affiliated mo4ement organi>ations in (ong $ong and mainland China& respecti4ely& illustrates the limits of transnational acti4ism that radiates from ad4anced capitalism to exert external pressure on behalf of subalterns in the global 1outh. 3riedman recounts ho) a campaign by the (ong $ong.based group of 1tudents and 1cholars Against Corporate Misbeha4ior to empo)er Chinese mainland )orkers producing goods for (ong $ong Bisneyland failed due to the lack of local mobili>ation by )orkers themsel4es. :et the same group& through its support for its ally& the mainland.based migrant )orkers association& has helped facilitate self.organi>ation on the shop floor. +n the former case& )ell. intentioned practices of solidarity reproduced a paternalism that failed to inspire local collecti4e actionA in the latter& )orkers taking direct action on their o)n behalf& )ith external support& led to psychological empo)erment and mo4ement mobili>ation "3riedman !!;? / 0. As a rule& the more

such solidarity )ork in4ol4es grassroots initiati4es and participation& the greater is the likelihood that )orkers from

different countries )ill learn from each other& enabling transnational counter.hegemony to gain a foothold
"=ahmon and *angford !/!? KL0.

Perm sol!es#onl com"inin, "oth hard science and social insi,ht can re!eal the link "et&een the t&o. 4educin, e!er thin, to social constructionism is counter-producti!e. Bickens and Crmrod - . PPeter& Affiliated *ecturer in the 3aculty of 1ocial and Political 1ciences at the Hni4ersity of Cambridge and Iisiting Professor of 1ociology& Hni4ersity of <ssex and PP#ames& *ecturer in 1ociology at the Hni4ersity of 5righton
"Cosmic 1ociety? To)ards a sociology of the uni4erse& pg E/& +%ren0 The physical and natural sciences ha4e often historically denied that their attempts to kno) the realities )ith )hich they are concerned are in any )ay dependent on the social )orld. The ideal of science is of an ob9ecti4e discipline that is 4alue.free and guided by its o)n

criteria of progress. The social influences on the theories and methods of science are therefore ignored. *ike)ise& in the social sciences in the last fe) decades there has often been a suggestion that our understandings of the physical and natural )orlds are mere social constructions& a product of the society in )hich they )ere created& thus pri4ileging the kind of kno)ledge held by the social sciences o4er that of other disciplines . 5ut as 5runo *atour says& )hilst explaining the importance of material reality& it is hard to reduce the entire cosmos to a grand narrati4e& the physics of subatomic particles to a text& sub)ay systems to rhetorical de4ices& all social structures to discourse "*atour /;;L? KE0. %e maintain that& in order to understand the dialectic bet)een social and physical )orlds& an ontology is necessary that explains ho) insights from both the social and physical sciences can be combined . %e recogni>e that causal mechanisms operate on a number of different le4els )ithin the uni4erse& and argue that the 9ob of the social scientist is to )ork )ith the kno)ledge produced by physicists and the like& combining that )ith sociological understanding. The result of this should be a theory that reduces the uni4erse to neither the merely physical nor the purely social. These points are related to the fundamental tenets of critical realism as outlined by =oy 5haskar and others
"5haskar /;MK& /;;-& /;;MA Archer et al. /;;M0 "see 5ox /./0. Hnfortunately& the ongoing attempt by scientists to construct a theory of e4erything runs counter to this kind of ontology.

4e!olution &ill ne!er happen o!erni,ht#pro,ressi!e policies need to "e "uilt upon o!er time. (ilson) 2*** "#ohn $& coordinator of the +ndependent Press Associations Campus #ournalism Pro9ect& How the Left can Win Arguments and
Influence Peo le! pages / /./ L0

Progressi4es need to be pragmatic in order to be po)erful. (o)e4er& pragmatism shouldn2t be confused )ith Clintonian centrism and the abandonment of all substance. Pragmatists ha4e principles& too . The difference bet)een a pragmatic progressi4e and a foolish one is the )illingness to pick the right fights and fight in the right )ay to accomplish these same goals .
The current failure of progressi4ism in America is due to the structure of American politics and media& not because of a )rong turn that the mo4ement took some)here along the )ay. %hat the left needs is not a 7better7 ideology but a tactical adaptation to the obstacles it faces in the contemporary political scene. A pragmatic progressi4ism does not sacrifice its ideals but simply communicates them better to the larger public. The )ords )e use shape ho) people respond to our ideas. +t2s tempting to offer the standard ad4ice that progressi4es should present their ideas in the most palatable form. 5ut palatable to )hom8 The media managers and pedestrian pundits )ho are the intellectual gatekeepers )on2t accept these ideas. 5y the time progressi4es transform their ideas into the political baby food necessary for inclusion in current debates& it barely seems to be )orth the effort.

*eftists need to sei>e the dominant political rhetoric& e4en though it may be conser4ati4e in its goals& and turn it in a progressi4e direction. Progressi4es need to use the antitax ideology to demand tax cuts for the poor. Progressi4es need to use the antigo4ernment and anti)elfare ideology to demand the end of corporate )elfare.
Progressi4es need to translate e4ery important issue into the language that is permissible in the mainstream. 1omething )ill ine4itably be lost in the translation. 5ut the political soul underlying these progressi4e ideas can be preser4ed and brought to the public2s attention. The left does not need to abandon its progressi4e 4ie)s in order to be popular. The left only needs to abandon some of its failed strategies and become as sa44y as the conser4ati4es are at manipulating the press and the politicians. The language of progressi4es needs to become more mainstream& but the ideas must remain radical. +n an age of soulless politicians and spineless ideologies& the left has the 4irtue of integrity. Hntil progressi4es become less self.satisfied )ith the kno)ledge that they2re right and more determined to con4ince e4eryone else of this fact& opportunities for political change )ill not be forthcoming. Progressi4es ha4e also been hampered by a re4olutionary instinct among some leftist groups. According to some left )ingers&

incremental progress is )orthless.that is& nothing short of a radical change in go4ernment )ill mean anything to them. +ndeed& for the most radical left )ingers& liberal reforms are a threat to the mo4ement& since they reduce the desire for more extreme changes. %hat the re4olutionaries fail to reali>e is that progressi4e achie4ements can build on one another. +f anything approaching a political re4olution actually happens in America& it )ill be due to a succession of popular& effecti4e& progressi4e reforms . Autonomous anti-capital mo!ements $ail#onl com"inin, social mo"ili%ation &ith political action can unite lar,e populations and create a political dri!in, $orce Callinicos and Nineham *0 . PAlex Callinicos& Birector of the Centre for <uropean 1tudies at $ings College *ondon& <ditor of
+nternational 1ocialism ADB PP Chris Dineham& founding member of the H$ 1top the %ar Coalition& former drummer for the indie pop band The "une #rides& helped mobili>e thousands in protests in Genoa

"'At an impasse8 Anti.capitalism and the social forums today,& +%ren0

#uly !-& in the +nternational #ournal of 1ocialism& http?JJ))).is9.org.ukJ8idSLL-&

This understanding has to in4ol4e an open break )ith the ideology of autonomous social mo4ements. Too often the left has taken its stand )ithin the frame)ork of that ideology& )hether for tactical reasons or from principled agreement. 5ut a break is re6uired by an honest appreciation of the interplay bet)een political parties and social mo4ements. The truth is that cooperation bet)een the t)o actually strengthens both. (o)e4er much retrospect
is coloured by 5ertinottis subse6uent right turn& the high points of the <uropean mo4ement at Genoa and 3lorence )ere informed by this cooperation& in4ol4ing not merely =ifonda>ione but also smaller parties of the radical left such as the *C= and the 1ocialist %orkers Party as )ell as more radical elements of +talys centre.left *eft Bemocrats. The same is true at a global le4el. The peak so far reached by the %13 took place& not at any of the Porto Alegre 3orums& but in Mumbai in #anuary !!E& infused as it )as by both a strong anti.imperialist consciousness and the mo4ements of +ndias 4ast poor. 5ut the t)o key organisations of the +ndian leftNthe Communist Party "Marxist0 and the Communist Party of +ndiaNalongside 4arious Maoist organisations& played a critical role both in making the forum possible and in restraining themsel4es from trying to dominate the forum or competing too openly among themsel4es. An honest reappraisal of the relationship bet)een parties and mo4ements )ould

allo) the social forums to play to their strengths. The t)o most successful forumsN3lorence and MumbaiN)ere ones )here opposition
to the ')ar on terror, )as a dominant theme. 1aying this does not mean returning to the tedious and sterile argumentNeither the )ar or the 'social 6uestion,. Cpposition to both neoliberalism and )ar are constituti4e themes of the anti.capitalist mo4ement. 5ut

recognition of both the principled significance and the mobilising po)er of anti.imperialism needs to be built into ho) the social forums operate. This )as pro4ed by the success of last years 'polycentric, %13 in Caracas& Iene>uela. +t )as taken for
granted among the tens of thousands of mainly *atin American acti4ists assembled there that the H1 poses a real and present threat to the gains being made by mo4ements in 5oli4ia& Iene>uela and <cuador. President (ugo ChT4e> echoed many others )hen he spoke there of the importance of the mo4ement against the +ra6 )ar in )eakening the H1s ability to act in )hat it regards traditionally as its o)n backyard. :et the Caracas forum also sho)ed up the limitations of the %13 process. +t should ha4e been possible& for example& to launch a 4ery high profile& high po)ered campaign from the forum calling on all the mo4ements round the )orld to pledge defence of the gains of the Cha4ista experience so far. Many present )ere suggesting it. 5ut because of the autonomist principles so 9ealously guarded by the %13 leadership& no such centralised initiati4e )as taken. +n breaking out of this impasse& it )ill be necessary to define precisely )hat the radical left is )ithin the mo4ement. This is no simple matter. The big +ndian Communist parties& despite the 4ery positi4e role they played in the Mumbai %13& participate in neoliberal coalitions at the all.+ndia and state le4els? the *eft 3ront go4ernment in %est 5engal has 4iolently clashed )ith )orkers and peasants in recent months. The sorry record of =ifonda>ione has already been discussed. A much more principled organisation& the *C=& has kept aloof from the anti.capitalist mo4ement as an organisation& because of its acceptance of a 4ersion of the ideology of autonomous social mo4ements "although indi4idual *C= members such as Christophe Aguiton& Pierre =ousset and 1ophie Uafari ha4e played important roles in the mo4ement at global andJor <uropean le4els0. Bocuments of the left )ithin the mo4ement

tend to espouse 4ersions of radical reformism. The 5amako Appeals first plank is& '3or a multipolar )orld founded on peace& *A% and
negotiation,. K Amins pronouncements are sometimes redolent of nostalgia for the high tide of Third %orld nationalism bet)een the /;F!s and /;-!s? 'The reconstruction of a front of the countries and peoples of the 1outh is one of the fundamental conditions for the emergence of another )orld not based on imperialist domination,. - Another important figure on the left of the mo4ement& %alden 5ello of 3ocus on the Global 1outh& sho)s a similar approach in his calls for 'deglobalisation,. M 1uch formulations do not sufficiently address the reality that confronting imperialism as a system )ill re6uire global social transformation based on the collecti4e po)er and organisation of the oppressed and exploited in the Dorth as )ell as the 1outh.

Done of this should pre4ent cooperation among different forces on the left seeking to gi4e the anti.capitalist mo4ement a more coherent and strategically focused direction. 1uch cooperation is essential. 5ut it needs to be accompanied by open debate about the nature of the enemy that )e are confronted )ith and of the alternati4es that )e should be seeking. ; 1triking the right balance bet)een disagreement and cooperation once again re6uires a break )ith the ideology of autonomous social mo4ements. This ideology concei4es social mo4ements as a neutral space someho) beyond politics. 5ut fighting neoliberalism and )ar is necessarily a highly political affair& and no)here is free of the antagonisms of )ider capitalist society. The de4elopment of the mo4ements necessarily generates political disagreements that cannot be kept separate from party organisations . The emergence of ne) anti.capitalist political formations that are at least partly the
product of mo4ements of resistanceNPortugals *eft 5loc& the *eft Party in Germany& =espect in 5ritainNsho)s the extent to )hich acti4ists recognise the need for a political 4oice as part of the de4elopment of opposition to neoliberalism and )ar. %e belie4e that the concept of the united

front& de4eloped by the re4olutionary Marxist tradition& pro4ides a better guide to building democratic& dynamic mo4ements than does the model that has pre4ailed so far. A united front in4ol4es the coming together of different forces around a common but
limited platform of action. Precisely because they are different& these forces )ill ha4e disagreements about political programmeA they may also differ o4er ho) to pursue the common actions that ha4e brought them together. 5ut so long as they come together round limited and relati4ely specific aims& such alliances can be politically inclusi4e and maximise the chances of practical campaigning agreement. 5ecause they are focused round action& they can be a testing ground for different tactics and strategies. This is the )ay to break mo4ements a)ay from abstract position taking or

sectarian point scoring& so pro4iding a frame)ork in )hich political debate and practical organising can fruitfully interplay. Constructing such united fronts is not easy? it re6uires initiati4e and clear leadership on the one hand& and openness and humility on the other. 5ut at a time )hen the anger against neoliberalism is gro)ing e4ery)here and so many people are reassessing their political loyalties& it seems to us that the anti.capitalist left needs urgently to try such methods if it is to reach out and connect )ith its potential audience. There is unlikely to be agreement bet)een the different tendencies in the mo4ement in the short or medium term o4er general political alternati4es. 5ut )e can reach constructi4e agreement on the many issuesNopposition to neoliberalism and )arNthat unite a large spectrum of forces. +t is precisely this kind of unity in action that many people are looking for in the current situation. Through the experience of such campaigning& ne) political coalitions can emerge. Moreo4er& the left )ithin the mo4ement& )hether re4olutionary or reformist& should
)orking together in order to fight to gi4e the mo4ement a more strategic and focused direction.

Perm 4e$ormism 5ood

4e$ormism $rom &ith-in sol!es

1ixon 2 ) Activist and founding member of Eirect Action Ietwork

1ummer& Chris& '=eflections on Pri4ilege& =eformism& and Acti4ism,& Cnline

)e need re4olutionary strategy that links di4erse& e4eryday struggles and demands to long.term radical ob9ecti4es& )ithout sacrificing either. Cf course& this isn2t to say that e4ery so.called 2progressi4e2 ballot initiati4e or organi>ing campaign is necessarily radical or strategic. =eforms are not all created e6ual. 5ut some can fundamentally shake systems of po)er& leading to enlarged gains and greater space for further ad4ances. Andre Gor>& in his seminal book 1trategy for *abor& refers to these as 7non.reformist7 or 7structural7
To bolster his criti6ue of 2reformism&2 for instance& he critically cites one of the examples in my essay? demanding authentic reforms. (e contends& 7a struggle for non.reformist reforms..for anti.capitalist reforms..is one )hich does not base its 4alidity and its right to exist on capitalist needs& criteria& and rationales. A non. reformist reform is determined not in terms of )hat can be& but )hat should be.7

*ook to history for examples? the end of sla4ery& the eight.hour )orkday& desegregation. All )ere born from long& hard struggles& and none )ere endpoints. :et they all struck at the foundations of po)er "in these cases& the state& )hite supremacy& and capitalism0& and in the process& they created ne) prospects for re4olutionary change. Do) consider contemporary struggles? amnesty for undocumented immigrants& sociali>ed health care& expansi4e en4ironmental protections& indigenous so4ereignty. These and many more are arguably non.reformist reforms as )ell. Done )ill single.handedly dismantle capitalism or other systems of po)er& but each has the potential to escalate struggles and sharpen social contradictions. And )e shouldn2t misinterpret these efforts as simply meliorati4e incrementalism& making 2ad9ustments2 to a fundamentally fla)ed system. The 6PA7s track record pro!es that capitalism can "e re$ormed. (al"er, and 8ast) 7*9 "(erbert #. %alberg& distinguished 4isiting fello) at the (oo4er +nstitution& and #oseph *. 5ast& president of the
(eartland +nstitute& $ducation and Ca italism: How %vercoming %ur &ear of 'ar(ets and $conomics Can Im rove America)s Schools & 'Chapter 3i4e? Dine Myths About Capitalism&, http?JJ))).hoo4er.orgJpublicationsJbooksJ ;;F //.html& Accessed !-./-.!M0

+n the Hnited 1tates& the en4ironment is une6ui4ocally becoming cleaner and safer. According to the <n4ironmental Protection Agency "<PA0& total air pollution emissions in the Hnited 1tates fell LE percent bet)een /;-! and /;;!.E! Particulate.matter emissions fell by K! percent& sulfur oxides by F percent& carbon monoxide by E! percent& and
lead by ;K percent. 5et)een /;M-/;; and /;;E/;;;& the number of bad.air days ")hen air 6uality failed to meet federal standards0 fell M percent in De)ark& FE percent in *os Angeles& -Mpercent in Chicago& and K; percent in Mil)aukee.E/Total emissions of air pollutants tracked by the <PA are forecast to fall by percent bet)een /;;- and !/F "assuming there are no ne) air.6uality regulations0 thanks to reductions in tailpipe emissions for most types of 4ehicles "already do)n ;K percent or more since /;-M0 and cleaner fuels. According to the <PA& )ater 6uality also has

impro4ed& and in some cases dramatically so.E

1ports fishing has returned to all fi4e of the Great *akes& the number of fishing ad4isories has fallen&

and a debate has started concerning the scientific basis of many of the remaining ad4isories. According

to the Council on <n4ironmental Vuality& le4els of PC5s& BBT& and other toxins in the Great *akes fell dramatically during the /;-!s and continued to fall "at a slo)er rate0 during the /;M!s and /;;!s.EL The number of )ooded acres in the Hnited 1tates has gro)n by ! percent in the past t)enty years. The a4erage annual )ood gro)th in the Hnited 1tates today is three times )hat it )as in /; !.EE +n Iermont& for example& the area co4ered by forests has increased from LF percent a hundred years ago
to about -K percent today.EF +n the four states of Maine& De) (ampshire& Iermont& and De) :ork& there are K million more acres of forest today than there )ere at the turn of the century.EK As a result of this re.greening of America& )ildlife is en9oying a big comeback . According to the H.1. 3ish and %ildlife 1er4ice& breeding populations of bald eagles in the lo)er EM states ha4e doubled e4ery six or se4en years since the late /;-!s. +n /;;E& there )ere more than E&!!! acti4e nests& fi4e times the number reported in /;-E.E-

Anti-re$ormism dooms an mo!ement a&a $rom capitalism 3urrows 2 ) author and publisher from the 1MAC lecture series De) Colonist
Paul& http?JJ))).ne)colonist.comJaltcap.html

+ think that if )e )ant to build a popular mo4ement& and create an alternati4e to capitalism& )e need to start by asking such 6uestions& and by articulating them in a language thats real. "Dot many people are interested in the subtleties of the 'dialectical
relationship bet)een base and superstructure., Get real@0 3rom an organi>ing perspecti4e alone& )e need to recogni>e that the language )e use& the mannerisms& style& and tone )e adopt& is at least as important as the substance of our message. %e need to ha4e a little humility N

)e need to be a little less attached to our conclusions& a little more 6uestioning of our assumptions& a little less 6uick )ith our 9udgements and dismissals. +nstead of saying e4eryone else isnt re4olutionary enough ")hile )e sit on our ass )aiting for the =e4olutionA 'pure, but alone0& )e need to look in the bloody mirror. %e need to ask oursel4es '%hat are )e really doing to create a )elcoming mo4ement& a culture of resistanceA )hat are )e really doing to foster solidarityA )hen )as the last time + reached out to someone )ho didnt already share my politicsA )hen )as the last time + actually had an impact on someone8, +nstead of saying 'those young anarchists dont kno) ho) to build institutions, "and then calling them 'reformist, or 'parochial, or 'bourgeois, )hen they do0& the Cld *eft needs
to recogni>e that all the same criticisms apply e6ually to themsel4es. +n addition to saying 'talk minus action e6uals >ero&, younger acti4ists need to simultaneously pay more attention to history& theory& and the experiences of 4eteran acti4ists. Talk minus action is >ero& but its also true that action minus )ell.thought.out ideas and principles can be less than >ero. +t can be damaging to indi4idual people&

and it can hinder the gro)th of a radical mo4ement. Hltimately& )e need to be less concerned about the alleged failings and ignorance of others& and more concerned about our o)n political rele4ance. The entire *eft& progressi4e& acti4ist community "young and old& socialist or not0 needs to build or expand upon its o)n institutions& and more importantly& the alternati4es )e create must embody the 4alues

+nstead of saying 'Anything short of complete =e4olution is reformist, "and then going home to )atch TI0& )e need to recogni>e that no re4olution begins )ith the o4erthro) of the 1tate . The dismantling or sei>ure of the 1tate
)e profess to hold. is usually a reflection of a deep re4olution already occurring at the grassroots& community and )orkplace le4el. The 1panish =e4olution of /;LK.L; didnt 9ust happen because the 1panish )ere more 'radical, or 'committed, than )e are. +t )as the culmination of almost -! years of organi>ing& making mistakes& building a popular base. Pre.existing structures and )orker organi>ations made possible a )orkers takeo4er of much of the 1panish economy "especially in Catalonia0. Participation in radical unions& factory committees& and collecti4es for decades& enabled 1panish )orkers to de4elop kno)ledge of their enterprises& a sense of their o)n competence& and ga4e them direct experience )ith collecti4e organi>ational principles. The struggle of the 1panish anarchists and communists offers many lessons Nnot the least of )hich is that re4olution is a long.term agenda. :ounger acti4ists especially need to take this seriously& because they tend to think that militancy alone "regardless of popular support0 )ill

bring about a fast demise of capitalism. . At the same time& ho)e4er& obser4ing that the state.capitalist system is po)erful& and belie4ing that re4olution is a long.term agenda& is not an excuse to stuff our nests& or a4oid direct action. As Gramsci pointed out )e need to maintain an optimism of )ill& e4en if )e ha4e a pessimism of mind. +n other )ords& )e need to strike a balance bet)een hope and realityNsomething that is absolutely necessary& if our efforts are to be sustained beyond youthful idealism into the rest of our li4es. %e need to think hard about the meaning of solidarity. 1olidarity is DCT about supporting those )ho share your precise politics. +ts about supporting those )ho struggle against in9usticeNe4en if their assumptions& methods& politics& and goals differ from our o)n. Any anarchist )ho says they )ont support Cuban solidarity efforts& or could care less about the H.1. embargo& because the Cuban re4olution is '1tatist, and 'authoritarian&, is in my opinion& full of shit. "5ut this doesnt imply that )e should turn a blind eye to human rights 4iolations in Cuba& 9ust because theyre relati4ely non.existent compared to the rest of *atin America "or Canada for that matter0. +t doesnt imply that )e should refrain from criticism of Cubas economic system from a socialist and )orking. class perspecti4e& simply because )ere )orried about the declining number of post.capitalist experiments to support.0

Hnrealistic expectations are a fast road to burnout and despair

5i"son-5raham
Their totalizing representation of capitalism as the root cause of problems is a self-fulfilling prophecyit overlooks the complexities and discontinuities within capitalism and destroys the possibility of non-capitalist thought Gibson-Graham 9 $%ulie &raham' professor' U (assachusetts' and #atherine &ibson' professor' (onash U' )he *nd of Capitalism $As +e #now "t,' p -./' A&,
)he *nd of Capitalism $As +e #new "t, problemati es 0capitalism0 as an economic and social descriptor. 1crutini ing what might be seen as throwaway uses of the term . passing references' for e2ample' to the capitalist system or to global capitalism . as well as systematic and deliberate attempts to represent capitalism

as a central and organi ing feature of modern social e2perience ' the book selectively traces the discursive origins of a widespread understanding3
that capitalism is the hegemonic' or even the only' present form of economy and that it will continue to be so in the pro2imate future. "t follows from this prevalent though not ubiquitous view that noncapitalist economic sites' if they e2ist at all' must inhabit the social margins4 and' as a corollary' that deliberate attempts to develop noncapitalist economic practices and institutions must take place in the social interstices' in the realm of e2periment' or in a visionary space of revolutionary social replacement. 5epresentations of capitalism are a potent constituent of the anticapitalist imagination' providing images of what is to be

resisted and changed as well as intimations of the strategies' techniques' and possibilities of changing it. 6or this reason' depictions of 0capitalist hegemony0 deserve a particularly skeptical reading. 6or in the vicinity of these representations' the very idea of a noncapitalist economy takes the shape of an unlikelihood or even an impossibility. "t becomes difficult to entertain a vision of the prevalence and vitality of noncapitalist economic forms' or of daily or partial replacements of capitalism by noncapitalist economic practices' or of capitalist retreats and reversals. "n this sense' 0capitalist hegemony0 operates not only as a constituent of' but also as a brake upon' the anticapitalist imaginations. +hat difference might it make to release that brake and allow an anticapitalist economic imaginary to develop unrestricted7 "f we
were to dissolve the image that looms in the economic foreground' what shadowy economic forms might come forward7 "n these questions we can identify the broad outlines of our project3 to discover or create a world of economic difference' and to populate that world with e2otic creatures that become' upon inspection' quite local and familiar $not to mention familiar beings that are not what they seem,. )he discursive artifact we call 0capitalist hegemony0 is a comple2 effect of a wide variety of discursive and nondiscursive conditions. "n this book we focus on the practices and preoccupations of discourse' tracing some of the different' even incompatible' representations of capitalism that can be collated within this fictive summary representation. )hese depictions have their origins in the diverse traditions of (ar2ism' classical and contemporary political economy' academic social science' modern historiography' popular economic and social thought' western philosophy and metaphysics' indeed' in an endless array of te2ts' traditions and infrastructures of meaning. "n the chapters that follow' only a few of these are e2amined for the ways in which they have sustained a vision of capitalism as the dominant form of economy ' or have contributed to the possibility or

durability of such a vision. But the point should emerge none the less clearly3 the virtually unquestioned dominance of capitalism can be seen as a comple2 product of a variety of discursive commitments' including but not limited to organicist social conceptions' heroic historical narratives' evolutionary scenarios of social development' and essentialist' phallocentric' or binary patterns of thinking. "t is through these discursive figurings and alignments that capitalism is constituted as large' powerful' persistent' active' e2pansive' progressive' dynamic'
transformative4 embracing' penetrating' disciplining' coloni ing' constraining4 systemic' self.reproducing' rational' lawful' self.rectifying4 organi ed and organi ing' centered and centering4 originating' creative' protean4 victorious and ascendant4 self. identical' self.e2pressive' full' definite' real' positive' and capable of

conferring identity and meaning. The belief that capitalism is the root cause of all societal ill closes the possibility of pragmatic solutions& and fractures the movement by isolating moderates as capitalists0 6evin& 798 $5ichard' president of Qale' )he (innesota 5eview' /G./9, As a result of this view of the world' many people on the far right and far left are single.causers4 they believe not only that everything the demon does has bad effects in our society' but also that everything bad in our society is caused by this demon. 5ight.wing e2tremists hold feminism or secular humanism or ;P& responsible for drugs' crime' floridation' and the decline of 0family values'0 and many leftistsincluding some appearing in mrclaim that capitalism is the cause of racism and se2ism $Cotter 889.-8' >ewis 9F.9G' Qoung -GG.98,. )his' in turn' leads to the belief that thereOs a single cure' and only this one cure' for all these social ills3 the complete e2tirpation of the demon that causes them and the complete transformation of society. )hus e2tremists on both sides tend to be all.or.nothingists' to reject all reforms as 0band.aids0 that are doomed to fail since they donOt get at the source of our problems and so wonOt further this radical transformation $Ieilson!(eyerson /R3 -JG.J9,. (any are also millenarians who believe the transformation will be brought about by an apocalyptic clash between the forces of good and evil ending in the permanent defeat of the demon and the creation of a utopia$for fundamentalists this is a literal Armageddon and 1econd Coming' for militias itOs 5aLo+a $5acial Loly +ar, or the uprising of true patriots against our traitorous government foretold in )he )urner Eiaries with its Litlerian 0final solution'0 and for (ar2ists itOs the proletarian revolution that' their anthem tells us' will be 0the final conflict.0 Another consequence of their polari ation is that partisans at both e2tremes try to eliminate the intermediate positions between them' often by denying their differences. Ieilson and (eyerson say that 0we should see liberalism and conservatism as flipsides0 $/R3 -J9, and argue that 5epublicans and Eemocrats are really the same $/F3 -/-,' as does )om >ewis at greater length $G9.9M,. 1imilarly' &eorge +allace' in his racist' third.party campaign' insisted that 0there isnOt a dimeOs worth of difference between them.0 (ore sinister is their tendency to 0disappear0 these intermediate positions by equating

them with the opposite e2treme. (cCarthy and his followers attacked Eemocrats and even liberal 5epublicans as 0pinkos0 and 0fellow travelers'0 and (ar2ist regimes condemned social democrats and even communists who deviated from the party line as fascist counterrevolutionaries who must be liquidated. 1ome e2tremists on the academic left employ this tactic against moderates and liberals' although with less lethal results. )he same (ar2ist critic who called me a 0self. confessed liberal0 also called me' in another essay published in the same year' a 0reactionary0 $0)erminator0 J/,' and Eonald (orton and (asOud ;avar adeh consign &erald &raff' 1tanley 6ish' 5ichard 5orty' and Andrew 5oss to the same camp as 5ush >imbaugh $N-.NN,. $Ieilson and (eyersonOs attack on BSrubS is more restrained..the worst thing they call him is a 0liberal pluralist0 :/R3 -JF' /F3 -N9' -/RA4 but they try to connect him' as " noted' to support of the far right in Central America., 1uch people need a simplistic division of the political world into two polar opposites with no awkward alternatives $just as they need a simplistic e2planation of the cause and cure of all our problems,' because they canOt tolerate comple2ity or uncertainty. )hat mental set' " believe' is the most significant similarity $or 0equivalence0, between the far right and far left. 9uman nature& not cap is the root of their impacts %immerman 89 $(ichael ;immerman' professor of philosophy at )ulane' 89G9' =+e Ieed Iew (yths?' p. -/, (ar2ism' as 5obert )ucker has argued' can be seen as a distorted mythic symbol in which the struggle of good and evil within the individual is projected onto social classes3 the blood.sucking capitalist class fights $vainly, to dominate the creative.productive working class. +hen the capitalist class is destroyed by the proletariat' alienation will supposedly be destroyed as well. "f (ar2ist revolutionaries can bring down the center of capitalism' the United 1tates' world.history will supposedly begin its &olden Age. )his myth is so attractive to many people because it portrays in social.class terms the problems that each individual must face. A person committed to the revolutionary cause can through this projection postpone the painful process of their own individuation. "t goes without saying' of course' that capitalism is in fact responsible for social ills' but neither the capitalist class nor its individual constituents are the embodiment and source of evil. )he dark side is an aspect of every human being4 it cannot be eliminated by social revolution. Capitalism not the root cause o$ &ar and the alt doesn7t sol!e Martin :*

5rian Martin& Bepartment of 1cience and Technology 1tudies& Hni4ersity of %ollongong& Australia& Hprooting %ar& /;;! edition http?JJ))).uo).edu.auJartsJstsJbmartinJpubsJ;!u)Ju)/L.html The discussion so far concerns capitalist firms )ithin a particular state. The )ider 6uestion is& )hat role does the

)orld capitalist system play in the )ar system8 %hen examining particular )ars& the immediate role of profit and accumulation are often minimal. <xamples are %orld %ar T)o& the +ndochinese %ar and the many Middle <ast )ars. <4en in many colonial empires& immediate economic ad4antages for the capitalist class ha4e played a minor role

compared to issues of expansion and maintenance of state po)er. The role of capitalism mainly entered through its structuring of economic relations )hich are super4ised separately and 9ointly by capitalist states. The main military ser4ice of the state to capitalists in the international system is to oppose mo4ements )hich threaten the 4iability of capitalist economic relations. This includes state socialism and all mo4ements for self.management. At the same time& the )ay this state inter4ention operates& namely through separate and potentially competing state apparatuses& can conflict )ith the security of capitalism. %ars and military expenditures can hurt national economies& as in the case of H1 go4ernment

expenditures for fighting in Iietnam. Cnly some struggles against capitalism ha4e potential for challenging the )ar system. <fforts to

oppose capital by mobilising the po)er of the state do little in this direction. +n particular& promotion of state socialism "the destruction of capitalism )ithin a state mode& )ith the maintenance of bureaucratic control and military po)er0 does little to address the problem of )ar. The trouble here is that

much of the socialist left sees capitalism as the sole source of e4il in the )orld. This approach is blind to the roots of social problems that do not primarily gro) out of class domination& including racism& sexism& en4ironmental degradation and )ar. 5ecause of this blindness& e4en the struggle against capitalism is )eakened& since attention is not paid to systems of po)er such as patriarchy and bureaucracy )hich are mobilised to support capitalism as )ell as other interests. 5reed is the root cause o$ &ar .not capitalism/ A"erdeen 9

=ichard Aberdeen& 'the )ay? a theory of root cause and solution, !!L http?JJfreedomtracks.comJuncommonsenseJthe)ay.html A 4ie) shared by many modern acti4ists is that capitalism& free enterprise& multi.national corporations and globali>ation are the primary cause of the current global (uman =ights problem and that by stri4ing to change or eliminate these& the root problem of )hat ills the modern )orld is being addressed. This is a rather unfortunate and historically myopic 4ie)& reminiscent of early 'class struggle, Marxists )ho soon resorted to 4iolence as a means to achie4e rather 6uestionable ends. And like these often brutal early Marxists& modern anarchists )ho resort to 4iolence to sol4e the problem are )alking upside do)n and back)ards& adding to rather than correcting& both the immediate and long.term (uman =ights problem. Iiolent re4olution& including our o)n American re4olution& becomes a breeding ground for po4erty& disease& star4ation and often mass oppression leading to future 4iolence. *arge& publicly traded corporations are created by indi4iduals or groups of indi4iduals& operated by indi4iduals and made up of indi4idual andJor group in4estors. These business

enterprises are deliberately structured to be empo)ered by indi4idual "or group0 in4estor greed. 3or example& a theori>ed need for offering salaries much higher than is necessary to secure competent leadership "often resulting in corrupt and entirely incompetent leadership0& lo)ering )ages more than is fair and e6uitable and scaling back of often
hard fought for benefits& is sold to stockholders as being in the best interest of the bottom.line market 4alue and thus& in the best economic interests of indi4idual in4estors.

*ike)ise& ma9or

political and corporate exploitation of third.)orld nations is rooted in the indi4idual and 9oint greed of corporate in4estors and others )ho stand to profit from such exploitation. More than 9ust in4estor greed& corporations are dri4en by the greed of all those in4ol4ed& including indi4iduals outside the enterprise itself )ho profit indirectly from it. +f one examines 'the course of human e4ents, closely& it can correctly be surmised that the 'root, cause of humanitys problems comes from indi4idual human greed and similar negati4e indi4idual moti4ation. The MarxJ<ngles 4ie) of history being a 'class, struggle W does not address the root problem and is thus fundamentally fla)ed from a true historical perspecti4e "see Gallo 5rothers for more details0. 1o.called 'classes, of people& unions& corporations and political groups are made up of indi4iduals )ho support the particular group or organi>ational position based on their o)n indi4idual needs& greed and desires and thus& an apparent 'class struggle, in reality& is an extension of indi4idual moti4ation. *ike)ise& nations engage in )ars of aggression& not because capitalism or classes of society are at root cause& but because indi4idual members of a society are indi4idually con4inced that it is in their o)n economic sur4i4al best interest. %ar& po4erty& star4ation and lack of (uman and Ci4il =ights ha4e existed on our planet since long before the rise of modern capitalism & free enterprise and multi.national corporation a4arice& thus the root problem ob4iously goes deeper than this.

4epresentin, capitalism as a "ounded) monistic entit precludes noncapital alternati!es and $urthers he,emonic) capitalocentric modes o$ thou,ht 5i"son-5raham *; #.$.& pen name shared by feminist economic geographers #ulie Graham and $atherine Gibson
"'The <nd of Capitalism "As %e $ne) +t0? A 3eminist Criti6ue of Political <conomy,& pg EL.EF& +%ren0

)hat may account for the economic monism or hegemonism that accompanies most representations of capitalist society and de4elopment8 (ere a partial ans)er may be found in the metaphysics of identity that Althusser sought to undermine. Cperating under an 7imperati4e of unity7 "(a>el /;;E? E0 )estern conceptions of identity entail both the unity of an ob9ect )ith itself "its self.resemblance0 and its one.to one relation )ith the sign by )hich it is kno)n? one )ord )ith one meaning& corresponding to one thing. To such an essentialist reading of identity 7capitalism7 designates an underlying commonality in the ob9ects to )hich it refers. Thus )e are not surprised to encounter a capitalism that is essentially the same in different times and places "despite the fact that sameness as the precondition of meaning is exactly )hat 4arious structuralist and poststructuralist traditions ha4e sought to undermine.0 5y 4irtue of their identification as capitalist settings& different societies become the sites of a resemblance or a replication. Complex processes of social de4elopment . commodification& industriali>ation& proletariani>ation& internationali>ation . become legible as the signatures of capitalism rather than as uni6ue and decentered determinations. %hen capitalism exists as a sameness& noncapitalism can only be subordinated or rendered in4isible "like traditional or domestic economic forms0. Doncapitalism is to capitalism as )oman to man? an insufficiency until and unless it is released from the binary metaphysics of identity ")here A is a unified self.identical being that excludes )hat it is not0.LE +f capitalismJman can be understood as multiple and specific A if it is
%hat interests me most here is the 6uestion of )hy the economism of )hich capitalism is the bearer is so difficult to moderate or excise. And not a unity but a heterogeneity& not a sameness but a differenceA if it is al)ays becoming )hat it is notA if it incorporates difference )ithin its decentered beingA then noncapitalismJ)oman is released from its singular and subordinate status . There is no singularity of 3orm to

To conceptuali>e capitalismJman as multiple and different is thus a condition of theori>ing noncapitalismJ)oman as a set of specific& definite forms of being. +t is easy to appreciate the strategic effecti4eness of reading the texts of capitalism
constitute noncapitalismJ)oman as a simple negation or as the recessi4e ground against )hich the positi4e figure of capitalismJman is defined. deconstructi4ely& disco4ering the surplus and contradictory meanings of the term& the places )here capitalism is inhabited and constituted by noncapitalism& )here it escapes the logic of sameness and is unable to maintain its ostensible self.identity "see chapter /!0. 5ut o4erdetermination can be used as an
additional anti.essentialist theoretical strategy to complement and supplement the strategy of deconstruction. Taken together these strategies ha4e the potential to undermine capitalism2s discursi4e 7hegemony7 and to reconceptuali>e its role in social determination. =epresentations of society and economy cannot themsel4es be centered on a decentered and formless entity that is itself al)ays different from itself& and that obtains its shifting and contradictory identity from the al)ays changing exteriors that o4erdetermine it. #ust as postmodernism obtains its po)er from modernism "its po)er to undermine and destabili>e& to oppose and contradict0&LF so can an o4erdeterminist approach reali>e its po)er and strategic capacity by 4irtue of its oppositional relation to the preeminent modes of understanding both language categories and identityJbeing. To the extent that )e conceptuali>e entities as autonomous& bounded& and discrete "constituted by the exclusion of their outsides0& and as the uni6ue referents that gi4e each sign a stable and singular meaning& to that extent does the strategy of thinking o4erdetermination ha4e the po)er to destabili>e theoretical discourse and reposition the concepts )ithin it.LK Through the lens of o4erdetermination& identities "like capitalism0 can become 4isible as entirely constituted by their 7external7 conditions. %ith an o4erdeterminist strategy )e may empty capitalism of its uni4ersal attributes and e4acuate the essential and in4ariant logics that allo) it to hegemoni>e the economic and

social terrain. C4erdetermination enables us to read the causality that is capitalism as coexisting )ith an infinity of other determinants& none of )hich can definiti4ely be said to be less or more significant& )hile repositioning capitalism itself as an effect. That the capitalist economy often

escapes reconceptuali>ation and so continues to function as an organi>ing moment & and an origin of meaning and causation in social theory& cannot be understood as a simple theoretical omission. +t is also a reassertion of the hegemonic conceptions of language and determination that o4erdetermination is uni6uely positioned to contradict. +t is a testimony to the po)er of
o4erdetermination that it has allo)ed certain post.Althusserian theorists to en4ision an 7economy7 that is not singular& centered& ordered or selfconstituting& and that therefore is not capitalism2s exclusi4e domain.L- 5ut it testifies to the resilience of the dominant

conceptual context "it should perhaps be called a mode of thought0 in )hich the ob9ects of thought exist independently of thought and of each other that an autonomous economy still exists and operates in social representation. Cne can say that representations of the capitalist

economy as an independent entity informed by logics and exclusi4e of its exteriors ha4e allo)ed capitalism to hegemoni>e both the economic and the social field. Cne can also say& ho)e4er& that o4erdetermination is a discursi4e strategy that can potentially
empty& fragment& decenter and open the economy& liberating discourses of economy and society from capitalism2s embrace. 5ut that process& far from being o4er or e4en )ell on its )ay& has hardly begun.

Link Cap as Su"ject

Their representation o$ capitalism as a su"ject that acts on the social $ield denies the true situational and e'ternal $actors that create capitalism in indi!idual conte'ts. <ntil it7s retheori%ed as the o"ject o$ social relations it &ill al&a s recreate itsel$ dominantl in social discourse#that turns their ad!ocac 5i"son-5raham *; #.$.& pen name shared by feminist economic geographers #ulie Graham and $atherine Gibson
"'The <nd of Capitalism "As %e $ne) +t0? A 3eminist Criti6ue of Political <conomy,& pg LM.L;& +%ren0 This representation

of capitalism in (egemony and 1ocialist 1trategy is notable not only for the extraordinary transformati4e capacity )ith )hich capitalism is endo)ed . it is gi4en sole responsibility for a thoroughgoing historical transformation . but also for the familiarity and unremarkability of the depiction. +n a di4erse array of texts and traditions& capitalism is rendered as the 7sub9ect7 of history& an agent that makes history but is not correspondingly 7made.7 +f it is affected and shaped by its social contexts& it is not e6ui4alently 7sub9ected.7 +nstead it claims the terrain of the social as the arena of its self.reali>ation. K %hile undoing the closed and singular social totality& and unfixing society
from its economic base& *aclau and Mouffe lea4e the economy theoretically untouched. +t remains positi4e and homogeneous& inhabited by a set of logics that increasingly define the character of the social landscape "Biskin and 1andier /;;L0. As the inad4ertent result of their theoretical

silence& the economy has a fixed "if atheoretically specified0 identity and capitalism itself has a fixed and transparent "or generic0 meaning. +ts definition and operations are independent of articulatory practices and discursi4e fixingsA it can therefore be seen as 7an abstraction )ith concrete effects7 "in *aclau and Mouffe2s )onderful critical phrase0 rather than as a discursi4e moment that is relationally defined. +n the rendition of recent economic and social history 6uoted abo4e& for example& capitalism inhabits the present as a concrete embodiment of its abstract description. +ts internal imperati4es of gro)th and expansion are manifest in history as its external form. Do 7exteriors7 "discourses in )hich it has other meanings0 operate to sub4ert its unity and self. resemblance. The immutable logics at the core of its being are independent of its social contexts "they al)ays operate and are not fully susceptible to being abridged0. This gi4es capitalism& and by extension the economy& a disproportionate effecti4ity.
Hnlike other social practices and processes in (egemony and 1ocialist 1trategy& capitalism both has and is an essence. +t is a cause )ithout being to the same extent an effect. +n this sense it exists outside o4erdetermination. - *aclau and Mouffe2s capitalism is the protagonist of a unified narrati4e of de4elopment that sets the political stage. 5ut the capitalism they describe& and the heroic role they assign to it& is a remnant or borro)ing "from other parts of the Marxian tradition0 rather than a product of their o)n theoretical elaborations. 3or 4arious reasons& including the 7retreat7 from economism inspired by Althusser& it is no) the case that post.Marxist and cultural theorists often a4oid constituting the economy

as a theoretical ob9ect "perhaps theoretical a4oidance is anti.economism2s highest form.0 5y itself& this is not a fatal 7omission7 or a necessary source of theoretical deformations& since it )ould be impossible to problemati>e e4ery social dimension and practice. 5ut the 7failure7 to theori>e the economy is ine4itably associated )ith certain problematic effects. The language of social instances that di4ides society into economy& polity& and culture "or some other such partition0 continues to function as the general conceptual frame )ithin )hich particular social discourses are inscribed. Hnless the economy is explicitly )ritten out& or until it is deconstructi4ely or positi4ely re)ritten& it )ill )rite itself into e4ery text of social theory& in familiar and po)erful )ays. %hen it is not o4ertly theori>ed& it defines itself as capitalism because it lacks another name. M

Link Turn
Link Turn= 6'plorin, space leads to the "uildin, o$ a ,lo"al econom and the e!entual destruction o$ capitalism. >eun, :?NProfessor of <conomic Geography at the Dational Hni4ersity of 1ingapore
"(enry %ai.chung& 'Capital& 1tate and 1pace? Contesting the 5orderless %orld,& Transactions of the +nstitute of 5ritish Geographers& 5lack)ell Publishing& Iol. L& Do. L& #1TC=0JJA% The late t)entieth century has )itnessed extensi4e globali>ation of economic acti4ities& typically through cross.border in4estments and trade spearheaded by transnational banks and transnational corporations "TDCs0. Bunning "/;;L& / ;0 obser4es that one of the most

distincti4e features of the )orld economy of the early /;;!s is the ease )ith )hich the kinds of assets and intermediate products that determine a nation2s prosperity and gro)th are able to mo4e across national boundaries. As a 4ehicle for housing and controlling the organi>ation and location of these resources and competencies& MD<s Xmultinational enterprisesY remain in a class of their o)n. The global economy today has become more functionally integrated and interdependent than e4er "Perraton et al /;;-A Bicken /;;MA cf (irst and Thompson /;;K0. +t is defined as an economy in )hich there is close economic inter. dependence among and bet)een the leading nations in trade& in4estment& and cooperati4e commercial relationships& and in )hich there are relati4ely fe) artificial restrictions on the cross. border mo4ement of people& assets& goods or ser4ices. "Bunning /;;F& /LF0/ 5ecause of this increasing integration and inter. dependence of national economies at a global scale& it is no) fashionable among business gurus& international economists and liberal politicians to assert that the )orld is 2borderless2 "Chmae /;;!A /;;FaA /;;FbA #ulius /;;!A =eich /;;/A C25rien /;; A (orsman and Marshall /;;EA *e4y /;;F0. +n such a 2borderless2 )orld& they claim& the fortunes of indi4iduals& firms& industries and e4en nation states are so intert)ined )ith ongoing e4ents in the global economy that it becomes almost impossible to define the nation state )ithout reference to the broader economy "5aylis and 1mith /;;-A 5ro)n /;;-A Bunning /;;-0. To them& the nation state ceases to be a political institution capable of exerting influences on the acti4ities of capital& )hich has also become increasingly 2placeless2. The con4ergent effects of globali>ation and cross.border organi>ational learning ha4e rapidly outpaced the di4ergent effects of cultures& national institutions and social systems "Mueller /;;E0. 5ecause of this increasing con4ergence of production& circulation and consumption o4er space& the geopolitics of capitalism ha4e become irrele4ant in an allegedly 2borderless2 )orld. The end result is the demise of geography and national boundaries& )hich no longer make a difference in the 2borderless2 )orld.L 1uch 2borderless )orld2 and 2end of geography2 theses may seem ine4itably 4alid in today2s globali>ing )orld. Amidst such 2globali>ation fer4our2& ho)e4er& it is )orth)hile to pause for a moment and re.examine critically the analytical constructs in these theses. Although the
neoliberal 2end.state2 4ie) of globali>ation has been critically refuted in recent literature "5oyer and Brache /;;KA (irst and Thompson /;;KA Mittelman /;;KaA 1assen /;;KaA Cox /;;-A 1cott /;;-A Bicken /;;MA %eiss /;;MA Clds et al forthcomingA $eller et al forthcoming0& relati4ely little has been said about the underlying logic"s0 and tendencies of globali>ation as an ongoing process. +nstead& much counterglobali>ation literature has focused on pro. 4iding e4idence to sho) that the )orld is not yet globali>ed. %hile not denying some of the broader empirical global trends identified by ChmaeE and other ultraglobalists& this paper aims to analy>e the underlying logic"s0 of globali>ation and to sho) that globali>ation tendencies neither result in a 2borderless2 )orld nor lead to the end of geography. Globali>ation is conceptuali>ed as a complex process of interrelated

tendencies "Bicken et al /;;-0. Though it in4ades local contexts of action& globali>ation does not destroy themA instead& ne) forms of local resistance and local expression emerge& reinforcing the interconnectedness of the (enry %aichung :eung local and the global& and the multiplicity and hybridi>ation of social life at e4ery spatial scale "Amin /;;-A Cox /;;-0. Globali>ation can therefore be seen as a dialectical process of homogeni>ation and differentiation& constituted by the relati4i>ation of scale. The end.state of globali>ation is often percei4ed as an economically& socially and culturally homogeni>ed )orldA ho)e4er& the dialectical response to this has been the affirmation of difference& )hich is e6ually present as& if lacking the material force of& the apparently dominant homogeni>ing tendencies "Cox /;;K0. These tendencies to)ards homogeni>ation and differentiation reflect continuous tensions bet)een capital and the state in the "re0production of space. 1uch tensions& ho). e4er& are not materiali>ed at the polar scale of the global and the local& much to the disappointment of global.local dialecticians. =ather& they transcend the global.local scale and are problemati>ed by the relati4i>ation of scale& )hen )hat appears to be a local phenomenon can simultaneously be a regional or global e4ent else)here. There seems to be a continuous transformation of global flo)s and local embedding through the relati4i>ation of scale.F

8iopo&er 5ood
8iopolitics is necessar to sol!e capitalism. @ackitectura (orkshop) 733
XThe (ackitectura %orkshop in Athens& led by Pablo de 1oto and #ose Pere> de *amaA 'Cn 5iopo)er and 5iopoliticsA, published /J MJ !//A http?JJmappingthecommons.)ordpress.comJ !//J!/J MJon.biopo)er.and.biopoliticsJ Y #ay "/0%e use 'biopo)er, Xin the sense defined by 3oucault& and later detailed by Beleu>e& (ardt and DegriY to describe the form of

po)er in contemporary net)orked society. 5iopo)er& as any kind of po)er& has to be understood as a strategy and as a relationA it is deployed through technics or technologies. 5iopo)er is not aimed at prohibiting and punishing& but it rather deals )ith the production of the realA it aims to produce the totality of social life. " 0 The main aim of biopo)er& being part of capitalism& is not to repress people& but to make populations producti4e. "L0 %e can better understand the technologies of contemporary biopo)er by comparing them to the technologies of XbioYpo)er in the industrial society. The diagram of po)er
technologies in the industral society is the panopticon. +t )as deployed in the so called insitutions of enclosement& such as factories& schools& offices and homes& )here bodies and minds )ere disciplined in space and time. The Greek term 'biomechania, describes effecti4ely the biopolitical dimension of industrial society. Technologies of biopo)er in the age of net)orks are different from those of the industrial era. They are often described by the term society of control& coined by )riter %illiam 5urroughs and commented upon by Gilles Beleu>e X/;;!Y. "E0 1ociety of control technologies

aim to make people producti4e& as )e already mentioned& but they do so& not through the tayloristic organi>ation of time and space& but
rather through the modulation of sub9ecti4ities and beha4iors in the open& fluid fields of net)orks. +n the net)orked society& people become producti4e )hen they are able to operate autonomously& flexibly and creati4ely. Control functions through the modulation of these conditions. "F0 Production of sub9ecti4ity& technological and social protocols& la)s and norms& and go4ernance are three of the main families of po)er technologies in the society of control. "K0 5iopolitics )ould describe on one end the technologies of po)er that relate to biopo)er. 5iopolitical production )ould refer to the production of forms of life& as in the sense addressed by the Greek term 'biomechania,. (o)e4er& biopolitical production is used& too Xby (ardt& Degri& *a>>arato and othersY& to

describe the kind of politics and political actions that oppose capitalist biopo)er. +n this sense& biopolitical production )ould describe the production of forms of life Xtechnical& social& sub9ecti4e ecologiesY alternati4e to& and confrontational )ith capitalism

1emocracy limits the effects of biopower ) ensures it can't cause violence0 1ickinson 7( ) professor at :!incinnati
X<d)ard Bickenson& professor at the Hni4ersity of CincinnatiA '5iopolitics& 3acism& Bemocracy& Central <uropean (istoryA, published in Central <uropean (istory& Iol. L-& Do. / !!EY

%hy )as <uropes t)entieth century& in addition to being the age of biopolitics and totalitarianism& also the age of biopolitics and democracy8 (o) should )e theori>e this relationship8 + )ould like to offer fi4e propositions as food for thought. 3irst& again& the concept of the essential legitimacy and social 4alue of indi4idual needs& and hence the imperati4e of indi4idual rights as the political mechanism for getting them met& has historically been a cornerstone of some strategies of social management. To borro) a phrase from Betle4 Peukert& this does not mean that democracy )as the 'absolutely ine4itable,
outcome of the de4elopment of biopoliticsA but it does mean that it )as 'one among other possible outcomes of the crisis of modern ci4ili>ation., 1econd& + )ould argue that there is also a causal fit bet)een cultures of expertise& or 'scientism&, and democracy. Cf course& 'scientism, sub4erted the real& historical ideological underpinnings of authoritarian polities in <urope in the nineteenth century. +t also in a sense replaced them. Bemocratic citi>ens ha4e the freedom to ask ')hy,A and in a democratic system there is therefore a

bias to)ard pragmatic& 'ob9ecti4e, or naturali>ed ans)ersN since 4alues are often regarded as matters of opinion& )ith )hich any citi>en has a right to differ. 1cientific 'fact, is democracys substitute for re4ealed truth& expertise its
substitute for authority. The age of democracy is the age of professionali>ation& of technocracyA there is a deeper connection bet)een the t)o& this is not merely a matter of historical coincidence. Third& the 4ulnerability of explicitly moral 4alues in democratic societies creates a

problem of legitimation. Cf course there are moral 4alues that all democratic societies must in some degree uphold "indi4idual autonomy and freedom& human dignity& fairness& the rule of la)0& and those 4alues are part of their strength. 5ut as peoples states& democratic social and political orders are also implicitly and often explicitly expected to do something positi4e and tangible to enhance the )ell.being of their citi>ens. Cne of those things& of course& is simply to pro4ide a rising standard of li4ingA and the 4isible and astonishing success of that pro9ect has been crucial to all %estern democracies since /;EF. Another is the pro4ision of a rising standard of healthA and here again& the democratic )elfare state has 'deli4ered the goods, in concrete& measurable& and extraordinary )ays. +n this sense& it may not be so simpleminded& after all& to insist on considering the fact that modern biopolitics has ')orked, phenomenally )ell. 3ourth& it )as precisely the democrati>ing dynamic of modern societies that made the 6uestion of the '6uality, of the mass of the population seemN and not only in the eyes of the dominant classes N increasingly important. Again&
in the course of the nineteenth and early t)entieth centuries the expected le4el of the a4erage citi>ens acti4e participation in <uropean political& social& cultural& and economic life rose steadily& as did the expected le4el of her effecti4e influence in all these spheres. This made it a matter of increasing importance )hether the a4erage person )as more or less educated and informed& more or less moral and self.disciplined& more or less healthy and physically capable& more or less socially competent. And modern social reform N 'biopolitics, defined 4ery broadlyN seemed to offer the

possibility of creating the human foundation for a society ordered by autonomous participation& rather than by obedience. This too )as part of the Machbarkeits)ahn of modernityA but this )as potentially a democratic '%ahn&, not only an authoritarian one. 3ifth& historically there has been a clear connection bet)een the concept of political citi>enship and the idea of moral autonomy. The political 'sub9ect, "or citi>en N as opposed to the political sub9ect&)ho is an ob9ect of state action0 is also a

moral sub9ect. The citi>ens capacity for moral reasoning is the legitimating postulate of all democratic politics.
The regulation of sexual and reproducti4e life has long been understood in <uropean societies to be among the most fundamental issues of morality. There is& therefore& a connection bet)een political citi>enship on the one hand& and the sexual and reproducti4e

autonomy implied in the indi4idual control that is a central element of the modern biopolitical complex& on the other.

3iopower enables the modern methods of survival we have now0 1ickinson 7( ) professor at :!incinnati

X<d)ard Bickenson& professor at the Hni4ersity of CincinnatiA '5iopolitics& 3acism& Bemocracy& Central <uropean (istoryA, published in Central <uropean (istory& Iol. L-& Do. / !!EY

This understanding of the democratic and totalitarian potentials of biopolitics at the level of the state needs to be underpinned by a reassessment of how biopolitical discourse operates in society at large& at the 'prepolitical, le4el. + )ould like to try to offer here the beginnings of a reconceptualization of biopolitical modernity, one that focuses less on the machinations of technocrats and experts, and more on the different ways that biopolitical thinking circulated )ithin German society more broadly. +t is striking& then& that the ne) model of
German modernity is e4en more relentlessly negati4e than the old 1onder)eg model. +n that older model& premodern elites )ere constantly triumphing o4er the democratic opposition. 5ut at least there )as an opposition& and in the long run& time )as on the side of that opposition& )hich in fact embodied the historical mo4ement of modern.i>ation. +n the ne) model& there is 4irtually a biopolitical consensus . ; And that

consenus is almost al)ays fundamentally a nasty& oppressi4e thing& one that partakes in crucial )ays of the essential 6uality of Dational 1ocialism. Everywhere biopolitics is intrusive, technocratic, top-down, constraining, limiting. Biopolitics is almost never conceived of or at least discussed in any detail as creating possibilities for people, as expanding the range of their choices, as empowering them, or indeed as doing anything positive for them at all. Cf course& at the most simple-minded level, it seems to me that an assessment of the potentials of modernity that ignores the ways in which biopolitics has made life tangibly better is someho) deeply flawed. To give !ust one example, infant mortality in "ermany in #$%% was !ust over &% percent' or& in other )ords& one in five children died before reaching the age of one year. By #$#( it was #) percent, and by #$&$ ")hen a4erage real purchasing po)er )as not significantly higher than it /;/L0 it )as only $.* percent. ;L The expansion of infant health programs an enormously ambitious, bureaucratic, medicalizing, and sometimes intrusive, social engineering pro!ect had a great deal to do with that change. +t would be bizarre to write a history of biopolitical modernity that ruled out an appreciation for how absolutely wonderful and astonishing this achievement and any number of things like it really was. There )as a reason for the 'Machbarkeits)ahn, of the early t)entieth century? many mar4elous things )ere in fact becoming machbar. +n that sense& it is not really accurate to call it a '%ahn, "delusion& cra>iness0 at allA nor is it accurate to focus only on the ,inevitable- frustration of ,deleusions- of power. <4en in the late /; !s& many social engineers could and did look with reat satisfaction on the changes they genuinely had the power to accomplish.

Satellites 5ood
6!en i$ there are pro"lems &ith satellites the help the disempo&ered 2ickens 3* *Iisiting Professor of 1ociology at the Hni4ersity of <ssex
"Peter& 'The (umani>ation of the Cosmos To %hat <nd8,& Monthly =e4ie) Iol K & Do K& Do4ember !/!& dml0 Most ob4iously& the technology allo)ing a human presence in the cosmos )ould be focused mainly on earthly society. There

are many serious crises do)n here on <arth that ha4e urgent priority )hen considering the humani>ation of outer space. 3irst& there is the ob4ious fact
of social ine6ualities and resources. +s Z billion and up)ards to help the pri4ate sector find ne) forms of space 4ehicles really a priority for public funding& especially at a time )hen relati4e social ine6ualities and en4ironmental conditions are rapidly )orsening8 The military.industrial complex might )ell benefit& but it hardly represents society as a )hole. This is not to say& ho)e4er& that public spending on space should

be stopped. =ather& it should be addressed to)ard ameliorating the many crises that face global society. 1atellites & for example& ha4e helped open up phone and +nternet communications for marginali>ed people& especially those not yet connected by cable. 1atellites& including satellites manufactured by capitalist companies& can also be useful for monitoring climate change and other forms of en4ironmental crisis such as deforestation and imminent hurricanes. They ha4e
pro4ed useful in coordinating humanitarian efforts after natural disasters. 1atellites ha4e e4en been commissioned by the Hnited Dations to track the progress of refugees in Africa and else)here

Competition Ine!ita"le
6!en i$ indi!iduals aren7t "iolo,icall sel$ish- ,roups ine!ita"l trend to&ard sel$ishness and sel$-interest (aller 3. Professor and Chair of psychology at %hit)orth College
"#ames& 'Perpetrators of Genocide? An <xplanatory Model of <xtraordinary (uman <4il&, !!/J! & http?JJgu)eb .gon>aga.eduJagainsthateJ#ournal/J)aller.pdf0 =einhold Diebuhr& )ho taught for many years at Hnion Theological 1eminary in De) :ork City& )as another 4ocal proponent of indi4idual regression in groups. +n his pro4ocati4ely titled 'oral 'an and Immoral Society& first published in /;L & Diebuhr argued that there is a 'basic difference

bet)een the morality of indi4iduals and the morality of collecti4e s& )hether races& classes or nations.,; %hat is this basic difference8 +n short& although indi4iduals are capable of goodness and morality& groups are inherently selfish and uncaring. There is& Diebuhr argued& a clear distinction bet)een the character of people acting in large social groups as opposed to their character as indi4idual people. 'The proportion of reason to impulse becomes increasingly negati4e&, he )rites& ')hen )e proceed from the life of indi4iduals to that of social groups& among )hom a common mind and purpose is al)ays more or less inchoate and transitory and )ho depend therefore upon a common impulse to bind them together.,/! The 4oluminous psychological literature on group dynamics certainly affirms that groups can de4elop characteristics that create a potential for extraordinary e4il. Moral constraints are less po)erful in groups than in indi4iduals . There is a diffusion of responsibility )ithin groups that can make e4ildoing a relati4ely simple matter . +n addition& groups ha4e a po)er to repress dissent and& thus& encourage the abandonment of the indi4idual self. As +srael Charny )rites? ' +t is a human being )ho operates through the mechanisms of group beha4ior to do )hat he does to fello) human beings& but it is the mechanism of group experience that potentiates& legitimates& operationali>es& and narcoti>es the emergence of mans 4arious and often unsa4ory sel4es.,//
@umans are "iolo,icall sel$ish- empiricall pro!en

Thayer *++( Thayer has been a 3ello) at the 5elfer Center for 1cience and +nternational Affairs at the $ennedy 1chool of Go4ernment at (ar4ard
Hni4ersity and has taught at Bartmouth College and the Hni4ersity of Minnesota "5radley& *arwin and International +elations: %n the $volutionary %rigins of War and $thnic Conflict & !!E& pg. -!.-/0 <4olutionary theory offers t)o sufficient explanations for the trait of egoism. The first is a classic Bar)inian argument? Bar)in

argued that an indi4idual organism is concerned for its o)n sur4i4al in an en4ironment )here resources are scarce. +t has to ensure that its physiological needsNfor food& shelter& and so onNare satisfied so that it can continue to sur4i4e. The concern
for sur4i4al in a hostile en4ironment also re6uires that in a time of danger or great stress an indi4idual organism usually places its life& its sur4i4al& abo4e that of other members of the social group& the pack& herd& or tribe.7 3or these reasons& egoistic beha4ior contributes to fitness. The selfish gene theory of e4olutionary theorist =ichard Ba)kins pro 4ides the second sufficient explanation for egoism. As + discussed in chapter /& Ba)kins focuses his

analysis on the gene& not the organism. 5eginning )ith chemicals in a primordial 7soup&7 different types of molecules started forming& and in time efficient copy makers emerged.FE They made mistakes& ho)e4er& and these contributed to fitness& such as the formation of a thin membrane that held the contents of the molecule together to become a primiti4e cell. C4er time& these 7sur4i4al machines7 became more sophisticated due to e4olution. 1ome cells became speciali>ed& creating organs and ultimately animal bodies. 5ut again& as + stressed in the pre4ious chapter& there is no intentionality in this process. Genes did not )ant to create or inhabit people& but the process continued nonetheless. The fundamental point here is that 7selfishness7 of the gene increases its fitness& and so the beha4ior spreads. The gene creates an instinctual or genetic basis for

egoism because it is concerned only )ith satisfying its )ants& principally reproduction and food consumption. The organism e4ol4ed largely to satisfy the )ants of the gene& and in a similar manner egoism e4ol4es through a population. <goism thus becomes a trait or adaptation in animals& such as humans& that aids sur4i4al. <4olutionary theorists no) recogni>e& as a result of %illiam (amilton2s idea of inclusi4e fitness& that egoism is more complex than Bar)in en4isioned. (amilton recogni>ed that indi4iduals are egoistic& but less so in their beha4ior to)ard genetic relati4es& in parent.offspring and sibling relationships. This is because close relati4es share at least fifty percent of their genotypeNone.half for siblings and parents& one.6uarter for aunts& uncles& and grandparents& and one.eighth for cousins. As the great e4olutionary theorist #.5.1. (aldane )rote in /;FF& the gene that inclines a man to 9ump into a ri4er to sa4e a dro)ning child& and thus to take a one.in.ten chance of dying& could flourish as long as the child )ere his offspring or sibling.7 The gene could also spread& albeit more slo)ly& if the child )ere a first cousin& since the cousin shares an a4erage of one.eighth of his genes. +ndeed& (aldane captured this point )ell )hen he )rote that he )ould gi4e his life to sa4e t)o of his brothers "each sharing half of his genotype0 or eight of his cousins "each sharing one.eighth of his genotype0. As a result of the ideas of Bar)in& Ba)kins& and (amilton& e4olutionary theory pro4ides an explanation for )hat is commonly kno)n& that indi4iduals fa4or those )ho are close genetic relati4es. Conse6uently& complex social beha4ior

among unrelated indi4iduals can be seen as the interaction of selfish indi4iduals& and most e4olutionary theorists expect no tendency to)ard solidarity& cooperation& or altruism beyond )hat is in the interests of the animals. 1imilarly& realists and& as )e )ill see belo)& rational choice theorists also do not expect indi4iduals or states to sho) this type of beha4ior beyond their o)n self.interest. Thus& e4olutionary theory can explain egoism and suggests )hy cooperation bet)een unrelated indi4iduals is 4ery often difficult and remarkably unlike the
beha4ior one encounters )ithin the family.

(umans are inherently selfish. research pro4es

Thayer *++( Thayer has been a 3ello) at the 5elfer Center for 1cience and +nternational Affairs at the $ennedy 1chool of Go4ernment at (ar4ard
Hni4ersity and has taught at Bartmouth College and the Hni4ersity of Minnesota "5radley& *arwin and International +elations: %n the $volutionary %rigins of War and $thnic Conflict & !!E0 Cne result of the e4olution of our mental architecture is the ability to indoctrinate humans. As <.C. %ilson )rites? 7 human

beings are absurdly easy to indoctrinateNthey seek it.7- Three factors cause this ease of indoctrination. 3irst& sur4i4al in an anarchic and dangerous )orld dictates membership in a group and produces a fear of ostracism from it. 1econd& an acceptance of or conformity to a particular status 6uo lo)ers the risk of conflict in a dominance hierarchy . Third& conformity helps keep groups together@2 +f group conformity becomes too )eak& the group could fall apart and then die out because of predation from its or another species.-E Thus& for most primates& belonging to the group is betterNit increases chances of sur4i4alNthan existing alone& e4en if belonging re6uires subordination. These understandings ha4e great conse6uences for the study of politics. +rendus <ibl.<ibesfeldt& Albert 1omit and 1te4en Peterson& <.C. %ilson& and psychologist Bonald Campbell& among others& suggest that humans readily gi4e allegiance or submit to the state& or to ideologies like liberalism or communism& or to religion& because e4olution has produced a need to belong to a dominance hierarchy @2 An o4er4ie) of human history pro4ides context? much of it
is a record of threats of force or )ars to gain territory and resources.-K Political institutions& )hether monarchies or aristocracies& and leaders such as #ulius Caesar& *ouis [+I& or 1omali )arlord Mohamed 3arrah Aidid& typify dominance hierarchiesNas do the modern state and its many institutions& such as go4ernment bureaucracies and the military.--

8iolo, makes us inherentl sel$-interested-dispro!es all other theories. Spe,ele :;. Associate Professor of Politics at Monash Hni4ersity "=obert B& 'Political realism in international theory, p. /K/& #1TC=0 As alternati4e& Alexander ad4ances the idea that 2at some early point in our history the actual function of human groups . the significance for their indi4idual members . )as protection from the predatory effects of other groups2. M <arly life )as& on this 4ie)& a brand of )arfare& a hunt in )hich people )ere treated as prey . decei4ed& ensnared and forcibly run to ground 9ust as in a chase. To protect themsel4es& indi4iduals )ould ha4e 9oined groups )hich& despite their costs& )ere )orth it in the biological sense of enabling them to enhance their reproducti4e success. Alexander calls this 2the 5alance.of.Po)er hypothesis2& and it is easy to see )hy a term from the lexicon of international relations is appropriate in accounting for the rise of large states. 3or suppose )e ha4e three non.kin related societies A& 5 and C. And suppose t)o societies A and 5 are in competition )ith one another for food& shelter and other resources necessary to sur4i4al and differential reproduction. Then if& say& A makes an alliance )ith C in order to con6uer 5 and succeeds& it )ill ha4e significantly expanded its relati4e resource base. Those societies in the past )hich learned ho) to engage successfully in balance of po)er politics )ould ha4e been naturally selected for and ha4e expanded from smaller groups to larger groups. The guiding thought here& in any e4ent& pro4ides biological content to Martin %ight2s incisi4e obser4ation? 2The idea of balance arises naturally in considering any relationship bet)een com. peting human units& groups or institutions .. ;

AT= 6pistemolo,
Pre$er our e!idence their e!idence is $utile intellectual pride ;aunders <

Peter& Ad9unct Professor at the Australian Graduate 1chool of Management & %hy Capitalism is Good for the 1oul& http?JJ))).cis.org.auJPC*+C:JsummerO !!-.!MJsaunders\summer!-.html Andre) Dorton notes that disaffected intellectuals since =ousseau ha4e been attacking capitalism for

its failure to meet

true human needs." K0 The claim is unfounded& so )hat is it about capitalism that so upsets them8#oseph 1chumpeter offered part of the ans)er. (e obser4ed that capitalism has brought into being an educated class that has no responsibility for practical affairs& and that this class can only make a mark by criticising the system that feeds them ." -0 +ntellectuals attack capitalism because that is ho) they sell books and build careers . More recently& =obert Do>ick has noted that intellectuals spend their childhoods excelling at school& )here they occupy the top positions in the hierarchy& only to find later in life that their market 4alue is much lo)er than they belie4e they are )orth . 1eeing
mere traders en9oying higher pay than them is unbearable& and it generates irreconcilable disaffection )ith the market system. " explanation for the intellectuals distaste for capitalism )as offered by 3riedrich (ayek in The 3atal Conceit. "

M05ut the best ;0 (ayek understood that capitalism

offends intellectual pride& )hile socialism flatters it. (umans like to belie4e they can design better systems than those that tradition or e4olution ha4e be6ueathed. %e distrust e4ol4ed systems& like markets& )hich seem to )ork )ithout intelligent direction according to la)s and dynamics that no one fully understands. Dobody planned the global capitalist system& nobody runs it& and nobody really comprehends it. This particularly offends intellectuals& for capitalism renders them redundant. +t gets on perfectly )ell )ithout them. +t does not need them to make it run& to coordinate it& or to redesign it. The intellectual critics of capitalism belie4e they kno) )hat is good for us& but millions of people interacting in the marketplace keep rebuffing them. This& ultimately& is )hy they belie4e capitalism is bad for the soul? it fulfils human needs )ithout first seeking their moral appro4al . Their attempt to "lame corporate e'ploitation on capitalism is misin$ormed and continues $alse teachin,s that result in corporate "ureaucrats.

=ance $ ) adjunct instructor in accounting at Censacola %unior College' (ises

*aurence M. Iance& http?JJmises.orgJstoryJ/MM-

The all.too familiar circle of the go4ernment regulating an industry& creating a 7crisis&7 and then inter4ening e4en more to sol4e the crisis& thus making things )orse& is no )here more apparent than Bi*oren>o2s examples from the energy industry. The book concludes )ith a look at 7the ne4er.ending )ar on capitalism7 by go4ernment inter4ention& regulations& agencies& and bureaucrats. Bi*oren>o also includes uni4ersity professors& politicians& and la)yers in his indictment. 7American uni4ersities de4ote an inordinate amount of time and resources to teach potential business leaders not ho) to be capitalists but ho) to be corporate bureaucrats.7 Politicians 74ie) businesses as cash co)s to be plundered for the benefit of their o)n political careers.7 7*a)yers no) ha4e incenti4es to spend their li4es digging up cases and e4idence against corporations because some consumers stupidly misused their products.7 Bi*oren>o also briefly re4ie)s three anticapitalist but best.selling books? <ric 1chlosser2s 3ast 3ood Dation? The Bark 1ide of the All.
American Meal& 5arbara <hrenreich2s Dickel and Bimed? Cn "Dot0 Getting 5y in America& and Michael Moore2s 1tupid %hite Men and Bo)nsi>e This@ (e finds that the capitalism attacked in these books is not capitalism at all& it is socialism& mercantilism&

inter4entionism& and assorted anticapitalist myths. Although these 7re4ie)s7 are an added bonus to the book& they )ould be e4en
better if they )ere lengthened and made into a series of appendices.

Their authors scape,oat capitalism hold them to a hi,h standard o$ causal e!idence Nor"er, 9 Aello& at Tim"ro and CAT+
#ohan Dorberg& +n Befense of Global Capitalism& pg. ;!. ;/ All change arouses suspicion and anxiety& sometimes 9ustifiably soA e4en positi4e changes can ha4e troublesome conse6uences in the short term.

Becisionmakers are un)illing to shoulder responsibility for failures and problems. +t is preferable to be able to blame someone else. Globali>ation makes an excellent scapegoat . +t contains all the anonymous forces that ha4e ser4ed this purpose throughout history? other countries& other races and ethnic groups& the uncaring market. Globali>ation does not speak up for itself )hen politicians blame it for o4erturning economies& increasing po4erty& and enriching
a tiny minority& or )hen entrepreneurs say that globali>ation& rather than their o)n decisions& is forcing them to pollute the en4ironment& cut 9obs& or raise their o)n salaries. And globali>ation doesn2t usually get any credit )hen good things happenN)hen the

en4ironment impro4es& the economy runs at high speed and po4erty diminishes. Then there are plenty of people )illing to accept full responsibility for the course of e4ents. Globali>ation does not defend itself. 1o if the trend to)ard greater globali>ation is to continue& an ideological defense )ill be needed for freedom from borders and controls.

AT= In!isi"le Committee

The ha!e it "ack&ards) re!olutions aren7t a threat to ,lo"al empire) the sustain it. 8onta : . Associate Professor of Geography "Mark& 'The Multitude and its Boppelg]nger? An <xploration of Global 1mooth 1pace,& ACM<? An +nternational <.#ournal for Critical Geographies& !!;& M " 0& EF. --.0 DA= +n the postmodern era "/;EF.present0& t)o spectral net)orksN+nternational Communism and +nternational Terrorism "1ageman& !!E0Nha4e had life breathed into them and ha4e ser4ed& in concert )ith the <4il <mpire and certain rogue states& to instill microfascisms in many a democratic . and freedom.lo4ing body in the H1A& )hile in realpolitik ad4ancing the spread and penetrations of <mpire. The grand +nternational Communist Conspiracy& )ith roots in the late /M!!s& )as the earlier of the t)o& and it ser4ed its purpose )ell all the )ay up to the end of the /;M!s . To keep the =eds at bay& the secret state infiltrated the *eft as successfully as the =ight "Vuigley& /;KK0& coming to saturate the media& academe& and public relations "1aunders& !!!0& though often passing itself off as inept& inefficient& and e4en relati4ely po)erless. Buring this time& sub4ersi4e re4olutionary mo4ements both domestic and foreign )ere not necessarily decapitated as often as they )ere made safe& channelled into more producti4e operationsA or& if need be& as described abo4e& s)ung in the other direction& steered and tricked into spectacular false flag operations that ga4e excuses for 9ailtime& in4asion& toppling of regimes& or at least sanctions or discrediting. AuthoritarianJcommunistJpolice states )ith eyes e4ery)here became necessities not only because of internal paranoia and the nature of totalitarian 1tate po)er but also because of the myriad sabotages
practiced by the free )orldNthe experience of Gladio "5lum& !!E0 is extremely instructi4e here& and the case of Castros Cuba comes to mind as )ell. Terrible 6uestions are suggested& such as if some political prisoners really are plotting to 4iolently o4erthro) the regime& then should the regime& to pro4e its commitment to democracy& let them go8 The ne)er menace of international +slamic terrorism is built on the premise of

a net)ork that arose out of t)o secreti4e groupsN%ahabism& based in 1audi Arabia& and the Muslim 5rotherhood&
engendered in <gyptNthat coalesced in the /;M!s through resistance to the 1o4iet occupation of Afghanistan. <mboldened by the )ithdra)al of the H11=& the foreign mu9ahedin returned to their countries and )ere rebuffed& if not detained and tortured& by the regimes in po)er& )ho did the bidding of the H1. Thence& led by Csama bin *aden& they turned on the %est "<sposito& !! A 1cheuer& !!LA 1ageman& !!E0. 5ut the 4ery

existence of a selfnamed and cohesi4e Al Vaeda net)ork& )hich )as named at the behest of 35+ agent #ohn CDeill "3rontline& !! 0& has been 6uestioned& most notably and effecti4ely in the 55C documentary Po)er of Dightmares "Curtis& !!F0& )hich argues that +nternational Terrorism is the ultimate bugaboo narrati4e that ser4es to bolster the po)er of go4ernments that no longer pro4ide us )ith comfort and positi4e achie4ement "capitalism does that0 and so ha4e refashioned themsel4es as our protectors from nightmares. Al Vaeda has & ne4ertheless& taken on a monstrous existence& 9ust as the +nternational Communist Conspiracy did in the days of McCarthyNperpetrating de4astating crimes such as ;.//. !!/ and L.//. !!L and -.-. !!F "intriguingly& the only person to e4er be con4icted of ;.// plotting )as released in early !!K in GermanyNthe H1 go4ernment )as un)illing to pro4ide prosecutors )ith re6uested e4idence? Agence 3rance. Presse& !!K0. Ahmed " !!K0 pro4ides a solid argument for Al Vaeda as intricately inter)o4en )ith )hat )e are calling <mpire. The e4idence for the perpetrators behind ;.//& as )ell as other terror e4ents& points back to <mpires net)orks
"conser4ati4ely put& rogue elements of [0& and particularly& as gagged )histleblo)er 1ibel <dmonds has it "))).9ustaciti>en.orgA see =ose& !!F& and other literature on her case0& to net)orks of far.right mercenaries ")hich of course Csama bin *aden al)ays )as in any case0 duping other cells of mercenary.terrorists connected not to rogue states like +ra6& +ran& and Dorth $orea but to ma9or %estern po)ers and allied states& to DGCs and drug trafficking& money.laundering& influence.peddling& and other P J+ranContraJ5CC+JGladio.type operations. Deedless to say& massi4e funds are

poured into the H1s black budget and its open budget to better fight this terrorist menace& possibly by infiltrating its cells and pushing its operati4es to carry out acts they might not other)ise choose to& horrendous crimes that gi4e <mpire an excuse to further its agenda "(ess& !! 0.

AT= Patriarch
Spread o$ capitalism is ke to &omen7s e1ualit Nor"er, 9 Aello& at Tim"ro and CAT+
#ohan Dorberg& +n Befense of Global Capitalism& pg. L

Gro)ing prosperity gi4es )omen more opportunity to become independent and pro4ide for themsel4es . <xperience from Africa and else)here sho)s that )omen are often leading entrepreneurs for 4arious kinds of small.scale production and exchange in the informal sector & )hich suggests that& absent discrimination and regulation by the
go4ernment& the market is their oyster. And indeed& the )orld)ide spread of freer conditions of ser4ice and freer markets has made it
increasingly difficult for )omen to be kept out. %omen

today constitute E percent of the )orld2s )ork force& compared )ith LK percent ! years ago. Capitalism doesn2t care )hether the best producer is a man or a )oman. Cn the contrary& discrimination is expensi4e because it in4ol4es the re9ection of certain people2s goods and labor . All studies ha4e sho)n that respect for )omen2s rights and their ability to exert influence in the home are closely bound up )ith their ability to find employment outside the home and earn an independent income .

AT Cap B No Ctl
9umanity's drive for wealth is inevitable> capitalism promotes the value to life by chanelling that into benefiting society as a whole0 "lternative systems cause coercion and slavery Er. 5onald ?ash' Crofessor of Chilosophy at )he 1outhern Baptist )heological 1eminary' *++* :=&overnment is too big and itHs costing youT? http3!!www.summit.org!resources!govistoobig.htmA Among all of our economic options' Arthur 1henfield writes' only capitalism 0operates on the basis of respect for free' independent' responsible persons. All other systems in varying degrees treat men :sicA as less than this. 1ocialist systems above all treat men :sicA as pawns to be moved about by the authorities' or as children to be given what the rulers decide is good for them' or
as serfs or slaves. )he rulers begin by boasting about their compassion' which in any case is fraudulent' but after a time they drop this pretense' which they find unnecessary for the maintenance of power. "n all things they act on the presumption that they know best. )herefore they and their systems are morally stunted. Pnly the free system' the much assailed capitalism' is morally mature.0/8 )he alternative to free e2change is coercion and violence. Capitalism

allows natural human desires to be satisfied in a non.violent way. 6ittle can be done to prevent human beings from wanting to be rich' 1henfield says. )hatOs the way things often are in a fallen world. But capitalism' through the natural desire of man to succeed' channels that drive into peaceful means that benefit many' not just those who wish to improve their own situation or status in life. 0)he alternative to serving other menOs :sicAwants'0 1henfield concludes' 0is sei ing power of them' as it always has been. Lence it is not surprising that wherever the enemies of capitalism have prevailed' the result has been not only the debasement of consumption standards for the masses but also their reduction to serfdom by the new privileged class of ;ocialist rulers .0/!apitalism promotes liberty and boosts the 5uality of life ) alternative systems are akin to slavery 5obert +. Tracinski' Cresident' Center for the Advancement of Capitalism' *++@ :=)he (oral Basis of Capitalism'? http3!!www.moraldefense.com!Chilosophy!*ssays!)heK(oralKBasisKofKCapitalism.htmA
"t is common to condemn this approach as selfishyet to say that people are acting selfishly is to say that they take their own lives seriously' that they are e2ercising their right to pursue their own happiness. By contrast' project what it would mean to e2terminate self.interest and force everyone to

work for goals mandated by the state. "t would mean' for e2ample' that a young studentOs goal to have a career as a neurosurgeon must be sacrificed
because some bureaucrat decrees that there are 0too many0 specialists in that field. 1uch a system is based on the premise that no one owns his own life' that the individual is merely a tool to be e2ploited for the ends of 0society.0 And since 0society0 consists of nothing more than a group of individuals'

this means that some men :sicA are to be sacrificed for the sake of othersthose who claim to be 0societyOs0 representatives. 6or e2amples' see the history of the ;oviet :nion. A system that sacrifices the self to 0society0 is a system of slaveryand a system that sacrifices thinking to coercion is a system of brutality. )his is the essence of any anti-capitalist system' whether communist or fascist. And 0mi2ed0 systems' such as todayOs regulatory and welfare state' merely unleash the same evils on a smaller scale. Pnly capitalism renounces these evils entirely. Pnly capitalism is fully true to the moral ideal stated in the Eeclaration of "ndependence3 the individualOs right to 0life' liberty' and the pursuit of happiness.0 Pnly capitalism protects the individualOs freedom of thought and his :sicA right to his own life. !apitalism key to individual liberty ) alternative systems are akin to slavery 5eese #. Thomas is a third.year law student at the University of )ennessee' )he Eaily Beacon' April J' 299$ :http3!!dailybeacon.utk.edu!issues!vJG!nRJ!thomas.RJv.htmlA )hat aside' the problem with any supposed analysis comparing the results of capitalism to the results of any other socioeconomic system is that the results are irrelevant to those who believe in freedom from compulsion by the state. )he laisse .faire capitalism is the only system totally consistent with the principle that man :sicA is free. "t is the only system that uniformly recogni es the right to own property' the only system that uniformly recogni es the right to contract' and the only system that uniformly recogni es the right to create wealth for oneOs own benefit and survival. Contrast all other systems which are nothing more than varying degrees of enslavement. 5equiring an individual to contribute his wealth for the good of others' enforced by the point of a gun wielded by a government which holds a monopoly on the 0legitimate0 use of force' can be characteri ed as nothing short of enslavement. )o support socialism' et. al.' is to support unjustifiable claims on the ability' and life of others.

**Space Cap 5ood

Space Cap 5ood 2isease

6'pandin, capitalism into space sol!es disease De :?. <xecuti4e director of the expansionary institute& Professor of Management at Montclair 1tate Hni4ersity in Hpper Montclair& D#
"Michael G.& '1ei>ing the 3uture? The Ba)n of the Macroindustrial <ra. 1econd <dition.&, /;;M& Pg. M;0

Iarious products for consumer and industrial application are spun off from the research and de4elopment acti4ities of the space program. 3or instance& the ne) superlight)eight materials no) used in )heelchair construction are a deri4ati4e of
DA1As ad4anced material research. The communications industry as )e kno) it could not exist )ithout the species achie4ements in space satellite technology. <4ery space en4ironment makes possible the gro)ing of crystals that may help in the fight against ac6uired immunodeficiency syndrome "A+B10 and other deadly diseases. More importantly& there is e4ery reason to belie4e that the Moon and probably Mars )ill themsel4es become sources of energy and material that )ill ser4e humanity on <arth.

2isease causes e'tinction Stien"ruer :? 1enior fello) at the 5rookings institute

"#ohn B. 1teinbruner& '5iological %eapons? A Plague Hpon All (ouses&, 3C=<+GD PC*+C: n. /!;& %inter /;;-J/;;M& pp. MF.;K& A1P.0 +t is a considerable comfort and undoubtedly a key to our sur4i4al that& so far& the main lines of defense against this threat ha4e not depended on explicit policies or organi>ed efforts. +n the long course of e4olution& the human body has de4eloped physical barriers and a biochemical immune system )hose sophistication and effecti4eness exceed anything )e could design or as yet e4en fully understand. 5ut e4olution is a s)ord that cuts both )ays? De)

diseases emerge& )hile old diseases mutate and adapt. Throughout history& there ha4e been epidemics during )hich human
immunity has broken do)n on an epic scale. An infectious agent belie4ed to ha4e been the plague bacterium killed an estimated ! million people o4er a four.year period in the fourteenth century& including nearly one.6uarter of %estern <urope2s population at the time. 1ince its recogni>ed appearance in /;M/& some ! 4ariations of the (+I 4irus ha4e infected an estimated ;.E million )orld)ide& )ith /.F million people currently dying of

A+B1 each year. Malaria& tuberculosis& and cholera . once thought to be under control . are no) making a comeback. As )e enter the t)enty.first century& changing conditions ha4e enhanced the potential for )idespread contagion. The rapid gro)th rate of the total )orld population& the unprecedented freedom of mo4ement across international
borders& and scientific ad4ances that expand the capability for the deliberate manipulation of pathogens are all cause for )orry that the problem might be greater in the future than it has e4er been in the past. The threat of infectious pathogens is not 9ust an issue of public health&

but a fundamental security problem for the species as a )hole .

Space Cap 5ood 6conomic Inno!ation

6'pandin, Capitalism to space &ill $oster economic inno!ation De :?. <xecuti4e director of the expansionary institute& Professor of Management at Montclair 1tate Hni4ersity in Hpper Montclair& D#
"Michael G.& '1ei>ing the 3uture? The Ba)n of the Macroindustrial <ra. 1econd <dition.&, /;;M& Pg. M;0

Iarious products for consumer and industrial application are spun off from the research and de4elopment acti4ities of the space program. 3or instance& the ne) superlight)eight materials no) used in )heelchair construction are a deri4ati4e of DA1As ad4anced material research. The communications industry as )e kno) it could not exist )ithout the species achie4ements in space satellite technology. <4ery space en4ironment makes possible the gro)ing of crystals that may help in the fight against ac6uired immunodeficiency syndrome "A+B10 and other deadly diseases . More importantly& there is e4ery reason to belie4e that the Moon and probably Mars )ill themsel4es become sources of energy and material that )ill ser4e humanity on <arth. 6conomic inno!ation is ke to maintainin, <S he,emon

/euveny and Thompson (- PProfessor of Public and <n4ironmental Affairs and PPProfessor of Political 1cience
"=afael and %illiam& 5oth at +ndiana Hni4ersity& Gro)th&

Trade& and 1ystemic *eadership& p. --0

The results establish that the Hnited 1tates has exhibited positi4e economic and political inertia as historical 4alues exert significant effects on their o)n contemporary 4alues. Bomestic economic inno4ation is a prere6uisite to attaining )orld economic and political

leadership. +mportantly& military mobili>ation increases leading sector gro)th rates and shares& a finding that supports the Modelski and Thompson
"/;;K0 t)in peak idea and one that speaks against the generic )arJpost)ar economic contraction assertion that some analysts ha4e posited o4er the years. %orld economic leadership is a prere6uisite to attaining political leadership in the form of global reach

capabilities. 5uilding global reach capabilities constrains economic inno4ation in the short run but contributes to its expansion in a longer run. @e, collapse causes ,lo"al nuclear &ar Tha er ;- Professor of Befense and 1trategic 1tudies ^ Missouri 1tate Hni4ersity& Assistant Professor of Political 1cience at the Hni4ersity of Minnesota& Buluth
"5radley A.& '+n Befense of Primacy&, Dational +nterestA Do4JBec !!K +ssue MK& p. L .L-& *exis0

T(=CHG(CHT (+1TC=:& peace and stability ha4e been great benefits of an era )here there )as a dominant po)er..=ome& 5ritain or the Hnited 1tates today. 1cholars and statesmen ha4e long recogni>ed the irenic effect of po)er on the anarchic )orld of international politics. <4erything )e think of )hen )e consider the current international order..free trade& a robust monetary regime& increasing respect for human rights& gro)ing democrati>ation..is directly linked to H.1. po)er. =etrenchment proponents seem to think that the current system can be maintained )ithout the current amount of H.1. po)er behind it. +n that they are dead )rong and need to be reminded of one of history2s most significant lessons? Appalling things happen )hen international orders collapse. The Bark Ages follo)ed =ome2s collapse. (itler succeeded the order established at Iersailles. %ithout H.1. po)er& the liberal order created by the Hnited 1tates )ill end 9ust as assuredly. As country and )estern great =al Bonner sang? 7:ou
don2t kno) )hat you24e got "until you lose it0.7 Conse6uently& it is important to note )hat those good things are. +n addition to ensuring the security of the Hnited 1tates and its allies& American primacy )ithin the international system causes many positi4e outcomes for %ashington and the )orld. The first has been a more peaceful )orld. Buring the Cold %ar& H.1. leadership reduced friction among many states that )ere historical antagonists & most notably 3rance and %est Germany. Today& American primacy helps keep a number of complicated relationships aligned ..bet)een Greece and Turkey& +srael and <gypt& 1outh $orea and #apan& +ndia and Pakistan& +ndonesia and Australia. This is not to say it fulfills %oodro) %ilson2s 4ision of ending all )ar. %ars still occur )here %ashington2s interests are not seriously threatened& such as in Barfur& but a Pax

Americana does reduce )ar2s likelihood& particularly )ar2s )orst form? great po)er )ars.

Space Cap 5ood +!erpop

6'pandin, Capitalism to space sol!es population ,ro&th De :?. <xecuti4e director of the expansionary institute& Professor of Management at Montclair 1tate Hni4ersity in Hpper Montclair& D#
"Michael G.& '1ei>ing the 3uture? The Ba)n of the Macroindustrial <ra. 1econd <dition.&, /;;M& Pg. ;! 0 Uero population gro)th proponents consistently fret that a rampant population increase )ill e4entually

lead to global o4ercro)ding. Although this does not appear to be an immediate danger& they contend& e4entually the species )ill ha4e to confront the possibility that )e )ill simply run out of room for comfortable habitation. The exploration and coloni>ation of other spheres potentially offers limitless possibilities for the numerical gro)th of the human species . +ronically&
as the species begins to migrate and establish settlements& the complaint may arise that )e simply ha4e too fe) people to populate these ne) )orlds and staff the 9obs in interstellar cities.

Axtinction -tten 2
<d)ard Ctten& Professor of <mergency Medicine and Pediatrics at the Hni4ersity of Cincinnati& !!!. !!/& http?JJ))).ecology.orgJbiodJpopulationJhuman\pop/.html The exponential gro)th of the human population & making humans the dominant species on the planet& is

ha4ing a gra4e impact on biodi4ersity. This destruction of species by humans )ill e4entually lead to a destruction of the human species through natural selection. %hile human beings ha4e had an effect for the last F!&!!! years& it has only been since the industrial re4olution that the impact has been global rather than regional. This global impact is taking place through fi4e primary processes? o4er har4esting& alien species introduction& pollution& habitat fragmentation& and outright habit destruction. And ,lo"al &ars

Ahrlich and Ahrlich

Paul <hrlich and Anne <hrlich& faculty at 1tanford Hni4ersity& ;.L!. !!K& De) 1cientist Much of today2s population gro)th is occurring in rural regions in the de4eloping )orld& sparking

tension both )ithin and bet)een nations as increasing numbers of young people migrate to cities and to )ealthier countries looking for a better life. +n the H1& )here large
numbers of illegal immigrants enter the country in search of )ork& opinions on immigration are already sharply di4ided. %estern <uropean nations ha4e tended to accept limited immigration from de4eloping countries as a )ay to augment their )orkforce. (ere too illegal immigration is increasingly a problem& as thousands of people flee o4ercro)ded labour markets in poor African and Asian countries in search of 9obs. +n many de4eloping countries& numbers of young )orking.age people are rising by up to L per cent per year. Bissatisfaction is ine4itable )here populations of mostly young people face high unemployment& po4erty& poor healthcare& limited education& ine6uity and repressi4e go4ernment. =e4olutions and political unrest most often occur in de4eloping nations )ith gro)ing populations. Hnemployed& disaffected young men pro4ide both public support and

cannon fodder for terrorism. The ma9ority of terrorists behind ;J// and attacks in <urope& for instance& ha4e been young adult men. This is also the demographic group responsible for most crime globally. <xpanding populations also create rising demands for food& energy and materials. The strain this puts on ecosystems and resources in de4eloping countries is compounded by demands from industrialised nations keen to exploit e4erything from timber and tropical fruits to metals and petroleum. 1hortages of fresh )ater are increasingly common& 9eopardising food production among many other problems. =ising oil prices may no) be signalling the end of cheap
energy& )hich also poses a threat to successful de4elopment. At the same time& mounting e4idence of global )arming makes reducing fossil.fuel use imperati4e. +f the F billion.plus people in de4eloping nations matched the consumption patterns of the /. billion in the

industriali>ed )orld& at least t)o more <arths )ould be needed to support e4eryone. Politicians and the public seem utterly
obli4ious to )hat )ill be re6uired to maintain crucial ecosystem ser4ices and an ade6uate food supply in the face of rapid climate change and an accelerated loss of biodi4ersity. The future looks grim& unless patterns of consumption change . )ith rich nations causing less en4ironmental damage and poor ones consuming more& but adopting the ne)est& cleanest and most efficient technologies for energy use and production of goods and ser4ices. +t seems likely that by !F! nuclear& biological and chemical )eapons of mass destruction )ill be in the hands of most

nations and many subnational groups. +magine a )ell.armed )orld& still split bet)een rich and poor& )ith une4enly distributed resources and a ra4aged en4ironment. Hnless )e act no)& future generations )ill not ha4e to imagine. Capitalism sol!es o!erpopulation

?orton ( ) Crofessor of Business at +heaton College

1eth& :ou (a4e to Admit +ts Getting 5etter& pg. /F;./K!

The relationship is a po)erful one. 3ertility rates are more than t)ice as high in countries )ith lo) le4els of economic freedom and rule of la) compared )ith countries that ha4e high le4els of those measures. 3ormal analysis of the data indicates that these differences are not merely random.7 The link bet)een these institutions and fertility partly reflects the impact of economic gro)th.by encouraging economic gro)th& these institutions indirectly affect fertility. 5ut there also is e4idence that these gro)th.enhancing institutions affect fertility for other reasons. Many de4eloping countries ha4e poorly specified or poorly enforced property rights . %hen fuel )ood and fodder are not o)ned and formal la)s of possession do not go4ern their har4est and use& people do not hear the full cost of their consumption. They ha4e an incenti4e to appropriate resources at the fastest rate possible& often leading to

exces. si4e har4est. This condition is generally labeled the 7tragedy of the commons.7 %hat better )ay to capture open.access resources than to ha4e as many gatherers as possible8 (igher fertility is a )ay to do this .Theodore Panayotou "/;;E&
/F/0 obser4es that 7most contributions by children consist of capturing and appropriating open.access natural resources such as )ater& fodder& pastures& fish& fuel )ood& and other forest products& and clearing open.access land for culti4ation&7This& he continues& makes 7the number of children the decisi4e instrument in the hands of the household? The household2s share of open.access property depends on the number of hands

it employs to con4ert open. access resources into pri4ate property.7:et this could 7become de4as. tating for the resource& the community& and e4entually the indi4idual household .7

Space Cap 5ood +!er!ie& 6$$ect

Space e'ploration allo&s $or uni!ersal peace. 2ark the Third ; Associate Professor in Political 1cience
"Taylor& 1eptember /;th 2**;) E46CLAIMIN5 T@6 A<T<46= SPAC6 A2C+CAC> AN2 T@6 I26A +A P4+546SSF) http?JJtaylordark.comJT.O !BarkO !..O !DA1AO !conferenceO !paper.pdf / Cthers ha4e argued that the diffusion

of human beings off the planetary surface )ill open up ne) opportunities for social experimentation& opportunities that )ere last seen& they suggest& in the original settlement of the De) %orld and the American frontier. 'Cn <arth it is difficult for . . . people to form ne) nations or regions for themsel4es &, science author T.A. (eppenheimer obser4ed. '5ut in space it )ill become easy for ethnic or religious groups & and for many others as )ell& to set up their o)n colonies . . . Those )ho )ish to found experimental communities& to try ne) social forms and practices& )ill ha4e the opportunity to strike out into the )ilderness and establish their ideals in cities in space., +n a burst of multicultural enthusiasm& (eppenheimer e4en suggests that ' )e may see the return of the Cherokee or Arapaho nation N not necessarily )ith a re4i4al of the culture of prairie& horse& and buffalo& but in the founding of self.go4erning communities )hich reflect the Arapaho or Cherokee custom s . . . , F Carl 1agan also sees more cultural di4ersity as humanity establishes ne) ci4ili>ations on different planets and
other celestial bodies? '<ach society )ould tend to be proud of the 4irtues of its )orld& its planetary engineering& its social con4entions& its hereditary predispositions. Decessarily& cultural differences )ould be cherished and exaggerated. This di4ersity )ould ser4e as a tool of

sur4i4al.,

K Uubrin like)ise claims that Mars coloni>ation )ill promote cultural di4ersity in a )orld )here it is increasingly threatened by proximity

and o4er.cro)ding. 1pace

migration )ill also enlarge the pool of positi4e images of the future a4ailable to humanity images that space ad4ocates consider essential to moti4ate and guide purposeful acti4ity . Many space ad4ocates
complain that optimistic images of the future ha4e been displaced in recent decades by far more negati4e 4ie)s. 1agan )rites? '%here are dreams that moti4ate and inspire8 %here are the 4isions of hopeful futures& of technology as a tool for human betterment and not a gun on a hair trigger pointed at our heads8, A rare exception to the spread of gloomy 4isions& according to 1agan& )as the space program of the /;K!s? ' Apollo con4eyed a

confidence& energy& and breadth of 4ision that did capture the imagination of the )orld . . . +t inspired an optimism
about technology& an enthusiasm for the future . . . %ith Apollo& the Hnited 1tates touched greatness., - %ith a rene)ed commitment to space& the psychological and cultural health of America and humanity in general )ould surely impro4e. 1pace ad4ocates also foresee a new era

of peace and mutual understanding arising as a result of space tra4el. 1agan )rites that 'the unexpected final gift of
Apollo, )as 'the inescapable recognition of the unity and fragility of the <arth., 1agan continues? '+m struck again by the irony that spaceflight concei4ed in the cauldron of nationalist ri4alries and hatreds brings )ith it a stunning transnational 4ision. :ou spend e4en a little time contemplating the <arth from orbit and the most deeply ingrained nationalisms begin to erode. They seem the s6uabbles of mites on a plum., M Another space enthusiast& 3rank %hite& argues for the existence of )hat he calls an 'o4er4ie) effect, in )hich humans )ho are launched into space achie4e a 4eritable breakthrough in human consciousness. Those li4ing in space ')ill be able to see ho) e4erything is related& that )hat

appears to be the )orld to people on <arth is merely a small planet in space& and )hat appears to be the present is merely a limited 4ie)point to one looking from a higher le4el. People )ho li4e in space )ill take for granted philosophical insights that ha4e taken those on <arth thousands of years to formulate . They )ill start at a place )e ha4e labored to attain o4er se4eral millennia ., 1pace d)ellers )ill become a)are that ')e are oneA we are all in this togetherA )ar and strife sol4e nothing., %hite also suggests that 'the multiplier effect means that sending a limited number of people into space can lead to a broad.based social transformation. The experiences of the fe) become ne) information for the many& ser4ing as fuel for social e4olution ., ; The o!er!ie& e$$ect sol!es all &ar. Li!in,ston 2 M.B. in 5usiness
"Ba4id& 'The <thical Commerciali>ation of Cuter 1pace,& http?JJ))).da4idli4ingston.comJpublicationsJThe\<thical\Commerciali>ation\of\Cuter\1pace.pdf / Most astronauts claim to 4ie) <arth differently after ha4ing been in space . Cften their commentaries sho) a )orld that is united in space& but unfortunately absent on <arth. %hen the 1audi.Arabian Prince 1ultan 5in 1alman al.1aud )ent into orbit in #une /;MF he said& 7+ think the minute + sa) the 4ie) for the first time )as really one of the most memorable moments in my entire

life.7M %hen asked by the inter4ie)er ho) it changed his understanding of God& the 1ultan said& 7 +t really strengthens your con4ictions. To me& it2s an opportunity to pro4e that there is no conflict being a Muslim& or any other religion. *ooking at it from here& the troubles all o4er the )orld& and not 9ust the Middle <ast& look 4ery strange as you see the boundaries and border lines disappearing.7; H.1. Congressman 5ill Delson& )ho )ent to space in #anuary /;MK& said upon his return? 7 +f the superpo)er leaders could be gi4en the opportunity to see the <arth from the perspecti4e from )hich + sa) it Nperhaps at a summit meeting in space in the context of the next centuryN they might reali>e that )e2re all in this )ith a common denominator. +t )ould ha4e a positi4e effect on their future decisions concerning )ar and peace. ,/! 1uch space. based perspecti4es and their spillo4er effects on those of us unable to experience space firsthand may ultimately ha4e a greater influence on our commercial space business practices than anything )e do or say on <arth. =obert 5igelo) of 5igelo) Aerospace of *as
Iegas )as recently inter4ie)ed about his announcement to in4est ZF!! million of his o)n money o4er the next se4eral years to build a space cruise liner for <arth to moon tourism. 5igelo) understands the limitations of our perceptions and the )ay )e do things& especially since )e ha4e technology that enables us to do so much. %hen asked during his inter4ie) if his cruise liner )ould ha4e defenses onboard in case of a meeting )ith a hostile <T& 5igelo) replied? +2m not so sure exactly )ho the $lingons are. + think the 9ury is still out on )hether or not its the human race. + think )e ha4e a huge di4ergence bet)een our paths of impro4ement on spiritual maturity& )hile at the same time this century )e compare that against the path of our

technological ad4ancements. :ou

ha4e to ha4e some harmony. + think in order to be a member of a species that is a space.faring species that other species shouldn2t fear& + think you ha4e some type of meeting )here your technological maturity is met to some degree )ith spiritual maturity. // Capitalism in space creates a 'borderless )orld, in )hich people can free themsel4es from geographical constraints. :eung ;MNProfessor of <conomic Geography at the Dational Hni4ersity of 1ingapore
"(enry %ai.chung& 'Capital& 1tate and 1pace? Contesting the 5orderless %orld,& Transactions of the +nstitute of 5ritish Geographers& 5lack)ell Publishing& Iol. L& Do. L& #1TC=0JJA%

1econd& a proper theori>ation of the spatial dynamics of globali>ation should address the fundamental relationship bet)een capital and space. +n the radical literature& four dimensions of spatial practice by capital are suggested "Gottdiener /;M-A (ar4ey /;M;A *efeb4re /;;/A 1)yngedou) /;; A :eung /;;Ma0? accessibility and distanciationA appropriation and use of spaceA domination and control of spaceA and "re0production of space. 1pace therefore remains integral to the "re0production of capital and capital accumulation. This is particularly true during the internationali>ation of capital& )hen space is seemingly commanded and 2consumed2 by capital "represented by
TDCs0 for further accumulation. This 2consumption2 of space by capital is manifested in the spheres of circulation "transport and communication0 and production "factors of production0. (ar4ey "/;MF& /EF0 notes that& XbYy increasing the range of possible substitutions )ithin a

gi4en production process& capitalists can increasingly free themsel4es from particular geographical constraints. %hen this 2consumption2 of space by capital is completed& Cbama2s end.state of a 2borderless2 )orld is achie4ed& in )hich capital becomes 2state. less2 and 2placeless2.

Space Cap 5ood Space Tourism

Cap e'pansion in space causes space tourism Li!in,ston 2G ad9unct professor in the Graduate 1chool of 5usiness at Golden Gate Hni4ersity
"Ba4id& 'Zpace? The 3inal 3inancial 3rontier&, http?JJ))).spacefuture.comJarchi4eJspace\the\final\financial\frontier.shtml& dml0 +n all three sur4eys the 4enture capitalists expressed concerns about commerciali>ing outer space. Their concerns centered around the high cost of getting into space& high insurance expenses& long de4elopment times& restricti4e go4ernment policies& high risks of funding )ith the re6uirement for e6ually high returns& market uncertainties& inexperienced space company management& and complex legal issues. All those )ho completed the sur4ey recogni>ed that commercial opportunities are possible in outer space. The most likely commercial opportunities cited ha4e remained constant o4er the years and include launch ser4ices& communications& microgra4ity pro9ects& infrastructure& remote sensing& space tourism& and extraterrestrial resources. The most fre6uent follo).up comment )as that because of the 4arious risks associated )ith commercial space 4entures& these opportunities may encounter problems in financing and implementation.

Space tourism is ke to the o!er!ie& e$$ect sol!es all !iolence Li!in,ston 2 ad9unct professor in the Graduate 1chool of 5usiness at Golden Gate Hni4ersity
"Ba4id& '1pace Tourism After Bennis Tito&, http?JJ))).spacefuture.comJarchi4eJspace\tourism\after\dennis\tito.shtml& dml0 The horrific e4ents of 1eptember //& !!/& and )hat may still come& actually help make the case for humans in space. As mentioned earlier& indi4iduals in space experience the )ell.documented effect kno)n as the o4er4ie) effect& a term coined by 3rank %hite& author of the

This publication describes the transformational experience that commonly follo)s obser4ation of <arth from space.<arth free of borders and conflicts. %hen astronauts return to <arth& they all typically share the same transformational experience. A gro)ing& successful space.tourism industry could bring perhaps millions to space )ho )ould& in turn& share this experience )ith others. This could ha4e a po)erful positi4e impact on our )orld . 1pace tourism is as important as e4er& perhaps e4en more so than it )as prior to 1eptember //. +ts importance goes beyond its potential economic 4alue as a ne) industry )hen it can facilitate a ne) 4ie) of our )orld& bringing its people together and forming partnerships from former enemies as space remains outside the frame)ork of human 4iolence& hostilities& and )ar.
C4er4ie) <ffect? 1pace <xploration and (uman <4olution& 1econd <dition& published in /;;M.

It also sol!es e!er impact e!er Collins and Autino *:NPPhB& <conomic <n4ironment =esearch *ab& <n4ironmental Policy Bept. PP1pace 3uture =epresentati4e and <ditor

"Patrick and Adriano& '%hat the Gro)th of a 1pace Tourism +ndustry Could Contribute to <mployment& <conomic Gro)th& <n4ironmental Protection& <ducation& Culture and %orld,& 1pace 3uture& !!;& http?JJ))).spacefuture.comJarchi4eJ)hat\the\gro)th\of\a\space\tourism\industry\could\contribute\to\employment\economic\gro)th\en4iro nmental\protection\education \culture\and\)orld\peace.shtml0JJA%

+n4estment in lo).cost orbital access and other space infrastructure )ill facilitate the establishment of settlements on the Moon& Mars& asteroids and in man.made space structures. +n the first phase& de4elopment of ne) regulatory infrastructure in 4arious <arth orbits& including propertyJusufruct rights& real estate& mortgage financing and insurance& traffic management& pilotage& policing and other ser4ices )ill enable the population li4ing in <arth orbits to gro) 4ery large. 1uch acti4ities aimed at making near.<arth space habitable are the logical extension of humans2 historical spread o4er the surface of the <arth. As trade spreads through near.<arth space& settlements are likely to follo)& of )hich the inhabitants )ill add to the )ealth of different cultures )hich humans ha4e created in the many different en4ironments in )hich they li4e. 1uccess of such extra.terrestrial settlements )ill ha4e the additional benefit of reducing the danger of human extinction due to planet.)ide or cosmic accidents X -Y. These horrors include both man.made disasters such as nuclear )ar& plagues or gro)ing pollution& and natural disasters such as super.4olcanoes or asteroid impact.+t is hard to think of any ob9ecti4e that is more important than preser4ing peace. %eapons de4eloped in recent decades are so destructi4e& and ha4e such horrific& long.term sideeffects that their use should be discouraged as strongly as possible by the international community. (ence& reducing the incenti4e to use these )eapons by rapidly de4eloping the ability to use space.based resources on a large scale is surely e6ually important X//&/KY. The achie4ement of this depends on lo) space tra4el costs )hich& at the present time& appear to be achie4able only through the de4elopment of a 4igorous space tourism industry . M. 1ummary As discussed abo4e& if space tra4el ser4ices had started during the /;F!s& the space industry )ould be enormously more de4eloped than it is today. (ence the failure to de4elop passenger space tra4el has seriously distorted the path taken by humans2 technological and economic de4elopment since %% & a)ay from the path )hich )ould ha4e been follo)ed if capitalism and democracy operated as intended. Technological kno).ho) )hich could ha4e been used to supply ser4ices )hich are
kno)n to be 4ery popular )ith a large proportion of the population has not been used for that purpose& )hile )aste and suffering due to the unemployment and en4ironmental damage caused by the resulting lack of ne) industrial opportunities ha4e increased.

Space Cap 5ood (orld Peace

Space ,lo"ali%ation ke to mo!e a&a $rom cold &ar mentalit and achie!e space peace 2udle -4o&le and 5an,ale ; PC<C and 3ounding =esearcher& CP1.Alaska& A+AA member ADB PP<xecuti4e Birector& CP1.Alaska& A+AA Member
"Marilyn and Thomas& 1ustainability Public Policy Challenges of *ong.Buration 1pace <xploration& http?JJ))).astrosociology.orgJ*ibraryJPB3JBudleyGangale\PublicPolicy.pdf& dml0

The context of the reshaping )orld order is re.organi>ing the space exploration endea4or and empo)ering those )ho risk to explore. %hen Americans hear Chinese and +ndian space authorities claim they )ill send humans to the Moon or launch space stations& they tend to hear )ith the ears of the Cold %ar )orld . They see still.highly agrarian economies )ith their Cold %ar <ra eyes. As )ith the latent functions of the 1pace =ace of the Cold %ar that produced the post Cold %ar transformation& the latent functions of the negotiation of this ne) )orld order )ill open the Cosmos to China& +ndia& and others )ith )hom they collaborate. 3or& these societies are 6uantum.leaping into a state of ad4anced industriali>ation on a )orld stage )here capitalism is globali>ing& )here the )orld system of societies is interdependent& and )here they can )heel and deal and buy any resource to get them )here they )ant to go. Their large populations& rather than hold them back& dri4e them for)ard. A key feature of the post Cold %ar )orld that makes their progress possible is an interdependence among the )orld system of societies that re6uires a le4el of international cooperation& )orking in a collecti4e )ay to)ard large.scale mutual goals& )hich )e ha4e seen only a fe) times before in history.

**Capitalism Ine!ita"le
!apitalism is inevitable and is the only way to prevent the problems they isolate %ey& '9( $(ichael &' (anagement Crof in the school of Business Admin at (ontclair 1tate D *2ec Eirector of the *2pansionary "nsitute' 1ei ing the 6uture' p. -FG.9, A culture includes a societyHs values' behavior patterns' customs' norms' belies' and most importantly its +eltanshauung. )his last term' translated from the &erman' really means the worldview of a society. 1o pervasive is a societyHs +eltanshauung that largely determines that societyHs overall direction and shapes the actions of its members. "n the (acroindustrial *ra' society will require what " label the *2pansionary Culture $)able 9.8,. )he society possessing this culture welcomes progress' fosters human potential' and encourages and celebrates growth. "ts members envision the current state of affairs not as an end point' but as a launching pad to greater achievements. "t does not look for a compromise between the species and the universe' but sees the growth of one intertwined with the progress of the other. Io country can hope to lead the way into the ne2t century unless the culture supports growth and progress. A country that doubts its ability to create and produce or' worse' questions whether is should even commit itself to a pro.growth policy will soon lose the ability to innovate' e2pand' and sei e the future.

!apitalism is an inevitable part of human natureattempts to change produce widespread conflict Bilkinson $ :+ill' Colicy Analyst at the CA)P "nstitute' =Capitalism and Luman Iature'? CA)P Colicy 5eport' Bol. UUB"" Io. 8' %anuary!6ebruary -MMR'
http3!!www.cato.org!research!articles!wilkinson.MRM-M8.htmlA

(ar2 wrote' 0. . . the human essence is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. "n its reality it is the ensemble of social relations.0 (ar2Os idea was that a change in the 0ensemble of social relations0 can change 0the human essence.0 "n %une -MM/ the communist Iorth #orean government issued a statement to its starving citi ens recommending the consumption of pine needles. Cyongyang
"n the spring of 8G/R' #arl maintained that pine needle tea could effectively prevent and treat cancer' arteriosclerosis' diabetes' cerebral hemorrhage' and even turn grey hair to black. )ragically' human nature isnOt at all as advertised' and neither is pine

one million Iorth #oreans have died of famine since 899R. (ar2Os theory of human nature' like #im %ong "lOs theory of pine needle tea' is a biological fantasy' and we have the corpses to prove it. +hich may drive us to wonder3 if communism is deadly because it is contrary to human nature' does that imply that capitalism' which is contrary to communism' is distinctively compatible
needle tea. According to the U.1. 1tate Eepartment' at least with human nature7 A growing scientific discipline called evolutionary psychology speciali es in uncovering the truth about human nature' and it is already illuminating what we know about the possibilities of human social organi ation. Low natural is capitalism7 *volutionary Csychology 8M8 *volutionary psychology seeks to understand the unique nature of the human mind by applying the logic and methods of contemporary evolutionary biology and cognitive psychology.

the mind is a variegated toolkit of speciali ed functions $think of a 1wiss Army knife, that has evolved through natural selection to solve specific problems faced by our forebears. Eistinct mental functionse.g.' perception4 reading other peopleOs intentions4
)he main working assumption of evolutionary psychology is that responding emotionally to potential matesare underwritten by different neurological 0circuits0 or 0modules'0 which can each be conceived as mini computer programs selected under environmental pressure to solve specific problems of survival and reproduction typical in the original setting of human evolution' the *nvironment of *volutionary Adaptedness' the 0**A.0 1trictly speaking' the **A is a statistical composite of environmental pressures that account for the evolutionary selection of our distinctively human traits. >oosely' the **A was the period called the Cleistocene during which humans lived as hunter.gatherers from about 8.J million years ago up until the invention of agriculture about 8M'MMM years ago. According to evolutionary psychologists' the basic constitution of the human mind hasnOt changed appreciably for about RM'MMM years. )hus the evolutionary psychologistOs slogan3 modern skulls house 1tone Age minds. As pioneers of evolutionary psychology >eda Cosmides and %ohn )ooby put it3

its circuits were not designed to solve the day.to.day problems of a modern Americanthey were designed to solve the day.to.day problems of our hunter.gatherer ancestors.
)he key to understanding how the modern mind works is to reali e that Understanding the problems faced by members of human hunter.gatherer bands in the **A can therefore help us to understand a great deal about human nature' and the prospects and pathologies of modern social systems. 6irst' a word of caution3 +e cannot e2pect to draw any straightforward positive political lessons from evolutionary psychology. "t can tell us something about the kind of society that will tend not to work' and why. But it cannot tell us which of the feasible forms of society we ought to aspire to. +e cannot' it turns out' infer the naturalness of capitalism from the manifest failure of communism to accommodate human nature. Ior should we be tempted to infer that natural is better. 6oraging half.naked for nuts and berries is natural' while the Iew Qork 1tock *2change and open.heart surgery would boggle our ancestorsO minds. +hat evolutionary psychology really helps us to appreciate is just what an unlikely achievement comple2' liberal' market.based societies really are. "t helps us to get a better grip on why relatively free and fabulously wealthy societies like ours are so rare and' possibly' so fragile. *volutionary psychology helps us to understand that successful market liberal societies require the cultivation of certain psychological tendencies that are weak in 1tone Age minds and the suppression or sublimation of other tendencies that are strong. ' where they can be made to work' But it turns out that human nature is not easy material to work with. )here is a rapidly e2panding library of books that try to spell out the moral' political and economic implications of evolutionary psychology. $)he Prigins of Birtue by (att 5idley' Earwinian Colitics by Caul 5ubin' and )he Company of 1trangers by Caul 1eabright are good ones,. Below is a short tour of just a few features of human nature emphasi ed by evolutionary psychologists that highlight the challenges of developing and sustaining a modern market liberal order. )he si e of hunter.gather bands in the **A ranged from -R to about 8RM people. )he small si e of those groups ensured that everyone would know everyone else4 that social interactions would be conducted face.to.face4 and that reputations for honesty' hard work' and reliability would be common knowledge. *ven today' peopleOs address books usually contain no more than 8RM names. And military squadrons generally contain about as many people as Cleistocene hunting e2peditions. *2periments by psychologists >eda Cosmides and 5obert #ur ban have shown that human beings have speciali ed abilities to track shifting alliances and coalitions' and are eager to define others as inside or outside their own groups. Coalitional categories can easily lead to violence and war between groups. )hink of Lutus and )utsis' Albanians and 1erbs' 1hiites and 1unnis' Crips and the Bloods' and so on ad nauseam. Lowever' coalitional categories are fairly fluid. Under the right circumstances' we can learn to care more about someoneOs devotion to the 5ed 1o2 or Qankees than their skin color' religion' or social class. +e cannot' however' consistently think of ourselves as members only of that one grand coalition3 the Brotherhood of (ankind. Pur disposition to think in terms of 0us0 versus 0them0 is irremediable and it has unavoidable political implications. Copulist and racialist political rhetoric encourages people to identify themselves as primarily rich or poor' black or white. "t is important to avoid designing institutions' such as racial preference programs' that reinforce coalitional categories that have no basis in biology and may heighten some of the tensions they are meant to rela2. A great deal of the animosity toward free trade' to take a different e2ample' depends

Free& capitalist societies

work with human nature.

free trade is laudable for the way it encourages us to see to members of unfamiliar groups as partners& not enemies0 >ike many animals and all primates' humans form hierarchies of dominance. "t is easy to recogni e social hierarchies in modern life. Corporations' government' chess clubs' and churches all have formal hierarchical structures of officers. "nformal structures of dominance and status may be the leading cause of tears in junior high students.
on economically and morally inappropriate coalitional distinctions between workers in Baltimore $us, and workers in Bangalore $them,. Cositively' )he dynamics of dominance hierarchies in the **A was comple2. Lierarchies play an important role in guiding collective efforts and distributing scarce resources without having to resort to violence. Eaily affairs run more smoothly if everyone knows what is e2pected of him. Lowever'

space at the top of the hierarchy is scarce and a source of conflict and

competition. )hose who command higher status in social hierarchies have better access to material resources and mating opportunities. )hus' evolution favors the psychology of males and females who are able
successfully to compete for positions of dominance. >iving at the bottom of the dominance heap is a raw deal' and we are not built to take it lying down. )here is evidence that lower status males naturally form coalitions to check the power of more dominant males and to achieve relatively egalitarian distribution of resources. "n his book Lierarchy in the 6orest' anthropologist Christopher Boehm calls these coalitions against the powerful 0reverse dominance hierarchies.0 *mory professor of economics and law Caul 5ubin usefully distinguishes between 0productive0 and 0allocative0 hierarchies. Croductive hierarchies are those that organi e cooperative efforts to achieve otherwise unattainable mutually advantageous gains. Business organi ations are a prime e2ample. Allocative hierarchies' on the other hand' e2ist mainly to transfer resources to the top. Aristocracies and dictatorships are e2treme e2amples. Although the nation.state can perform productive functions' there is the constant risk that it becomes dominated by allocative hierarchies. 5ubin warns that our natural wariness of ero.sum allocative hierarchies' which helps us to guard against the concentration of power in too few hands' is often directed at modern positive.sum productive hierarchies' like corporations' thereby threatening the viability of enterprises that tend to make everyone better off.

There is no way to stop dominance-seeking behavior. +e may hope only to channel it to non.harmful uses. A free society therefore requires that positions of dominance and status be widely available in a multitude of productive hierarchies' and that opportunities for greater status and dominance through predation are limited by the constant vigilance of 0the people0the ultimate reverse dominance hierarchy. A flourishing civil society permits almost everyone to be the leader of something' whether the local 1tar )rek fan club or the city council' thereby somewhat satisfying the human taste for hierarchical status' but to no oneOs serious detriment. Cerhaps the most depressing lesson of evolutionary psychology for politics is found in its account of the deep.seated human capacity for envy and' related' of our difficulty in understanding the idea of gains from trade and increases in productivity the idea of an ever.e2panding 0pie0 of wealth.
)here is evidence that greater skill and initiative could lead to higher status and bigger shares of resources for an individual in the **A. But because of the social nature of hunting and gathering' the fact that food spoiled quickly' and the utter absence of privacy' the benefits of individual success in hunting or foraging could not be easily internali ed by the individual' and were e2pected to be shared. )he **A was for the most part a ero.sum world' where increases in total wealth through invention' investment' and e2tended economic e2change were totally unknown. (ore for you was less for me. )herefore' if anyone managed to acquire a great deal more than

*nvy of the disproportionately wealthy may have helped to reinforce generally adaptive norms of sharing and to help those of lower status on the dominance hierarchy guard against further predation by those able to amass power.
anyone else' that was pretty good evidence that theirs was a stash of ill.gotten gains' acquired by cheating' stealing' raw force' or' at best' sheer luck. Pur ero.sum mentality makes it hard for us to understand how trade and investment can increase the amount of total wealth. +e are thus ill.equipped to easily understand our own economic system.

the benefits of a liberal market order can be seen in a few further features of the human mind and social organization in the AA"0
)hese features of human naturethat we are coalitional' hierarchical' and envious ero.sum thinkerswould seem to make liberal capitalism e2tremely unlikely. And it is. Lowever' )he problem of distributing scarce resources can be handled in part by implicitly coercive allocative hierarchies. An alternative solution to the problem of distribution is the recognition and enforcement of property rights.

Croperty rights are prefigured in nature by the way animals mark out territories for their e2clusive use in foraging' hunting' and mating. 5ecognition of such rudimentary claims to control and e2clude minimi es costly conflict' which by itself provides a strong evolutionary reason to look for innate
tendencies to recogni e and respect norms of property.

scientific research provides even stronger evidence for the e2istence of such property 0instincts.0 6or e2ample' recent e2perimental work by Pliver &oodenough' a legal theorist' and Christine Crehn' a neuroscientist' suggests that the human mind evolved speciali ed modules for making judgments about moral transgressions' and transgressions against property in particular.
Iew *volutionary psychology can help us to understand that property rights are not created simply by strokes of the legislatorOs pen.

)rade and mutually beneficial e2change are human universals' as is the division of labor. "n their groundbreaking paper' 0Cognitive Adaptations for 1ocial *2change'0 Cosmides and )ooby
point out that' contrary to widespread belief' hunter.gatherer life is not 0a kind of retro.utopia0 of 0indiscriminate' egalitarian cooperation and sharing.0 )he archeological and ethnographic evidence shows that hunter. gatherers were involved in numerous forms of trade and e2change. 1ome forms of hunter.gatherer trading can involve quite comple2 speciali ation and the interaction of supply and demand. (ost impressive' Cosmides and )ooby have shown through a series of e2periments that human beings are able easily to solve comple2 logical pu les involving reciprocity' the accounting of costs and benefits' and the detection of people who have cheated on agreements. Lowever' we are unable to solve formally identical pu les that do not deal with questions of social e2change. )hat' they argue' points to the e2istence of 0functionally speciali ed' content.dependent cognitive adaptations for social e2change.0

Cn other words& the human mind is DbuiltD to trade0 Ct is easy to see a kind of in vitro capitalism in the evolved human propensity to recogni e property rights' speciali e in productive
endeavors' and engage in fairly comple2 forms of social e2change. Lowever' the kind of freedom and wealth we enjoy in the United 1tates remains a chimera to billions. +hile our evolved capacities are the scaffolding upon which advanced liberal capitalism has been built' they are' quite plainly' not enough' as the hundreds of millions who live on less than a dollar a day can attest. )he path from the **A to laptops and lattes requires a great cultural leap. "n recent work' Iobel Cri e.winning economists Eouglass Iorth and Bernon 1mith have stressed that the crucial juncture is the transition from personal to impersonal e2change. *conomic life in the **A was based on repeated face.to.face interactions with well.known members of the community. Agreements were policed mainly by public knowledge of reputation. "f you cheated or shirked' your stock of reputation would decline' and so would your prospects. Pur evolutionary endowment prepared us to navigate skillfully through that world of personal e2change. Lowever' it did not prepare us to cooperate and trade with total strangers whom we had never met and might never see again. )he road to prosperity must cross a chasm of uncertainty and mistrust. )he transition to e2tended' impersonal market order requires the emergence of 0institutions that make human beings willing to treat strangers as honorary friends0 as Caul 1eabright puts it. )he e2citing story of the way these institutions piggybacked on an evolved psychology designed to solve quite different ecological problems is the topic of 1eabrightOs book' )he Company of 1trangers' as well as an important part of forthcoming works by Eouglass Iorth and Bernon 1mith. As he so often did' 6. A. Layek anticipated contemporary trends. Layek understood that our kind of economy and society' which he called an e2tended order' or 0macro.cosmos'0 is in many ways alien to our basic psychological constitution' which is geared to deal with life in small groups' the 0micro.cosmos.0 +e live in two worlds' the face.to.face world of the tribe' family' school' and firm' and the impersonal' anonymous world of huge cities' hyper.speciali ation' and trans.world trade. *ach world has its own set of rules' and we confuse them at our peril. As Layek writes in )he 6atal Conceit3 "f we were to apply the unmodified' uncurbed' rules of the micro.cosmos $i.e.' of the small band or troop' or of' say' our families, to the macro.cosmos $our wider civili ation,' as our instincts and sentimental yearnings often make us wish to do' we would destroy it. Qet if we were always to apply the rules of the e2tended order to our more intimate groupings' we would crush them. 1o we must learn to live in two sorts of worlds at once. )he balance is delicate. Pnce we appreciate the improbability and fragility of our wealth and freedom' it becomes clear just how much respect and gratitude we owe to the belief systems' social institutions' and personal virtues that allowed for the emergence of our 0wider civili ation0 and that allow us to move between our two worlds without destroying or crushing either.

)he key political lesson of evolutionary psychology is simply that there is a universal human nature. )he human mind comprises many distinct' speciali ed functions' and is not an all.purpose learning machine that can be reformatted at will to reali e political dreams. )he shape of society is constrained by our evolved nature. 5emaking humanity through politics is a biological impossibility on the order of curing cancer with pine needle tea. +e can' however' work with human natureand we have. +e have' through culture' enhanced those traits that facilitate trust and cooperation' channeled our coalitional and status.seeking instincts toward productive uses' and built upon our natural suspicion of power to preserve our freedom. +e can' of course' do better.
As "mmanuel #ant famously remarked' 0from the crooked timber of humanity no truly straight thing can be made.0 But' in the words of philosopher' Eenis Eutton'

!apitalism is inevitableengrained in "merican life Bilson ++ :%ohn #. +ilson' *ditor and Cublisher of "llinois Academe' =Low the >eft can +in Arguments and "nfluence Ceople? p. 8R. 8JA

Capitalism is far too ingrained in American life to eliminate. "f you go into the most impoverished areas of America' you will find that the people who live there are not seeking government control over factories or even more social welfare programs4 theyOre hoping' usually in vain' for a fair chance to share in the capitalist wealth. )he poor do not pray for socialism.they strive to be a part of the capitalist system. )hey want jobs' they want to start businesses' and they want to make money and be successful. +hatOs wrong with America is not capitalism as a system but capitalism as a religion. +e worship the accumulation of wealth and treat the horrible inequality
between rich and poor as if it were an act of &od. +orst of all' we allow the government to e2acerbate the financial divide by favoring the wealthy3 go anywhere in America' and compare a rich suburb with a poor town.the

. )he aim is not to overthrow capitalism but to overhaul it. &ive it a social.justice tune.up' make it more efficient' get the economic engine to hit on all cylinders for everybody' and stop putting out so many environmentally ha ardous substances. )o some people' this goal means selling out leftist ideals for the sake of capitalism. But the right
city services' schools' parks' and practically everything else will be better financed in the place populated by rich people thrives on having an ineffective opposition. )he 5evolutionary Communist Carty helps stabili e the 0free market0 capitalist system by making it seem as if the only alternative to free.market capitalism is a return to 1talinism.

Crospective activists for change are instead channeled into pointless discussions about the revolutionary potential of the proletariat. "nstead of working to persuade people to accept progressive ideas' the far left talks to itself $which may be a blessing' given the way it communicates, and tries to sell copies of the 1ocialist +orker to an uninterested public.

3A4 Cap Ine!ita"le

!apitalism is inevitable and is the only way to prevent the problems they isolatethatEs %ey "F Be are in a macroindustrial Ara and society re5uires an expansionary cultureprogress and growth are intwined in our way of life 3F ?o country can continue to lead and innovate without a capitalist economy !F ,refer %ey because he's management professor in the school of business administration and an executive director at the expansionary institute !apitalism is self-correcting& ensures sustainability ) this evidence is awesome0 ?GT& * $#urt *ichenwald' =)he Iation3 Clay 6eet4 Could Capitalists Actually Bring Eown Capitalism7? J.NM.-MM-' >e2is.Ie2is Universe, !! %(C PB*5 the last few centuries' capitalism has been the heartiest contender in the global bout for economic supremacy. "t emerged from its decades.long death match with communism as the unquestioned victor. "ts dust.up with socialism barely lasted a few rounds. "t flourished in wartime' and survived wrongheaded assaults from embargoes and tariffs. *ven terrorism aimed at capitalismOs heart failed to deliver a knock.out punch . But now' a staggering rush of corporate debacles is raising a disturbing question3 can
capitalism survive the capitalists themselves7 )he scandals that have oo ed out of corporate America with alarming regularity in recent months have repeatedly featured e2ecutives betraying the marketplace for their own short.term self.interest. 6rom *nron to &lobal Crossing' Adelphia to +orldCom' the details differ but the stories boil down to the same theme3 the companies lied about their performance' and investors paid the price. )o those inured to corporate wrongdoing .. perhaps by the insider trading scandals or the savings and loan debacle of recent decades .. the latest scourge of white.collar malfeasance might seem like more of the same' with greedy e2ecutives cutting corners to make a profit. But in truth' the corporate calamities of the new millennium are of a different ilk' one that challenges the credibility of the financial reporting system' and in turn the faith of investors in the capital markets .. the very engine that has driven capitalism to its success. "t wasnOt supposed to be like this. "n the wake of the stock market crash in 89-9 and the ensuing revelation of the scams and rigged dealings that had helped inflate the market' America faced what appeared to be capitalismOs chief vulnerability. )hrough 1enate hearings in the early 89NMOs with the special counsel 6erdinand Cecora' investors learned about stock price manipulation' insider trading and profiteering through so.called investment trusts' all of which had made fortunes for the capitalists' while costing investors their savings. Low did it happen7 Capitalism' at its most basic' dictates that the company producing the best product at the lowest price wins. 6or capitalists' victory is measured solely in profits. >eft to their own devices' it was clear' some capitalists would aggressively pursue profits even if it meant cheating the investors who provided all the capital. 1o' the game stayed the same' but the government put in referees. Congress passed the 1ecurities *2change Act of 89NN and 89N/' and created a new federal agency' the 1ecurities and *2change Commission' to enforce those laws. Eisclosure became the centerpiece of the system. Companies could pretty much make whatever business decision they wanted' so long as the material information was revealed to investors in periodic filings with the 1.*.C. )he result was an entire bulwark of protections3 the board of directors entrusted with overseeing corporate managements' the independent accounting firms relied upon to insure the numbers were accurate' the government regulators in place to supervise the rules. Eespite all the apparent bricks and mortar of these protections' they turned out to be as permanent and impenetrable as smoke. At bottom' the system still relied on faith .. just in someone besides the top e2ecutives or company owners. )he trust was given to the competence of the directors' the integrity of the accountants and the abilities of regulators. )hat was evident back in 89NN' when a member of Congress asked Col. A. L. Carter' senior partner of Eeloitte Laskins D 1ells3 if accountants would be auditing the companies' who would be auditing the accountants7 )he reply was noble .. and proved to be hollow. 0Pur conscience'0 Colonel Carter said. By the late 9MOs' as is now becoming clear' that foundation of personal integrity had been eroded by easy profits. *ventually' driven by shareholder e2pectations and their own stock.option packages' some e2ecutives began hiding losses incurred in the faltering economy' manipulating the numbers they reported to investors. )he fact that their companies are' in all probability' bad apples among many' many honest corporations makes little difference. By being deceptive on their disclosures for short.term gain' these capitalists have led investors to question the reliability of all the reported data .. and the reliability of the checks and balances instituted to keep the data valid. Iot only has the accounting branch of the market been tarred by Arthur AndersonOs enabling of *nronOs schemes' but' from company to company' insular boards of directors' incompetent internal auditors and underfunded regulatory oversight have allowed the perception of stringent standards and protections to wither. ") is not as if corporate cheating comes out of nowhere. Listory holds many tales of businessmen who begin breaking the rules in boom times' when rising stock prices literally give them a sense of invincibility. )hen' as the markets turn .. and they always turn .. these men try to preserve their power and wealth with more wrongdoing. )hey keep believing that stock prices will rise and cover their misdeeds. )hey really seem to think they wonOt get caught. )his time' the crisis in investor confidence is becoming a primary policy issue for the leaders of the industriali ed world .. a world largely formed on the American model' and that the United 1tates has insisted virtually everyone else follow' too. 0"tOs a preoccupation of all the leaders that this is creating at this time a lack of confidence in the markets' and people are not sure about the way that information is transmitted to the public'0 %ean Chretien' the prime minister of Canada' said on the first day of a summit of the &roup of *ight leading industriali ed nations. +orkers are going to take it on the chin. +orldCom started laying off 8F'MMM people on 6riday. (any more people' at many other companies' are worried. And investors .. shaken by the past and uncertain where the ne2t disaster might emerge .. are moving their money about' dumping many stocks and

Could the short.term' self.rewarding mentality of a handful of capitalists truly destroy capitalism7 Bring on hundreds of bankruptcies' force banks under' end the giving of loans7 Eestroy America as we know it7 Iot very likely. The system has a built-in corrective factor& which kicks in when abuses go too far. Larm to investor confidence harms the market' which harms the ability of corporations to raise the capital they need to grow and be profitable. *ventually' the capitalistsO desire get investor confidence back wins the day. Already' after years of sniffing at naysayers
moving cash into safer havens' like )reasury bonds.

who wagged fingers about fundamentals' investors seem to be discovering a new affection for stodgy old stock analysis. 0Iobody was paying attention to seemingly boring topics like accounting and corporate governance'0 said )roy Caredes' an associate professor at +ashington University 1chool of >aw. 0Ceople are reali ing that those are the things that matter.0 At the same time' a range of proposals has emerged from +all 1treet and +ashington to overhaul corporate America. )he 1.*.C. is making moves to get tough on accounting standards. But still' there are some capitalists who are keeping their eyes on their short.term pri e' betting that' despite all the evidence of corporate lies' investors need no substantial changes to justify keeping their confidence in the market. (any +all 1treet firms are lobbying to cut back the power and authority of state securities regulators' the very individuals who historically have been particularly hard.nosed in their dedication to proper disclosure and investor protection. (eanwhile' accounting firms are doing their all to beat back efforts to strengthen their regulation. Pn Capitol Lill' there were rumors that tough accounting legislation was dead .. until +orldCom e2ploded .U>)"(A)*>Q' capitalism will almost certainly survive this onslaught from

the capitalists .. if only because survival is the most profitable outcome for all involved.

"nvestors may well emerge wiser' less willing to jump into the latest fad and more concerned about the fundamentals. "n the end' though' the e2perts say' that will only last as long as the memory of this period' which will wash away the ne2t time unbridled e2uberance creates a booming market. 0Ceople eventually will emerge from this more discriminating about how they invest'0 said Eavid Lawkins' a professor at Larvard Business 1chool and (errill >ynchOs accounting consultant. 0But this isnOt the last time weOll go through this. Ceople will forget' and it will all happen again.0

!apitalism is inevitableevolution& bumblebees& and the !old Bar Goodrich 8992 :)ucker' =Bionomics3 )he "nevitability of Capitalism'? National Review' (arch 8GA 0A market economy is not the invention of capitalism' it is the invention of civili ation. "t has e2isted for centuries.0 .(ikhail &orbachev ("CLA*> 5othschild opens his book with this statements' and then sets out to refute it. 5othschild claims that capitalism has' essentially' always e2isted' that it is the result of biological laws as immutable as IewtonOs laws. Lis contention is not just that capitalism is the most desirable form of human organi ation' but that it is inevitable. Lis argument is similar to those advanced by >ocke in defense of Iatural >aw' but instead of resting his case on revelation' 5othschild bases it on modern biological science' particularly on an updated version of EarwinOs theory of

evolution. )echnology' he contends' evolves in the same pattern found in the evolution of organisms. 1pecifically' 5othschild believes that written information serves the same function for technology as EIA and se2ual reproduction do for life. Before se2ual reproduction' only the simplest forms of life could e2ist. Pnly when communication between the EIAs of members of the same species became possible through se2ual reproduction were truly comple2 species able to evolve' each individual drawing upon the knowledge of survival contained in the genes of his predecessors. 1imilarly' 5othschild notes' written forms of communication allow for efficient communication between human beings' thus spurring the rapid spread of technology. Advances in technology had previously come with changes in the species. )he stone.tool technology of Lomo habitis remained constant' as did the species' until it was replaced by Lomo erectus' who' along with a larger brain' had more advanced tools. Pnly when written communication was developed did the advancement of technology diverge from the evolution of the species. )his allowed Lomo sapiens to develop technology faster than the speciesO evolution progressed. 5othschild gives several e2amples of the parallel evolution of technology and biology' the most interesting of which is his discussion of Bumblebee *conomics' a book by oologist Bernd Leinrich. Leinrich discovered that bumblebees must gather enough energy to allow the hiveOs genetic information to survive. "f the bees donOt make an energy profit'0 the hive goes bankrupt' and the information is lost . 5othschild' consulting with Leinrich' wrote a balance sheet for the hive' using calories as the unit of currency. )he analogy to a business is e2act' right down to the 0learning curve.0 Bumblebees arenOt born knowing how to gather nectar from a flower4 they must be taught. And just as training new workers is one of the most e2pensive things a business can do' so is it e2pensive in terms of energy e2pended for the hive to have young bees gathering nectar. )he young bees are inefficient' but they learn quickly. Actually' the learning.efficiency relationship can be described mathematically on a double.log graph3 +ith every doubling of e2perience' the amount of labor required drops by 8M to NM per cent . "n the *ighties' for instance' JM per cent of steel.worker jobs disappeared' but the level of production remained the same. Iew technology was applied to steel making' and the pent.up effects of the learning curve were released. "tOs true here' and itOs true with young bumblebees. "n fact' writes 5othschild' 0no study has ever identified a product or service whose costs did not decline with accumulating e2perience.0 )his provides 5othschild with the ammunition for his attack on liberal economics. +hen one puts the learning curve into the equation' it becomes perfectA y reasonable that the erosum game envisioned by (althus and championed by #eynes could nevertheless provide a steadily growing supply of goods. )he equation of guns and butter only means something if production always takes the same amount of labor. *2amining the learning curve' however'
we see it is perfectly reasonable to e2pect the production of both guns and butter to e2pand.a thoroughly tested refutation of (althusian economics. 5othschild holds that economics' with the e2ception of Adam 1mithOs' is based upon the Iewtonian view of the world.world as machine. Lence the charts and formulas of the econometrician. 5othschildOs bionomics' and 1mithOs own theory' view the world as an organism' not suited to 0fine tuning0 or 0pump priming.0 )he economy needs 0natural liberty'0 in 1mithOs words' to succeed. 5othschild would have us ignore the wisdom of the #eynesians' for he feels it is totally misdirected. "n support of this position' he quotes Iaohiro Amaya' formerly head of (")"3 +e did the opposite of what American :#eynesianA economists said. +e violated all the traditional economic concepts.0 (eanwhile' the U.1. followed the ideas of the man who kept us in the &reat Eepression for ten years. 1omewhat reluctantly' 5othschild takes an e2tremely conservative position. By arguing that capitalism is the same system as that which organi es the rest of nature $convincingly.unless you are a 6undamentalist' in which case you wonOt like this book, he clearly alienates the >eft. Le also spends a section comparing governments to parasites. )he argument grinds on to an ine2orably libertarian conclusion3 that the economy should be left on its own. %ust as man could not be e2pected to organi e a rain forest' so too he cannot be e2pected to organi e

an economy. )he problem is that 5othschild has never heard of the conservative arguments that parallel his. Le admires Adam 1mith' and notes that his economics come closest to bionomics. Pne just wishes 5othschild had heard of Austrian economics before writing the book' for his ideas support many of the arguments the Austrian economists have been making for years' albeit from a completely new direction. But because he hadnOt' he fence.sits between the >eft and the 5ight. 5othschild writes3 :=A"f one accepts the bionomic viewpoint' the result of the great cold.war economic e2periment is hardly surprising. ;ocialism collapsed because it is a policy of unrestrained economic intervention. "t tries to fi2 what is wrong0 with the spontaneous' self.organi ing phenomenon called capitalism. But' of course' a natural process cannot be fixed.0 A natural process cannot be right or wrong. A natural process has no moral character. >ike it or not' nature just happens. Io one argues whether leaves should be green. >eaves are green. +e accept this fact and make the best of it.:?A The alternative cedes the political to the elitescapitalism is perpetual Bilson' *# $%ohn #' coordinator of the "ndependent Cress AssociationHs Campus %ournalism Croject' How the Left can Win Arguments and Influence People' pages 8/.8F, Capitalism is far too ingrained in American life to eliminate. "f you go into the most impoverished areas of America' you will find that the people who live there are not seeking government control over factories or even more social welfare programs4 theyOre hoping' usually in vain' for a fair chance to share in the capitalist wealth. )he poor do not pray for socialism.they strive to be a part of the capitalist system. )hey want jobs' they want to start businesses' and they want to make money and be successful. +hatOs wrong with America is not capitalism as a system but capitalism as a religion. +e

worship the accumulation of wealth and treat the horrible inequality between rich and poor as if it were an act of &od. +orst of all' we allow the government to e2acerbate the financial divide by favoring the wealthy3 go anywhere in America' and compare a rich suburb with a poor town.the city services' schools' parks' and practically everything else will be better financed in the place populated by rich people. )he aim is not to overthrow capitalism but to overhaul it . &ive it a social.justice tune.up' make it more efficient' get the economic engine to hit on all cylinders for everybody' and stop putting out so many environmentally ha ardous substances. )o some people' this goal means selling out leftist ideals for the sake of capitalism. But the right thrives on having an ineffective opposition. )he 5evolutionary Communist Carty helps stabilize the 0free market0 capitalist system by making it seem as if the only alternative to free.market capitalism is a return to 1talinism. Crospective activists for change are instead channeled into pointless discussions about the revolutionary potential of the proletariat. "nstead of working to persuade people to accept progressive ideas' the far left talks to itself $which may be a blessing' given the way it communicates, and tries to sell copies of the 1ocialist +orker to an uninterested public.

Transition from capitalism inevitably leads back to capitalism

#ornai *#' :%onas' Larvard *conomics Eepartment' =+hat the Change of 1ystem from 1ocialism to Capitalism Eoes and Eoes not (ean'? Journal of Economic Perspectives' Bol. 8/' Io. "' +inter' p. N/A 1elf.evidently' a mixed system is in place during the transition from capitalism to socialism' and in the transition from socialism to capitalism. But apart from the countries undergoing the great transformations' several other countries operated in mi2ed systems for a long time as well. "ndia offers a prime e2ample' with much more state.ownership and bureaucratic control than most other capitalist countries' and a ruling party with an ideology e2hibiting some socialist features for two or three decades. Lowever' the party did not include in its program the elimination of private property nor the market' nor did it seek the retention of power at all costs. Combinations similar in many respects can be found in certain periods of the history of other developing countries . "t is too early to reach a final judgement' but the study of these episodes so far suggests that the mi2ed cases tend to return eventually to the path of capitalist development. ,rogress is inevitable ) principles of growth are ingrained into human thought ) this makes the transition impossible (ichael &. %ey& '9( $(anagement Crof in the 1chool of Business Admin at (ontclair 1tate D *2ec Eirector of the *2pansionary "nstitute' 1ei ing the 6uture' p. NN./, )oday' the idea of progress is so ingrained in the +estern psychological and ideological framework that most +esterners would find it difficult to envision the world operating along any other principle. )hey inherently believe that each successive era surpasses the achievements of the last and that this process will continue indefinitely into the future. Before we can achieve true success' we must believe that progress is inevitable. 1uch a belief is as powerful a determinant of success as any physical or intellectual aptitude. As we have seen' history attests to the fact that any society that maintains the belief in progress will have a better chance of achieving its goals than a society without it. As other nationHs have come to understand the effect of such a concept on the +estHs success' they' too' have internali ed the concept of progress and made it their ownT !apitalism is inevitablecontinuing technological development disproves the collapse of capitalism (ichael &. %ey& '9( $(anagement Crof in the 1chool of Business Admin at (ontclair 1tate D *2ec Eirector of the *2pansionary "nstitute' 1ei ing the 6uture' p. 8F, Consider for a moment just some of the changes wrought by human effort. )he United 1tates' %apan' and *urope are making plans to establish a (oon base by the year -MMM and a (ars Colony by the year -M89. )o compensate for the tight' crowded conditions in )okyo and other major cities' %apan is constructing underground housing comple2es and' along with (onaco' developing huge offshore artificial islands that can house up to a million people. 1oon the species will construct new skyscrapers that will e2tend over a mile or more into the sky. &enetic engineering will revolutioni e agriculture' initiating a new era of abundance and eliminating starvation. 1ome of that same technology will lead to medical breakthroughs that will increase the human life span on average to 88M years. And what medicine cannot cure' the individual will3 *2periments show that through biofeedback humans are learning to control their own heartbeats' brain waves' and the autonomic nervous system.

1cientists at several locations worldwide work towared perfecting cold fusion' an energy source that should e2tend cheap energy and national prosperity to all countries' even nations we currently consider underdeveloped. )hese changes are nfodling at a lighting.fast rate. At first glance' these intriguing phenomena appear to be fragmentary' random events. "n actuality' they form a unified trend of advancements on the technological' artistic' intellectual' and physical levels that signals a singular movement of human species into the ne2t stage of societal development. !apitalism is inevitable 6yotard 9$ $&ary Plson and %ean.6rancois' ?5esisting a Eiscourse of (astery3 A Conversation with %ean.6rancois >yotard?' %AC 8R.N, @."n Cultural Critique and elsewhere you propose that =the main problem in todayHs society'? the =problem that overshadows all the others'? is not the contemporary state but capital. "n light of the turn to market economies by China' 5ussia' *astern Block nations' and' now' even Cuba to a certain e2tent' how do we resist capitalism and its corrosive effect on the social fabric7 A."mpossible. And we have no reason to resist because all these people are looking to capitalism as a solution to their problems. " was in Cetersburg last spring' and it was horrible to see all these peoplevery nice peoplewithout work' without money' and they are just waiting for capitalist investment in order to make things supportable. )here is obviously no other solution' e2cept the ridiculous and dangerous solution proposed by this cra y man' this neo.na i' ;hirinovsky. Capitalism is the only solution. Pbviously' the same is true in China with a different way to manage the entrance into capitalism. Io' no. )his system has no competition' and to resist it is not to make impediments against it' as in the old tradition. Io' no. "tHs to make the people able to eat' to work' to sleep' to have a home' and so on. And in these conditions' real resistance can appear.

3A4 Cap Sustaina"le - .6n!/

.arket mechanisms check limitless expansioncap is sustainable ?orberg' -MM@ $%ohan Iorberg' 1enior 6ellow at Cato "nstitute' ="n Eefense of &lobal Capitalism?' p. --N, "t is a mistake' then' to believe that growth automatically ruins the environment. And claims that we would need this or that number of planets for the whole world to attain a +estern standard of consumptionthose =ecological footprint? calculationsare equally untruthful. 1uch a claim is usually made by environmentalists' and it is concerned' not so much with emissions and pollution' as with resources running out if everyone were to live as we do in the affluent world. Clearly' certain of the raw materials we use today' in present day quantities' would not suffice for the whole world if everyone consumed the same things. But that information is just about as interesting as if a prosperous 1tone Age man were to say that' if everyone attained his level of consumption' there would not be enough stone' salt' and furs to go around. 5aw material consumption is not static. +ith more and more people achieving a high level of prosperity' we start looking for ways of using other raw materials. Lumanity is constantly improving technology so as to get at raw materials that were previously inaccessible' and we are attaining a level of prosperity that makes this possible. Iew innovations make it possible for old raw materials to be put to better use and for garbage to be turned into new raw materials. A century and a half ago' oil was just something black and sticky that people preferred not to step in and definitely did not want to find beneath their land. But our interest in finding better energy sources led to methods being devised for using oil' and today it is one of our prime resources. 1and has never been all that e2citing or precious' but today it is a vital raw material in the most powerful technology of our age' the computer. "n the form of siliconwhich makes up a quarter of the earthOs crust it is a key component in computer chips. )here is a simple market mechanism that averts shortages. "f a certain raw material comes to be in short supply' its price goes up. )his makes everyone more interested in economi ing on that resource' in finding more of it' in reusing it' and in trying to find substitutes for it.

3A4 Cap Sustaina"le - .Nanotech/

!ap is key to developing nanotech %ey 8998 :(ichael' Ch.E.' internationally recogni ed leader and consultant in the field of future studies and organi ed behavior' *2ecutive Eirector' 9*2pansionary "nstitute' Sei ing the !uture' p. G8A "n the (acroindustrial *ra the species will make incursions into as yet uninhabited space. But what space7 Certainly outer spacethe stars' the planets' and the gala2ies. As we have observed' the species is redefining the very concept of living in space by tunneling underneath the *arth and building artificial islands at sea. Lowever' the emerging era will witness the species entering and manipulating another level of space the ultratiny' the molecular' the infinitesimal. +hile the (acroindustrial *ra by definition represents megagrowth and e2pansion' an interesting parado2 presents itself. "n order to achieve such growth' the species must learn to manipulate matter at almost inconceivable minute levels of e2istence. +e must master the micro in order to dominate the macro. (astery of the world of the ultratiny will enable the species to make gains in a variety of fields including medicine' biology' advanced materials' general manufacturing' and computer technology. )he sciences and technologies related to the ultratiny are divided into two subareas. Pne is microtechnology' the miniaturi ation of objects with which we are familiary. Lere science endeavors to create smaller transistors' motors' gearshifts' and computer chips. )he other field is nanotechnology' or molecular technology' in which atoms are isolated and positioned in order to construct a particular molecule. (icrotechnologyHs objective is to shrink objects' nanotechnology endeavors to fabricate objects one atom at a time. ?anotech makes capitalism sustainable 6ewis 899* :(artin' Assistant Crofessor in the Eepartment of &eography and 5egional 1cience at &eorge +ashington University' "reen #elusions' p. 8FA )he greatest hope for virtually complete decoupling may lie in the so.called nanotechnology revolution. "f its proponents are correct' the nano techniques of molecular assembly will allow us to build superior goods using only a small fraction of the energy and materials now required. "ndeed' Ere2ler goes as far as to argue that by mining surplus atmospheric carbon dio2ide we will be able to provide most of the raw materials needed for the ne2t economy. (oreover' not only would a nanotechnology economy spare the natural world of any no2ious pollutants' but it would also allow a truly massive return of land to natural communities. Although the layperson may regard nano.technology as utter fantasy' it is based on firm scientific reasoning' and it has been taken seriously by at least one prominent environmental philosopher.

Cap Sustaina"le Sel$ Correctin,

!ap is self-correctingensures sustainability Aichenwald -MM* :#urt' =Clay 6eet4 Could Capitalists Actually Bring Eown Capitalism'? )he Iation' %une NMA Could the short.term' self.rewarding mentality of a handful of capitalists truly destroy capitalism7 Bring on hundreds of bankruptcies' force banks under' end the giving of loans7 Eestroy America as we know it7 Iot very likely. )he system has a built.in corrective factor' which kicks in when abuses go too far . Larm to investor confidence harms the market ' which harms the ability of corporations to raise the capital they need to grow and be profitable. *ventually' the capitalistsO desire get investor confidence back wins the day . Already' after years of sniffing at naysayers who wagged fingers about fundamentals' investors seem to be discovering a new affection for stodgy old stock analysis. OOIobody was paying attention to seemingly boring topics like accounting and corporate governance'OO said )roy Caredes' an associate professor at +ashington University 1chool of >aw. OOCeople are reali ing that those are the things that matter.OO At the same time' a range of proposals has emerged from +all 1treet and +ashington to overhaul corporate America. )he 1.*.C. is making moves to get tough on accounting standards. But still' there are some capitalists who are keeping their eyes on their short. term pri e' betting that' despite all the evidence of corporate lies' investors need no substantial changes to justify keeping their confidence in the market. (any +all 1treet firms are lobbying to cut back the power and authority of state securities regulators' the very individuals who historically have been particularly hard.nosed in their dedication to proper disclosure and investor protection. (eanwhile' accounting firms are doing their all to beat back efforts to strengthen their regulation. Pn Capitol Lill' there were rumors that tough accounting legislation was dead .. until +orldCom e2ploded. Ultimately' capitalism will almost certainly survive this onslaught from the capitalists .. if only because survival is the most profitable outcome for all involved.

2AC Cap 5ood#Di%ek Aails

Frameworkrole of the ballot is plan vs. competitive policy optionthis is best A. Competitive equitydiscursive assumptions as a priori issues are unpredictable and jack aff ground B. Utopian thinking badpolicy focus is keythe scientific reality of warming proves why e2tinction is inevitable absent the plan C. c!"read your # as a counterplanthat avoids abusive individual and private fiat
%izek's alternative will result in a worse totalitarianism /obinson and Tormey -MM@ :Andrew and 1imon' University of Iottingham' =+hat is Iot to be EoneT *verything you wanted to know about >enin' and $sadly,werenHt afraid to ask ;i ek? homepage.ntlworld.com!simon.tormey!articles!;i eklenin.pdfA
Conclusion3 1mashing the 6ragile Absolute ;i ekHs >enin takes his place amongst the various elements in ;i ekHs theory which operate as a conservative pull on the possibility of a transformative politics. Basically' ;i ek is telling left radicals to abandon the notion of the state . even an authoritarian or totalitarian state . as a source of unwanted violence and oppression. "nstead' he urges his readers to see the state as part of the solution to' rather than the problem of' reorganising social life. )he state is a useful ally because it is the instrument through which to impose the &ood )error. ;i ek denounces anti.statism as idealistic and hypocritical $5> 8J' 6A 8F8' E11) -F8,' and he attacks the anti.capitalist

the alternative he offers is $in his own phrase, a replacement of 3ad with Borse. "n ;i ekHs world' to misquote an anarchist slogan' <whoever you fight for' the state always winsH. Ppponents of imperialist war and the arms trade' of police racism and repression against demonstrators' will find no alternative in ;i ek 4 while he may oppose the acts of e2isting states' his own preferred institutions look remarkably similar. Le offers no alternative to statist violence' only a new militarism' a &ood )error and yet another Cheka. "n this' he goes further even than >enin'who in )he 1tate and 5evolution committed himself' at
movement for its lack of political centralisation $5> -M,. Le does not offer any alternative to the violence of the e2isting state' or rather' least on paper' to the eventual elimination of the state. Lere is one absolute ;i ek never suspends' the universal whichremains operative at the very heart of his own theory. "n a memorable cartoon' +ildcat insists3 <" donHt

for all his radical posturing' he restores the same kind of oppressive logic which operates in the present social system . &ranted' he wishes it to operate under the banner of a new master.signifier' and to achieve such a displacement there needs to be a revolution. Lowever' his entire project is geared towards the creation of people <fit to take overH' prepared to do what is necessary to restore order and make sure that the core dogmas of the >acanian schema are not threatened by revolutionary energies which e2ceed <orderH. "n this way' ;i ek acts as a representative of the strand of psychoanalysis which operates as a normalising practice' entrapping desire and e2istence within the Pedipal cage. )his places him firmly within the <party of orderH' not within the <party of anarchyH' the proletariat $see (ar2' 8Gth Brumaire p. 89,. Le may not be a <liberalH' but he still has little to offer politically' besides a politics of domination . Cerhaps' then' there is a need to take up against ;i ek the clarion.call he sounds against other theorists. Le e2pects his reader to respond to his blackmail3 stop shirking the Act' or you are not a committed revolutionaryT Le counterposes this to the rightist blackmail3 stop supporting revolution' or you are a totalitarianT "n this conte2t' one should remember his call' during the Balkans wars' to re4ect the 7double blackmail' $VVVV,. )he path to a committed radicalism' ;i ek rightly observes' does not lead through the <moderationH and <reasonablenessH of quasi. liberal politics. At the same time' however' it does not lead through the ;i ekian Act either. "t lies in the flows of desire and activity which e2ceed ;i ek just as much as they e2ceed his opponents in their rejection of the traps of state' Carty and master.signifier. "t lies with a demand for the <impossibleH which is not a demand for Iothingness' but for new openings' greater possibilities and a freedom which is lived actively and without the
just want freedom from the capitalists. " also want freedom from people fit to take overH $ABC -/,. )his sums up what is wrong with ;i ekHs position3 hierarchy and subordination we would argue is implicit to any ;i ekian schema.

?o spilloverand even if completely enacted it can't stop capitalism /obinson' -MM$ :Andrew' recently completed his ChE in political theory at the University of Iottingham' )heory and *vent' G!8' =)he Colitical )heory of Constitutive >ack3 A Critique?' projectmuseA )he phenomena which are denounced in >acanian theory are invariably readmitted in its 0small print0' and this leads to a theory which renounces both effectiveness and political radicalism . "t is in this pragmatism that the ambiguity of >acanian political theory resides' for' while on a theoretical level it is based on an almost sectarian 0radicalism0' denouncing everything that e2ists for its complicity in illusions and guilt for the present' its 0alternative0 is little different from what it condemns $the assumption apparently being that the 0symbolic0 change in the psychological coordinates of attachments in reality is directly effective' a claim assumedwronglyto follow from the claim that social reality is constructed discursively,. %ust like in the process of psychoanalytic cure' nothing actually changes on the level of specific characteristics. )he only change is in how one relates to the characteristics' a process WiXek terms Edotting the "i'sDE in reality ' recogni ing and thereby installing necessityN-. All that changes' in other words' is the interpretation3 as long as they are reconceived as e2pressions of constitutive lack' the old politics are acceptable . )hus'
WiXek claims that de &aulleOs 0Act0 succeeded by allowing him Oeffectively to reali e the necessary pragmatic measuresO which others pursued unsuccessfully NN. (ore recent e2amples of WiXekOs pragmatism include that his

***CAP 5++2

alternative to the U.1. war in Afghanistan is only that Othe punishment of those responsibleO should be done in a spirit of Osad dutyO' not Oe2hilarating retaliationO N/' and his 0solution0 to the Calestine."srael crisis' which is IA)P control of the occupied territoriesNR. "f this is the case for ' the ultra.0radical0 0(ar2ist.>eninist0 >acanian' it is so much the more so for his more moderate adversaries. %ason &lynos' for instance' offers an uncompromi ing critique of the construction of guilt and innocence in anti.0crime0 rhetoric' demanding that demoni ation of deviants be abandoned' only to insist as an afterthought that' Oof course' this... does not mean that

WiXek

>acanian theory tends' therefore' to produce an Danything goesD attitude to state action3 because everything else is contingent' nothing is to limit the practical consideration of tactics by dominant elites.
their offences should go unpunishedONJ.

2AC Cap 5ood#Transition (ars

:0;0 transition from cap sparks great power wars and omnicide ?y5uist' -MM$ :%.5. renowned e2pert in geopolitics and international relations' +orldIetEaily contributing editor' =)he Colitical Consequences of a 6inancial Crash'? 6ebruary /' www.financialsense.com!stormw...-MMR!M-M/.htmlA
1hould the United 1tates e2perience a severe economic contraction during the second term of Cresident Bush' the American people will likely support politicians who advocate further restrictions and controls on our market economyguaranteeing its strangulation and the steady pauperi ation of the country. "n Congress today' 1en. *dward #ennedy supports nearly all the economic dogmas listed above. "t is easy to see' therefore' that the coming economic contraction' due in part to a policy of massive credit e2pansion' will have serious political consequences for the 5epublican Carty $to the benefit of the Eemocrats,. 6urthermore' an economic contraction

the formation of anti.capitalist majorities and a turning away from the free market system . )he danger here is not merely economic. openly favors the collapse of "mericaHs strategic position abroad. )he withdrawal of the United 1tates from the (iddle *ast' the 6ar *ast and *urope would catastrophically impact an international system that presently allows J billion people to live on the earthHs surface in relative peace. 1hould anti.capitalist dogmas overwhelm the global market and trading system that evolved under American leadership' the planetHs economy would contract and untold millions would die of starvation. Iationalistic totalitarianism' fueled by a politics of blame' would once again bring war to Asia and *urope. But this time the war would be waged with mass destruction weapons and the United 1tates would be blamed because it is the center of global capitalism. 6urthermore' if the anti.capitalist party gains power in +ashington' we can e2pect to see policies of appeasement and unilateral disarmament enacted. American appeasement and disarmament' in this conte2t' would be an admission of guilt before the court of world opinion. /ussia and !hina' above all' would e2ploit this admission to justify aggressive wars' invasions and mass destruction attacks. A future financial crash' therefore' must be prevented at all costs. But we cannot do this. As one observer recently lamented' =+e drank the poison and
will encourage )he political left now we must die.?

;o would a global transition #othari 898* :Crofessor of political science at the University of Eelhi' $owards a Just Social %rder' p. RF8A Attempts at global economic reform could also lead to a world racked by increasing turbulence' a greater sense of insecurity among the major of powersand hence to a further tightening of the structures of domination and domestic repressionproducing in their wake an intensification of the old arms race and militari ation of regimes' encouraging regional conflagrations and setting the stage for eventual global holocaust0 " collapse in the short-term will fail and won't lead to a sustainable alternative ) more than two decades are still needed Trainer' *+++ $)ed' Crofessor of 1ocial +ork at the University of Iew 1outh +akes in Australia' )he "nternational %ournal of "nclusive Eemocracy' =+here are we' where do we want to be' how do we get there7? %uly' vol. J' no. -' www.democracynature.org!dn!volJ!trainerKwhere.htm, !! %(C "f there is a boom we in the *co.village (ovement should welcome it' through gritted teeth' because it will give us the time we desperately need. )he last thing we want is a collapse of the system in the immediate future. +e are far from ready. Lardly any of the hundreds of millions of people who live in rich world cities have any idea of an alternative to the consumer way and their settlements have no provision for anything but ma2imising the throughput of resources. By all means letHs have a collapse a little later' but the prospects for )he 1impler +ay depend greatly on how e2tensively the concept can be established before the mainstream runs into serious trouble. +e need at least two more decades to build the understanding' and the most effective way to do that is by developing e2amples. " should make it clear that my argument is about what we should focus on doing here and now. "t is not being argued that confrontation with capitalism can or should always be avoided' nor that the new ways could be increasingly adopted to the point where they have smoothly and peacefully replaced the old. Ior is it being assumed that a transition from capitalist society can take place without at some point becoming a matter of mass political involvement and intense conflict in which power is taken from those who now have it. "n the distant future we may well find ourselves in a situation in which fighting against the system becomes the most appropriate thing to do. (y basic argument is that building eco.villages' rather than fighting against capitalism' is the most sensible thing to do here and now in order to ma2imise our long term contribution to the transition from consumer society to a sustainable society. )hat is' trying to build the new social forms seems to me to be by far the most effective first step open to us at this point in time' towards the day when we have built the mass political movement that will replace the present order' with or without conflict. "f we are lucky people will in time adopt the new ways in such large numbers that the old system will be more or less abandoned. "f we are not so lucky and great conflict occurs' so be it.

"ttempting to move away from capitalism causes transitional conflicts& increasing domination and exploitation Gubrud 9< $(ark Avrum' Center for 1uperconductivity 5esearch' =Ianotechnology and "nternational 1ecurity?, +ith molecular manufacturing' international trade in both raw materials and finished goods can be replaced by decentrali ed production for local consumption' using locally available materials. )he decline of international trade will undermine a powerful source of common interest. 6urther' artificial intelligence will displace skilled as well as unskilled labor. A world system based on wage labor' transnational capitalism and global markets will necessarily give way. +e imagine that a golden age is possible' but we donHt know how to organi e one. As global capitalism retreats' it will leave behind a world dominated by politics' and possibly feudal concentrations of wealth and power. *conomic insecurity' and fears for the material and moral future of humankind may lead to the rise of demagogic and intemperate national leaders. +ith almost two hundred sovereign nations' each struggling to create a new economic and social order' perhaps the most predictable outcome is chaos3 shifting alignments' displaced populations' power struggles' ethnic conflicts inflamed by demagogues' class conflicts' land disputes' etc. 1mall and underdeveloped nations will be more than ever dependent on the major powers for access to technology' and more than ever vulnerable to sophisticated forms of control or subversion' or to outright domination. Competition among the leading technological powers for the political loyalty of clients might imply reversion to some form of nationalistic imperialism. !omparatively the benefits of Growth outweigh the disadvantagescapitalist forces are inevitable and necessary to prevent extinction %ey& '9( $(ichael &' (anagement Crof in the school of Business Admin at (ontclair 1tate D *2ec Eirector of the *2pansionary "nsitute' 1ei ing the 6uture' p. N/,
Laving reached its current lofty point of development the species will not choose to regress. )he fact that the species is forging its way en masse into the (acroindustrial *ra proves that our need to grow is almost a genetically based predisposition. )he species innately understands there can be no turning back on the road of progress. Lowever' no outside force guarantees the continued progress of the human species' nor does anthing mandate that the human species must even continue to e2ist. "n fact' history is littered with races and civili ations that have disappeared without a trace. 1o' too' could the human species.

)here is no guarantee that the human species will survive even if we posit' as many have' a special purpose to the speciesHe2istence. )herefore' the species innately comprehends that it must engage in purposive actions in order to maintain its level of growth and progress. LumanityHs future is conditioned by what " call the "mperative of &rowth' a principle " will herewith describe along with its several corollaries. )he "mperative of &rowth states that in order to survive' any nation' indeed' the human race' must grow' both materially and intellectually. )he (acroindustrial *ra represents growth in the areas of both technological and human development' a natural stage in the evolution of the speciesH continued e2tension of its control over itself and its environment. Although R billion strong' our continued e2istence depends on our ability to continue the progress we have been making at higher and higher levels. 1ystems' whether organi ations' societies' or cells' have three basic directions in which to move. )hey can grow' decline' or temporarily reside in a state of equilibrium. )hese are the choices. Choosing any alternative to growth' for instance' stabili ation of production!consumption through ero.growth policies' could have alarmingly pernicious side effects including e2tinction YContinuesZ )he fifth corollary of the "mperative of &rowth claims that a society can remain in a state of equilibrium only temporarily. "n reality' a society seemingly in a phase where it neither improves nor regresses is actually in a transition to either growth or decline. 1uch periods easily seduce their contemporaries into a false sense of security' that their institutions will last forever' they have all the science they need' and there are no more challenges. "n fact' during such periods some imagine that they have reached their 0golden age'0 perhaps even the 0end of history.0 Euring such periods of supposed equilibrium' the population ceases to prepare itself for new challenges and becomes risk averse. "mportantly' they reject the idea that growth and progress are necessary for their survival. )he si2th corollary evolves from the fifth. "f the system chooses not to grow' it will decline and eventually disappear' either because other organisms or systems overtake it or because it is impossible to maintain itself even at static levels without in some way deteriorating. )his is the >aw of 1piraling 5egression. "t is indeed a curiosity of the late.twentieth.century culture that this truism has been ignored. "n the morass of claims about the risks of technological growth and its impact on the ecosystem' the mainstream media and orthodo2 academics have decided not to consider what harm the full pursuance of ero growth or non growth might inflict on the sociotechnical system' which includes our technological infrastructure' culture' and standard of living. Alite attempts to halt transition kill billions and crush the earthEs carrying capacity and the global economy 6ewis 98 $Chris' Crofessor of American 1tudies at the University of Colorado.Boulder' in )he Coming Age of 1carcity' ed Eobkowski and +allimann' pp. RJ.RF,

(ost critics would argue' probably correctly' that instead of allowing underdeveloped countries to withdraw from the global economy and undermine the economies of the developed world' the United .s.tates' *urope' and %apan and others will fight neocolonial wars to force these countries to remain within this collapsing global economy. )hese neocolonial wars will result in mass death' suffering' and even regional nuclear wars. "f 6irst +orld countries choose military confrontation and political repression to maintain the global economy' then we may see mass death and genocide on a global scale that will make the deaths of +orld +ar "" pale in comparison. Lowever' these neocolonial wars' fought to maintain the developed nationsO economic and political hegemony' will cause the final collapse of our global industrial civili ation. )hese wars will so damage the comple2 economic and trading networks and squander material' biological' and energy resources that they will undermine the global economy and its ability to support the earthOs J to G billion people. )his would be the worst.case scenario for the collapse of global civili ation. "ttempts to escape capitalism create worse conditions ,eretz 7@ $(artin& >ecturer in 1ocial 1tudies' Larvard4 -.N' Iew 5epublic, +hat is the grand 0progressive0 vision for which the 6rench left fights' which the ;ionists and %ews are insidiouslv holding back7 "n the grand conflicts of the last century' there was always a left.wing structure of (anichaeanism. Pn the one side3 imperialism and capitalism. Pn the other3 a compelling and revolutionary dream. )he dreams turned out to be nightmares. But they were dreams' nonetheless. >enin' 1talin' (ao' Castro' Che' the Biet Cong' the 1andinistas' always a man and a movement saying they aimed to build a better world' which they actually tried to describe. "n the end' of course' the better world did not arrive3 "n its place were death camps' mass deportations' forced famines' massacres' reeducation programs' prisons of the body. and greater prisons of the soul. /ight-wing groups will s5uash their movement and bring global fascism 6ewis 9* $(artin +.& associate research professor of geography' co.director of Comparative Area 1tudies' Euke University' &reen Eelusions' pp. 8FM.8F8, )he e2treme left' for all its intellectual strength' notably lacks the kind of power necessary to emerge victorious from a real revolution. A few old street radicals may still retain their militant ethos' but todayOs college professors and their graduate students' the core mar2ist contingent. would be ineffective. )he radical right' on the other hand' would resent a very real threat. Copulist right.wing paramilitary groups are well armed and well trained. while establishment.minded fascists probably have links with the American military. wherein lies the greatest concentration of destructive power this planet knows. 1hould a crisis strike so savagely as to splinter the American center and its political institutions' we could well e2perience a revolutionary movement similar to that of &ermany in the 89NMs. (ar2ists' however' would likely counter this argument by citing the several cases of successful socialist revolutions. 1uccessful though they were' none makes a compelling analogue. 6irst' no mar2ist revolution has ever come close to occurring in an advanced capitalist nation. )riumphant leftist revolutions have only taken place in economically backward countries. and generally only after an unrelated war had demorali ed the old guard. (ore importantly' as Lamerow $899M, clearly shows' all successful mar2ian revolutions have relied on the strategic cooperation of the bourgeoisie against the aristocracy 4 only after the old regime is toppled are the fractionated moderates cut out of power. Considering the fate that has generally befallen them under such circumstances. it is unlikely that the business classes.even in the worldOs more feudal countries.would again be tempted by the promises of a mi2ed economy offered to them by would.be leftist revolutionaries. *2cept perhaps in *" 1alvador and Ceru' contemporary mar2ist revolutionary movements are irritants.to the ruling elites rather than real threats. "n contemplating the likely future of a revolutionary United 1tates' we encounter the ultimate parado2 of contemporary mar2ism3 the unintended collusion of the radical left and the radical right. *ven during periods of normality' the opposing ends of the political spectrum feed strongly on each other in sardonic fashion' they are each otherOs best allies. )he mar2ian left is e2traordinarily frightening to the vast majority of the populace' and the stronger it becomes. the more seductive the propaganda of the radical right grows. )he equation can also be reversed4 leftist rhetoric draws its real power in opposition to the radical right' not the accommodating center. +ith every ### outrage' with every atrocity committed by the >os Angeles Colice Eepartment' the mar2ian message grows ever more convincing to horrified progressives. )he broad center of responsible conservatives. moderates. and liberals may attempt to remain dispassionate and to refute both e2tremes' but in a deteriorating political environment. marked by inflamed passions' such a stance will seem to many increasingly inadequate. "f. in the event of e2traordinary crisis' the center does fold ' " must conclude that most Americans would follow the far right rather than the far left. American society has simply been too prosperous. and the majority of its citi ens too accustomed to owning property. to be willing to risk everything on a communist e2periment. Ale2ander Cockburn of )he Iation has repeatedly pleaded with liberals not be afraid to endorse socialism.a fine position indeed if one would like to see reactionaries gain uncontested power throughout the United 1tates. "f truly

concerned about social justice and environmental protection' " would counter liberals should not be afraid first to embrace' and then seek to reform' capitalism. /educing economic growth will lead to competitive survival mode behavior and increase the risk of armed conflict CGF/ & 99 $"nstitute for &lobal 6utures 5esearch' &lobal 6utures Bulletin [GR' =Crospect of +ar Pver 5esources' F.8-. 8999' www.mail.archive.com!futurework\dijkstra.uwaterloo.ca!msgM/R/8.html, !! %(C F. Carado2ically' a slowing down of economic growth $whether due to environmental limits or other factors,' rather than continued economic growth of' say N]' could intensify highly competitive survival.mode behaviour amongst )IC conglomerates and alliances' and between trading blocs of nation states' and thereby also contribute to armed conflict. 6or e2ample' reduced domestic military spending in the U1 has contributed to a concentration of the U1 arms industry' an intensification of direct lobbying and contributions to election campaign funds' and a more concerted focus on arms e2ports. )his final point highlights the necessity of achieving a high level of understanding and consensus in the polity concerning the need to stabilise resource consumption' and even reduce consumption in P*CE countries in the case of some resources. *mphasis could shift from economic growth per se' to ma2imising economic growth $value added, within the framework of stable resource consumption and sustainable management' and to ma2imising quality of life according to a wide range of well publicised indicators. A counter.argument to this final point is that unless there is a radical cultural sea.change regarding material desires and consumer mores' there will not be the political will to adhere to the strict parameters necessary to create a truly environmentally sustainable society and economy' and repression and conflict will be amongst the inevitable outcomes.

3A4 Cap 5ood#Trans. (ars 6't.

transitions would cause violence and warsthatEs #othari& a professor of political science at the :niversity of 1elhipursuing global economic reform will lead to global arms races& militarization& regional wars and an eventual global holocaust0 This outweighs all of their impacts because the affirmative will cause extinction before we get to the utopia they desire HThe alternatives to capitalism are comparatively much worseradical revolutions have empirically produced death camps and killed tens of millions !arden& 7( ) graduate student in economics at +ashington University in 1t. >ouis $Art' %une' )he 6ree (arket' )he (ises "nstitute (onthly' =(istaken "dentity'? vol. -/' no. J' www.mises.org!freemarketKdetail.asp7 control^/9FDsortorder^articledate, !! %(C Copular contempt for the market is distressing. 6ew institutions are so universally reviled' and perhaps fewer institutions are so universally misunderstood. This misunderstanding can be dangerous3 the radicals who protest so vehemently against the workings of the free
market rarely understand that they advocate strangling the goose that lays the golden eggs. )o borrow from 5obert 6rost' we should consider how the heavens go before we try to change the world. "n other words' we must consider what is before we talk about what ought to be. (any disagreements have their genesis in misunderstanding and equivocation. 1o letHs define the term 0free market.0 Eictionary.com defines a 0market0 as 0an opportunity to buy or sell0 and a 0free market0 as 0an economic market in which supply and demand are not regulated or are regulated with only minor restrictions.0 06ree markets0 and 0capitalism0 are practically synonymous' and &eorge 5eisman defines capitalism eloquently3 0Capitalism is a social system based on private ownership of the means of production. "t is characteri ed by the pursuit of material self.interest under freedom and it rests on a foundation of the cultural influence of reason. Based on its foundations and essential nature' capitalism is further characteri ed by saving and capital accumulation' e2change and money' financial self.interest and the profit motive' the freedoms of economic competition and economic inequality' the price system' economic progress' and a harmony of the material self.interests of all the individuals who participate in it.0

)hus' we can define a 0free market0 as a social system based on the voluntary e2change of property rights. And yet the 0free market0 is almost universally reviled within the academy. (any popular criticisms of the market are so common as to warrant the charge
of clichS $critics of capitalism might say 0a2iom0,. )hey can be distilled into a few broad propositions' which we consider here. )hey are3 the market is antisocial4 the market tramples human rights4 the market is the enemy of the environment4 and the market is the weapon of the rich against the poor. >etHs consider each in turn . Pne

of the more popular myths about the market economy is that it necessarily entails a Lobbesian 0war of all against all'0 a
man.eat.man world in which we all compete in a ero.sum scramble for resources. A recent op.ed in the +ashington University 1tudent >ife posited that the 0apocryphal idea of :the marketHsA reality . . . may lead the entire species to self destruction.0 )hatHs scary stuff. "t follows' then' that the market must be warlike3 if resources are finite and everyone lives to consume' conflictand warmust be the natural result. But conflict and war are the very antithesis of

free.market principles. )he essence of market e2change is cooperation3 two parties e2change goods and services' and both are enriched as a result. Qou pay +al.(art for a necktie. +al.(art buys the necktie from the manufacturer. )he manufacturer pays for the labor and capital necessary to produce the necktie. *verybody wins. )he reader should also note that people never start wars of subjugation to e2tend the voluntary e2change of goods and services. "n fact' many wars occur for fundamentally anticapitalist reasonsI namely' trade disputes. +e would do well to consider the wisdom of 6rSdSric Bastiat' who noted that when goods donHt cross borders' armies will. Another popular criticism of the free market is that it tramples human rights. 1lavery' racism' se2ism' and 0sweatshops0 are the children of capitalism4 therefore' the market economy should be overthrown post haste. 6irst' slavery is anti.market by definition3 free markets are guided by the principle of voluntarism. 1econd' racism and se2ism are difficult to sustain in competitive markets 3 no matter how much a certain employer hates blacks' women' %ews' homose2uals' etc.' consumers are rarely willing to pay the price premium that would be necessary to allow them to indulge their taste for discrimination. )he market has been profoundly benevolent to even the most oppressed minorities. "n his masterful Competition and Coercion3 Blacks in the American *conomy 8GJR_898/' 5obert
Liggs chronicled the spectacular gains the sons and daughters of slaves made when they were allowed to participate in the market economy. )hird' we have to ask two questions when we consider the plight of 0sweatshop0 laborers. 6irst' why are working conditions so wretched7 1econd' what are these workersH ne2t best alternatives7 +orking conditions in the third world are wretched precisely because many third.world countries

have only recently begun to adopt the institutions that characteri e the market economies of the west. +orkersH ne2t best alternatives are often appalling3 many children leave lives of crime' prostitution' and starvation to work in sweatshops. "f we close the sweatshops' they will likely return to crime' prostitution' and starvation. "t is also popular to charge that the market is the enemy of the environment. )his is also untrue4 environmental degradation occurs when property rights are poorly specified or enforced. "f anyone or anything has failed in this respect' it is the state. )here is ample evidence for this in former communist countries3 many lakes and streams in the former 1oviet Union are so polluted as to be
unusable. )he market economy is also accused of being the ultimate weapon of rich against poor. Capitalist 0meritocracy0 is responsible for widespread poverty' rampant inequality' and Big BusinessH choke.hold on the world. +hile these challenges to capitalist institutions make for intriguing rhetoric' they are also false. )odayHs poor countries were poor long before modern liberal market economies developed in *urope and Iorth America4 therefore' we cannot blame capitalism for poverty. (any critics also point to the unequal distribution of wealth in the United 1tates as evidence of capitalismHs evils' but this overlooks two crucial points.)he first is income mobility. someone born into poverty in the /0 stands a very good chance of moving up in the world. 1econd' while the

distribution of money incomes is relatively une1ual, the distribution of access to goods of similar technological composition has narrowed considerably. 6or most of world history' the difference between rich and poor was the difference between who ate and who starved. "n todayHs market

econ.omies' the difference between the super.rich and the poor is the difference between who drives a Eodge Biper and who drives an <GF Chevy Cavalier. )he reader should note that the power of 0big business0 is overstated. A unique feature of capitalism is that the greatest rewards go to those who cater to the common man. Consider +al.(art' a favorite whipping boy among left.wing intellectuals3 +al.(artHs clientele consists almost e2clusively of the middle. and lower.class. Capitalism generates fantastic wealth' and the benefits accrue almost entirely to the least of these among us. >udwig von (ises put it succinctly in a series of lectures which were published posthumously as *conomic Colicy3 )houghts for )oday and )omorrow. Le notes that 0this is the fundamental principle of capitalism as it e2ists today in all those countries in which there is a highly developed system of mass production3 Big business . . . produces almost e2clusively to satisfy the wants of the masses.0 )he 0power relationship0 of which (ar2ists are so fond is precisely the opposite of that which is most often supposed3 consumers' not producers' are the masters of the dance. Ionetheless' enemies of the market argue that the only reason people put up with market economies is because they are

forced to. )he evidence of twentieth.century immigration doesnHt support the hypothesis. )housands died trying to cross into free +est &ermany and 1outh #orea' and there was very little traffic in the opposite direction. 1imilarly' thousands of Cubans have risked life and limb to come to America. 6ewif anyhave braved the ocean on a homemade raft to seek a better way of life in Cuba. 6inally' it is deficient scholarship to merely point out the litany of crimes that the market $supposedly, commits and suggest that it has 0failed0 in any meaningful way. Pne must propose a superior alternative. "n this case' both theory and history are firmly on the side of the free market. (ises and Layek demonstrated that rational calculation is impossible without private ownership of the means of production. )his isnHt to say that a 0socialist economy0 is inefficientit is quite literally an o2ymoron. Pur e2perience with radical revolutions and planned economies in the twentieth century is hardly encouraging3 in the name of 0the people'0 Che &uevara killed thousands' Litler millions' 1talin and (ao tens of millions. "t may be fashionable to blame the market economy for all of societyHs ills' but this blame is undeserved and many scholarsH faith in alternatives to the market is misplaced. 2o socialist regime has ever held a free election, and no free market has ever produced a death camp. Copular academic opinions to the contrary' the market works. And we can take that to the bank. -ur evidence is predictive about the international system ) !apitalist elites will successfully resist attempts to collapse the economy& causing global wars 9arris& @ _ Atlanta +riter $>ee' Colicy 5eview' =)he "ntellectual Prigins of America.Bashing'? Eec -MM- _ %an -MMN' http3!!www.hoover.org!publications!policyreview!N/RGNF8.html, !! %(C 1o in order for revolutionary activity to have a chance of succeeding' there is an unavoidable precondition3 )he workers must have become much poorer over time. 6urthermore' there had to be not merely an increase of poverty' but a conviction on the part of the workers that their material circumstances would only get worse' and not better and this would require genuine misery. )his is the immiseri ation thesis of (ar2. And it is central to revolutionary (ar2ism' since if capitalism produces no widespread misery' then it also produces no fatal internal contradiction3 "f everyone is getting better off through capitalism' who will dream of struggling to overthrow it7 Pnly genuine misery on the part of the workers would be sufficient to overturn the whole apparatus of the capitalist state' simply because' as (ar2 insisted' the capitalist class could not be realistically e2pected to relinquish control of the state apparatus and' with it' the monopoly of force. "n this' (ar2 was absolutely correct. Io capitalist society has ever willingly liquidated itself' and it is utopian to think that any ever will. )herefore' in order to achieve the goal of socialism' nothing short of a complete revolution would do4 and this means' in point of fact' a full.fledged civil war not just within one society' but across the globe. +ithout this catastrophic upheaval' capitalism would remain completely in control of the social order and all socialist schemes would be reduced to pipe dreams. -nly capitalism restrains violenceotherwise will to power makes transition violence inevitable Gubrud 899< :(ark Center for 1uperconductivity 5esearch' University of (arylandA +ith molecular manufacturing' international trade in both raw materials and finished goods can be replaced by decentrali ed production for local consumption' using locally available materials. )he decline of international trade will undermine a powerful source of common interest . 6urther' artificial intelligence will displace skilled as well as unskilled labor. A world system based on wage labor' transnational capitalism and global markets will necessarily give way. +e imagine that a golden age is possible' but we donOt know how to organi e one. As global capitalism retreats' it will leave behind a world dominated by politics' and possibly feudal concentrations of wealth and power. *conomic insecurity' and fears for the material and moral future of humankind may lead to the rise of demagogic and intemperate national leaders. +ith almost two hundred sovereign nations' each struggling to create a new economic and social order' perhaps the most predictable outcome is chaos3 shifting alignments' displaced populations' power struggles& ethnic conflicts inflamed by demagogues' class conflicts' land disputes' etc. 1mall and underdeveloped nations will be more than ever dependent on the major powers for access to technology' and more than ever vulnerable to sophisticated forms of control or subversion'

or to outright domination. Competition among the leading technological powers for the political loyalty of clients might imply reversion to some form of nationalistic imperialism. !apitalism is so pervasive that rapid collapse would guarantee extinction #orten' 8999' :Eavid C.' $he Post&'orporate World' p. -G-A Birtually the same is true for the capitalist cancer. Capitalism' however' is more insidious than a conventional cancer. By establishing its control over our jobs' investments' food' medical care ' clothing' transportation' energy sources' and increasingly even our schools and prisons' it makes us depend on its presence and then blackmails us to yield to it ever more of our life energies as the price of our survival. "f we had the means simply to remove its institutions from our midst by some equivalent of radical surgery' radiation' or chemotherapy' our economy would collapse and we would be left with no means of sustenance.

3A4 Cap 5ood#Trans. (ars#8ostrom

!onceded ?y5uist :0;0J/ussia warthat's the only war scenario for extinction 3ostrom -MM* :Iick' ChE and Crofessor at P2ford University' =*2istential 5isks3 Analy ing Luman *2tinction 1cenarios and 5elated La ards'? (archA A much greater e2istential risk emerged with the build.up of nuclear arsenals in the U1 and the U115. An all.out nuclear war was a possibility with both a substantial probability and with consequences that might have been persistent enough to qualify as global and terminal. )here was a real worry among those best acquainted with the information available at the time that a nuclear Armageddon would occur and that it might annihilate our species or permanently destroy human civili ation.:/A 5ussia and the U1 retain large nuclear arsenals that could be used in a future confrontation' either accidentally or deliberately. )here is also a risk that other states may one day build up large nuclear arsenals. Iote however that a smaller nuclear e2change' between "ndia and Cakistan for instance' is not an e2istential risk' since it would not destroy or thwart humankindHs potential permanently.

2AC Cap 5ood#6co

Growth solves ecological collapse %ey' 8998 :(ichael &. Crofessor of management in the 1chool of Business Administration at (ontclair 1tate University and e2ecutive director of the *2pansionary "nstitute' Sei ing the !uture( $he #awn of the )acroindustrial Era. -nd *dition' pp. NF.NGA )hird' growth itself contains the solutions to the problems it produces. 1upporting this principle is the +orld BankHs 899report =Eevelopment and the *nvironment'? which blatantly states that growth is a powerful antidote to a number of ills plaguing )hird +orld countries' including the pollution that growth supposedly generates. )he report thus contends that eliminating poverty should remain the top goal of world policymakers. Although economic growth can initially lead to such problems as pollution and waste' the resulting prosperity also facilitates the developments of technologies that lead to cleaner air and water. "n fact' once a nationHs per capita income rises to about `/MMM in 899N dollars' it produces less of some pollutants per capita' mainly due to the fact that it can afford technology like catalytic converters and sewage systems that treat a variety of wastes. According to Iorio Qamamoto' research director of the (itsubishi 5esearch "nstitute' =+e consider any kind of environmental damage to result from mismanagement of the economy.? Le claims that the pollution problems of poorer regions such as *astern *urope can be traced to their economic woes. Lence' he concludes that in order to ensure environmental safety =we need a sound economy on a global basis.? 1o the answer to pollution' the supposed outgrowth of progress' ought to be more economic growth. )he +orld Bank estimated that every dollar invested in developing countries will grow to `8MM in fifty years. As that happens' these countries can take all the necessary steps to invest in pollution.free cars' catalytic converters' and other pollution.free technologies' such as the cleanest of all energy sources' nuclear power.

2AC Cap 5ood#Po!ert H@4H(arH2emo

TJ!apitalism solves poverty& human rights& war& and democracy worldwide #im < :Anthony B. #im' Colicy Analyst in the Center for "nternational )rade and *conomics at )he Leritage 6oundation' =)he >ink between
*conomic 6reedom and Luman 5ights'? 1eptember -G' -MMF' http3!!www.heritage.org!5esearch!+orldwide6reedom!wm8JRM.cfmA
"n his address to the United Iations &eneral Assembly on 1eptember -R' Cresident Bush urged the nations of the world to work together 0to free people from tyranny and violence' hunger and disease' illiteracy and ignorance'

A )hat message echoes the enduring confidence that Americans have in freedom as a moral and liberating force for all peoples. Ct is the foundation of true democracy and human rights. 6reedom is the engine that drives sustainable economic growth and provides increased access to prosperity for all people everywhere0 Aconomic freedom is essentially about ensuring human rights. 1trengthening and e2panding it guarantees an individualOs natural right to achieve his or her goals and then own the value of what they create. Amartya 1en' a Iobel laureate economist who has made considerable
and poverty and despair.0:8 contributions to development economics' once noted that 0Eevelopment consists of the removal of various types of unfreedoms that leave people with little choice and little opportunity for e2ercising their reasoned

Ceople crave liberation from poverty' and they hunger for the dignity of free will. By reducing barriers to these fundamental human rights' forces of economic freedom create a framework in which people fulfill their dreams of success. "n other words' the greater the economic freedom in a nation' the easier for its people to work' save' consume' and ultimately live their lives in dignity and peace. )his relationship is well documented in the "nde2 of *conomic 6reedom' published annually by )he Leritage 6oundation and )he +all 1treet %ournal' which
legacy.0:-A measures economic freedom around the globe. )he "nde2 identifies strong synergies among the 8M key ingredients of economic freedom' which include' among others' openness to the world' limited government intervention'

)he empirical findings of the "nde2 confirm that greater economic freedom empowers people and improves quality of life by spreading opportunities within a country and around the world. As Chart 8 clearly demonstrates' there is a robust relationship between economic freedom and prosperity. Ceople in countries with either 0free0 or 0mostly free0 economies enjoy a much higher standard of living than people in countries with 0mostly unfree0 or 0repressed0 economies.:NA
and strong rule of law. Citi ens in nations that are built on greater economic freedom enjoy greater access to ideas and resources' which are the forces that let 0all of us e2change' interact and participate0:/A in an increasingly interconnected world. Access' another form of freedom that has practical promise' is an important transmitting mechanism that allows improvements in human development and fosters better democratic participation. A new cross.country study' recently commissioned and published by the 6ed*2 Corporation' measures the level of access that a nationOs people' organi ations' and government enjoy in comparison to the world and to other countries. )he study looks into trade' transport' telecommunication' news' media' and information services in FR countries.

)here is strong positive linkage between degrees of economic freedom and levels of access. As Chart - shows' greater economic freedom allows people to have more access to necessary means to success such as new ideas and resources. 5einforcing each other' greater economic freedom and better access to ideas and information combine to empower people' improve their quality of life' and e2pand opportunities for nations to benefit from global commerce. Ligher economic freedom also has a strong positive correlation with the United IationOs Luman Eevelopment "nde2' which measures life e2pectancy' literacy' education' and standard of living for countries worldwide.:JABy creating virtuous cycles and reinforcing mechanisms' the prosperity created by
economic freedom results in reduced illiteracy $through greater access to education, and increased life e2pectancy $through access to higher quality health care and food supplies,.:FA Eebate over the relationship between economic freedom and political freedom and the question of causation has been somewhat controversial due to the comple2 interplay between the two freedoms. Qet it is well recogni ed

economic freedom leading to economic prosperity can enhance political liberty. As the late (ilton 6riedman' noted in his book Capitalism and 6reedom3 *conomic freedom plays a dual role in the promotion of a free society. Pn the one hand' freedom in economic arrangements is itself a component of
that the father of economic freedom' once freedom broadly understood' so economic freedom is an end in itself. "n the second place' economic freedom is also an indispensable means toward the achievement of political freedom.

As we have witnessed over the past decades' economic progress through advancing economic freedom has allowed more people to discuss and adopt different views more candidly' ultimately leading societies to be more open and inclusive. Although transformation has been somewhat slower than one might hope' the process has been facilitated by the battle of ideas and greater access to information' guided by forces of economic freedom and innovation. *conomic freedom makes it possible for independent sources of wealth to counterbalance political power and to cultivate a pluralistic society. "n other words ' economic freedom has underpinned and reinforced political liberty and market-based democracy0
)he cause of freedom has swept around the world over the last century. "t is the compelling force of economic freedom that empowers people' unleashes powerful forces of choice and opportunity' and gives nourishment to

freedomEs champions must confront both the dark ideology of extremists and those who would restore the failed socialist models of the past0 Confidence in' and commitment to' economic freedom as a liberating force must continue to serve as the foundation of open societies and human rights.
other liberties. As the -8st century progresses'

2AC Cap 5ood#Po!ert H@un,erH2iseaseH(ar

!apitalism and globalization produce overwhelming benefitssolve poverty& hunger& disease& and war
Goklany < :"ndur' scholar who has -R years of e2perience working and writing on global and national environmental issues. Le has published several peer.
reviewed papers and book chapters on an array of issues Author of )he "mproving 1tate of the +orld3 +hy +eOre >iving >onger' Lealthier' (ore Comfortable >ives on a Cleaner Clanet' (ar. -N' http3!!www.reason.com!news!show!889-R-.htmlA

*nvironmentalists and globali ation foes are united in their fear that greater population and consumption of energy' materials' and chemicals accompanying economic growth' technological change and free tradethe mainstays of globali ationdegrade human and environmental well.being. "ndeed' the -Mth century saw the United 1tatesH population multiply by four' income by seven' carbon dio2ide emissions by nine' use of materials by -F' and use of chemicals by more than 8MM. Qet life e2pectancy increased from /F years to FF years. Pnset of major disease such as cancer' heart' and respiratory disease has been postponed between eight and eleven years in the past century. Leart disease and cancer rates have been in rapid decline over the last two decades' and total cancer deaths have actually declined the last two years' despite increases in population. Among the very young' infant mortality has declined from 8MM deaths per 8'MMM births in 898N to just seven per 8'MMM today. )hese improvements havenHt been restricted to the United 1tates. "tHs a global phenomenon. +orldwide' life e2pectancy has more than doubled' from N8 years in 89MM to JF years today. "ndiaHs and ChinaHs infant mortalities e2ceeded 89M per 8'MMM births in the early 89RMs4 today they are J- and -J' respectively . "n the developing world' the proportion of the population suffering from chronic hunger declined from NF percent to 8F percent between 89FM and -MM8 despite a GN percent increase in population. &lobally average annual incomes in real dollars have tripled since 89RM. Consequently' the proportion of the planetOs developing.world population living in absolute poverty has halved since 89G8' from /M percent to -M percent. Child labor in low income countries declined from NM percent to 8G percent between 89JM and -MMN. *qually important' the world is more literate and better educated than ever. Ceople are freer politically' economically' and socially to pursue their well.being as they see fit. (ore people choose their own rulers' and have freedom of e2pression. )hey are more likely to live under rule of law' and less likely to be arbitrarily deprived of life' limb' and property. 1ocial and professional mobility have also never been greater. "tHs easier than ever for people across the world to transcend the bonds of caste' place' gender ' and other accidents of birth. Ceople today work fewer hours and have more money and better health to enjoy their leisure time than their ancestors. (anHs environmental record is more comple2. )he early stages of development can indeed cause some environmental deterioration as societies pursue first.order problems affecting human well.being. )hese include hunger' malnutrition' illiteracy' and lack of education' basic public health services' safe water' sanitation' mobility' and ready sources of energy. Because greater wealth alleviates these problems while providing basic creature comforts' individuals and societies initially focus on economic development' often neglecting other aspects of environmental quality. "n time' however' they recognize that environmental deterioration reduces their 5uality of life0 Accordingly' they put more of their recently acquired wealth and human capital into developing and implementing cleaner technologies. )his brings about an environmental transition via the twin forces of economic development and technological progress' which begin to provide solutions to environmental problems instead of creating those problems . All of which is why we today find that the richest countries are also the cleanest. And while many developing countries have yet to get past the =green ceiling'? they are nevertheless ahead of where todayHs developed countries used to be when they were equally wealthy. )he point of transition from 0industrial period0 to 0environmental conscious0 continues to fall. 6or e2ample' the U1 introduced unleaded gasoline only after its &EC per capita e2ceeded `8J'MMM. "ndia and China did the same before they reached `N'MMM per capita. )his progress is a testament to the power of globalization and the transfer of ideas and knowledge $that lead is harmful' for e2ample,. "tOs also testament to the importance of trade in transferring technology from developed to developing countries in this case' the technology needed to remove lead from gasoline. )his hints at the answer to the question of why some parts of the world have been left behind while the rest of the world has thrived. +hy have improvements in well.being stalled in areas such as 1ub.1aharan Africa and the Arab world7 The proximate cause of improvements in well-being is a Kcycle of progressL composed of the mutually reinforcing forces of economic development and technological progress . But that cycle itself is propelled by a web of essential institutions' particularly property rights' free markets' and rule of law. Pther important institutions would include science. and technology.based problem.solving founded on
skepticism and e2perimentation4 receptiveness to new

' free and open societies prosper. "solation' intolerance' and hostility to the free e2change of knowledge' technology' people' and goods breed stagnation or regression . Eespite all of this progress
technologies and ideas4 and freer trade in goods' servicesmost importantly in knowledge and ideas. "n short and good news' then' there is still much unfinished business. (illions of people die from hunger' malnutrition' and preventable disease such as malaria' tuberculosis' and diarrhea. Pver a billion people still live in absolute

. Barriers to globali ation' economic development' and technological changesuch as the use of EE) to eradicate malaria' genetic engineering' and biotechnologyare a big source of the problem. (oreover' the global population will grow RM percent to 8MM percent this century' and per capita consumption of energy and materials will likely increase with wealth. (erely preserving the status quo is not enough. +e need to protect the important sustaining institutions responsible for all of this progress in the developed world' and we need to foster and nurture them in countries that are still developing . (anHs remarkable progress over the last 8MM years is unprecedented in human history. "tHs also one of the more neglected big.picture stories. Ansuring that
poverty' defined as less than a dollar per day. A third of the worldHs eligible population is still not enrolled in secondary school

our incredible progress continues will re5uire not only recognizing and appreciating the progress itself& but also recognizing and preserving the important ideas and institutions that caused it& and ensuring that they endure0

2AC Cap 5ood#2emocrac

Aconomic freedom inherent in capitalism is essential to political democracy ?ovak 898* :(ichael' 1cholar at the American *nterprise "nstitute and Award.winning author' $he Spirit of #emocratic 'apitalism' pp. 8/.8RA the link between a democratic political system and a market economy is merely an accident of history. 3y argument is that the link is stronger. political democracy is compatible in practice only with a market economy.
)he premise of this book may startle some. "n the conventional view' +n turn, both systems nourish and are best nourished by a pluralistic liberal culture. +t is important to give attention to all three systems. The full implications of a system which is threefold, rather than unitary, are developed through all the pages of this book. To begin with, modern democracy and modern capitalism proceed from identical

historical impulses. These impulses had moral form before institutions were invented to realize them' they aimed 4#5 to limit the power of the state, in defense against tyranny and stagnation' and 4&5 to liberate the energies of individuals and independently organized communities. 0uch impulses gave birth to
modern European cities, whose first citizens took as their battle cry 67ity air makes men free.68 0uch citizens sought liberation from the crippling taxation, heavy bureaucracy, and dreary regulations of state and church. The moral vision of such citizens demanded forms of self-government in 6city republics6 and 6free cities.6 +t led them to cherish economies based upon free markets, incentives, and contracts. "radually, such citizens developed polities based upon covenants, suffrage, the separation of powers, and the declaration of individual rights. The two revolutions9political and economic9in practice, but also in theory, nourished each other.8 :arl 3arx recognized this link in his term of con-tempt. 6bourgeois democracy,6 he called it. Both spring from the same logic, the same moral principles, the same nest of cultural values, institutions, and presuppositions. ;hile bastard forms of capitalism do seem able for a time to endure without democracy, the natural logic of capitalism leads to democracy.8 <or economic liberties without political liberties are inherently unstable.

7itizens economically free soon demand political freedoms. Thus dictatorships or monarchies which permit some freedoms to the market have a tendency to evolve into political democracies' as has happened in recent years in "reece, =ortugal, 0pain, and other nations. >n the
other side, the state which does not recognize limits to its power in the economic sphere inevitably destroys liberties in the political sphere. There are, as yet, no instances of dictatorial socialist states becoming democratic 4although in #$?# one watched =oland with fascination5. @emocratic states which are sometimes described as socialist 40weden, +srael, ;est "ermany5 invariably retain large components of private property, markets, and incentives. Another point must be noted. @emocratic polities depend upon the reality of

economic growth.

2o traditional society, no socialist society9indeed, no society in history9has ever produced strict e1uality among individuals or classes. Beal differences in talent, aspiration, and application inexorably individuate humans. "iven the diversity and liberty of human life, no fair and free system can possibly guarantee e1ual outcomes. A democratic system depends for its legitimacy, therefore, not upon e1ual results but upon a sense of e1ual opportunity. 0uch legitimacy flows from the belief of all individuals that they can better their condition. This belief can be realized only under conditions of economic growth. Ciberty re1uires expanse and openness.

Turn1emocracyI !apitalism fosters morality and individualism& which is key for the successful growth of democracy Bilson 9< $%ames' professor of &overnment at Larvard' =)he morality of capitalism?, )hese are the assumptions upon which a capitalist order rests' and " think most people hearing them described will not dissent profoundly from this argument. But now the more controversial part of my argument. (y second point is that capitalism in the long run strengthens the moral sensibilities. "t does so by sustaining a liberal social order' by sustaining and indeed creating criticism of capitalism itself' and by enhancing civility among citi ens. Capitalism is essential to liberalism _ and by liberalism " mean the principles around which a free society is organised . "t has become clear during the last half century that democratic regimes only flourish in capitalist societies. Iot every nation with something appro2imating capitalism is democratic' but every nation that is democratic is to some significant degree capitalist. )here are capitalist economies that e2ist in authoritarian states but they do not do very well. )here is a relationship between democracy and capitalism that the defenders of democracy often overlook to their great disadvantage. 1emocratic capitalism solves extinction /evel 899@ 6ormer Crof. Chilosophy and Commentator :%ean.6rancois' #emocrac* Against Itself( $he !uture of the #emocratic Impulse' p. -RG.-R9A )wentieth.century history is clear on two points3 only capitalism engenders economic development4 only democracy can correct the worst political abuses and errors. )his is why humanity faces a stark choice3 democratic capitalism or extinction. " would revise (ichael IovakOs term to read3 democratic and liberal capitalism. 6or capitalism can be illiberal protectionist and closely associated to the state. "n this case' it is not as much of an obstacle to development and individual liberty as is socialism' but it hinders them and creates incentives for the corruption of political leaders. >iberal democratic capitalism is not the best system3 it is the only one. )he parrots who keep telling us about its imperfections are right' it is imperfect. But the only prohibitive vice for a system' is not for it to be without vices' but to be without qualities . And what we know about all the tested alternatives to liberal democratic capitalism is that they are without qualities. "t deserves plenty of criticism' but these should not lead to the temptation of returning to collectivism or even milder forms

of state control. Pf course democratic capitalism has its share of sins4 but as 5obert Io ick put it' socialism does seem to be an e2cessively heavy punishment for them. And anyway it has been tried already. The spread of democracy is the only way to prevent extinction 1iamond 9 $>arry' Cromoting Eemocracy in the 899Ms' http3!!wwwics.si.edu!subsites!ccpdc!pubs!di!8.html, )his hardly e2hausts the lists of threats to our security and well.being in the coming years and decades. "n the former Qugoslavia nationalist aggression tears at the stability of *urope and could easily spread. )he flow of illegal drugs intensifies through increasingly powerful international crime syndicates that have made common cause with authoritarian regimes and have utterly corrupted the institutions of tenuous' democratic ones. Iuclear' chemical' and biological weapons continue to proliferate. )he very source of life on *arth' the global ecosystem' appears increasingly endangered. (ost of these new and unconventional threats to security are associated with or aggravated by the weakness or absence of democracy' with its provisions for legality' accountab"lity' popular sovereignty' and openness. >*11PI1 P6 )L* )+*I)"*)L C*I)U5Q )he e2perience of this century offers important lessons. Countries that govern themselves in a truly democratic fashion do not go to war with one another. )hey do not aggress against their neighbors to aggrandi e themselves or glorify their leaders. Eemocratic governments do not ethnically 0cleanse0 their own populations ' and they are much less likely to face ethnic insurgency. Eemocracies do not sponsor terrorism against one another. )hey do not build weapons of mass destruction to use on or to threaten one another. Eemocratic countries form more reliable' open' and enduring trading partnerships. "n the long run they offer better and more stable climates for investment. )hey are more environmentally responsible because they must answer to their own citi ens' who organi e to protest the destruction of their environments. )hey are better bets to honor international treaties since they value legal obligations and because their openness makes it much more difficult to breach agreements in secret. Crecisely because' within their own borders' they respect competition' civil liberties' property rights' and the rule of law' democracies are the only reliable foundation on which a new world order of international security and prosperity can be built.

!apitalism is key to it
Fukuyama 9$ $6rancis' 1enior 1ocial 1cientist' 5and Corporation )5U1)' p. NJM.8, )he role that a capitalist economy plays in channeling recognition struggles in a peaceful direction' and its consequent importance to democratic stability' is evident in post.communist *astern *urope. )he totalitarian project envisioned the destruction of an independent civil society and the creation of a new socialist community centered e2clusively around the state. +hen the latter' highly artificial community' there were virtually no alternative forms of community beyond those of family and ethnic group' or else in the delinquent communities constituted by criminal gangs. "n the absence of a layer of voluntary associations' individuals clung to their ascriptive identities all the more fiercely. *thnicity provided an easy form of community by which they could avoid feeling atomi ed' weak' and victimi ed by the larger historical forces swirling around them . "n developed capitalist societies with strong civil societies' by contrast' the economy itself is the locus of a substantial part of social life. +hen one works for (otorola' 1iemens' )oyota' or even a small
family dry.cleaning business' one is part of a moral network that absorbs a large part of oneHs energies and ambitions. )he *astern *uropean countries that appear to have the greatest chances for success as democracies are

which retained nascent civil societies throughout the communist period and were able to generate capitalist private sectors in relatively short order. )here is no lack of divisive ethnic conflicts in these places' whether over competing Colish and >ithuanian claims to Bilnius or Lungarian irredenta vis.a.vis neighbors . But they have not flared up into violent conflicts yet because the economy has been sufficiently vigorous to provide an alternative source of social identity and belonging. )he mutual dependence of economy and polity is not limited
Lungary' Coland and the C ech 5epublic' to democrati ing states in the former communist world. "n a way' the loss of social capital in the United 1tates has more immediate consequences for American democracy than for the American economy. Eemocratic political institutions no less than businesses depend on trust for effective operation' and the reduction of trust in a society will require a more intrusive' rule.making government to regulate social relations.

1emocracy solves multiple scenarios for nuclear war 1iamond 9$ :>arry Eiamond' senior fellow at the Loover "nstitution' Eecember 899R' Cromoting Eemocracy in the 899Ms' http3!!wwics.si.edu!subsites!ccpdc!pubs!di!8.htmA
century' and in some respects since its founding' American democracy has seen the promotion of democracy and freedom in other countries as part of its unique identity and purpose' but also as crucial to its national security and ultimately to the protection of its own liberty.N Iow more than ever' as borders become more porous and people' technologies' ideas' and weapons cascade across them' the safety and well.being of Americans..and *uropeans' and %apanese' and Australians..is bound up with the nature of political order in less established polities. "n this period of drift and doubt' it is important for Americans' and their allies among the industriali ed democracies' to ask hard questions. +hat are the threats to our national security and economic well.being in the coming years7 +hat must we do..and spend..globally in the coming years to defend our interests7 Low do those interests relate to our values as a people and society7 Pn any list of the most important potential threats to world order and national security in the coming decade' these si2 should figure prominently3 a hostile' e2pansionist 5ussia4 a hostile' e2pansionist China4 the spread of fundamentalist "slamic' anti.+estern regimes4 the spread of political terrorism from all sources4 sharply increased immigration pressures4 and ethnic conflict that escalates into

the development of democracy is an important prophylactic' and in some cases the only long. term protection' against disaster . Chief among the threats to
large.scale violence' civil war' refugee flows' state collapse' and general anarchy. 1ome of these potential threats interact in significant ways with one another' but they all share a common underlying connection. "n each instance' the security of *urope' the United 1tates' and %apan would be the reversion of 5ussia..with its still very substantial nuclear' scientific' and military prowess..to a hostile posture toward the +est. )oday' the 5ussian state $insofar as it continues to e2ist, appears perched on the precipice of capture by ultranationalist' anti.1emitic' neo.imperialist forces seeking a new era of pogroms' conquest' and 0greatness.0 )hese forces feed on the weakness of democratic institutions' the divisions among democratic forces' and the generally dismal economic and political state of the country under civilian' constitutional rule. Iumerous observers speak of 0+eimar 5ussia.0 As in &ermany in the 89-Ms' the only alternative to a triumph of fascism $or some related 0ism0 deeply hostile to freedom and to the +est, is the development of an effective democratic order. Iow' as then' this project must struggle against great historical and political odds' and it seems feasible only with international economic aid and support for democratic forces and institutions. "n China' the threat to the +est emanates from success rather than failure and is less amenable to e2plicit international assistance and inducement. 1till' a China moving toward democracy..gradually constructing a real constitutional order' with established ground rules for political competition and succession and civilian control over the military..seems a much better prospect to be a responsible player on the regional and international stage. Unfair trade practices' naval power projection' territorial e2pansion' subversion of neighboring regimes' and bullying of democratic forces in Long #ong and )aiwan are all more likely the more China resists political liberali ation. 1o is a political succession crisis that could disrupt incremental patterns of reform and induce competing power players to take risks internationally to advance their power positions at home. A China that is building an effective rule of law seems a much better prospect to respect international trading rules that mandate protection for

intellectual property and forbid the use of prison labor. And on these matters of legal' electoral' and institutional development' international actors can help. "ncreasingly' *uropeans and Americans worry about the threat from fundamentalist "slam. But fundamentalist movements do not mobili e righteous anger and absolute commitment in a vacuum. )hey feed on the utter failure of decadent political systems to meet the most elementary e2pectations for material progress and social justice. 1ome say the +est must choose between corrupt' repressive regimes that are at least secular and pro.+estern and "slamic fundamentalist regimes that will be no less repressive' but anti.+estern. )hat is a false choice in *gypt today' as it was in "ran or Algeria..at least until their societies became so polari ed as to virtually obliterate the liberal center. "t is precisely the corruption' arrogance' oppression' and gross inefficacy of ruling regimes like the current one in *gypt that stimulate the "slamic fundamentalist alternative. )hough force may be needed..and legitimate..to meet an armed challenge' history teaches that decadent regimes cannot hang on forever through force alone. "n the long run' the only reliable bulwark against revolution or anarchy is good governance..and that requires far.reaching political reform. "n *gypt and some other Arab countries' such reform would entail a gradual program of political liberali ation that counters corruption' reduces state interference in the economy' responds to social needs' and gives space for moderate forces in civil society to build public support and understanding for further liberali ing reforms. "n Cakistan and )urkey' it would mean making democracy work3 stamping out corruption' reforming the economy' mobili ing state resources efficiently to address social needs' devolving power' guaranteeing the rights of ethnic and religious minorities' and..not least.. reasserting civilian control over the military. "n either case' the fundamentalist challenge can be met only by moving $at varying speeds, toward' not away from' democracy. )errorism and immigration pressures also commonly have their origins in political e2clusion' social injustice' and bad' abusive' or tyrannical governance. Pverwhelmingly' the sponsors of international terrorism are among the worldOs most authoritarian regimes3 "ran' "raq' 1yria' >ibya' 1udan. And locally within countries' the agents of terrorism tend to be either the fanatics of antidemocratic' ideological movements or aggrieved ethnic and regional minorities who have felt themselves socially marginali ed and politically e2cluded and insecure3 1ri >ankaOs )amils' )urkeyOs #urds' "ndiaOs 1ikhs and #ashmiris. )o be sure' democracies must vigorously mobili e their legitimate instruments of law enforcement to counter this growing threat to their security. But a more fundamental and enduring assault on international terrorism requires political change to bring down ealous' paranoiac dictatorships and to allow aggrieved groups in all countries to pursue their interests through open' peaceful' and constitutional means. As for immigration' it is true that people everywhere are drawn to prosperous' open' dynamic societies like those of the United 1tates' Canada' and +estern *urope. But the sources of large $and rapid, immigration flows to the +est increasingly tend to be countries in the grip of civil war' political turmoil' economic disarray' and poor governance3 Bietnam' Cuba' Laiti' Central America' Algeria. And in (e2ico' authoritarianism' corruption' and social injustice have held back human development in ways that have spawned the largest sustained flow of immigrants to any +estern country..a flow that threatens to become a floodtide if the ;edillo government cannot rebuild (e2icoOs economy and societal consensus around authentic democatic reform. "n other cases..*thiopia' 1udan' Iigeria' Afghanistan..immigration to the +est has been modest only because of the greater logistical and political difficulties. Lowever' in impoverished areas of Africa and Asia more remote from the +est' disarray is felt in the flows of refugees across borders' hardly a benign development for world order. Pf course' population growth also heavily drives these pressures. But a common factor underlying all of these crisis.ridden emigration points is the absence of democracy. And' strikingly' populations grow faster in authoritarian than democratic regimes. Apologists for authoritarian rule..as in #enya and "ndonesia..are wont to argue that multiparty electoral competition breeds ethnic rivalry and polari ation' while strong central control keeps the lid on conflict. But when multiple ethnic and national identities are forcibly suppressed' the lid may violently pop when the regime falls apart. )he fate of Qugoslavia' or of 5wanda' dramatically refutes the canard that authoritarian rule is a better means for containing ethnic conflict. "ndeed' so does the recent e2perience of #enya' where ethnic hatred' land grabs' and violence have been deliberately fostered by the regime of Cresident Eaniel arap (oi in a desperate bid to divide the people and thereby cling to power. Pverwhelmingly' theory and evidence show that the path to peaceful management of ethnic pluralism lies not through suppressing ethnic identities and superimposing the hegemony of one group over others. *ventually' such a formula is bound to crumble or be challenged violently. 5ather' sustained interethnic moderation and peace follow from the frank recognition of plural identities' legal protection for group and individual rights' devolution of power to various localities and regions' and political institutions that encourage bargaining and accommodation at the center. 1uch institutional provisions and protections are not only significantly more likely under democracy' they are only possible with some considerable degree of democracy. )his hardly e2hausts the lists of threats to our security and well.being in the coming years and decades. "n the former Qugoslavia nationalist aggression tears at the stability of *urope and

Iuclear' chemical' and biological weapons continue to proliferate. )he very source of life on *arth' the global ecosystem' appears increasingly endangered. (ost of these new and unconventional threats to security are associated with or aggravated by the weakness or absence of democracy' with its provisions for legality' accountability' popular sovereignty' and openness. )he e2perience of this century offers important lessons . Countries that govern themselves in a truly democratic fashion do not go to war with one another. )hey do not aggress against their neighbors to aggrandi e themselves or glorify their leaders . Eemocratic governments do not ethnically 0cleanse 0 their own populations' and they are much less likely to face ethnic insurgency. Eemocracies do not sponsor terrorism against one another. )hey do not build weapons of mass destruction to use on or to threaten one another. Eemocratic countries form more reliable' open' and enduring trading partnerships. "n the long run they offer better and more stable climates for investment. )hey are more environmentally responsible because they must answer to their own citi ens' who organi e to protest the
could easily spread. )he flow of illegal drugs intensifies through increasingly powerful international crime syndicates that have made common cause with authoritarian regimes and have utterly corrupted the institutions of tenuous' democratic ones. destruction of their environments. )hey are better bets to honor international treaties since they value legal obligations and because their openness makes it much more difficult to breach agreements in secret. Crecisely because' within their own borders' they respect

1o what is to be done7 As this essay makes promote democracy $and interrelated goals' such as human rights' popular participation' accountability' and the rule of law, around the world. *stablished democracies and their civil societies can take pride in these efforts..though the last thing they should do is gloat. Eeveloping democracies can draw hope from them. But if we are to
competition' civil liberties' property rights' and the rule of law' democracies are the only reliable foundation on which a new world order of international security and prosperity can be built.

clear' much already is being done. "n fact' there is under way an e2traordinarily diverse and constantly developing array of endeavors' both by public and private actors' to

make the most of this unprecedented 0democratic moment0 in world history' more must be done' with more resources' shared learning' better coordination' and in some cases sharper focus and a more refined approach. )hose promoting democracy can and will learn from past e2perience. &radually' they figure to improve their communication with one another as well. As " observe below' that is an important challenge' but it is not the central one. )he overriding imperative today is one of global strategy and vision' and returns us to the question3 +hat is our purpose in the world' as Americans' and as democrats worldwide7 At a time when every domestic spending program in the United 1tates is coming under searching scrutiny' it is only right that international spending should as well. But it is indefensible that so few voices in public life are e2plaining why promoting democracy is

. )hat the defense democracy provides is preventive' and therefore subtle and at one remove' makes the case harder to establish but also more compelling. 6or prevention is far' far cheaper and safer than emergency response..whether in medicine or world politics . "t
vital to our national security..not just to serve our values and ideals' but to defend against serious' possibly devastating' threats to our safety and well. being is precisely when our resources are as scarce and precious as they are today that we can least afford to overlook the most intelligent and cost. efficient strategies. As the review below will indicate' democracy promotion programs tend to be unusually cost.efficient in financial terms' because the grants are typically small and because they focus on transferring techniques' building capacities' and generating the institutions and policies for

. Eiplomatic pressure and initiatives may also pull a country off the path to political and humanitarian disaster' at costs in political and financial capital that are much more bearable than those associated with peacekeeping and disaster relief. Free market capitalism is a pre-re5uisite to democracy >eonard ;ilk' '9( Crofessor of *conomics' Cace University' A +P5>E 6") 6P5 C*PC>*' ed. #irdar and 1ilk' 899/' p. F.
sustained good governance and development' rather than on providing an indefinite stream of resources for consumption

)he world is seeking a new model of democrati ation and political opening _ a model in sharp contrast to the one that was known in *astern *urope and the former U115. )his new model necessitates that politics follow economics. )he movement toward human rights and political participation can only be built on a strong foundation of economic stability. *nergetic and prosperous business foundation and ma2imi ation of return on capital' technology' and human resources are absolutely essential for any democracy . Lowever' no foundation could be lasting unless it is established on the basis of fairness of distribution of wealth and efficiency in allocating resources to meet the communityHs needs. Crivate ownership of business is a must but not without adherence to ground rules that ensure fair play. Pther donors have offered variations of this basic theme. )he view is supported by a large number of well.founded arguments. )he free markets' which are a hallmark of a democratic society' are seen as creating a countervailing power to that of the government which ultimately guarantees the existence of democracy . )he growth of an indigenous middle class is deemed by many to be an essential component in democrati ation. )he general mutually reinforcing effect of economic and political liberali ation is seen as a potent force in development.

Free markets are a key bulwark against dictatorship Bill Ammott' 7@ *ditor.in.Chief of )he *conomist' -MMN' -M3-8 Bision' pp. 8R.8J )he potential for dictatorship' with associated deadly brutality' is undimmed. )he main limiting factor is economic3 centrali ed control has proved to be a poor way to build a wealthy' modern economy' and wealthy economies are those most able to afford the latest offensive' defensive or repressive technologies. (odern' wealthy economies have developed when economic power has been dispersed to a wide population and when individual enterprise has been given its head. 1uch developments make dictatorship harder and repression costlier. But it is far from impossible to sustain a dictatorship over long periods of time' as the Chinese Communist Carty has shown. And the importance of the economic sacrifice entailed by centrally directed regimes is essentially relative3 it is the growing wealth of other countries' operating in an open market economy' that makes it harder for a dictatorship to restrain the economic e2pectations of its own citi ens and to keep up with other countriesH military technology and resources. But if other countriesH economies become depressed' life for the dictator could well become easier.

3A4 Cap 5ood 2emocrac

Axtend democracy turn ) Griswold evidence says capitalism causes economic freedom which is a prere5uisite to political freedom and counterbalances government power> it's key to democracy0 Be also control uni5ueness ) capitalism is causing massive growth in a number of democracies now& that's the Griswold evidence0 1emocracies solve B.1 warfare since accountability checks expansionism& 1iamond evidence !apitalism is a pre-re5uisite to democracy %ames @. Bilson' Crofessor of &overnment at Larvard University' Pctober 8R' 299< $=)he (orality of Capitalism?' http3!!www.cis.org.au!*vents!%B>!%B>9F.htm[+ilson, Capitalism is essential to liberalism _ and by liberalism " mean the principles around which a free society is organised. "t has become clear during the last half century that democratic regimes only flourish in capitalist societies. Iot every nation with something appro2imating capitalism is democratic' but every nation that is democratic is to some significant degree capitalist. )here are capitalist economies that e2ist in authoritarian states but they do not do very well. )here is a relationship between democracy and capitalism that the defenders of democracy often overlook to their great disadvantage. " think that the relationship rests upon two principles. )he first is that capitalism requires free communication. "n the long run you do not get ahead by having secrets. Qou may have a proprietary right in the product you have invented and are now marketing' but getting that product to the point where you can market it requires the freest e2change of scientific and technological information. Io society that constrains in any meaningful way the distribution of that information can hope to catch up in the race for economic improvement. Capitalism also has another advantage that was pointed out by the late great British anthropologist' *rnest &ellner' who died a year or two ago. &ellner in reflecting on the failure of *uropean communism observed that no society can avoid finding a way to channel the desire men have to advance themselves. "n traditional and in statist societies' the way to attain wealth is first to attain power' usually by force. But in market societies' <production becomes a better path to wealth than domination.H !apitalism promotes freedom& key to democracy (ichael Barby' *ditor of the "CA 5eview' *k $=6ear 1ells3 Uenophobia and ("A?' http3!!www.ipa.org.au!1peechesandsubmssns!mwmai.html, +e definitely know that freedom and democracy are fundamentally based on the rule of law. +hile it is true' alas' that one can have capitalism without democracy' it has not proved to be possible to have democracy without capitalism. )here is nothing mysterious in this connection3 without a large area of personal freedom...including the crucial ability to dispose of resources one owns either individually or together as one chooses...and institutions independent of government' one cannot have the institutional basis for democracy.

2AC Cap 5ood#Space

!ap is key to space exploration %ey' 8998 $(ichael &. Crofessor of management in the 1chool of Business Administration at (ontclair 1tate University and e2ecutive director of the *2pansionary "nstitute' Sei ing the !uture( $he #awn of the )acroindustrial Era. 1econd *dition. Cage -M, Iothing typifies the changes wrought in the (acroindustrial *ra more than humanityHs e2tension into and domination of both the inner and outer reaches of physical space. "n its quest to improve both the species and the universe' humanity has begun to challenge and conquer outer space. *ven now countries are planning joint missions to (ars and the moon to establish permanent space colonies. 5obotic spacecraft missions are probing deeper into the outer regions of the 1olar 1ystem and beyond. )his penetration of outer space' the increased liberation of humanity from its home planet' will be a ma4or landmark of the emerging (acroindustrial *ra. Lowever' the e2tension of humankindHs spatial influence is not e2clusively relegated to interplanetary travel. )his process includes e2ploring and controlling the inner reaches of space. Axtinction ,inkerton' -MM graduate of 1tanford University4 served on the +hite Louse 1taff under 5onald 5egan and &eorge L.+. Bush $%ames' )C1 Eaily)ech Central 1tation' =)he Ultimate >ifeboat? MJ.-F.MJ' http3!!research.lifeboat.com!tcs.htm,
Iow' two centuries later' political ideas are as important as ever' and as radicali ing as ever' but in addition' technology has added a new and deadly backdrop to the human drama3 Lumanity has developed the capacity to destroy itself. 1ociety now can be undone' not only by a malignant majoritarian mob' but also by a techno.malcontented few. 1o recently another well.credentialed Briton with a philosophical mind' the physicist 1tephen

LawkingOs telling' more than custom and tradition will be fractured .. the planet itself will be fractured. As he said recently in Long #ong' we are at risk of being 0wiped out0 from a wide variety of possible dangers' including nuclear war' genetically engineered viruses' catastrophic global warming' and 0other dangers we have not yet thought of .0 Lawking believes that human destructiveness' combined with bad luck' could destroy not only any Burkean intergenerational partnership among humans' but the entire ecosystem . And of course' he spoke before the latest nuclear scare out of Iorth #orea' which should serve to remind us that the minute. hand of the Eoomsday Clock is never far from midnight. "f Lawking is right about this impending risk' then we have a duty to listen' and to act .. even if that means going where no man has gone before. )hatOs how we can keep the partnership between the generations in force4 we donOt have to keep faith with the past and the future only from the platform of this planet.
Lawking' has offered us a challenging prophecy' which amounts to a techno.tragic updating of Burke. "n Admittedly' thatOs not an idea that Burke entertained in his 8Gth century life' but as he also famously declared' the challenge to leaders in any era is to sluice the tides of change through the canals of custom .. that is' to deal

"f anyone today is well.positioned to speak wisely about the earth and the cosmos' itOs Lawking' who holds the academic chair once held by "saac Iewton. Lis research and ruminations on black holes and other spacey phenomena have earned him a place in the physics pantheon' as well as a best.selling book and a guest gig in a 01tar )rek0 movie. Iow at age J/' suffering from advanced >ou &ehrigOs Eisease' Lawking has only a little bit of time left to him. 1o if he worries about the fate of the earth in the future' itOs for our sake' not his. And as he said in Long #ong' 0 "t is important for the human race to spread out into space for the survival of the species.0 1o in the name of Lawking' and in the spirit of Burke' we might think about a plan for making sure that the human partnership survives. And while weOre at it' why not preserve the plant and animal
appropriately with change by harnessing it to traditional goals. 1o Burke would likely approve of new methods' so long as they were aimed at keeping the sacred generational continuity. partnership' too7 )he challenge of human destructiveness .. combined' it is worth emphasi ing' with the naturally occurring malevolence of (other Iature .. could affect more than just homo sapiens4 it could affect all the flora and fauna of the world' too' from the tiniest microbe to the biggest whale. "ndeed' in the last half.billion years or so' on at least five occasions' huge e2tinctions have taken place. "n other words' if humanity doesnOt destroy us all' the almighty forces of the universe might just finish us off. 1o with a nod to Ioah' a far.seeing fellow if there ever was one' why not build an Ark7 )he idea of a 0space ark'0 of course' is nothing new' as fans of such movies!)B shows as 0+hen +orlds Collide0 to 0Battlestar &alactica0 to 0)itan A.*.0 can attest.

2AC Cap 5ood#(ar

!ap solves war 3andow' -MM$ $Eoug' 1enior 6ellow at Cato' =1preading Capitalism is &ood for Ceace?' http3!!www.cato.org!pubKdisplay.php7pubKid^R89N, "n a world that seems constantly aflame' one naturally asks3 +hat causes peace7 (any people' including U.1. Cresident &eorge +. Bush' hope that spreading democracy will discourage war. But new research suggests that e2panding free markets is a far more important factor' leading to what Columbia UniversityOs *rik &art ke calls a 0capitalist peace.0 "tOs a reason for even the left to support free markets. )he capitalist peace theory isnOt new3 (ontesquieu and Adam 1mith believed in it. (any of BritainOs classical liberals' such as 5ichard Cobden' pushed free markets while opposing imperialism. But +orld +ar " demonstrated that increased trade was not enough. )he prospect of economic ruin did not prevent rampant nationalism' ethnic hatred' and security fears from trumping the power of markets. An even greater conflict followed a generation later. )hankfully' +orld +ar "" left war essentially unthinkable among leading industriali ed . and democratic . states. 1upport grew for the argument' going back to "mmanual #ant' that republics are less warlike than other systems. )odayOs corollary is that creating democracies out of dictatorships will reduce conflict. )his contention animated some support outside as well as inside the United 1tates for the invasion of "raq. But &art ke argues that 0the Odemocratic peaceO is a mirage created by the overlap between economic and political freedom.0 )hat is' democracies typically have freer economies than do authoritarian states. )hus' while 0democracy is desirable for many reasons'0 he notes in a chapter in the latest volume of *conomic 6reedom in the +orld' created by the 6raser "nstitute' 0representative governments are unlikely to contribute directly to international peace.0 Capitalism is by far the more important factor. )he shift from statist mercantilism to high.tech capitalism has transformed the economics behind war. (arkets generate economic opportunities that make war less desirable . )erritorial aggrandi ement no longer provides the best path to riches. 6ree.flowing capital markets and other aspects of globali ation simultaneously draw nations together and raise the economic price of military conflict. (oreover' sanctions' which interfere with economic prosperity' provides a coercive step short of war to achieve foreign policy ends. Cositive economic trends are not enough to prevent war' but then' neither is democracy. "t long has been obvious that democracies are willing to fight' just usually not each other. Contends &art ke' 0liberal political systems' in and of themselves' have no impact on whether states fight.0 "n particular' poorer democracies perform like non.democracies. Le e2plains3 0Eemocracy does not have a measurable impact' while nations with very low levels of economic freedom are 8/ times more prone to conflict than those with very high levels.0 &art ke considers other variables' including alliance memberships' nuclear deterrence' and regional differences. Although the causes of conflict vary' the relationship between economic liberty and peace remains .

!apitalism is the only way to prevent international conflicthistory proves 3andow $ :Eoug' senior fellow at the Cato "nstitute and served as a special assistant to Cresident 5eagan' =1preading
Capitalism is &ood for Ceace'? Iovember 8M' http3!!www.cato.org!pubKdisplay.php7pubKid^R89NA +hat causes peace7 (any people' including U.1. Cresident &eorge +. Bush' hope that spreading democracy will discourage war. But new e2panding free markets is a far more important factor' leading to what Columbia UniversityOs *rik &art ke calls a 0capitalist peace.0 "tOs a reason for even the left to support free markets. )he capitalist peace theory isnOt new 3 (ontesquieu and Adam 1mith believed in it. (any of BritainOs classical liberals' such as 5ichard Cobden' pushed free
"n a world that seems constantly aflame' one naturally asks3 research suggests that markets while opposing imperialism.

But +orld +ar " demonstrated that increased trade was not enough. )he prospect of economic ruin did not prevent rampant nationalism' ethnic hatred' and security
fears from trumping the power of markets.

+orld +ar "" left war essentially unthinkable among leading industriali ed . and democratic . states. 1upport grew for the argument' going back to "mmanual #ant' that republics are less warlike than other systems.
An even greater conflict followed a generation later. )hankfully' )odayOs corollary is that creating democracies out of dictatorships will reduce conflict. )his contention animated some support outside as well as inside the United 1tates for the invasion of "raq.

the Odemocratic peaceO is a mirage created by the overlap between economic and political freedom.0 )hat is' democracies typically have freer economies than do authoritarian states. )hus' while 0democracy is desirable for many reasons'0 he notes in a chapter in the latest volume of *conomic 6reedom in the +orld' created by the 6raser "nstitute' 0 representative governments are unlikely to contribute directly to international peace.0 !apitalism is by far the more important factor. )he shift from statist mercantilism to high.tech capitalism has transformed the economics behind war. (arkets generate economic opportunities that make war less desirable. )erritorial aggrandi ement no longer provides the best path to riches . 6ree.flowing capital markets and other aspects of globali ation simultaneously draw nations together and raise the economic price of military conflict. (oreover' sanctions' which interfere with economic prosperity' provides a coercive step short of war to achieve foreign policy ends.
But &art ke argues that 0 Cositive economic trends are not enough to prevent war' but then' neither is democracy. "t long has been obvious that democracies are willing to fight' just usually not each other. Contends &art ke' 0liberal political systems' in and of themselves' have no impact on whether states fight.0

"n particular' Le e2plains3 0Eemocracy does not have a measurable impact' while nations with very low levels of economic freedom are 8/ times more prone to conflict than those with very high levels.0 &art ke considers other variables' including alliance memberships' nuclear deterrence' and regional differences. Although the causes of conflict vary' the relationship between economic liberty and peace remains. Lis conclusion hasnOt gone unchallenged. Author 5.%. 5ummel' an avid proponent of the democratic peace theory' challenges &art keOs methodology and worries that it 0may well lead intelligent and policy.wise analysts and commentators to draw the wrong conclusions about the importance of democrati ation.0

poorer democracies perform like non.democracies.

0states with advanced free market economies never go to war with each other' either .0 )he point is not that democracy is valueless. 6ree political systems naturally entail free elections and are more likely to protect other forms of liberty . civil and economic' for instance.
&art ke responds in detail' noting that he relied on the same data as most democratic peace theorists. "f it is true that democratic states donOt go to war' then it also is true that Lowever' democracy alone doesnOt yield peace. )o believe is does is dangerous3 )hereOs no panacea for creating a conflict.free world. )hat doesnOt mean that nothing can be done. But promoting open international markets . that is

' spreading capitalism - is the best means to encourage peace as

well as prosperity0
Iotes &art ke3 0+arfare among developing nations will remain unaffected by the capitalist peace as long as the economies of many developing countries remain fettered by governmental control.0 6reeing those economies is critical.

CtEs a particularly important lesson for the anti-capitalist left 0 6or the most part' the enemies of economic liberty also most stridently denounce war' often in near.pacifist terms. Qet they oppose the very economic policies most likely to encourage peace.
"f market critics donOt reali e the obvious economic and philosophical value of markets . prosperity and freedom . they should appreciate the unintended peace dividend. )rade encourages prosperity and stability4 technological innovation reduces the financial value of conquest4 globali ation creates economic interdependence' increasing the cost of war.

people are motivated by far more than economics0 3ut it turns out that peace is good business0 "nd capitalism is good for peace0
?othing is certain in life& and

2AC Cap 5ood#2isease

Growth solves disease %ey' 8998 :(ichael &. Crofessor of management in the 1chool of Business Administration at (ontclair 1tate University and e2ecutive director of the *2pansionary "nstitute' Sei ing the !uture( $he #awn of the )acroindustrial Era. 1econd *dition. Cage 8-MA "n this chapter we will encounter medical and technological breakthroughsgenetic therapy' superdrugs' fetal surgery' and cell and molecular repairthat are helping society e2tend the life span and improve the quality of our physical e2istence. )he advances are as striking as any of the (acroindustrial *ra ' and their implications are revolutionary . &enetics and the Assault on Eisease "ncreasingly' we are discovering that our medical fate lies in our genes. Pnce we achieve the ability to diagnose medical problems at the genetic level and replace faulty genes with healthy ones' we will eradicate a great number of diseases before they ever start. )he onset of what has been labeled the =genetic age? of medical research will revolutioni e medicine and help us increase life e2pectancy and minimi e human suffering. Axtinction 1aswani' 899 :#avita Easwani' South 'hina )orning Post =>eading the way to a cure for A"E1?' 8./' >!IA Eespite the importance of the discovery of the 0facilitating0 cell' it is not what Er Ben.Abraham wants to talk about. )here is a much more pressing medical crisis at hand . one he believes the world must be alerted to3 the possibility of a virus deadlier than L"B. "f this makes Er Ben.Abraham sound like a prophet of doom' then he makes no apology for it. A"E1' the *bola outbreak which killed more than 8MM people in Africa last year' the flu epidemic that has now affected -MM'MMM in the former 1oviet Union . they are all' according to Er Ben.Abraham' the 0tip of the iceberg0. )wo decades of intensive study and research in the field of virology have convinced him of one thing3 in place of natural and man.made disasters or nuclear warfare' humanity could face extinction because of a single virus' deadlier than L"B. 0An airborne virus is a lively' comple2 and dangerous organism'0 he said. 0"t can come from a rare animal or from anywhere and can mutate constantly. "f there is no cure' it affects one person and then there is a chain reaction and it is unstoppable. "t is a tragedy waiting to happen.0 )hat may sound like a far.fetched plot for a Lollywood film' but Er Ben .Abraham said history has already proven his theory. 6ifteen years ago' few could have predicted the impact of A"E1 on the world. *bola has had sporadic outbreaks over the past -M years and the only way the deadly virus . which turns internal organs into liquid . could be contained was because it was killed before it had a chance to spread. "magine ' he says' if it was closer to home3 an outbreak of that scale in >ondon' Iew Qork or Long #ong. "t could happen anytime in the ne2t -M years . theoretically' it could happen tomorrow. )he shock of the A"E1 epidemic has prompted virus e2perts to admit 0that something new is indeed happening and that the threat of a deadly viral outbreak is imminent0' said %oshua >ederberg of the 5ockefeller University in Iew Qork' at a recent conference. Le added that the problem was 0very serious and is getting worse0. Er Ben.Abraham said3 0Iature isnOt benign. )he survival of the human species is not a preordained evolutionary programme. Abundant sources of genetic variation e2ist for viruses to learn how to mutate and evade the immune system.0 Le cites the 89JG Long #ong flu outbreak as an e2ample of how viruses have outsmarted human intelligence. And as new 0mega.cities0 are being developed in the )hird +orld and rainforests are destroyed' disease. carrying animals and insects are forced into areas of human habitation. 0)his raises the very real possibility that lethal' mysterious viruses would' for the first time' infect humanity at a large scale and imperil the survival of the human race'0 he said.

3A4 Cap 5ood#2isease 6't.

.ove away from capitalism cripples efforts to stop plagues ;ilk' 899 :>eonard' Crofessor at Cace University' )a+ing 'apitalism Wor+' p. -F.-GA )heoretically there was no reason why this had to be so. "n a rational world' the improved prospects for peace should have led to greater spending on consumer goods and productivity raising investment. But that happens only when workers can be shifted to new jobs..and financial resources reallocated to create those jobs. "n the absence of sufficient shifts of human and capital resources to e2panding civilian industries' there were strong economic pressures on arms. producing nations to maintain high levels of military production and to sell weapons..conventional as well as dual.use nuclear technology..wherever buyers could be found. +ithout a revival of national economies and of the global economy' the production and proliferation of weapons would continue' creating more "raqs' Cambodias' Qugoslavias' and 1omalias.or worse. >ike the &reat Eepression' the economic slump of the early 899Ms fanned the fires of nationalist' ethnic' and religious hatred around the world. *conomic hardship was not the only cause of these social and political pathologies' but it aggravated all of them' and in turn they fed back upon economic development. )hey also undermined efforts to deal with such global programs as environmental pollution' the production and trafficking of drugs' crime' sickness' famine' A"E1' and other plagues. *conomic growth would not solve all those problems. But growth..and growth alone..creates the additional resources that make it possible to achieve such fundamental goals as higher living standards' national and collective security' a healthier environment' and more open economies and societies.

2AC Cap 5ood#Sea Colonies

!ap is key to ocean colonization %ey 8998 :(ichael' Ch.E.' internationally recogni ed leader and consultant in the field of future studies and organi ed behavior' *2ecutive Eirector' 9*2pansionary "nstitute' Sei ing the !uture' p. G8A "n the (acroindustrial *ra the species will make incursions into as yet uninhabited space . But what space7 Certainly outer space the stars' the planets' and the gala2ies. As we have observed' the species is redefining the very concept of living in space by tunneling underneath the *arth and building artificial islands at sea. Lowever' the emerging era will witness the species entering and manipulating another level of spacethe ultratiny'
the molecular' the infinitesimal. +hile the (acroindustrial *ra by definition represents megagrowth and e2pansion' an interesting parado2 presents itself. "n order to achieve such growth' the species must learn to manipulate matter at almost inconceivable minute levels of e2istence. +e must master the micro in order to dominate the macro. (astery of the world of the ultratiny will enable the species to make gains in a variety of fields including medicine' biology' advanced materials' general manufacturing' and computer technology. )he sciences and technologies related to the ultratiny are divided into two subareas. Pne is microtechnology' the miniaturi ation of objects with which we are familiary. Lere science endeavors to create smaller transistors' motors' gearshifts' and computer chips. )he other field is nanotechnology' or molecular technology' in which atoms are isolated and positioned in order to construct a particular molecule. (icrotechnologyHs objective is to shrink objects' nanotechnology endeavors to fabricate objects one atom at a time

;olves extinction ;avage' 899* Crofessor of *nglish at U1C :(arshall' =)he (illennial Croject3 Coloni ing the &ala2y in *ight *asy 1teps'? pp. 9/.9RA
*very space colony is an ark. Aquarius

will serve not only as the jumping off point for the coloni ation of space' but also as a reserve ark for the potential recoloni ation of *arth . >ife must be preserved4 we' the caretakers of >ife' must survive to preserve it. Pur planet is threatened by a variety of calamities. 1ome are developing as slowly as an eroding atmosphere4 others could come as suddenly as a nuclear blast. "n any case' if catastrophe does overtake us' there must be some seed of surviving human culture from which to rebuild civilization. +ithout man' or some other intelligent tool user' >ife will be condemned to remain bound to this single tiny planet.perhaps forever. "f >ife is to survive then we too must survive. Aquarius can fulfill the role of planetary ark admirably. 1heltered in the warm equatorial waters' our floating marine colony can survive almost any conceivable disaster' including nuclear war. )he warm waters of the tropical oceans
will give up only a fraction of their heat even if the rest of the planet is plunged into nuclear winter for months. 1imilarly' the catastrophic climatic effects of nuclear winter that will ravage the

Aquarius is self.sufficient in energy' food' and most other things. +hile the rest of humanity attempts to cope with a shattered world 3 unable to raise crops' perhaps for years4 ravaged by social and political anarchy4 decimated by plagues' pestilence' floods and droughts4 and slowly poisoned by radiation in the food chain4 the people of Aquarius will be relatively unharmed. )he social dissolution following nuclear war is likely to be as destructive to life and civili ation as the war itself. Io trace of social order is likely to survive in
mid.latitudes with colossal hurricanes' typhoons' and tornadoes' will leave the stable equatorial belt more or less unaffected. the countries actually blasted by the bombs. (assive upheavals will shred the already tattered social fabric even in countries left unmolested. By the time radiation' starvation' riots' poverty and

it will be up to the scientists' technicians' artists' poets' and philosophers of Aquarius.just as in the legends of Atlantis.to recoloni e this planet.
disease have reaped their grim harvest' there will be only isolated pockets of survivors clinging to life here and there around the world. At that point'

2AC Cap 5ood#Proli$

;hift from capitalism ensures wildfire prolif ;ilk 899@ :>eonard' Eistinguished Crofessor of *conomics at Cace University and 1enior 5esearch 6ellow at the 5alph Bunche "nstitute on the United Iations' =Eangers of 1low &rowth'? 6oreign AffairsA "n the absence of such shifts of human and capital resources to e2panding civilian industries' there are strong economic pressures on arms.producing nations to maintain high levels of military production and to sell weapons' both conventional and dual.use nuclear technology' wherever buyers can be found. +ithout a revival of national economies and the global economy' the production and proliferation of weapons will continue' creating more "raqs' Qugoslavias' 1omalias and Cambodias..or worse. Axtinction :tgoff -MM* :Bictor' Eeputy Eirector for 1trategy' 6orces and 5esources at the "nstitute for Eefense Analyses' 1urvival' =Croliferation' (issile Eefense and American Ambitions?' Bolume //' Iumber -' p. GF.9MA 6irst' the dynamics of getting to a highly proliferated world could be very dangerous. Croliferating states will feel great pressures to obtain nuclear weapons and delivery systems before any potential opponent does. )hose who succeed in outracing an opponent may consider preemptive nuclear war before the opponent becomes capable of nuclear retaliation. )hose who lag behind might try to preempt their opponentOs nuclear programme or defeat the opponent using conventional forces. And those who feel threatened but are incapable of building nuclear weapons may still be able to join in this arms race by building other types of weapons of mass destruction' such as biological weapons. 1econd' as the world approaches complete proliferation' the ha ards posed by nuclear weapons today will be magnified many times over. 6ifty or more nations capable of launching nuclear weapons means that the risk of nuclear accidents that could cause serious damage not only to their own populations and environments' but those of others' is hugely increased. )he chances of such weapons falling into the hands of renegade military units or terrorists is far greater' as is the number of nations carrying out ha ardous manufacturing and storage activities. "ncreased prospects for the occasional nuclear shootout +orse still' in a highly proliferated world there would be more frequent opportunities for the use of nuclear weapons.
And more frequent opportunities means shorter e2pected times between conflicts in which nuclear weapons get used' unless the probability of use at any opportunity is actually ero. )o be sure' some theorists on nuclear deterrence appear to think that in any confrontation between two states known to have reliable nuclear capabilities' the probability of nuclear weapons being used is ero.O )hese theorists think that such states will be so fearful of escalation to nuclear war that they would always avoid or terminate confrontations between them' short of even conventional war. )hey believe this to be true even if the two states have different cultures or leaders with very eccentric personalities. Listory and human nature' however' suggest that they are almost surely wrong. Listory includes instances in which states known to possess nuclear weapons did engage in direct conventional conflict. China and 5ussia fought battles along their common border even after both had nuclear weapons. (oreover' logic suggests that if states with nuclear weapons always avoided conflict with one another' surely states without nuclear weapons would avoid conflict with states that had them. Again' history provides counter.e2amples. *gypt attacked "srael in 89FN even though it saw "srael as a nuclear power at the time. Argentina invaded the 6alkland "slands and fought BritainOs efforts to take them back' even though Britain had nuclear weapons. )hose who claim that two states with reliable nuclear capabilities to devastate each other will not engage in conventional conflict risking nuclear war also assume that any leader from any culture would not choose suicide for his nation. But history provides unhappy e2amples of states whose leaders were ready to choose suicide for themselves and their fellow citi ens. Litler tried to impose a Ovictory or destructionO policy on his people as Ia i &ermany was going down to defeat.O And %apanOs war minister' during debates on how to respond to the American atomic bombing' suggested O+ould it not be wondrous for the whole nation to be destroyed like a beautiful flower70 "f leaders are willing to engage in conflict with nuclear.armed nations' use of nuclear weapons in any particular instance may not be likely' but its probability would still be dangerously significant. "n particular' human nature suggests that the threat of retaliation with nuclear weapons is not a reliable guarantee against a disastrous first use of these weapons. +hile national leaders and their advisors everywhere are usually talented and e2perienced people' even their most important decisions cannot be counted on to be the product of well.informed and thorough assessments of all options from all relevant points of view. )his is especially so when the stakes are so large as to defy assessment and there are substantial pressures to act quickly' as could be e2pected in intense and fast.moving crises between nuclear.armed states .J "nstead' like other human beings' national leaders can be seduced by wishful thinking. )hey can misinterpret the words or actions of opposing leaders. )heir advisors may produce answers that they think the leader wants to hear' or coalesce around what they know is an inferior decision because the group urgently needs the confidence or the sharing of responsibility that results from settling on something. (oreover' leaders may not recognise clearly where their personal or party interests diverge from those of their citi ens. Under great stress' human beings can lose their ability to think carefully. )hey can refuse to believe that the worst could really happen' oversimplify the problem at hand' think in terms of simplistic analogies and play hunches. )he intuitive rules for how individuals should respond to insults or signs of weakness in an opponent may too readily suggest a rash course of action. Anger' fear' greed' ambition and pride can all lead to bad decisions. )he desire for a decisive solution to the problem at hand may lead to an unnecessarily e2treme course of action. +e can almost hear the kinds of words that could flow from discussions in nuclear crises or war. O)hese people are not willing to die for this interestO. OIo sane person would actually use such weaponsO. OCerhaps the opponent will back down if we show him we mean business by demonstrating a willingness to use nuclear weaponsO. O"f " donOt hit them back really hard' " am going to be driven from office' if not killedO. +hether right or wrong' in the stressful atmosphere of a nuclear crisis or war' such words from others' or silently from within' might resonate too readily with a harried leader. )hus' both history and human nature suggest that nuclear deterrence can be e2pected to fail from time to time' and we are fortunate it has not happened yet. But the threat of nuclear war is not just a matter of a few weapons being used. "t could get much worse. Pnce a conflict reaches the point where nuclear weapons are employed' the stresses felt by the leaderships would rise enormously. )hese stresses can be e2pected to further degrade their decision.making. )he pressures to force the enemy to stop fighting or to surrender could argue for more forceful and decisive military action' which might be the right thing to do in the circumstances' but maybe not. And the horrors of the carnage already suffered may be seen as justification for visiting the most devastating punishment possible on the enemy.O Again' history demonstrates how intense conflict can lead the combatants to escalate violence to the ma2imum possible levels. "n the 1econd +orld +ar' early promises not to bomb cities soon gave way to essentially indiscriminate bombing of civilians. )he war between "ran and "raq during the 89GMs led to the use of chemical weapons on both sides and e2changes of missiles against each otherOs cities. And more recently' violence in the (iddle *ast escalated in a few months from rocks and small arms to heavy weapons on one side' and from police actions to air strikes and armoured attacks on the other. *scalation of violence is also basic human nature. Pnce the violence starts' retaliatory e2changes of violent acts can escalate to levels unimagined by the participants beforehand.O "ntense and blinding anger is a common response to fear or humiliation or abuse. And such anger can lead us tM impose on our

' widespread proliferation is likely to lead to an occasional shoot-out with nuclear weapons' and that such shoot.outs will have a substantial probability of escalating to the maximum destruction possible with the weapons at hand. Unless nuclear proliferation is stopped' we are headed toward a world that will mirror the American +ild +est of the late 8GMMs. +ith most' if not all' nations wearing nuclear Osi2.shootersO on their hips' the world may even be a more polite place than it is today' but every once in a while we will all gather on a hill to bury the bodies of dead cities or even whole nations.
opponents whatever levels of violence are readily accessible. "n sum

2AC Cap 5ood#@e,

!ap is key to "merican preeminence #halilzad 899$ :;almay' <=>osing the (oment7 )he United 1tates and the +orld After the Cold +ar'? +ashington @uarterlyA )he United 1tates is unlikely to preserve its military and technological dominance if the U.1. economy declines seriously. "n such an environment' the domestic economic and political base for global leadership would diminish and the United 1tates would probably incrementally withdraw from the world' become inward.looking' and abandon more and more of its e2ternal interests. As the United 1tates weakened' others would try to fill the Bacuum. )o sustain and improve its economic strength' the United 1tates must maintain its technological lead in the economic realm. "ts success will depend on the choices it makes. "n the past' developments such as the agricultural and industrial revolutions produced fundamental changes positively affecting the relative position of those who were able to take advantage of them and negatively affecting those who did not. 1ome argue that the world may be at the beginning of another such transformation' which will shift the sources of wealth and the relative position of classes and nations. "f the United 1tates fails to recogni e the change and adapt its institutions' its relative position will necessarily worsen. "nd hegemony is the only way to avert multiple scenarios for nuclear escalation #agan' -MM< - senior fellow at the Carnegie *ndowment for "nternational Ceace $5obert' =*nd of Ereams' 5eturn of Listory?' F!89' http3!!www.realclearpolitics.com!articles!-MMF!MF!endKofKdreamsKreturnKofKhistor.html ,
)his is a good thing' and it should continue to be a primary goal of American foreign policy to perpetuate this relatively benign international configuration of power. )he unipolar order with the United 1tates as the predominant power is unavoidably riddled with flaws and contradictions. "t inspires fears and jealousies. )he United 1tates is not immune to error' like all other nations' and because of its si e and importance in the international system those errors are magnified and take on greater significance than the errors of less powerful nations. Compared to the ideal #antian international order' in which all the worldOs powers would be peace. loving equals' conducting themselves wisely' prudently' and in strict obeisance to international law'

however' it is relatively stable and . "t is also comparatively benevolent' from a liberal perspective' for it is more conducive to the principles of economic and political liberalism that Americans and many others value. American predominance does not stand in the way of progress toward a better world' therefore. "t stands in the way of regression toward a more dangerous world. )he choice is not between an American.dominated order and a world that looks like the *uropean Union. )he future international order will be shaped by those who have the power to shape it. )he leaders of a post.American world will not meet in Brussels but in Beijing' (oscow' and +ashington. )he return of great powers and great games "f the world is marked by the persistence of unipolarity' it is nevertheless also being shaped by the reemergence of competitive national ambitions of the kind that have shaped human affairs from time immemorial. Euring the Cold +ar' this historical tendency of great powers to jostle with one another for status and influence as well as for wealth and power was largely suppressed by the two superpowers and their rigid bipolar order. 1ince the end of the Cold +ar' the United 1tates has not been powerful enough' and probably could never be powerful enough' to suppress by itself the normal ambitions of nations. )his does not mean the world has returned to multipolarity' since none of the large powers is in range of competing with the superpower for global influence. Ievertheless' several large powers are now competing for regional predominance' both with the United 1tates and with each other. Iational ambition drives ChinaOs foreign policy today' and although it is tempered by prudence and the desire to appear as unthreatening as possible to the rest of the world' the Chinese are powerfully motivated to return their nation to what they regard as its traditional position as the preeminent power in *ast Asia. )hey do not share a *uropean' postmodern view that power is passS4 hence their now two.decades.long military buildup and moderni ation. >ike the Americans' they believe power' including military power' is a good thing to have and that it is better to have more of it than less. Cerhaps more significant is the Chinese perception' also shared by Americans' that status and honor' and not just wealth and security' are important for a nation. %apan' meanwhile' which in the past could have been counted as an aspiring postmodern power .. with its pacifist constitution and low defense spending .. now appears embarked on a more traditional national course. Cartly this is in reaction to the rising power of China and concerns about Iorth #orea Os nuclear weapons. But it is also driven by %apanOs own national ambition to be a leader in *ast Asia or at least not to play second fiddle or 0little brother0 to China. China and %apan are now in a competitive quest with each trying to augment its own status and power and to prevent the other Os rise to predominance' and this competition has a military and strategic as well as an economic and political component. )heir competition is such that a nation like 1outh #orea' with a long unhappy history as a pawn between the two powers' is once again worrying both about a 0greater China0 and about the return of %apanese nationalism. As Aaron 6riedberg commented' the *ast Asian future looks more like *uropeOs past than its present. But it also looks like AsiaOs past. 5ussian foreign policy' too' looks more like something from the nineteenth century. "t is being driven by a typical' and typically 5ussian' blend of national resentment and ambition. A postmodern 5ussia simply seeking integration into the new *uropean order' the 5ussia of Andrei #o yrev' would not be troubled by the eastward enlargement of the *U and IA)P' would not insist on predominant influence over its 0near abroad'0 and would not use its natural resources as means of gaining geopolitical leverage and enhancing 5ussia Os international status in an attempt to regain the lost glories of the 1oviet empire and Ceter the &reat. But 5ussia' like China and %apan' is moved by more traditional great.power considerations' including the pursuit of those valuable if intangible national interests3 honor and respect. Although 5ussian leaders complain about threats to their security from IA)P and the United 1tates' the 5ussian sense of insecurity has more to do with resentment and national identity than with plausible e2ternal military threats. 8J 5ussiaOs complaint today is not with this or that weapons system. "t is the entire post.Cold +ar settlement of the 899Ms that 5ussia resents and wants to revise. But that does not make insecurity less a factor in 5ussia Os relations with the world4 indeed' it makes finding compromise with the 5ussians all the more difficult. Pne could add others to this list of great powers with traditional rather than postmodern aspirations. "ndia Os regional ambitions are more muted' or are focused most intently on Cakistan' but it is clearly engaged in competition with China for dominance in the "ndian Pcean and sees itself' correctly' as an emerging great power on the world scene. "n the (iddle *ast there is "ran' which mingles religious fervor with a historical sense of superiority and leadership in its region. 8F "ts nuclear program is as much about the desire for regional hegemony as about defending "ranian territory from attack by the United 1tates. *ven the *uropean Union' in its way' e2presses a pan.*uropean national ambition to play a significant role in the world' and it has become the vehicle for channeling &erman' 6rench' and British ambitions in what *uropeans regard as a safe supranational direction. *uropeans seek honor and respect' too' but of a postmodern variety. )he honor they seek is to occupy the moral high ground in the world' to e2ercise moral authority' to wield political and economic influence as an antidote to militarism' to be the keeper of the global conscience' and to be recogni ed and admired by others for playing this role. "slam is not a nation' but many (uslims e2press a kind of religious nationalism' and the leaders of radical "slam' including al @aeda' do seek to establish a theocratic nation or confederation of nations that would encompass a wide swath of the (iddle *ast and beyond. >ike national movements elsewhere' "slamists have a yearning for respect' including self.respect' and a desire for honor. )heir national identity has been molded in defiance against stronger and often oppressive outside powers' and also by memories of ancient superiority over those same powers. China had its 0century of humiliation.0 "slamists have more than a century of humiliation to look back on' a humiliation of which "srael has become the living symbol' which is partly why even (uslims who are neither radical nor fundamentalist proffer their sympathy and even their support to violent e2tremists who can turn the tables on the dominant liberal +est' and particularly on a dominant America which implanted and still feeds the "sraeli cancer in their midst. 6inally' there is the United 1tates itself. As a matter of national policy stretching back across numerous administrations' Eemocratic and 5epublican' liberal and conservative' Americans have insisted on preserving regional predominance in *ast Asia4 the (iddle *ast4 the +estern Lemisphere4 until recently' *urope4 and now' increasingly' Central Asia. )his was its goal after the 1econd +orld +ar' and since the end of the Cold +ar' beginning with the first Bush administration and continuing through the Clinton years' the United 1tates did not retract but e2panded its influence eastward across *urope and into the (iddle *ast' Central Asia' and the Caucasus. *ven as it maintains its position as the predominant global power' it is also engaged in hegemonic competitions in these regions with China in *ast and Central Asia' with "ran in the (iddle *ast and Central Asia' and with 5ussia in *astern *urope' Central Asia' and the Caucasus. )he United 1tates' too' is more of a traditional than a postmodern power' and though Americans are loath to acknowledge it' they generally prefer their global place as 0Io. 80 and are equally loath to relinquish it. Pnce having entered a region' whether for practical or idealistic reasons' they are remarkably slow to withdraw from it until they believe they have substantially transformed it in their own image. )hey profess indifference to the world and claim they just want to be left alone even as they seek daily to shape the behavior of billions of people around the globe. )he jostling for status and influence among these ambitious nations and would.be nations is a second defining feature of the new

the unipolar system is both dangerous and unjust. Compared to any plausible alternative in the real world' less likely to produce a ma4or war between great powers

American predominance prevents these rivalries from intensifying .. its regional as well as its global predominance. +ere the United 1tates to diminish its influence in the regions where it is currently the strongest power' the other nations would settle disputes as great and lesser powers have done in the past3 sometimes through diplomacy and accommodation but often through confrontation and wars of varying scope' intensity' and destructiveness. Pne novel aspect of such a multipolar world is that most of these powers would possess nuclear weapons . )hat could make wars between them less likely' or it could simply make them more catastrophic. "t is easy but also
post.Cold +ar international system. Iationalism in all its forms is back' if it ever went away' and so is international competition for power' influence' honor' and status. dangerous to underestimate the role the United 1tates plays in providing a measure of stability in the world even as it also disrupts stability. 6or instance' the United 1tates is the dominant naval power everywhere' such that other nations cannot compete with it even in their home waters. )hey either happily or grudgingly allow the United 1tates Iavy to be the guarantor of international waterways and trade routes' of international access to markets and raw materials such as oil. *ven when the United 1tates engages in a war' it is able to play its role as guardian of the waterways. "n a more genuinely multipolar world' however' it would not. Iations would compete for naval dominance at least in their own regions and possibly beyond. Conflict between nations would involve struggles on the oceans as well as on

land. Armed embargos' of the kind used in +orld +ar i and other major conflicts' would disrupt trade flows in a way that is now impossible. 1uch order as e2ists in the world rests not merely on the goodwill of peoples but on a foundation provided by American power. *ven the *uropean Union' that great geopolitical miracle' owes its founding to American power' for without it the *uropean nations after +orld +ar ii would never have felt secure enough to reintegrate &ermany. (ost *uropeans recoil at the thought' but even today *urope Os stability depends on the guarantee' however distant and one hopes unnecessary' that the United 1tates could step in to check any dangerous development on the continent. "n a genuinely multipolar world' that would not be possible without renewing the danger of world war0 Ceople who believe greater equality among nations would be preferable to the present American predominance often succumb to a basic logical fallacy. )hey believe the order the world enjoys today e2ists independently of American power. )hey imagine that in a world where American power was diminished' the aspects of international order that they like would remain in place. But that Os not the way it works. "nternational order does not rest on ideas and institutions. "t is shaped by configurations of power. )he international order we know today reflects the distribution of power in the world since +orld +ar ii' and especially since the end of the Cold +ar. A different configuration of power' a multipolar world in which the poles were 5ussia' China' the United 1tates' "ndia' and *urope' would produce its own kind of order' with different rules and norms reflecting the interests of the powerful states that would have a hand in shaping it. +ould that international order be an improvement7 Cerhaps for Beijing and (oscow it would. But it is doubtful that it would suit the tastes of enlightenment liberals in the United 1tates and *urope. )he current order' of

regional conflicts involving the large powers may erupt. +ar could erupt between China and )aiwan and draw in both the United 1tates and %apan. +ar could erupt between 5ussia and &eorgia' forcing the United 1tates and its *uropean allies to decide whether to intervene or suffer the consequences of a 5ussian victory. Conflict between "ndia and Cakistan remains possible' as does conflict between "ran and "srael or other (iddle *astern states . )hese' too' could draw in other great powers' including the United 1tates. 1uch conflicts may be unavoidable no matter what policies the United 1tates pursues. But they are more likely to erupt if the United 1tates weakens or withdraws from its positions of regional dominance . )his is especially true in *ast Asia' where most nations agree that a reliable American power has a stabili ing and pacific effect on the region. )hat is certainly the view of most of China Os neighbors. But even China' which seeks gradually to supplant the United 1tates as the dominant power in the region' faces the dilemma that an American withdrawal could unleash an ambitious' independent' nationalist %apan. "n *urope' too' the departure of the United 1tates from the scene .. even if it remained the worldOs most powerful nation .. could be destabili ing. "t could tempt 5ussia to an even more overbearing and potentially forceful approach to unruly nations on its periphery. Although some realist
course' is not only far from perfect but also offers no guarantee against major conflict among the worldOs great powers. *ven under the umbrella of unipolarity' theorists seem to imagine that the disappearance of the 1oviet Union put an end to the possibility of confrontation between 5ussia and the +est' and therefore to the need for a permanent American role in *urope' history

this could in time increase the likelihood of conflict involving 5ussia and its near neighbors' which could in turn draw the United 1tates back in under unfavorable circumstances. "t is also
suggests that conflicts in *urope involving 5ussia are possible even without 1oviet communism. "f the United 1tates withdrew from *urope .. if it adopted what some call a strategy of 0offshore balancing0 .. optimistic to imagine that a retrenchment of the American position in the (iddle *ast and the assumption of a more passive' 0offshore0 role would lead to greater stability there. )he vital interest the United 1tates has in access to oil and the role it plays in keeping access open to other nations in *urope and Asia make it unlikely that American leaders could or would stand back and hope for the best while the powers in the region battle it out. Ior would a more 0even.handed0 policy toward "srael' which some see as the magic key to unlocking peace' stability' and comity in the (iddle *ast' obviate the need to come to "srael Os aid if its security became threatened. )hat commitment' paired with the American commitment to protect strategic oil supplies for most of the world' practically ensures a heavy American military presence in the region' both on the seas and on the ground. )he subtraction of American power from any region would not end conflict but would simply change the equation. "n the (iddle *ast' competition for influence among powers both inside and outside the region has raged for at least two centuries. )he rise of "slamic fundamentalism doesnOt change this. "t only adds a new and more threatening dimension to the competition' which neither a sudden end to the conflict between "srael and the Calestinians nor an immediate American withdrawal from "raq would change. )he alternative to American predominance in the region is not balance and peace. "t is further competition. )he region and the states within it remain relatively weak. A diminution of American influence would not be followed by a diminution of other e2ternal influences. Pne could e2pect deeper involvement by both China and 5ussia' if only to secure their interests. 8G And one could also e2pect the more powerful states of the region' particularly "ran' to e2pand and fill the vacuum. "t is doubtful that any American administration would voluntarily take actions that could shift the balance of power in the (iddle *ast further toward 5ussia' China' or "ran. )he world hasn Ot changed that much. An American withdrawal from "raq will not return things to 0normal0 or to a new kind of stability in the region. "t will produce a new instability' one likely to draw the United 1tates back in again. )he alternative to American regional predominance in the (iddle *ast and elsewhere is not a new regional stability. "n an era of burgeoning nationalism' the future is likely to be one of intensified competition among nations and nationalist movements. Eifficult as it may be to e2tend American predominance into the future' no one should imagine that a reduction of American power or a retraction of American influence and global involvement will provide an easier path.

2AC Cap 5ood#(ater

!ap key to water access Gandle 8999 :Bruce' Ch.E.' Crofessor of economics at Clemson University and a senior associate at the Colitical *conomy research Center' =Larnessing (arkets to "mprove +ater @uality3 Using a free.market approach can save money and reduce pollution'? (archA (arkets can work to improve water 5uality' just as they do to provide a wider choice of high.quality food' clothing and automobiles. But for these new environmental markets to emerge' government regulators must get out of the way. "nstead of specifying technologies and fine.tuning each and every discharge' government agents must help to define and enforce property rights just as they do in other markets. +hen property rights to water quality are defined clearly' when the rights can be defended in court' and when the rights can be bought and sold among water quality users' the miracle of the market can deliver environmental quality at lower cost . +hat we need today are hundreds of )ar.Camlicos. +ith more e2perience' the day may come when ordinary people will be allowed to establish watershed or fishing communities where property rights to water quality will be firmly established and markets will quietly dependably deliver environmental goods. "nd lack of clean water kills billions ,acific Cnstitute -MM( :=&lobal +ater Crisis?A Pver 8 billion people donOt have access to clean drinking water4 more than - billion lack access to adequate sanitation4 and millions die every year due to preventable water.related diseases. +ater resources around the globe are threatened by climate change' misuse' and pollution. But there are solutions3 we can provide for peopleOs basic needs while protecting the environment by using innovative water efficiency and conservation strategies' community.scale projects' smart economics' and new technology. )hat 8.- billion people lack access to clean water is surely one of the greatest development failures of the modern era. )hat as many as R million peoplemainly childrendie every year from preventable' water.related disease is surely one of the great tragedies of our time0

2AC Cap 5ood#6n!ironment

!apitalism is crucial to preserving the environment Taylor @ $%erry' director of natural resource studies at Cato' /.-N' http3!!www.cato.org!dailys!M/.-N.MN.-.html, "ndeed' we wouldnOt even have environmentalists in our midst were it not for capitalism. *nvironmental amenities' after all' are lu2ury goods. America .. like much of the )hird +orld today .. had no environmental movement to speak of until living standards rose sufficiently so
that we could turn our attention from simply providing for food' shelter' and a reasonable education to higher 0quality of life0 issues. )he richer you are' the more likely you are to be an environmentalist. And people wouldnOt be rich without capitalism. +ealth not only breeds environmentalists' it begets environmental quality. )here are do ens of studies showing that' as per capita income initially rises from subsistence levels' air and water pollution increases correspondingly. But once per capita income hits between `N'RMM and `8R'MMM $dependent upon the pollutant,' the ambient concentration of pollutants begins to decline just as rapidly as it had previously increased. )his relationship is found for virtually every significant pollutant in every single region of the planet. "t is an iron law. &iven that wealthier societies use more resources than poorer societies' such findings are indeed counterintuitive. But the data donOt lie. Low do we e2plain this7 )he obvious answer .. that wealthier

societies are willing to trade.off the economic costs of government regulation for environmental improvements and that poorer societies are not .. is only partially correct. "n the United 1tates' pollution declines generally predated the passage of laws mandating pollution controls.
"n fact' for most pollutants' declines were greater before the federal government passed its panoply of environmental regulations than after the *CA came upon the scene. (uch of this had to do with individual demands for environmental quality. Ceople who could afford cleaner.burning furnaces' for instance' bought them. Ceople who wanted recreational services spent their money accordingly' creating profit opportunities for the provision of untrammeled nature. Croperty values rose in cleaner areas and declined in more polluted areas' shifting capital from Brown to &reen investments. (arket agents will supply whatever it is that people are willing to spend money on. And when people are willing to spend money on environmental quality' the market will provide it. (eanwhile' capitalism rewards efficiency

and punishes waste. Crofit.hungry companies found ingenious ways to reduce the natural resource inputs necessary to produce all kinds of goods' which in turn reduced environmental demands on the land and the amount of waste that flowed through
smokestacks and water pipes. As we learned to do more and more with a given unit of resources' the waste involved $which manifests itself in the form of pollution, shrank. )his trend was magnified by the shift away from manufacturing to service industries' which characteri es wealthy' growing economies. )he latter are far less pollution.intensive than the former. But the former are necessary prerequisites for the latter. Croperty rights .. a necessary prerequisite for free

market economies .. also provide strong incentives to invest in resource health. +ithout them' no one cares about future returns because no one can be sure theyOll be around to reap the gains. Croperty rights are also important means by which private desires for resource conservation and preservation can be reali ed. +hen the government' on the other hand' holds a monopoly on such decisions' minority preferences in developing societies are overruled $see the old 1oviet block for details,. 6urthermore' only wealthy societies can afford the investments necessary to secure basic environmental improvements' such as sewage treatment and electrification. Unsanitary water and the indoor air pollution $caused primarily by burning organic fuels in the home for heating and cooking needs, are directly responsible for about 8M million deaths a year in the E*B*>PC"I&:1"CA)hird +orld' making poverty the number one environmental killer on the planet today. Capitalism can save more lives threatened by environmental pollution than all the environmental organi ations combined. 6inally' the technological advances that are part and parcel of growing economies create more natural resources than they consume. )hatOs because what is or is not a 0natural resource0 is dependent upon our ability to harness the resource in question for human benefit. 5esources are therefore a function of human knowledge. Because the stock of human knowledge increases faster in free economies than it does in socialist economies' it should be no surprise that most natural resources in the western world are more abundant today than ever before no matter which measure one uses. 20 Axtinction 1iner 9( $(ajor Eavid' %udge Advocate &eneralOs Corps' 8/N (il. >. 5ev. 8J8' >e2is, Biologically diverse ecosystems are characteri ed by a large number of specialist species' filling narrow ecological niches. )hese ecosystems inherently are more stable than less diverse systems. 0)he more comple2 the ecosystem' the more successfully it can resist a stress. . . . :lAike a net' in which each knot is connected to others by several strands' such a fabric can resist collapse better than a simple' unbranched circle of threads .. which if cut anywhere breaks down as a whole.0 F9 By causing widespread e2tinctions' humans have artificially simplified many ecosystems. As biologic simplicity increases' so does the risk of ecosystem failure. )he spreading 1ahara Eesert in Africa' and the dustbowl conditions of the 89NMs in the United 1tates are relatively mild e2amples of what might be e2pected if this trend continues. )heoretically' each new animal or plant e2tinction' with all its dimly perceived and intertwined affects' could cause total ecosystem collapse and human e2tinction. *ach new e2tinction increases the risk of disaster . >ike a mechanic removing' one by one' the rivets from an aircraftOs wings' GM :LUAmankind may be edging closer to the abyss.

3A4 Cap 5ood 6n!ironment

!apitalism creates a system of surplus necessary for environmental protection0 Bilson 9< $%ames' professor of &overnment at Larvard' =)he morality of capitalism?, "t is also the case that capitalism makes it easier to deal with environmental problems. *nviro.n.mental problems e2ist. Air is free4 we consume air without charge' we emit pollutants back into the air' often without charge. And if something is free people will consume more of it then they really need' or at least much more than they would if they had to pay for it. 1ince we have found no way to endow clean air with property rights' we do not know how to limit this e2cept by the use of an e2ternal authority that will put some restrictions on it. )o compel people who are engaged in production and e2change to internalise all of their costs without destroying production and e2change' one must be able to make proposals to people who do not want to hear them' induce action among people who do not want to act' and monitor performance by people who do not like monitors _ and do all of this only to the e2tent that the gains in human welfare are purchased at an acceptable cost. Io regime will make this result certain' but only democratic capitalist regimes make it at all possible. +hy7 "t is not that capitalists believe in the environment or have a wish to improve the world. "t is because they are part of a system in which the world must be improved if they are to survive. Capitalism brings three advantages to the environmental task3 $i, "t creates and maintains a private sphere of action. A private sphere of action makes capitalism possible because you can operate free of government control. But by maintaining a private sphere you also provide a protected place for people to stand who wish to make controversial proposals. Qou create a world in which the critics of capitalism _ those who wish to see capitalism restrained in order to protect the environment _ have an opportunity to move. Io such world e2isted for them in the 1oviet Union' and no such world e2ists for them today in the CeopleHs 5epublic of China. )he absence of a private sphere means the absence of an environmental ethic . $ii, 1econdly' capitalism produces prosperity' and prosperity changes the minds of people' especially young people. "t endows them what we in the social science business call in our professional journals' post.materialist or post.industrial goals. )hat is a fancy way of saying that when society becomes rich enough for everybody to be fed and where no.one has to struggle day and night to put food on their table' we begin to think of other things we can use resources for. )hose other things include taking care of animals' protecting the environment' preserving land and the like. )he prosperity induced by capitalism produces of necessity an environmental movement. Low that environ.mental movement is managed of course is a very real question4 sometimes it is managed very badly' other times it is managed reasonably well. *nvironmental policies in capitalist systems will vary greatly _ from the inconsequential through the prudent to the loony _ but they will scarcely e2ist at all in non.capitalist ones. $iii, )he final thing capitalism brings to this task is that it creates firms that can be regulated. Qou may think that this is a trivial statement. Qou all know that business firms are regulated _ sometimes to the advantage of the firm' sometimes to its disadvantage. But " donHt think you realise the importance of this fact. Consider the alternative. 1uppose the government ran everything. +hat would be regulated7 )he main reason why *astern *urope was a vast to2ic waste dump' and why many parts of China are becoming a vast to2ic waste dump' is because the government owns the enterprises and one government agency does not _ cannot _ regulate another government agency. )his is because neither the regulator nor the regulatee has any personal motives to accept regulation. But they can regulate firms' and so when firms are producing wealth and people decide that the distribution of wealth ought to be made to accord to an environmental ethic' capitalism makes that possible. Government control over the environment destroys it ) only capitalism gives incentives to protect the environment Bollstein& 9@ _ Eirector of the "nternational 1ociety for "ndividual >iberty $%arret' =>iberty and the *nvironment3 6reedom Crotects' &overnment Eestroys?' (ay' www.fff.org!freedom!MR9Nc.asp, YCroperty that belongs to 0everyone0 becomes the responsibility of no one. (aking seas' rivers' pastures or forests common property creates an enormous incentive for each person to e2ploit them as quickly as possible. )here is no reason for a timber company to chop down fewer trees if its restraint only enables its competitors to chop down more trees. Common ownership inevitably leads to overuse and destruction' as witnessed by over.fishing in oceans and the destruction of large mammals in Africa. "n 89JG' &arrett Lardin gave the disaster of common ownership of resources the name 0the tragedy of the commons.0 A second failed method of protecting property is government ownership and management. Ceople often think that government employees will protect the 0public interest0 because they are motivated by 0the public good0 rather than by profits. Lowever' in any society there is not one' single public interest' but' instead' many different publics with diverse' often conflicting interests. Eifferent groups may want to use the same land to build houses' as a military base' or for a wilderness area. +hich 0public interest0 should government managers uphold7 +hen government controls property' the desires of government agents and powerful social groups $such as large corporations and wealthy political contributors,

will usually prevail over the interests of ordinary citi ens. Both the environment and the public are usually losers. Lere are
some e2amples3 #estruction of the !orests, "n the 89JMs' Bra il embarked upon massive development of the Ama on rain forest. )he government built thousands of miles of ta2. subsidi ed roads' gave low.interest loans to farmers and cattle ranchers' and even provided free transportation. )o farm the Ama on' settlers must first burn the trees and underbrush' destroying thousands of unique native plant and animal species. Lowever' rain forest soil is very poor4 most nutrients are held in plants. After a few years of farming' cleared land becomes unproductive. 6armers must periodically move on' destroying more forest with each move' and leaving a wasteland behind. 6arming and ranching the Ama on is only profitable because of the many subsidies provided by the government' including subsidi ed roads and credit' and accelerated depreciation. Eespite these incentives' 5obert 5epettoOs 89GG study' 0)he 6orest for the )rees'0 found that cattle sales brought in only RR] of development costs. +ith declining crop yields and falling world beef sales' farming and ranching the Ama on has become an ecological and economic disaster. +ithout massive subsidies from the Bra ilian government and the +orld Bank' most of this destruction would have never occurred. Pld.growth forests in the United 1tates have also been devastated. )he primary culprit is' again' government subsidies. )he U.1. 6orest 1ervice has built nearly N/N'MMM miles of ta2payer.subsidi ed logging roads eight times the entire U.1. interstate highway system. +ithout this `GMM million giveaway to the timber industry' harvesting most U.1. old.growth forests would be physically impossible and economically unprofitable .

Ecocide in the -SSR, )he Aral 1ea in #a akhstan was the si2th largest lake in the world. As a result of forced 1oviet development' it is disappearing. Iinety percent of rivers feeding the sea were diverted to grow cotton. 6orty.four percent of the lake is now gone' replaced by desert. Lowever' the soil of the cotton fields is nutritionally poor' so crop yields have steadily declined' and most
farms now lose money. +orse' the Aral and surrounding land have been poisoned by pesticides. As 6eshbach and 6riendly observe in their book *cocide in the U115'

0)he level of chemical residues washed back from irrigated lands is so high that the fish die'0 and 0two out of every three people e2amined in public health dispensaries are ill.0 6ormerly prosperous fishing villages now lay in poisoned deserts thanks to government management.Z

2AC Cap 5ood#Li"ert

!apitalism encourages liberty0 /evolt against capitalism guarantees slavery and oppression Bolf @ $(artin' economic analyst for the 6inancial )imes 6inancial )imes' 9.8M' -MMN' =(orality of the (arket?, )he market economy rests on and encourages valuable moral qualities4 provides unprecedented opportunities for people to engage in altruistic activities4 underpins individual freedom and democracy4 and has created societies that are' in all significant respects' less unequal than the traditional hierarchies that preceded them. "n short' capitalism is the most inherently just economic system that humankind has ever devised. "t is true that market economies neither create' nor reward' saints. But consider the virtuous behavior
that capitalism fosters3 trustworthiness' reliability' individual initiative' civility' self.reliance' and self.restraint. )hese qualities are' critics correctly note' placed in the service of self.interest. 1ince people are' with few

. Crosperous market economies generate a vast number of attractive opportunities for those who are not motivated by wealth alone. Ceople can seek employment with non.governmental organi ations or charities. )hey can work in the public sector' as doctors' teachers' or police officers. )hey can teach the iniquities of capitalism in schools and universities. )hose who make a great deal of money can use it for any purpose they wish. )hey can give it away' for e2ample. @uite a few have. "n the advanced market economies' people care deeply about eliminating pain and injustice and ensuring the welfare of fellow humans and' more recently' animals. )his concern e2ists because a rich' liberal society places enormous emphasis on the health and well.being of the individual. >ife is no longer nasty' brutish' and short4 rather' it is gentle' kind' and long' and more precious than before. )he savage punishments and casual indignities of two centuries ago are no longer acceptable to civili ed people. Ior are slavery and serfdom' both of which were rendered obsolete and immoral under the capitalist system. (ilitarists' e2treme nationalists' communists' and fasciststhe anti.liberalsbrought these horrors back ' if only temporarily. And it is no accident that the creeds that brought them back were fiercely anti.individualistic and anti.market .
e2ceptions' self.interested' that should be neither surprising nor shocking. Qet people are also not completely self.interested

3A4 Cap 5ood Li"ert

Axtend our Bolf evidence ) capitalism is the most inherently 4ust economic system0 !apitalism has created societies that are more e5ual than the traditional systems that predated it0 This evidence also proves that revolting against capitalism guarantees slavery and oppression0 !apitalism is the only moral system ) it uni5uely allows freedom of thought Louman ;hadab' philosopher' CAC")A>"1(3 6A@1' 299 ' p. http3!!www.ocf.berkeley.edu!bshadab!capit.-.html[J. "n regards to morality' capitalism is the only moral $meaning pro.human.life, social system because it safeguards a humanOs primary means of survival3 his :sicA mind. )hrough upholding individual rights' capitalism recogni es the fact the each and every human being must use his :sicA own mind to grasp reality and act accordingly to better his :sicA own life. Capitalism is the only political system that is based upon manOs true nature as a being who possesses the faculty of reason .. capitalism is the only system that recogni es that human beings can think. "ndeed' individual rights and capitalism not only protect the individual person and property of each human being' but most importantly' they protect the individual mind of every human being. M F !apitalism is the most moral system ) individuals should not be forced to sacrifice their lives for others !rane& 79 _ Cresident of the Cato "nstitute $*dward L.' Bital 1peeches of the Eay' =Civil 1ociety v. Colitical 1ociety'? F.8R.899J' vol. J-' no. 89' p.R9F, A premise of statism has always been that you should sacrifice for the greater good. )hat is a false and dangerous premise0 +hen Bill Clinton says in his 1tate of the Union Address that America can only reach its destiny if we do so as one people' as a collective' and when
Lillary Clinton employs the metaphor of a 0village0 to call for government to take over responsibility for raising our children' they are engaging in a dangerous philosophical undertaking that quite literally strikes at the foundation of what America is all about. Because make no mistake about it ' America is premised

on

the dignity and worth of the individual human being. And so there is something worrisome about the undercurrent in some conservative thought that takes as the highest moral concern sacrifice for others. "s it a noble undertaking to choose to devote
oneOs life to helping the needy7 Qes' of course it is' particularly if youOre like 1ister Connie Eriscoll' who many of you have heard at Acton "nstitute events' who is living up to her personal potential by refusing government funding and focusing her efforts on those truly worthy of help who are also trying to help themselves. 1o of course that is a noble undertaking' a fulfilling way to productively and purposefully utili e the gift of life. But if you ask me is it more noble than the work of a carpenter' a doctor' or a teacher' " will say no' not if the carpenter' the doctor and the teacher take as seriously their job and their own life as 1ister Connie Eriscoll does hers. A civil society is filled with noble and honorable ways to do justice to the gift of life. "t is okay to be an entrepreneur and to get rich . Capitalism is not

only the most efficient system' it is also the one moral system' based as it is on voluntarism' which is to say' civil society. +e must not fall into the philosophical trap that justifies big government by accepting the idea that a focus on others is the only moral course. )he challenge we have is to live our own lives ethically' morally' and productively. "t is' as " said' an enormous challenge' and too often not taken seriously enough' particularly when our focus wanders to setting grand designs for others. Cndividual freedom is necessary to improve society's ethical and moral standards !rane& 79 _ Cresident of the Cato "nstitute $*dward L.' Bital 1peeches of the Eay' =Civil 1ociety v. Colitical 1ociety'? F.8R.899J' vol. J-' no. 89' p.R9F, 6or many conservatives' the answer doesnOt lie in political liberty' in any case. )hat may be a good thing' they say $and' indeed' most of them do broadly share with libertarians a concern for political liberty, but our culture is in decline' our moral and ethical standards are falling' and if weOre to save our society we have to concentrate our effort here' directly on morality and culture and not on issues of political liberty. Bill Bennett and Eon *berly are two articulate social conservative e2ponents of this view. )here are many. (y view' as a libertarian' is that they are wrong. )hat' in fact' there is nothing more important to our cultural and moral renaissance as a nation than to regain our lost political heritage of liberty and the sense of personal responsibility that a free society engenders. "ndeed' " would argue that only in an environment of political liberty can high moral and ethical standards flourish. )he answer to moral and ethical decline' after all' lies in the private sector' not the public sector. Actually' the distinction between the private and public sectors of our society is itself worth contemplating and affords me an opportunity to digress a bit here by e2pounding on my view of the nature of politics' before we e2amine more closely the corrupting influence of government on our culture. /esisting capitalism kills innocents and makes conditions worse 1iwan 9< $5omesh' Crofessor of *conomics at the 5ensselaer Colytechnic "nstitute' http3!!www.rpi.edu!bdiwanr!gKecon!left-.htm, )here are many contradictions4 both of logic and relationship to facts. Pn the one hand' left ideology believes in masses but it rejects masses every time they e2press themselves. 6or e2amples' if masses vote with or for so.called rightist

parties. shouldnOt one respect their decisions and attempt to understand why do they do so instead of condemning them as ill informed. manipulated' etc. "t is easier to find faults with others than to recogni e facts. A respect for facts may force them to ask the question' (rs. %oan 5obinson' an intellectual of the left par e2cellence' asked in late 89JMs' namely' 0+hy havenOt left parties become mass parties even after 8-M years of (ar2ian ideas and ideology70 *ven today' when all the media has been concerned with the high level of corruption among %anata >eaders like >aloo Qadav and the imbecility of the "nder &ujral . a leftist Crime (inister . no left intellectual or party has the courage to ask &ujralOs resignation. Low can such ideology or parties gain peopleOs confidence7 Another fallacy relates to the notion of mass revolt by the poor and e2cluded. )here is a romanticism with the idea of 0revolution.0 )his idea was much popular in 89JMs when the conditions were a little more favorable. )here was a major debate about the method of Che &uvera in >atin America and his 6rench intellectual interpreter4 Eebray. )he historical facts donOt square. All that happened was Che was hunted and killed. Coor "ndians in 1outh American are still where they were then4 if not worse off. "n "ndia this idea was followed up by Ia2alites. 6or the past NM years they have attempted to create a violent revolution in some part of the country4 first in the *ast and later in Andhra Cradesh. All it can claim to its credit is a killing of some innocent people but no success in creating any mass consciousness. much less mass movement. *ven the communist party of"ndia doesnOt support it. )he lot of the poor has remained poor. "n fact level and suffering of the poor whom it has been trying to help has worsened. "n some circles' facts donOt seem to matter. But given these facts. there is a need to rethink this idea. !ap solves their impactsit fosters criticism of the system to ensure sustainability Bilson 9< $%ames' professor of &overnment at Larvard' =)he morality of capitalism?, Another way by which capitalism strengthens our moral sentiments is that it creates and empowers its own critics. +hen Eaniel Bell published his famous essay on <)he Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism'H he argued that the bourgeois culture _ rational' pragmatic and moral _ that had created capitalism was now being destroyed by the success of capitalism. Capitalism created both a parvenu class of rich plutocrats and corporate climbers' and a counter.culture of critical
intellectuals and disaffected youth4 the latter began to have a field day e2posing what they took to be the greed' hypocrisy and Chilistinism of the former. )his is a theme first developed by %oseph 1chumpeter' the great Larvard economist' in his 89/F book' Capitalism' 1ocialism and Eemocracy. "t was a remarkable book because it begins with the proposition that #arl (ar2 got it e2actly wrong. Capitalism will not be destroyed' he said' by its failures4 it will be destroyed by its successes. Iow " think he was wrong to say that capitalism will be destroyed' but he was right to point to the changes capitalism brings in the social and political order that

will constitute an ever.growing' ever.larger challenge to the right of capitalism to e2ist. )he way they will do this is by creating and sustaining a class of intellectuals. Capitalism requires intellectuals. Business people support universities _
especially' it would seem' those universities that devote much of their facultyHs time to attacking business people. "t supports them for a very good reason3 capitalism understands the value of reason and knowledge. "t understands the value of scientific inquiry. "t knows that whatever the intellectuals may say on the cocktail party circuit or speaking on television programs or writing in quarterly journals' their general level of activity is essential to the dissemination of knowledge . But by creating and sustaining an intellectual class it creates and sustains a group of people who inevitably will become critics of capitalism' just as they are critics of democracy' culture' and religion. "ntellectuals live in a world of artificial models that are designed in their mind to capture some part of reality and' unlike practical people' they think that those intel.lectual models in some cases actually describe reality. And when you have the view that the world ought to fit your model and you notice that it does not' you assume that there is some.thing wrong with the world. 5eligious ealots are destroying your pure spiritual insights' government officials are contaminating your right to communicate' and capitalists are sustaining a gross consumer.oriented materialist society which cannot support intellectuals at the level to which they are entitled. But this process of creating and sustaining your own critics is unique to capitalism. )here is no other economic

order that does this. All other economic orders have to be overthrown either by military rebellion or by internal collapse because they do not accommodate them.selves to critics. Cne5uality is inevitablecapitalism is the least painful Bilson 9< $%ames' professor of &overnment at Larvard' =)he morality of capitalism?, 6irst' inequality. *very social system produces inequality3 if not inequality of wealth' then inequality of power or inequality of military might. +e only have the choice of which kind of inequality we wish to subscribe to. (any nations have claimed to eliminate market.based inequalities' but they have done so only by creating non.market inequalities _ a 1oviet nomenklatura' a ruling military elite' an elaborate black market' or a set of non.cash perks. "nequality is an unavoidable feature of human life in organised societies' and capitalist in.equality is the one that provides the most openings for upward mobility' because to rise in that hierarchy you do not need the largest sword or the most votes' you only need to accumulate economic resources. The race for wealth is inevitableallowing growth through capitalism is crucial to preventing domination through military expansion

Bilson 9< $%ames' professor of &overnment at Larvard' =)he morality of capitalism?, Critics of capitalism argue that wealth confers power' and indeed it does' up to a point. 1how people the road to wealth' status' or power' and they will rush down that road' and many will do some rather unattractive things along the way. But this is not a decisive criticism unless one supposes' fancifully' that there is some way to arrange human affairs so that the desire for advantage vanishes. )he real choice is between becoming wealthy by first acquiring political or military power' or getting money directly without bothering with conquest or domination. "f it is in manHs nature to seek domination over other men' there are really only two ways to make that domination work. Pne is military power' and that is the principle upon which domination e2isted from the beginning of manHs time on this earth to down about two hundred years ago' when it began to be set aside by another principle' namely the accum.ulation of wealth. Iow you may feel that men should not try to dominate other men _ although " do not see how you could believe this in Australia given the importance attached to sports. Qou may like to replace manHs desire to dominate other men' and in a few cases it is prevented by religious conversion or a decent temperament. But as long as the instinct persists' you only have two choices' and if you choose to compete economically you will reduce the e2tent to which one group of men will tyrannise over another by the use of military might or political power. !apitalism does not alienate Bilson 9< $%ames' professor of &overnment at Larvard' =)he morality of capitalism?, Alienation. " think #arl (ar2 was wrong' it is not work that produces alienation' it is idleness. Ceople by and large prefer work to non work' even though in many parts of the world society has done its best to encourage non work. "n the United 1tates' people when asked how they feel about their jobs almost uniformly say they like their work. Americans are gloomy about the decency of their culture and the justice of their politics4 it may be one of the supreme ironies of our time that they are often more satisfied with their employer than with their community. "f so' (ar2 has been stood squarely on his head.

2AC Cap 5ood#Chinese 5ro&th

!apitalism key to !hinese growthprevents lashout 9enderson < :Eavid 5.' 1enior fellow with the Loover "nstitution and associate professor of economics \ Iaval
Costgraduate 1chool =A Capitalist Ceace +ith China'? (ayF' http3!!www.antiwar.com!henderson!7articleid^8M9-NA

(any people' including many of my students at the Iaval Costgraduate 1chool' worry that economic growth in China will make China a formidable competitor to the United 1tates. (y students typically raise this concern when we talk about free trade' and they worry about people in China 0taking our jobs.0 " manage to assuage this fear by going through the economic analysis of 0comparative advantage.0 " show them' with simple numerical e2amples' that when countries with lower productivity per unit of labor' such as China' trade with countries that have more.productive labor' such as the United 1tates' both sides gain from trade. Ceople in the United 1tates gain by
speciali ing in producing the goods in which they have a comparative advantage and then trading them for goods from China in which the Chinese have a comparative advantage. )his analysis' dating back to the famous early 89th.century economist' Eavid 5icardo' still stands up almost -MM years since its discovery. >eft.wing Iew Qork )imes columnist Caul #rugman' for e2ample' wrote an e2cellent piece defending the idea of comparative advantage. And conservative.libertarian economist Arnold #ling gives a simple numerical illustration here. Pnce their fears are addressed' many of my students still worry that China will become a formidable economic power and will use this power to threaten people in the United 1tates. "t is true that China is likely to become an even more formidable economic power than it is now. But is it likely to use this power to threaten the United 1tates7 )he answer is no. And the basis for that answer is a burgeoning academic literature' written mainly by political scientists' that finds that the more free.market countries become' the more peaceable

*conomists across the political spectrum still accept it.

the more capitalist !hina becomes& the less of a threat it will be0 )he most recent evidence for this conclusion comes from an article by *ric &art ke' a political.science professor at Columbia University. "n 0)he Capitalist Ceace'0 published in the American %ournal of Colitical 1cience $%anuary -MMF,' &art ke starts with the fact' well established by other political scientists' that democracies tend not to make war on each other. Le digs beneath this result to ask whether it is being democratic per se that matters for peace or whether what matters is the economic institutions that often go with democracy. Le finds the latter. &art ke writes' 0 Ceace can result from at least three aspects of mature capitalist economies.0 +hat are the three7 6irst is the 0rising importance of intellectual and financial capital' factors that are more e2pediently enticed than conquered.0 Pne hundred years ago' when raw natural resources were more important factors in a nationOs wealth' it was common for one countryOs government to attack another country in order to grab those resources. But itOs hard to grab financial capital and even harder to grab intellectual capital . )he second factor &art ke cites is the 0substantial overlap in the foreign policy goals of developed nations since +orld +ar "".0 Le notes that it is an open question whether this
they become. "tOs not a sure thing' which is why " said only that China is not likely to threaten the United 1tates' not that it wonOt. But all other things being equal' 0affinity among liberal states will persist.0 Certainly' the U.1. government under &eorge +. Bush and the U# government under )ony Blair' with their unprovoked attack on' and occupation of' "raq' have done much to fray this consensus. But' more to the point' the

)he third factor behind peace that &art ke cites is 0the rise of global capital markets'0 which 0creates a new mechanism for competition and communication for states that might otherwise be forced to fight.0
Chinese government hasnOt. )he idea that countries can do better by cooperating rather than fighting is not new. &art ke points out that (ontesquieu' )homas Caine' 6rederic Bastiat' %ohn 1tuart (ill' 5ichard Cobden' and Iorman Angell had all argued this decades or centuries before. )hey didnOt argue that economic freedom and prosperity made war impossible3 rather' they argued that it made war unprofitable for both sides. &art ke takes the ne2t step and argues that it will make war less likely. &art ke makes his case with a huge data set on conflicts between various countriesO governments between 89RM and 899-. Le finds the standard result that the degree of democracy affects the probability of war in the now.accepted way3 democracies go to war with each other rarely. But as he adds variables for degree of economic freedom' he finds that democracy has little independent effect. "nstead'

as economic freedom increases' the amount of conflict

decreases. "n short' the apparent effect of democracy on peace is really the effect of economic freedom on peace3 capitalism leads to peace. Low does this relate to China7 China is becoming more capitalist. )he Chinese government recently recogni ed the right to private property. "t also now allows foreign investment in China . 1o' to the e2tent that &art keOs empirical relationship holds ' China should be less threatening than it has been in the past. That's key to preventing nuclear war ;trait Times *k $)he 1traits )imes $1ingapore,' =Io one gains in war over )aiwan?' %une -R' -MMM' >!I, The doomsday scenario )L* high.intensity scenario postulates a cross-strait war escalating into a full-scale war between the US and China. "f +ashington were to conclude that splitting China would better serve its national interests' then a full-scale war becomes unavoidable . Conflict on such a scale would embroil other countries far and near and .. horror of horrors .. raise the possibility of a nuclear war . Beijing has already told the U1 and %apan privately that it considers any country providing bases and logistics support
to any U1 forces attacking China as belligerent parties open to its retaliation. "n the region' this means 1outh #orea' %apan' the Chilippines and' to a lesser e2tent' 1ingapore. "f China were to retaliate' east Asia will be set on fire. And the conflagration may not end there

' hostilities between India and a!istan' each armed with its own nuclear arsenal' could enter a new and dangerous phase. +ill a full.scale 1ino.U1 war lead to a
as opportunistic powers elsewhere may try to overturn the e2isting world order. +ith the U1 distracted' Russia may seek to redefine Europe's political landscape. )he balance of power in the (iddle *ast may be similarly upset by the likes of "raq. "n south Asia nuclear war7 According to &eneral (atthew 5idgeway' commander of the U1 *ighth Army which fought against the Chinese in the #orean +ar' the U1 had at the time thought of using nuclear weapons against China to save the U1 from military defeat. "n his book )he #orean +ar' a personal account of the military and political aspects of the conflict and its implications on future U1 foreign policy' &en 5idgeway said that U1 was confronted with two choices in #orea .. truce or a broadened war' which could have led to the use of nuclear weapons. "f the U1 had to resort to nuclear weaponry to defeat China long before the latter acquired a similar capability' there is little hope of winning a war against China RM years later' short of using nuclear weapons. )he U1 estimates that China possesses about -M nuclear warheads that can destroy major American cities. Beijing also seems prepared to go for the nuclear option. A Chinese military officer disclosed recently that Beijing was considering a review of its 0non first use0 principle regarding nuclear weapons. (ajor.&eneral Can ;hangqiang' president of the military.funded "nstitute for 1trategic 1tudies' told a gathering at the +oodrow +ilson "nternational Centre for 1cholars in +ashington that although the government still abided by that principle' there were strong

should that come to pass" we would see the destruction of civilisation . )here would be no victors in such a war. +hile the prospect of a nuclear #rmaggedon over $aiwan might
pressures from the military to drop it. Le said military leaders considered the use of nuclear weapons mandatory if the country risked dismemberment as a result of foreign intervention. &en 5idgeway said that

2AC Cap 5ood Space

Free markets are key to space explorationonly they provide incentives Garmong 7$ $5obert' Capitalism (aga ine' =Crivati e 1pace *2ploration?' %uly --' http3!!www.capmag.com!article.asp7 "E^/N-F, the first privately funded manned spacecraft' 1pace1hipPne' which over a year ago shattered more than the boundary of outer space3 it destroyed forever the myth that space e2ploration can only be done by the government. )wo years ago' a Bush Administration panel on space e2ploration recommended that IA1A increase the role of private
As IA1A scrambles to make the %uly N8 window for the troubled launch of space shuttle Eiscovery' we should recall contractors in the push to permanently settle the moon and eventually e2plore (ars. Unfortunately' it appears unlikely that IA1A will consider the true free.market solution for AmericaOs e2pensive space program3 complete

space e2ploration' as the grandest of manOs technological advancements' requires the kind of bold innovation possible only to minds left free to pursue the best of their creative thinking and judgment. Qet' by
privati ation. )here is a contradiction at the heart of the space program3
funding the space program through ta2ation' we necessarily place it at the mercy of bureaucratic whim. )he results are written all over the past twenty years of IA1AOs history3 the space program is a political animal' marked by shifting' inconsistent' and ill.defined goals. )he space shuttle was built and maintained to please clashing special interest groups' not to do a clearly defined job for which there was an economic and technical need. )he shuttle was to launch satellites for the Eepartment of Eefense and private contractors.. which could be done more cheaply by lightweight' disposable rockets. "t was to carry scientific e2periments..which could be done more efficiently by unmanned vehicles. But one 0need0 came before all technical issues3 IA1AOs political need for showy manned vehicles. )he result' as great a technical achievement as it is' was an over.si ed' over.complicated' over.budget' overly dangerous vehicle that does everything poorly and nothing well. "ndeed' the space shuttle program was supposed to be phased out years ago' but the search for its replacement has been halted' largely because space contractors enjoy collecting on the overpriced shuttle without the e2pense and bother of researching cheaper alternatives. A private industry could have fired them..but not so in a government project' with home.district congressmen to lobby on their behalf. )here is reason to believe that the political nature of the space program may have even been directly responsible for the Columbia disaster. 6o2 Iews reported that IA1A chose to stick with non.6reon.based foam insulation on the booster rockets' despite evidence that this type of foam causes up to eleven times as much damage to thermal tiles as the older' 6reon.based foam. Although IA1A was e2empted from the restrictions on 6reon use' which environmentalists believe causes o one depletion' and despite the fact that the amount of 6reon released by IA1AOs rockets would have been trivial' the space agency elected to stick with the politically correct foam. "t is impossible to integrate the contradictory. )o whatever e2tent an engineer is forced to base his decisions' not on the realities of science but on the arbitrary' unpredictable' and often impossible demands of a politici ed system' he is stymied. Qet this politici ing is an unavoidable consequence of governmental control over scientific research and

Ior would it be difficult to spur the private e2ploration of space..itOs been happening' quietly' for years. )he free market works to produce whatever there is demand for ' just as it now does with traditional aircraft . Commercial satellite launches are now routine'
development. and could easily be fully privati ed. )he U Cri e' which 1pace1hipPne won' offered incentives for private groups to break out of the *arthOs atmosphere. But all this private e2ploration is hobbled by the crucial absence of a system of property rights in space .

"magine the incentive to a profit.minded business if' for instance' it were granted the right to any stellar body it reached and e2ploited. +e often hear that the most ambitious projects can only be undertaken by government' but in fact the opposite is true. )he more ambitious a project is' the more it demands to be broken into achievable' profit.making steps ..and freed from the unavoidable politici ing of government.controlled science. "f space development is to be transformed from an e2pensive national bauble whose central purpose is to assert national pride to a practical industry' it will only be by unleashing the creative force of free and rational minds. )he creative minds that allowed 1pace1hipPne to soar to triumph have made the first private steps toward the stars. Before them are enormous technical difficulties' the solution of which will require even more heroic determination than that which tamed the seas and the continents. )o solve them' America must unleash its best minds' as only the free market can do. Avery delay in space colonization results in wasted energythe cost is a hundred trillion lives per second 3ostrum 7* $Iick' Eepartment of Chilosophy' Qale University' Eirector of the 6uture of Lumanity "nstitute at P2ford University' =Astronomical +aste3 )he
Ppportunity Cost of Eelayed )echnological Eevelopment'? Creprint' Utilitas Bol. 8R' Io. N' pp. NMG.N8/' http3!!www.nickbostrom.com!astronomical!waste.html,

suns are illuminating and heating empty rooms' unused energy is being flushed down black holes' and our great common endowment of negentropy is being irreversibly degraded into entropy on a cosmic scale. )hese are resources that an advanced civili ation could have used to create value.structures' such as sentient beings living worthwhile lives. )he rate of this loss boggles the mind. Pne recent paper speculates ' using loose theoretical considerations based on the rate of increase of entropy' that the loss of potential human lives in our own galactic supercluster is at least b8Mc/J per century of delayed coloni ation .:8A )his estimate assumes that all the lost entropy could have been used for productive purposes' although no currently known technological mechanisms are even remotely capable of doing that. 1ince the estimate is meant to be a lower bound' this radically unconservative assumption is undesirable. +e can' however' get a lower bound more straightforwardly by simply counting the number or stars in our galactic supercluster and multiplying this number with the amount of computing power that the resources of each star could be used to generate using technologies for whose feasibility a strong case has already been made. +e can then divide this total with the estimated amount of computing power needed to simulate one human life . As a rough appro2imation' let us say the Birgo
As " write these words' 1upercluster contains 8Mc8N stars. Pne estimate of the computing power e2tractable from a star and with an associated planet.si ed computational structure' using advanced molecular nanotechnology:-A' is 8Mc/- operations per second.:NA A typical estimate of the human brainHs processing power is roughly 8Mc8F operations per second or less.:/A Iot much more seems to be needed to simulate the relevant parts of the environment in sufficient detail to enable the simulated minds to have e2periences indistinguishable from typical

the potential for appro2imately 8McNG human lives is lost every century that coloni ation of our local supercluster is delayed4 or equivalently' about 8McN8 potential human lives per second. +hile this estimate is conservative in that it
current human e2periences.:RA &iven these estimates' it follows that assumes only computational mechanisms whose implementation has been at least outlined in the literature' it is useful to have an even more conservative estimate that does not assume a non.biological instantiation of the potential persons. 1uppose that about 8Mc8M biological humans could be sustained around an average star. )hen the Birgo 1upercluster could contain 8Mc-N biological humans. )his corresponds to a loss of potential equal to about 8Mc8/ potential human lives per second of delayed coloni ation. +hat matters for

*ven with the most conservative estimate' assuming a biological implementation of all persons' the potential for one hundred trillion potential human beings is lost for every second of postponement of coloni ation of our supercluster.
present purposes is not the e2act numbers but the fact that they are huge.

3A4 Cap 5ood Space

Growth makes space colonization inevitable 9anson 72 $5obin' assistant professor of economics at &eorge (ason, "f our growth does not stop' it must continue. And it cannot continue this long without enabling and encouraging massive space coloni ation. 1patial!material growth requires it' technical growth enables it' and economic growth induces technical growth. Growth and domination of nature are key to space colonization0 %ey 98 $(ichael' ChE and director of the *2pansionary "nstitute' )he 6uture 6actor' pp. 8R.8J, Ultimately' humankindOs progress in the area of dominioni ation will drive our species to achieve a much greater feat' vitali ation' the spreading of human intelligence and consciousness first across this planet and eventually throughout the universe. +e will infuse the cosmos with humanness' bring order to chaos' beauty to the barren' life to the void. Eominioni ation of our home planet prepares us well for the vitali ation of the planet. Before we can oversee the development of other planetsO topography and climate' we must first learn to perform such operations here on *arth. )o rocket from one sphere and travel to the stars we must develop highly sophisticated and powerful forms of energy including nuclear fusion and solar power. "n addition' dominioni ation helps humanity achieve the level of material affluence required to pursue vitali ation' an enterprise of Brobdingnagian proportions. Iot until we achieve a high level of material abundance can we even reasonably e2pect to reengineer the universe. 6ortunately' humanity is rapidly mastering industrial and agricultural techniques and technologies empowering us to eliminate scarcity and create global affluence. Be must spread to space or face extinction 9awking 72 $1tephen' smartest person alive' 8M.8J' =)he Case for 1pace Coloni ation Iow?, 0)he human race is likely to be wiped out by a doomsday virus . . . unless we set up colonies in space. Although 1ept. 88th was horrible' it didnOt threaten the survival of the human race like nuclear weapons do'0 said the Cambridge University 1cientist. 0"n the long term' "Om more worried about biology. Iuclear weapons need large facilities' but genetic engineering can be done in a small lab. )he danger is that' either by accident or design' we create a virus that destroys us. " donOt think the human race will survive . . unless we spread into space. )here are too many accidents that can befall life on a single planet.0 Be must set up colonies away from earth to guarantee life 9awking 72 $1tephen' smartest person alive' 8M.8J' =)he Case for 1pace Coloni ation Iow?, )he argument is that man may soon destroy himself on earth before he can set up a backup civili ation elsewhere . Iow man may or may not be the only life in the universe capable of abstract thought' but we surely must agree that much would be lost if manOs e2istence were to cease right now. )rillions of trillions of potentially happy and productive man. years would never come to pass. +e are obligated to do all we can' now' to protect this future T "n the last generation or two' man
has clearly reached some sort of milestone or turning point. )he present is unprecedented' and so the future is completely unpredictable. 6or the first time in manOs history' many things seem to be doubling every decade or two' such as population' research' energy usage' pollution' nuclear capability' total knowledge' and more. "n addition' man has achieved the ability to destroy himself and all his future generations. )he probability of manOs self.

destruction is clearly increasing at a rate much greater than' for instance' population growth. An in.depth study could well uncover some alarming statistics here. "t behooves us to immediately begin work toward getting a self.sufficient colony away from earth. +e just may be the only life in the universe with the foresight to have 0moved out0 before it destroyed itself. 1o' should America go all.out for space coloni ation7 +hat follows can only touch the surface of this question. )he points that are made' however' are felt to be convincing enough to warrant immediate and forceful action. (any of the ideas in this book are very new and very important. 5ead them with a receptive mind and critici e them fairly and logically' remembering all the while the importance of whatOs at stake. 0+hat can happen' will happen.0 . Anon ;pace key to prevent inevitable extinction -berg& 99 _ space writer and a former space flight engineer based in Louston $%ames' 1pace Cower )heory' http3!!www.jamesoberg.com!books!spt!new.CLAC)*51wKfigs.pdf, +e have the great gift of yet another period when our nation is not threatened4 and our world is free from opposing coalitions with great global capabilities. +e can use this period to take our nation and our fellow men into the greatest adventure that our species has ever embarked upon. )he United 1tates can lead' protect' and help the rest of :huAmankind to move into space. "t is particularly fitting that a country comprised of people from all over the globe assumes that role. )his is a manifest destiny worthy of dreamers and poets' warriors and conquerors. "n his last book' Cale Blue Eot' Carl

1agan presents an emotional argument that our species must venture into the vast realm of space to establish a spacefaring civili ation. +hile acknowledging the very high costs that are involved in manned spaceflight' 1agan states that our very survival as a species depends on colonizing outer space. Astronomers have already identified do ens of asteroids that might someday smash into *arth. Undoubtedly' many more remain undetected. "n 1aganHs opinion' the only way to avert inevitable catastrophe is for mankind to establish a permanent human presence in space . Le compares humans to the planets that roam the night sky' as he says that humans will too wander through space. +e will wander space because we possess a compulsion to e2plore' and space provides a truly infinite prospect of new directions to e2plore. 1aganHs vision is part science and part emotion. Le hoped that the e2ploration of space would unify humankind. +e propose that mankind follow the United 1tates and our allies into this new sea' set with jeweled stars. "f we lead' we can be both strong and caring. "f we step back' it may be to the detriment of more than our country. Axtinction is inevitable absent space colonization Falconi& 2982 _ B.1. in Chysics from (.".). Chysicist and Consultant in the Computer and *lectro.optical 6ields $Pscar' =)he Case for 1pace Coloni ation _ IowT? http3!!www.nutri.com!space!, YAs the years pass' it has become more and more apparent that intelligent life on this earth has very little time remaining' and that weOre about to e2perience a terrifying ' unpreventable holocaustT Io' this conclusion isnOt reached by religious Armageddon.type considerations. Iot at all. All life on earth is threatened by political and environmental problems that are quickly coming to a clima23 +orld +ar """' nuclear wastes' atmospheric pollution' and many more ' each by itself able to put an end to man. )his book frankly e2amines these many causes of our destruction and gives incisive and logical arguments that will convince the reader that the coloni ation of space must be our generationOs very first priority and must be undertaken immediately in order to save our fine civili ation and to preserve our culture. )he fact that the coloni ation of space is the only way to save our civili ation is an important concept. "n this book it is shown that mankind is very possibly alone in the universe. +e therefore have an enormous responsibility to prevent our destruction. )his can only be done by coloni ing space with self.sufficient backup civili ations' a task we are presently quite capable of accomplishing' both technically and financially' within the ne2t -R years.Z

3A4 Cap 5ood#AT= Turns Case

/egulations can solve warming despite capand trade key to tech transfer Auropean !ommission -MM8 :="s climate change policy incompatible with free trade7? 1ept 8G http3!!www.egovmonitor.com!node!-8M-RA 6irstly' trade is our basic means for spreading green technology. Carbon emissions targets rely on the political and social will to change the way we do things. But they also rely on the technologies that will enable us to change . )hose technologies are goods and services that are traded like any other. Pne of the biggest challenges of climate change is not just powering new innovations in generating and using energy' but transferring those innovations from market to market . *specially into the industrialising developing world. )echnology transfer is driven by cross.border investment and trade. An e2ample that should motivate us is mobile telephony in "ndia. (arkets are spreading mobile phone technology at the rate of about J million new phones every montheven into remote rural areas' even where there are no conventional fi2ed phone networks. )he same has got to be possible for solar panels' or energy.saving water heaters or wind turbines for generating electricity. )hatOs why the *U has been a key advocate of a new multilateral green goods and services agreement as part of the Eoha 5ound and as a support to any global deal on climate change. "n fact' without an open global market in green technology' any new global emissions reduction deal would start life with at least one hand tied behind its back. )his is' in my opinion' the most important potential contribution of trade policy to the climate agenda. 1o we have to get it right. +hat the *U has been pushing for is an agreement that would eliminate all tariffs on a range of key basic environmental technologies identified by the +orld Bank. "t would also open up markets for investment in green serviceslike e2pert advice in managing environmental waste' or building energy efficient buildings. )hese are competitive strengths shared between developed and developing countries. China is developing into one of the worldOs biggest producers of wind turbines. "ndia has strong advantages in energy saving water.heating technology. )here is a generation of waste management firms that have become world leaders by managing the growing cities of >atin America. 1o there is a convergence of responsibility and shared opportunity between Iorth and 1outh. 1econdly' trade policy can help us incentivise good environmental policy' at home and in others. )hrough our trade preferences the *U offers lower tariff rates to developing countries that have ratified and implemented environmental agreements like the #yoto Crotocol. "n the area of logging we are currently working on legislation that will create obligations for traders to monitor the sourcing of timber to be sure that it comes from certified legal sources that are managed responsibly. +e also use our 6)A negotiations to encourage climate change goals3 we prioritise liberalisation of environmental goods and ask for commitments on sustainable management of natural resources. )he elephant in the room when we talk about trade incentives for the right climate policy is of course the idea of a carbon border ta2. )his is intended to punish free.riders who donOt sign up to a global climate deal and who therefore donOt bear the competitiveness costs of paying for the carbon they emit. "n the jargon they benefit from Ocarbon leakageOcarbon that is used without being paid for. )he Commission recognised the potential risks of free riding in its %anuary package . in particular in relation to energy intensive industries. Clearly the best way to stop carbon OleakingO out of a global regulatory system is to make sure that nobody stays outside of the system. )hat is why the CommissionOs priority has always been a comprehensive international climate agreement that has no free.riders. )here are also numerous potential complications with a carbon ta2. Border measures may provide some relief to energy intensive industries' but there would be pitfalls and negative side effects for other sectors and consumers. (easures would be e2tremely difficult to administer and enforce. "nput prices for industry would rise' which would in turn push up prices of *uropean e2ports and reduce competiveness. Border measures could also invite retaliation and provoke a negative spiral of protectionism' under the prete2t of environmental protection. @uite aside from the fact that it is technically difficult to design a measure that is +)P compatible. (ost importantly' we cannot really address the problem of free.riding until we know the e2tent of it. 1o first we must be sure we have done everything we can to secure a globally inclusive climate change package for the post.-M8- period' with all the key players inside. "t is clear that the problem and the debate on carbon leakage wonOt go away. But right now we should be focusing on building a global coalition for a new global climate treaty. )ough talk on a climate ta2 will only alienate the very partners we need to get on board. " think the CommissionOs action reflects this reality. Conclusion A world of unregulated free trade might have negative consequences for the environment3 but thatEs not the world we live in. )he market is not shaped only by raw commercial interests. 1tates can regulate the use of natural resources itOs often in their long term interests to do so. )hey can regulate carbon emissions cutseven if it means difficult change for industry . )he *U has led the way here in its proposals agreed earlier this year and which our member states will be considering between now and the end of the year.

3A4 Cap 5ood#AT= Socialism

;ocialism is inherently totalitariantransitioning now would kill millions /ockwell' -MM8 :>lewellyn' president of the >udwig von (ises "nstitute' *verything Qou >ove Qou Pwe to Capitalism' R!8F' http3!!mises.org!story!-9G-A +hatever the specifics of the case in question' socialism always means overriding the free decisions of individuals and replacing that capacity for decision making with an overarching plan by the state. )aken far enough' this mode of thought wonOt just spell an end to opulent lunches. "t will mean the end of what we all know as civilization itself. "t would plunge us back to a primitive state of e2istence ' living off hunting and gathering in a world with little art' music' leisure' or charity. Ior is any form of socialism capable of providing for the needs of the worldOs si2 billion people' so the population would shrink dramatically and quickly and in a manner that would make every human horror ever known seem mild by comparison. Ior is it possible to divorce socialism from totalitarianism ' because if you are serious about ending private ownership of the means of production' you have to be serious about ending freedom and creativity too . Qou will have to make the whole of society' or what is left of it' into a prison. "n short' the wish for socialism is a wish for unparalleled human evil. "f we really understood this' no one would e2press casual support for it in polite company. "t would be like saying' you know' there is really something to be said for malaria and typhoid and dropping atom bombs on millions of innocents.

3A4 Cap 5ood#Di%ek is Totalitarian

Totalitarianism causes extinction
#ateb 899*' Eirector of the Crogram in Colitical Chilosophy at Crinceton :&eorge' $he Inner %cean' pp.8-8.8--A
" have said that statism is one of the main ideas that are implied in official $and lay, rhetoric rationali ing the use of nuclear weapons. But the role of statism in the nuclear situation is not confined to this function. "n another form it makes another contribution. )he form is best called.once again a 6rench name is most apt.dirigisme' the unremitting direction by the state of all facets of life. >et us translate the word as 0state activism.0 )he contribution is indirect but insidious and pervasive' and consists of the general tendency to leave citi ens in a condition of dependence which borders on helplessness. )he virulent practitioners of state activism are' of course'

tyranny' despotism' and totalist rule in all their varieties. +henever a nuclear power is also one of the latter regimes' then the disposition among a compliant population is to get used to the idea that the state ' as the source of practically all benefits and penalties.all those outside the intimate sphere and many inside it .has the right to dispose of the fate of the people in any way it sees fit. )he way it sees fit seems the unavoidable way. 1uch compliance strengthens the readiness of officials to think seriously about
the police state' using nuclear weapons. %ust as the people are used to the idea that the state has the right to dispose of their fate' so the state gets used to the idea that it may even use nuclear weapons in disposing of its peopleOs fate . (y concern here' however' is not with the mentality of unfree societies but rather with that of democratic societies. " propose the idea.it is no more than a hypothesis.that the growth of state activism in a democracy is the growth' as well' of that compliance creating and resting on dependence which makes it easier for the government to think of itself as a state.not only in our earlier sense of an entity whose survival is held to be equivalent to the survival of society itself' but in the related but separate sense of an entity that is indispensable to all relations and transactions in society. )he state' in this conceptuali ation' is the very life of society in its normal workings' the main source of initiative' response' repair' and redress. 1ociety lives by its discipline' which is felt mostly as benign and which is often not felt as discipline or felt at all. )he government becomes all.observant' all. competent4 it intervenes everywhere4 and as new predicaments arise in society' it moves first to define and attempt a resolution of them. (y proposed idea is that as this tendency grows.and it is already quite far advanced. people will' to an increasing degree' come to accept the government as a state. )he tendency of e2ecutive officials $and some in the legislative and judicial branches, to conceive of government as a state will thus be met by the tendency of people to accept that conception. CeopleOs dependence on it will gradually condition their attitudes and their sentiments. >ooking to it' they must end by looking up to it. " believe the 0logic0 of this tendency' as

*ntrusted with so much everyday power' the entire corps of officials must easily find confirmation for the rationalization of the use of nuclear weapons proposed by the foreign.policy sector of officialdom. )here may be a strong' if subterranean' bond between the state as indispensable to all relations and transactions in everyday
we say' is that officials become confirmed in their sense that they' too $like their counterparts in unfree societies,' may dispose of the fate of the people. society and the state as entitled to dispose of the fate of society in nuclear war' even though officials receive no e2plicit confirmation of this bond by the people. Under pressure' however' a people that habitually relies on the state may turn into a too easily mobili able population3 mobili able but otherwise immobile. (y further sense is that a renewed understanding of the moral ideas of individualism is vital to the effort to challenge state activism. Continues $p. 8--.8-/," say this' knowing that some aspects of individualism do help to push democratic government in the direction of becoming a state' and to push the state into state activism. )ocquevilleOs prescient analysis of democratic despotism must never be forgotten. *ven more important' we must not forget that he thought that democratic despotism was much more likely in those democracies in which individualism was narrowly or weakly developed and in which' therefore' the power of a full moral individualism had never corroded the statist pretensions of political authority. Lis main an2iety was for 6rance and the Continent' not for America. )hus' following )ocqueville' we may say that anti.individualism provides no remedy for the deficiencies3 the remedy is to be sought from individualism itself. Pne task of a renewed and revised individualism is to

' the encouragement of state activism' or the failure to resist it' contributes to nuclear statism and thus to the disposition to accept and inflict massive ruin and' with that' the unwanted and denied possibility of extinction. "n the nuclear situation' one must be attentive to even remote connections that may
challenge every.day state activism. 5emote as the connection may seem e2ist between human activity and human e2tinction. )here are no certainties of analysis on these possible connections. And so far the worst speculative connection is not e2emplified in American society. " only mean to refer to the hypothesis offered independently first by Lannah Arendt and then by (ichel 6oucault4 namely' that where the state is regarded both by itself and by the population not as a mere protector of life against domestic or foreign violence but as the source of contented and adjusted and regulari ed life $through its welfarist policies and other interventions,' it is subtly empowered to take the ne2t step and become the source of mass death. +hat it gives it can take away' like &od. But though still short of this e2treme' American society is full of serious tendencies of state activism which indirectly cooperate with the possibility of e2tinction. By continuously e2panding the scope of governmental activity' these tendencies work against one of the principal constituent elements of individualism' the idea that each person should be subject to the smallest possible amount of government regulation. )he protection of rights and the restriction of governmental activity are jointly at the service of an individualOs free life. PneOs life is not supposed to be arranged or designed by government or have meaning or coherence given to it by government4 nor is one supposed to be helped too much' or saved from oneself' or looked at closely or continuously. Pne is supposed to be free' autonomous' self.reliant. "ndividual rights are not always abridged when government acts to substitute itself for the individual and tries to lead our lives for us. &overnment may abide by the constitutional limitations on itself and nevertheless fill up too many vacant places in a personOs life' thus leaving too little raw material out of which a person develops on his or her own. )his ideal of free being is under relentless attack' but the attack could not score its successes unless we cooperated. "n cooperating we forget the ideal' or let preliminary aspects of it' like the pursuit of interests' e2haustively define the whole ideal. )he very notion of rights becomes bloated because of obsession with interests and turns false to itself. 5esistance must be offered from within the ideal' not from collectivism or communitarianism' which are both on the side of making a people systematically docile and ready for mobili ation . *ven if nuclear weapons did not e2ist and there were no possibility of e2tinction' the fight against state activism would have to be carried on. But the link between state activism and e2tinction suggests itself' and

cultivated individualism must be enlisted against such activism and in behalf of avoiding massive ruin and the possibility of extinction.

3A4 Cap 5ood#AT= Di%ek7s 6thics

%izek's ethics are exclusionary and violent /obinson' -MM$ :Andrew' recently completed his ChE in political theory at the University of Iottingham' )heory and *vent' G!8' =)he Colitical )heory of Constitutive >ack3 A Critique?' projectmuseA WiXekOs anti.capitalism has won him friends in leftist circles' but the capitalism to which he objects is not the capitalism of classical (ar2ist critique. Pne could' indeed' question whether WiXek is attacking capitalism $as opposed to liberalism, at all. Lis 0capitalism0 is a stultifying world of suffocating &ood which is unbearable precisely because it lacks the dimension of violence and antagonism. "t is' he says' OboringO' OrepetitiveO and OperverseO because it lacks the Oproperly politicalO attitude of E:s against ThemO-M. "t therefore eliminates the element of unconditional attachment to an unattainable )hing or 5eal' an element which is the core of humanity-8. "t delivers what WiXek fears most3 a Opallid and anaemic' self.satisfied' tolerant peaceful daily lifeO. )o rectify this situation' there is a need for suffocating &ood to be destroyed by diabolical *vil--. O+hy not violence7O he rhetorically asks. OLorrible as it may sound' " think itOs a useful antidote to all the aseptic' frustrating' politically correct pacifismO-N. )here must always be social exclusion ' and Oenemies of the peopleO-/. )he resulting politics involves an Eethical dutyE to accomplish an Act which shatters the social edifice by undermining the fantasies which sustain it-R. As with (ouffe' this is both a duty and an acceptance of necessity. OBy traversing the fantasy the subject accepts the void of his none2istenceO-J. Pn a political level' this kind of stance leads to an acceptance of social exclusion which negates compassion for its victims. )he resultant inhumanity finds its most e2treme e2pression in WiXekOs work' where OtodayOs 0mad dance0' the dynamic proliferation of multiple shifting identities... awaits its resolution in a new form of )errorO . "t is also present' however' in the toned.down e2clusionism of authors such as (ouffe. Lence' democracy depends on Othe possibility of drawing a frontier between 0us0 and 0them0O' and Oalways entails relations of inclusion.e2clusionO-G. OIo state or political order... can e2ist without some form of e2clusionO e2perienced by its victims as coercion and violence -9' and' since (ouffe assumes a state to be necessary' this means that one must endorse e2clusion and violence. $)he supposed necessity of the state is derived from the supposed need for a master.signifier or nodal point to stabili e identity and avoid psychosis' either for individuals or for
societies,. +hat is at stake in the division between these two trends in >acanian political theory is akin to the distinction Baneigem draws between 0active0 and 0passive0 nihilism NM. )he >aclauian trend involves an implied

)he WiXekian version is committed to a more violent and passionate affirmation of negativity' but one which ultimately changes very little. )he function of the WiXekian 0Act0 is to dissolve the self' producing a historical event. 0After the revolution0' however' everything stays much the same . 6or all its radical pretensions' WiXekOs politics can be summed up in his attitude to neo.liberalism3 O"f it works' why not try a dose of it7 ON8.
ironic distance from any specific project' which maintains awareness of its contingency4 overall' however' it reinforces conformity by insisting on an institutional mediation which overcodes all the 0articulations0.

-ur greatest ethical imperative is to stop exclusionthe impact is extinction Fasching 899@ Crofessor of 5eligious 1tudies at the University of 1outh 6lorida :Earrell %' $he Ethical challenge of Auschwit and Hiroshima( Apocal*pse or -topia ' pp. 8FR.8FJA )he fundamental problem as 5ichard 5ubenstein viewed it is how we treat the stranger. )he problem is the human penchant for creating 0the self.defeating ethos of exclusivism and intolerance . . . derived from a religious tradition that insists upon the dichotomous division of mankind into the elect and the reprobate.0 NJ )he logical outcome of such a civili ation' 5ubenstein argued' is nothing less than an apocalyptic Dworld-wide catastrophe in which hundreds of millions of human beings are destroyed and civili ation as we know it disappears. . . . :AndA we have the weaponry to bring it about.0NF )he ethical task as Arthur Cohen conceived it is to e2cavate the demonic' to descend into the abyss of the demonic. Pne must demythologi e its overwhelming reality and uncover the human roots of its inhumanity. Pne must come to understand the many faces and hid den depths of its manifestations so as to be able to build a wall of containment around it and a bridge capable of sustaining the traffic of human life over it. )he challenge is to divert our present historical trajectory away from any possible apocalyptic outcome. 0)he task of e2cavating the demonic'0 said Cohen' 0is no metaphor. Low can we regard the atomic bomb' or Bietnam' or the revelations of 1ol. henit ynOs "ulag. if not as modalities of the abyss ' e2cavations and elaborations of the human penchant to self.infinity' to the ultimate hu/ris which brings not only %ews but all creatures to the borderlands from which there is return for none . "t begins with the %ews and it may end with the habitable world.0NG )his self.infiniti ing sacrali ation $absoluti ing, of some portion of the finite as a substitute for the infinite leads to a dualistic division of the world into the elect $sacred, and the reprobate $profane, and the demand for unquestioning obe dience to the genocidal imperative killing in order to heal .

3A4 Cap 5ood#AT= Di%ek7s 4epeat Lenin

%izek's fascination with 6enin illustrates the inherently despotic and violent nature of his alternative /obinson and Tormey -MM@ :Andrew and 1imon' University of Iottingham' =;i ek is not a 5adical'? http3!!homepage.ntlworld.com!simon.tormey!articles!;i eknotradical.pdfA Eepleting >enin3 +hat is not to be doneT ;i ek is not a political theorist' and much of what passes for <politicsH in his work is asserted in passing. Usually' he discusses politics as an afterthought' during analyses of other subjects' such as a particular film or novel. ;i ekHs recent work does however address some directly political topics' including the attacks of 1eptember 88th' eastern *uropean nationalism' the Lolocaust' the concept of totalitarianism and western interventions in armed conflicts. Pne of his current fascinations is the relevance or <meaningH of >enin and the Act.*vent associated with the >enin signifier ' i.e. the 5ussian revolution and
its aftermath. )his interest in >enin follows logically from ;i ekHs love of provocation. >enin is perhaps the ultimate bogeyman of post.(ar2ism. >ess open to reformist rearticulation than <(ar2H' and lacking the anathematising e2tremity of <1talinH $for' though ;i ek claims to be identifying with the worst anathemas' he avoids in practice the most <disavowedH,' the signifier <>eninH occupies the nodal point between a committed ;i ekHs intellectual opponents. 6urther' ;i ekHs references to >enin offer a case.study of the political implications of ;i ekHs theories and the e2tent to which they can generate anything beyond intellectual provocation' negative assertion and abstract theorising . >enin is an obvious reference.point for anyone concerned about radically transforming the world rather than merely reforming the e2isting revolutionary politics and the <progressiveH leftism of system. )hough >enin was' by most criteria including his own' ultimately unsuccessful in achieving his goals' the revolution associated with his name succeeded in overthrowing capitalism and establishing an alternative social system. 6urther' >enin had a reputation for determination' intransigence and ruthlessness which ;i ek finds attractive. Le was not content to be a tragic.romantic failure' to play the liberal.capitalist game or to polemicise ineffectually from the sidelines' but rather' he was determined to be part of a movement which could sei e and retain state power. ;i ekHs <>eninismH results from similarities between >eninHs positions and

>enin went through an e2perience ;i ek sees as an Act' taking a <madH revolutionary stance in April 898F when even his comrades rejected such a position.8M/ Lis revolutionary intransigence
;i ekHs concept of the Act . especially if >enin himself is interpreted as initiating the entire revolutionary process. suspended liberal and (ar2ist orthodo2ies and so conformed with ;i ekHs description of the nature of an Act. And it is true that ;i ekHs account is supported by some of >eninHs statements3 <After its victoryH' >enin insisted' <the proletariat has to make the most strenuous efforts' to suffer the pains of martyrdom ... to <liberateH itself from ... pseudo. revolutionariesH48MR it should make sure it <is not afraid of itselfH and be ready to use <immediate and severe punishmentH' ignoring the empty <hypocrisyH of <those who show... fearH' who belong to the old society <which utters the word <justiceH without believing itH.8MJ (oreover' his break with #autsky

Arguably' he also <shot at himselfH by the sacrifices he made for <the revolutionH' suppressing his own emotions and denying himself a <normalH family life .
involved going through subjective destitution' providing support for ;i ekHs view that an <impossibleH politics is one that starts from personal denial.8MF As ;i ek insists' >enin was prepared to put aside the promise of emancipation when the regime felt threatened by the lack of <orderH' during the Civil +ar. And >enin used all available means to retain power and celebrated

;i ekHs admiration for >enin thus stems from the same source as his admiration for other historical figures such as Cope %ohn Caul ""' 1t Caul' Charles de &aulle and Cresident Chave of Bene uela' which is to say that it stems less from >eninHs politics than from the latterHs willingness to traverse the fantasy of a socio.political <givenH .8M9 )he parado2 of this <defenceH of >enin is that it reproduces almost e2actly the conservative account of why >enin should be renounced as a messianic <totalitarian' despot. )his is the >enin of Bertram E. +olf' >eonard 1hapiro and Adam B. Ulam' the >enin of the &ulag and the *vil *mpire' the >enin
the use of force and terror to underpin the new <revolutionaryH symbolism. )his terror was sufficiently wide. ranging to meet ;i ekHs demand for a Bataillean dimension.8MG whose <Bolshevism proved to be less a doctrine than a technique of action for the sei ing and holding of powerH'88M the big bad wolf so important for Cold +ar and anti.left propaganda . that is' the very image of >enin that

;i ekHs endorsement of this <>eninH illustrates in stark terms why his project should be rejected by those seeking to advance a left agenda. ;i ekHs <>eninismH shows the primacy of the category of the Act within his own approach . +hat he admires in the figure <>eninH has little to do with >eninHs motives and objectives' about which he says little4 nor does he endorse progressive aspects of the Bolshevik ideology or programme' such as radical decentralisation' land reform and workersH control. +hat he admires is how >eninHs ruthlessness supposedly enabled him to traverse the fantasy and accomplish an Act. )hus' the fact that the revolution was <betrayedH' that it $or its successors, ate its own children and created a new (aster and a new Prder through horrific purges in contradiction to its own proposed goals' are not to be regretted' but should for ;i ek be celebrated as evidence of the authenticity of the >eninist Act.88- )hat the regime which eventually emerged was violent and terroristic is not problematic for ;i ek3 Acts are necessarily terroristic and sweep their initiators up in a truth.event regardless of their will' and the most one can do is claim responsibility for what occurs.88N 6urther' they are on ;i ekHs account supposed to produce a new Prder and a new (aster. "t
generations of left. leaning scholars have been trying to qualify' undermine' challenge or rebut.888

remains unclear why one should support the <>eninistH Act' if this is the <>eninismH on offer.

2AC Cap 5ood#Alt. Aails

Frameworkrole of the ballot is plan vs. competitive policy option Best E. Competitive equitydiscursive assumptions as a priori issues are unpredictable and jack aff ground *. Utopian thinking badpolicy focus is keythe scientific reality of warming proves why e2tinction is inevitable absent the plan 6. c!"read your # as a counterplanthat avoids abusive individual and private fiat
The alternative is hopelessno risk of spillover 6ewis 899( :(artin' lecturer in international history and interim director of the program in "nternational 5elations at 1tanford University. "reen #elusions( An Environmentalist 'riti0ue of Radical Environmentalism. Cage 88.8-A (any eco.radicals hope that a massive ideological campaign can transform popular perceptions' leading both to a fundamental change in lifestyles and to large.scale social reconstruction. 1uch a view is highly credulous. )he notion that continued intellectual hectoring will eventually result in a mass conversion to environmental monasticism $5os ak 89F93-G98.marked by vows of poverty and nonprocreation.is difficult to accept. +hile radical views have come to dominate many environmental circles' their effect on the populace at large has been minimal . Eespite the greening of *uropean politics that
recently gave stalwarts considerable hope' the more recent green plunge suggests that even the *uropean electorate lacks commitment to environmental radicalism. "n the United 1tates several decades of preaching the same ecoradical gospel have had little appreciable effect4 the public remains' as before' wedded to consumer culture and creature comforts. )he stubborn hope that nonetheless continues to inform green e2tremism stems from a

eco.radical thought is mired in idealism3 in this case the belief that the roots of the ecological crisis lie ultimately in ideas about nature and humanity. As Eobson $899M3NF, puts it3 0Central to the theoretical canon of &reen
pervasive philosophical error in radical environmentalism. As Eavid Cepper $89G9, shows' most politics is the belief that our social' political' and economic problems are substantially caused by our intellectual relationship with the world0 $see also (ilbrath 89G93NNG,. "f only such ideas would change' many aver' all would be well. 1uch a belief has inspired the writing of eloquent jeremiads4 it is less conducive to designing concrete strategies for effective social and economic change. "t is certainly not my belief that ideas are insignificant

changing ideas alone is insufficient. +idespread ideological conversion' even if it were to occur' would hardly be adequate for genuine social transformation. 1pecific policies must still be formulated' and specific political plans must be devised if those policies are ever to be reali ed.
or that attempting to change othersO opinions is a futile endeavor. "f that were true " would hardly feel compelled to write a polemic work of this kind. But " am also convinced that

"lt failscapitalism is perpetual and resistance only serves to legitimize it Nizek -MM8 :1lavoj' Eirector of the "nternational Centre for Lumanities at Birkbeck College' =5esistance is 1urrender'? LarperHs (aga ine' 6ebruaryA Pne of the clearest lessons of the last few decades is that capitalism is indestructible0 (ar2 compared it to a vampire ' and one of the salient points of comparison now appears to be that vampires always rise up again after being stabbed to death. *ven (aoHs attempt' in the Cultural 5evolution' to wipe out the traces of capitalism' ended up in its triumphant return. )odayHs >eft reacts in a wide variety of ways to the hegemony of global capitalism and its political supplement' liberal democracy. "t might' for e2ample' accept the hegemony' but continue to fight for reform within its rules $this is )hird +ay social democracy,. Pr' it accepts that the hegemony is here to stay' but should nonetheless be resisted from its <intersticesH. Pr' it accepts the futility of all struggle' since the hegemony is so all.encompassing that nothing can really be done e2cept wait for an outburst of <divine violenceHa revolutionary version of LeideggerHs <only &od can save us.H Pr' it recognises the temporary futility of the struggle. "n todayHs triumph of global capitalism' the argument goes' true resistance is not possible' so all we can do till the revolutionary spirit of the global working class is renewed is defend what remains of the welfare state' confronting those in power with demands we know they cannot fulfil' and otherwise withdraw into cultural studies' where one can quietly pursue the work of criticism. Pr' it emphasises the fact that the problem is a more fundamental one' that global capitalism is ultimately an effect of the underlying principles of technology or <instrumental reasonH. Pr' it posits that one can undermine global capitalism and state power' not by directly attacking them' but by refocusing the field of struggle on everyday practices' where one can <build a new worldH4 in this way' the foundations of the power of capital and the state will be gradually undermined' and' at some point' the state will collapse $the e2emplar of this approach is the ;apatista movement,. Pr' it takes the <postmodernH route' shifting the accent from anti.capitalist struggle to the multiple forms of politico.ideological struggle for hegemony' emphasising the **Alt

importance of discursive re.articulation. Pr' it wagers that one can repeat at the postmodern level the classical (ar2ist gesture of enacting the <determinate negationH of capitalism3 with todayHs rise of <cognitive workH' the contradiction between social production and capitalist relations has become starker than ever' rendering possible for the first time <absolute democracyH $this would be Lardt and IegriHs position,. )hese positions are not presented as a way of avoiding some <trueH radical >eft politicswhat they are trying to get around is' indeed' the lack of such a position. )his defeat of the >eft is not the whole story of the last thirty years' however. )here is another' no less surprising' lesson to be learned from the Chinese CommunistsH presiding over arguably the most e2plosive development of capitalism in history' and from the growth of +est *uropean )hird +ay social democracy. "t is' in short3 we can do it better. "n the U#' the )hatcher revolution was' at the time' chaotic and impulsive' marked by unpredictable contingencies. "t was )ony Blair who was able to institutionalise it' or' in LegelHs terms' to raise $what first appeared as, a contingency' a historical accident' into a necessity. )hatcher wasnHt a )hatcherite' she was merely herself4 it was Blair $more than (ajor, who truly gave form to )hatcherism. )he response of some critics on the postmodern >eft to this predicament is to call for a new politics of resistance. )hose who still insist on fighting state power' let alone sei ing it' are accused of remaining stuck within the <old paradigmH3 the task today' their critics say' is to resist state power by withdrawing from its terrain and creating new spaces outside its control. )his is' of course' the obverse of accepting the triumph of capitalism. )he politics of resistance is nothing but the moralising supplement to a )hird +ay >eft. 1imon CritchleyHs recent book' "nfinitely Eemanding' is an almost perfect embodiment of this position.:VA 6or Critchley' the liberal.democratic state is here to stay. Attempts to abolish the state failed miserably4 consequently' the new politics has to be located at a distance from it3 anti.war movements' ecological organisations' groups protesting against racist or se2ist abuses' and other forms of local self. organisation. "t must be a politics of resistance to the state' of bombarding the state with impossible demands' of denouncing the limitations of state mechanisms. )he main argument for conducting the politics of resistance at a distance from the state hinges on the ethical dimension of the <infinitely demandingH call for justice3 no state can heed this call' since its ultimate goal is the <real.politicalH one of ensuring its own reproduction $its economic growth' public safety' etc,. <Pf course'H Critchley writes' history is habitually written by the people with the guns and sticks and one cannot expect to defeat them with mocking satire and feather dusters . Qet' as the history of ultra.leftist active nihilism eloquently shows' one is lost the moment one picks up the guns and sticks. Anarchic political resistance should not seek to mimic and mirror the archic violent sovereignty it opposes. 1o what should' say' the U1 Eemocrats do7 1top competing for state power and withdraw to the interstices of the state' leaving state power to the 5epublicans and start a campaign of anarchic resistance to it7 And what would Critchley do if he were facing an adversary like Litler7 1urely in such a case one should <mimic and mirror the archic violent sovereigntyH one opposes7 1houldnHt the >eft draw a distinction between the circumstances in which one would resort to violence in confronting the state' and those in which all one can and should do is use <mocking satire and feather dustersH7 )he ambiguity of CritchleyHs position resides in a strange non sequitur3 if the state is here to stay' if it is impossible to abolish it $or capitalism,' why retreat from it7 +hy not act with$in, the state7 +hy not accept the basic premise of the )hird +ay7 +hy limit oneself to a politics which' as Critchley puts it' <calls the state into question and calls the established order to account' not in order to do away with the state' desirable though that might well be in some utopian sense' but in order to better it or attenuate its malicious effectH7 )hese words simply demonstrate that todayHs liberal.democratic state and the dream of an <infinitely demandingH anarchic politics e2ist in a relationship of mutual parasitism3 anarchic agents do the ethical thinking' and the state does the work of running and regulating society. CritchleyHs anarchic ethico.political agent acts like a superego' comfortably bombarding the state with demands4 and the more the state tries to satisfy these demands' the more guilty it is seen to be. "n compliance with this logic' the anarchic agents focus their protest not on open dictatorships' but on the hypocrisy of liberal democracies' who are accused of betraying their own professed principles. )he big demonstrations in >ondon and +ashington against the U1 attack on "raq a few years ago offer an e2emplary case of this strange symbiotic relationship between power and resistance. )heir parado2ical outcome was that both sides were satisfied. )he protesters saved their beautiful souls3 they made it clear that they donHt agree with the governmentHs policy on "raq. )hose in power calmly accepted it' even profited from it3 not only did the protests in no way prevent the already.made decision to attack "raq4 they also served to legitimise it0 )hus &eorge BushHs reaction to mass demonstrations protesting his visit to >ondon' in effect3 <Qou see' this is what we are fighting for' so that what people are doing hereprotesting against their government policywill be possible also in "raqTH "t is striking that the course on which Lugo Chdve has embarked since -MMJ is the e2act opposite of the one chosen by the postmodern >eft3 far from resisting state power' he grabbed it $first by an attempted coup' then democratically,' ruthlessly using the Bene uelan state apparatuses to promote his goals. *ven some of his allies are sceptical about this move3 will it come at the e2pense of the popular movements that have given the Bene uelan revolution its Slan7 Lowever' this choice' though risky' should be fully endorsed3 the task is to make the new party function not as a typical state socialist $or Ceronist, party' but as a vehicle for the mobilisation of new forms of politics $like the grass roots slum committees,. +hat should we say to someone like Chdve 7 <Io' do not grab state power' just withdraw' leave the state and the current situation in placeH7 Chdve is often dismissed as a clownbut wouldnHt such a

withdrawal just reduce him to a version of 1ubcomandante (arcos' whom many (e2ican leftists now refer to as <1ubcomediante (arcosH7 )oday' it is the great capitalistsBill &ates' corporate polluters' fo2 hunterswho <resistH the state. %izek's alternative is impossible /obinson and Tormey -MM$ChE' 1chool of Colitics' and Crof Colitics and Critical )heory \ U Iottingham :A $ic+lish Su/1ect2 )hesis *leven' Io. GMA "n another case discussed by ;ei eek $-MM8b3 F/_R,' a group of 1iberian miners is said to accomplish an Actby getting massacred. 1ince Acts are not even on ;ei eekHs terms socially effective' they cannot help the worst.off' let alone transform society. ;ei eekHs assumption of the effectiveness of Acts thus rests on a confusion between individual and social levels of analysis and between clinical therapy and political action . Baneigem eerily foresees ;ei eekHs <ActH when he argues against <active nihilismH. )he transition from this <wasteland
)he ability to Act in the manner described by ;ei eek is largely absent from the subaltern strata. (ary #ay >etourneau $let us recall, did not transform society4 rather' her <ActH was repressed and she was jailed. of the suicide and the solitary killerH to revolutionary politics requires the repetition of negation in a different register' connected to a positive project to change the world and relying on the imaginaries ;ei eek denounces' the

;ei eekHs politics are not merely impossible but' as we have shown' potentially despotic' and alsobetween support for a (aster' acceptance of pain and alienation' militarism and the restoration of ordertendentially conservative. 1uch a politics' if adopted in practice' could only discredit progressive movements and further alienate those they seek to mobili e . +e would argue that a transformative politics should be theori ed instead as a process of transformation' an a.linear' rhi omatic' multiform plurality of resistances' initiatives and' indeed' acts which are sometimes spectacular and carnivalesque' sometimes prefigurative' sometimes subterranean' sometimes rooted in institutional change and reform and' under certain circumstances' directly transformative.
carnival spirit and the ability to dream $Baneigem' 89JF :899/A3 888,.

No alternati!e to a &orld o$ capitalism Gliman 2**I "Andre)& professor of economics at Pace Hni4ersity& 'Alternati4es to Capitalism? %hat (appens After the
=e4olution8&,http?JJakliman.s6uarespace.comJ)ritingsJ0

%e li4e at a moment in )hich it is harder than e4er to articulate a liberatory alternati4e to capitalism. As )e all kno)& the
collapse of state.capitalist regimes that called themsel4es 'Communist&, as )ell as the )idespread failures of social democracy to remake society& ha4e gi4en rise to a )idespread acceptance of Margaret Thatchers T+DA the belief that 'there is no alternati4e., :et the difficulty in articulating a

liberatory alternati4e is not mostly the product of these e4ents.+t is an inheritance from the past.To )hat extent has such an alternati4e e4er been articulated8There has been a lot of progress in theory and especially in practice on the problem of forms of organi>ation but ne) organi>ational forms by themsel4es are not yet an alternati4e. A great many leftists& e4en re4olutionaries& did of course regard nationali>ed property and the 1tate Plan& under the control of the '4anguard, Party& as socialism& or at least as the basis for a transition to socialism.5ut e4en before e4ents refuted this notion& it represented& at best& an e4asion of the problem.+t )as largely a matter of leftists )ith authoritarian personalities subordinating themsel4es and others to

institutions and po)er )ith a blind faith that substituted for thought. (o) such institutions and such po)er )ould result in human liberation )as ne4er made clear. Iague references to 'transition, )ere used to )a4e the problem a)ay. :et as Marxist.(umanism has stressed for more than a decade& the anti.1talinist left is also partly responsible for the crisis in thought. +t& too& failed to articulate a liberatory alternati4e& offering in place of pri4ate. and state.capitalism little more than )hat (egel"1cience of *ogic& Miller trans.& pp. ME/.E 0 called 'the empty negati4e R a

presumed absolute,? The impatience that insists merely on getting beyond the determinate R and finding itself immediately in the absolute& has before it as cognition nothing but the empty negati4e& the abstract infiniteA in other )ords& a presumed absolute& that is presumed because it is not posited& not graspedA grasped it can only be through the mediation of cognition. The
6uestion that confronts us no)adays is )hether )e can do better. +s it possible to make the 4ision of a ne) human society more concrete and determinate than it no) is& through the mediation of cognition8 According to a long.standing 4ie) in the mo4ement& it is not possible. The character of the ne) society can only be concreti>ed by practice alone& in the course of trying to remake society. :et if this is true& )e are faced )ith a 4icious circle from )hich there seems to be no escape& because acceptance of T+DA is creating barriers in practice. +n the percei4ed absence of an alternati4e& practical struggles ha4e pro4en to be self.limiting at best. They stop short of e4en trying to remake society totally and for good reason. As 5ertell Cllman has noted "+ntroduction to Market 1ocialism? The Bebate among 1ocialists& =outledge& /;;M& p. /0& 'People )ho belie4e Xthat there is no alternati4eY )ill put up )ith almost any degree of suffering. %hy bother to struggle for a change that cannot be8 R people Xneed toY ha4e a good reason for

choosing one path into the future rather than another., Thus the reason of the masses is posing a ne) challenge to the mo4ement from theory. %hen masses of people re6uire reasons before they act& a ne) human society surely cannot arise through spontaneous action alone. And exposing the ills of existing society does not pro4ide sufficient reason for action )hen )hat is at issue is the 4ery possibility of an alternati4e. +f the mo4ement from theory is to respond ade6uately to the challenge arising from belo)& it is necessary to abandon the presupposition and it seems to me to be no more than a presupposition that the 4ision of the ne) society cannot be concreti>ed through the mediation of cognition. %e need to take seriously =aya
Bunaye4skayas "Po)er of Degati4ity XPCDY& p. /ME0 claim in her (egel 1ociety of America paper that 'There is no trap in thought. Though it is finite& it breaks through the barriers of the gi4en& reaches out& if not to infinity& surely beyond the historic moment, "=B& PCD& p. /ME0. This& too& is a presupposition that can be 'pro4ed, or 'dispro4ed, only in the light of the results it yields. +n the meantime& the challenges from belo)

re6uire us to proceed on its basis. Deglect is not the only reason )hy re4olutionaries ha4e failed to concreti>e the 4ision of the ne) society. Many ha4e opposed and continue to oppose this perspecti4e on the ground that )e should not dra) up 'blueprints for the future.,And many in4oke Marxs name on behalf of this position. +t is true that he re9ected such blueprints& but precisely )hat )as he re9ecting& and )hy8 Talk of 'blueprints, is often careless. +t is important to recall that Marx )as grappling )ith some

honest.to.goodness blueprints of a future society. 3ourier& for instance& stipulated ho) large each community "Phalanx0 )ill be& ho) it )ill be
laid out& ho) people )ill dine and )ith )hom they )ill sit& and )ho )ill do the dirty )ork "a legion of 'youngsters aged nine to sixteen& composed of one. third girls& t)o.thirds boys,0. There is a great chasm bet)een such blueprints& )hich Marx re9ected& and )hat Bunaye4skaya& in her final presentation on the dialectics of organi>ation and philosophy& called 'a general 4ie) of )here )ere headed., As Clgas report suggests& the difference is not essentially a matter of the degree of generality& but a matter of the self.de4elopment of the idea. Bunaye4skaya )rote that once Capital )as finished and Marx )as faced )ith the Gotha Program in /M-F& 'There X)asY no )ay no)& no) matter ho) Marx kept from trying to gi4e any blueprints for the future& not to de4elop a general 4ie) of )here )ere headed for the day after the con6uest of po)er& the day after )e ha4e rid oursel4es of the birthmarks of capitalism, "PCD& p. F0. Dor did Marx remain silent about this issue until that moment. 3or instance& in this years classes on 'Alternati4es to Capitalism&, )e read the follo)ing statement in his /ME- Po4erty of Philosophy "PCP0. '+n a future society& in )hich R there )ill no longer be any classes& use )ill no longer be determined by the minimum time of production& but the time of production de4oted to different articles )ill be determined by the degree of their social utility., <4en more important than Marxs explicit statements about the ne) society is the o4erall thrust of his criti6ue of political economy. Although it is true that he de4oted his theoretical energy to 'the critical analysis of the actual facts& instead of )riting recipes R for the cook.shops of the future, "Postface to nd ed. of Capital0& criti6ue as he practiced it )as not mere negati4e social criticism. +t )as a road to)ard the positi4e. (e helped clarify

)hat capital is and ho) it operates& and he sho)ed that leftist alternati4es )ill fail if they challenge only the systems out)ard manifestations rather than capital itself.5y doing this& he helped to clarify )hat the ne) society must not and cannot be like )hich
is already to tell us a good deal about )hat it must and )ill be like. 'All negation is determination, "Marx& draft of Iol. ++ of Capital0. + belie4e that there are t)o reasons )hy Marx re9ected blueprints for the future. As this years classes emphasi>ed& one reason is that he regarded the utopian socialists schemes as not 'utopian, enough. They )ere saniti>ed and ideali>ed 4ersions of existing capitalism? 'the determination of 4alue by labor time the formula M. Proudhon gi4es us as the regenerating formula of the future is therefore merely the scientific expression of the economic relations of present.day society, "Marx& PCP& Ch. /& sect. 0. The day after the re4olution.

No Speci$ic Alt B Aailure

The massi!e "ut $ailed (T+ protests pro!e that protestin, a,ainst capitalism &ithout a speci$ic alternati!e is doomed to $ailure. (ilson) 2*** <ditor and Publisher of +llinois Academe !!! "#ohn $. %ilson& '(o) the *eft can %in Arguments and +nfluence People, p.
//!. //L0

Iictory isn2t easy for the left& e4en )hen it )ins. Cne example in )hich progressi4es did almost e4erything right "but ne4ertheless )as )idely attacked0 )as the /;;; %orld Trade Crgani>ation "%TC0 hearings in 1eattle. Thanks to the
hard )ork of leftists around the country "and the )orld0& 1eattle )as o4errun by more than F!&!!! protesters )ho )ere determined to bring public attention to a po)erful& secreti4e trade group. A huge rally organi>ed by labor groups brought tens of thousands marching through 1eattle& complete )ith union )orkers and en4ironmentalists in sea turtle costumes. Thousands of protesters linked arms and pre4ented the opening session of the %TC from meeting. Most of the media co4erage blamed the protesters for property damage that )as planned and caused by anarchists and not stopped by the police. 5ut the protesters did ha4e a po)erful effect on the scene& )here the bias of the American media )as less important to the delegates& many of )hom sympathi>ed )ith some of the protests. President Clinton& the )orld2s leading trend detector& expressed his support for listening to the peaceful protesters& sho)ing that he )as more alert to the persuasi4e po)er of the anti.%TC forces than most of the media. 1eattle and %ashington left the left )ith many lessons. The first )as ne4er to let the media choose )hat the issue )ould be. Hnfortunately& 9ournalists "and their editors0 are trained to o4erlook an important point for the sake of a flashy image and to portray a dramatic confrontation rather than a moral cause. This doesn2t excuse the inaccurate reporting& biased attacks& and un6uestioning defense of the authorities that filled most of the front pages and TI ne)s about the %TC and +M3 demonstrations. The progressi4es failed to spin the issue beyond their simple anti.%TC message. The reasons for

opposing the %TC got some mention& but the idea of an alternati4e international organi>ation built on genuine 7free trade7 and the protection of basic human rights ne4er )as aired. The left has become so accustomed to being ignored that
progressi4es ha4e )isely refined the attention.grabbing techni6ues of theatrical protest that can con4ey a simple message. Hnfortunately& the left hasn2t de4eloped the difficult techni6ues of bringing more complex arguments into the public debate& and the result is that progressi4e 4ie)s

seem shallo) and emotional compared )ith the more extensi4e co4erage of the ideas of the right and the center in the mainstream media. 1till& 1eattle )as both a success and an opportunity lost. The left brought attention to an organi>ation )ithout many
redeeming 4alues& but it ne4er )as able to launch a serious debate about )hat the alternati4e global 4alues should be. +gnoring the massi4e e4idence of police misconduct and brutality& the media ser4ed a )ell.defined role as gatekeepers of the truth. %hen the media critici>ed 1eattle officials& it )as for 'permitting, the peaceful protestors to exercise their right to protest instead of shutting do)n the city& as happened for the rest of the %TC meetings. 1till& the inability of the left to unify their ideas as easily as they unified behind the physical protest made it possible for many of the media errors to go unchallenged. +magine if all the groups united behind the %TC protests had planned to meet after the initial melee and formulated a united response. +magine if they had declared& %e denounce all 4iolence& )hether it is the 4iolence of smashing )indo)sA the 4iolence of shooting tear gas& concussion grenades& pepper spray& and rubber bullets at peaceful protestorsA or the 4iolence of regimes any)here in the )orld )here political& human& or labor rights are 4iolated and the en4ironment is harmed. %e regret that the police chose to ignore the 4andalism on the streets of do)nto)n 1eattle and instead attacked non4iolent protestors )ith tear gas and rubber bullets. As )e informed police before the protests began& a group of 4iolent anarchists had announced their intention to try to disrupt our non4iolent protests and discredit our cause. although many peaceful demonstrators defended 1eattles storesNsome of )hich )e had pre4iously protested in front ofNagainst property damage and looting& )e could no persuade these )ell.organi>ed anarchists to stop& and )e could not persuade the policy shooting tear gas at us to stop the 4iolence. %e remain united in our belief that the policies of the %orld Trade Crgani>ation are harmful to the people of the )orld and are designed instead to increase the profits of corporations and the politicians )ho ser4e them. %e )ill return to do)nto)n 1eattle to exercise our constitutional rights to assemble peacefully and express our ideas about the %TC.

1aying that the %TC should be abolished is a simply and perhaps desirable goal. 5ut failing to present a comprehensi4e alternati4e to international trade left the protesters open to accusations of being na_4e or protectionist. The problem for the left )as that their efforts )ere so disorgani>ed that no clear alternati4e emerged. There )as no comprehensi4e solution offered for the problems posed by the %TC& the %orld 5and& and the +M3. Do alternati4e institutions )ere proposed to take o4er the )ork of helping the )orld rather than harming it. Progressi4es need an international approach to free trade that doesnt seem like protectionism. ' America 3irst, is not a progressi4e perspecti4e& and it fails to help the rest of the )orld. %ithout a progressi4e 4ision of globalism& the protests against free trade begin to merge )ith narro).minded 5uchananes6ue conspiracy theories about the HD or the %TC taking o4er the )orld. 2on7t "u their no "lueprints needed ar,ument no re!olution is possi"le &ithout concrete action. Gliman) *I PhB& Professor of <conomics at Pace Hni4ersity "Andre)& Andre) $limans %ritings& 'Alternati4es to Capitalism? %hat (appens
After the =e4olution8, http?JJakliman.s6uarespace.comJ)ritingsJ0

Deglect is not the only reason )hy re4olutionaries ha4e failed to concreti>e the 4ision of the ne) society. Many ha4e opposed and continue to oppose this perspecti4e on the ground that )e should not dra) up 'blueprints for the future., And many in4oke Marxs name on behalf of this position. +t is true that he re9ected such blueprints& but precisely what )as he re9ecting& and why8 Talk of 'blueprints, is often careless. +t is important to recall that Marx )as grappling )ith some honest.to.goodness blueprints of a future society. 3ourier& for instance& stipulated
ho) large each community "Phalanx0 )ill be& ho) it )ill be laid out& ho) people )ill dine and )ith )hom they )ill sit& and )ho )ill do the dirty )ork "a legion of 'youngsters aged nine to sixteen& composed of one.third girls& t)o.thirds boys,0. There is a great chasm bet)een such blueprints& )hich Marx re9ected& and )hat Bunaye4skaya& in her final presentation on the dialectics of organi>ation and philosophy& called 'a general 4ie) of )here )ere headed., As Clgas report suggests& the difference is not essentially a matter of the degree of generality& but a matter of the self,develo ment of the idea. Bunaye4skaya )rote that once Ca ital )as finished and Marx )as faced )ith the Gotha Program in /M-F& 'There X)asY no )ay no)& no) matter ho) Marx kept from trying to gi4e any blueprints for the future& not to de4elop a general 4ie) of )here )ere headed for the day after the con6uest of po)er& the day after )e ha4e rid oursel4es of the birthmarks of capitalism, "P%-& p. F0. Dor did Marx remain silent about this issue until that moment. 3or

instance& in this years classes on 'Alternati4es to Capitalism&, )e read the follo)ing statement in his /ME- Poverty of Philoso hy "PCP0. '+n a future society& in )hich R there )ill no longer be any classes& use )ill no longer be determined by the minimum time of production& but the time of production de4oted to different articles )ill be determined by the degree of their social utility., <4en more important than Marxs explicit statements about the ne) society is the o4erall thrust of his criti6ue of political economy. Although it is true that he de4oted his theoretical energy to 'the critical analysis of the actual facts& instead of )riting recipes R for the cook.shops of the future, "Postface to nd ed. of Ca ital0& criti6ue as he practiced it )as not mere negati4e social criticism. +t )as a road to)ard the positi4e. (e helped clarify )hat capital is and ho) it operates& and he sho)ed that leftist alternati4es )ill fail if they challenge only the systems out)ard manifestations rather than capital itself. 5y doing this& he helped to clarify )hat the ne) society must not and cannot be like )hich is already to tell us a good deal about )hat it must and )ill be like. 'All negation is determination, "Marx& draft of Iol. ++ of Ca ital0. + belie4e that there are t)o reasons )hy Marx re9ected blueprints for the future. As this years classes emphasi>ed& one reason is that he regarded the utopian socialists schemes as not 'utopian, enough. They )ere saniti>ed and ideali>ed 4ersions of existing capitalism? 'the determination of 4alue by labor time the formula M. Proudhon gi4es us as the regenerating formula of the future is therefore merely the scientific expression of the economic relations of present.day society, "Marx& P%P& Ch. /& sect. 0. 5ut this simply means that Marx re9ected a particular kind of attempt to concreti>e the 4ision of the ne) society& not that he re9ected the task itself. The other reason )as that Marx& )ho aligned himself )ith the real mo4ement of the masses& held the utopians schemes to be obsolete& or )orse& once the )orking class )as mo4ing in another direction. + belie4e that this perspecti4e remains 4alid& but that the sub9ecti4e.ob9ecti4e situation has changed radically. Today& ')hat masses of people are hungering forX&Y but )hich radical theoreticians and parties are doing little to addressX& isY the pro9ection of a comprehensi4e alternati4e to existing society&, as )e stated in our !!L.!E Marxist.(umanist Perspecti4es thesis. T)o months ago& Anne #aclard spoke to a class of college youth. Many of them )ere eager for a concrete& )ell articulated 4ision of a liberatory alternati4e to capitalism& and they re9ected the notion that its concreti>ation should be put off to the future. Iisitors to our classes& and participants in the 'Alternati4es to Capital, seminar on Ca ital in De) :ork& ha4e also demanded greater concreteness. (o) do )e align )ith this real mo4ement from belo)8 Gi4en the direction in )hich the masses thinking is mo4ing& hasnt resistance to concreti>ing a liberatory alternati4e become obsolete8 + do not mean to imply that )e should accommodate demands for easy ans)ers. *ike the Proudhonists and utopian socialists )ith )hom Marx contended& many folks seem to think that concreti>ing an alternati4e to capitalism is simply a matter of articulating goals and then implementing them )hen the time comes. %hat )e need to do )hen easy ans)ers are demanded& + think& is con4ey the lessons )e ha4e learned that the desirability of proposed alternati4es means nothing if they gi4e rise to unintended conse6uences that make them unsustainable& that political change flo)s from changes in the mode of production& and so forth )hile also saying that )hich can be said about the ne) society& as concretely as it can be said. =esistance to concreti>ing a liberatory alternati4e to capitalism has been and

continues to be defended principally in the name of anti.4anguardism.

An anarcho.syndicalist named 'marko, recently put forth this argument in opposition to Michael Albert and =obin (ahnels 'parecon, "participatory economics0? 'Anarcho.1yndicalism demands that the detailed thinking about a future economy is to be decided by the liberated )orking class itself& not by a prior group of intellectuals. That is )orking class self.emancipation.,/ +n our o)n organi>ation& a member of the cli6ue that abandoned Marxist.(umanism put forth a 4ery similar argument. +t has

sometimes been suggested that Marx re9ected blueprints for the same reason& but + kno) of no e4idence for this. The e4idence sketched out abo4e indicates that he labored to concreti>e a liberatory alternati4e to capitalism throughout his life& and did not regard this )ork as antithetical to )orking.class self.emancipation. +n any case&
marko confuses and conflates thinking )ith policy.making in a 6uite telling )ay. +t is generally unfair to nitpick at unkno)n authors internet posts& but markos phraseology 'detailed thinking about the future economy is to be decided, is too peculiar to be merely an accidental slip . All

proponents of )orkers self.emancipation agree that the olicies of the future economy are to be decided upon by the )orking people themsel4es& but thin(ing simply cannot be shoehorned into the old problematic of ')ho decides8, Cnce again& a )ell.meaning attempt to posit spontaneity as the absolute opposite of 4anguardist elitism ends up by placing the entire burden of )orking out a liberatory alternati4e to capitalism on the backs of the masses. And the ne)ly liberated masses must someho) do this from scratch& ha4ing been depri4ed of the ability to learn from the theoretical achie4ements and mistakes of prior generations.

Alt B @uman Su$$erin,

Le$tist re!olutions ha!e produced some o$ the &orst human su$$erin, in histor . Peret%) *9 "Martin& 3ormer Assistant Professor at (ar4ard& <ditor.in Chief of The De) =epublic& 7Man6ue7& The De) =epublic& 3ebruary L& lexis0 %hat is the grand 7progressi4e7 4ision for )hich the 3rench left fights& )hich the Uionists and #e)s are insidiously holding back8 +n the grand conflicts of the last century& there )as al)ays a left.)ing structure of Manichaeanism. Cn the one side? imperialism and capitalism. Cn the other? a compelling and re4olutionary dream. The dreams turned out to be nightmares. 5ut they )ere dreams& nonetheless. *enin& 1talin& Mao& Castro& Che& the Iiet Cong& the 1andinistas& al)ays a man and a mo4ement saying they aimed to build a better )orld& )hich they actually tried to describe. +n the end& of course& the better )orld did not arri4e? +n its place )ere death camps& mass deportations& forced famines& massacres& reeducation programs& prisons of the body& and greater prisons of the soul.

Alt Gills Millions

Socialism is inherentl totalitarian#transitionin, no& &ould kill millions. 4ock&ell) *? X*le)ellyn& president of the *ud)ig 4on Mises +nstitute& <4erything :ou *o4e :ou C)e to Capitalism& FJ/-&
http?JJmises.orgJstoryJ ;M Y %hate4er the specifics of the case in 6uestion& socialism

al)ays means o4erriding the free decisions of indi4iduals and replacing that capacity for decision making )ith an o4erarching plan by the state. Taken far enough& this mode of thought )on2t 9ust spell an end to opulent lunches. +t )ill mean the end of )hat )e all kno) as ci4ili>ation itself. +t )ould plunge us back to a primiti4e state of existence& li4ing off hunting and gathering in a )orld )ith little art& music& leisure& or charity. Dor is any form of socialism capable of pro4iding for the needs of the )orld2s six billion people& so the population )ould shrink dramatically and 6uickly and in a manner that )ould make e4ery human horror e4er kno)n seem mild by comparison. Dor is it possible to di4orce socialism from totalitarianism& because if you are serious about ending pri4ate o)nership of the means of production& you ha4e to be serious about ending freedom and creati4ity too. :ou )ill ha4e to make the )hole of society& or )hat is left of it& into a prison. +n short& the )ish for socialism is a )ish for unparalleled human e4il. +f )e really understood this& no one )ould express casual support for it in polite company. +t )ould be like saying& you kno)& there is really something to be said for malaria and typhoid and dropping atom bombs on millions of innocents. 2e-de!elopment &ould re1uire a massi!e human die-o$$. Le&is :I "Martin& lecturer in international history and interim director of the program in +nternational =elations at 1tanford Hni4ersity ! /reen
*elusions: An $nvironmentalist Criti0ue of +adical $nvironmentalism & Page F. K0

Do one ac6uainted )ith the rudiments of medical history could deny that health has 4astly impro4ed since the industrial re4olution. Most of the credit for such amelioration belongs precisely to the medical& dietary& and sanitary ad4ances associated )ith the transition to industrialism . Cne has only to examine a4erage longe4ity& )hich stood in the
Hnited 1tates at a miserable forty.se4en years as recently as /;!!& to grasp the magnitude of progress o4er this period. /` )e go back to medie4al <urope& socio.ecological idyll of many eco.radicals& )e find that in some 4illages a4erage life spans )ere as lo) as se4enteen to eighteen years "Cohen /;M;? / E/0. 5y other indices as )ell& the health standards of most pre.industrial regimes )ere atrocious. Again& consider medie4al and early modem <urope. As 5raudel "/;M/?;/0 relates& the ancient regime )as characteri>ed by 74ery high infant mortality& famine& chronic under.nourishment& and formidable epidemics.7 Moreo4er& non.elite <uropeans )ere contaminated by a )ide 4ariety of toxins on a regular basis. 3e) e4en experienced the delights of breathing clean air& for the atmospheres of their o)n d)ellings )ere horribly polluted. +t is difficult ... to comprehend&7 )rites Dorman Pounds "/;M;?/M-/0 7ho) fetid and offensi4e must ha4e been the air about most cottages and homes.7 +ndeed& indoor air pollution has long been "as it perhaps still is0 a greater contributor to respiratory illness than industrial airborne )aste. 5ut the most se4ere toxic pollution problem of the pre.modern )orld )as associated )ith natural poisons produced by molds infecting the food supply. 7<4eryone suffered from food that )as tainted&7 Pounds reminds us& 7and the number )ho died of food.poisoning must ha4e been immense "/!M;? /L0. <specially pronounced )here rye )as the staple food poisons produced by the ergot and 3usarium molds massi4ely suppressed immune systems& reduced fertility le4els& brought on delusions and sometimes mass insanity& and reduced blood circulation to such an extent that gangrene in the lo)er extremities )as commonplace "Matossian /;M;?/0. <4en )here

the food supply )as safe& poor nutrition resulted in )idespread immunological stress. +nfectious diseases )ere rife& and periodic plagues )ould decimate most populations in a cruel manner. %ater supplies& especially in to)ns& )ere so contaminated by human )aste as to become deadly in their o)n right . 1kin and 4enereal diseases )ere often rife and difficult& if not impossible& to cure. Cther scourges abounded& including those.such as leprosy.that ha4e been 4irtually eliminated by modem medicines and sanitary techni6ues. +ndi4iduals deformed by genetic inheritance or accident
typically led short and brutal li4es. And e4ery time a )oman )ent into labor she faced a 4ery high risk of dying. This cursory re4ie) of the horrors of pre. industrial <uropean life may seem a pointless exercise in o4erkillA all of this is& or at least used to be& common kno)ledge. 5ut it is important to

recall in detail the kind of social en4ironment many eco.radicals )ould seek to recreate. And )ere )e to adhere strictly to the tenets of bioregionalism& e4en the le4els of prosperity achie4ed in the medie4al )orld )ould be difficult if not impossible to maintain )ithout first experiencing a truly massi4e human die off.

AT 4isk the Impossi"le

20 %izek isn't 5ualified to discuss impact calculusthis evidence isn't specific to our impact scenarios *0 /isk of extinction comes first 3ostrom 7< _ P2ford philosophy professor $Iick' April' LumanityOs biggest problems arenOt what you think they are' transcribed from video R3-- to R3R-' http3!!www.ted.com!inde2.php!talks!view!id!//' A&, )hen' even a one.percentage.point reduction in the e2tinction risk could be equivalent to this astronomical number' ten to the power of thirty two. 1o if you take into account future generations as much as our own' every other moral imperative or philanthropic cause just becomes irrelevant. )he only thing you should focus on would be to reduce e2istential risk' because even a tiniest decrease in e2istential risk would just overwhelm any other' um' benefit you could hope to achieve. @0 This argument begs the 5uestion of whether capitalism is good or badthey have to 4ustify this argument (0 %izek shouldnEt determine what impacts Kare worth takingLcross-apply our scwhartz evidencevalue to life is a purely sub4ective determination

8A5 Leg f *conomy &ood!A) "mpact Calc

9eg and econ are a 1" to the altmultipolarity causes violent lash.out b!c U1 power causes bandwagonging that deters terrorism and prolifoutweighs on probability-M years of peace between great powers proves Aconomic decline causes democratic backsliding++" and "" provecountries have an economic disincentive to fight or proliferatedecline causes resource price spikes and regional instability globally This outweighscapitalism has e2isted for decades and hasnHt causally been related to any conflict b!c geopolitical security calculations are independent of economic structures1talinist 5ussia proves Group turns casecap isnHt the root cause of our impacts "berdeen @ :5ichard Aberdeen is the president of )he Aberdeen 6oundation' a non.profit public Luman 5ights foundation centering on helping the sick and
poor' =)L* +AQ A )heory of 5oot Cause and 1olution'? http3!!freedomtracks.com!uncommonsense!theway.htmlA

A view shared by many modern activists is that capitalism' free enterprise' multi.national corporations and globali ation are the primary cause of the current global Luman 5ights problem and that by striving to change or eliminate these' the root problem of what ills the modern world is being addressed. )his is a rather unfortunate and historically myopic view' reminiscent of early =class struggle? (ar2ists who soon resorted to violence as a means to achieve rather questionable ends. And like
these often brutal early (ar2ists' modern anarchists who resort to violence to solve the problem are walking upside down and backwards' adding to rather than correcting' both the immediate and long.term Luman 5ights problem. Biolent revolution' including our own American revolution' becomes

a breeding ground for poverty& disease& starvation and often mass oppression leading to future violence. >arge' publicly traded
corporations are created by individuals or groups of individuals' operated by individuals and made up of individual and!or group investors. )hese business enterprises are deliberately structured to be empowered by individual $or group, investor greed. 6or e2ample' a theori ed <needH for offering salaries much higher than is necessary to secure competent leadership $often resulting in corrupt and entirely incompetent leadership,' lowering wages more than is fair and equitable and scaling back of often hard fought for benefits' is sold to stockholders as being in the best interest of the bottom.line market value and thus' in the best economic interests of individual investors. >ikewise' major political and corporate e2ploitation of third.world nations is rooted in the individual and joint greed of corporate investors and others who stand to profit from such e2ploitation. (ore than just investor greed' corporations are driven by the greed of all

the =root? cause of humanityHs problems comes from individual human greed and similar negative individual motivation. )he (ar2!*ngles view of history being a =class? struggle g does not address the root problem and is thus fundamentally flawed from a true historical perspective $see &allo Brothers for more details,. 1o.called =classes? of people' unions' corporations and political groups are made up of individuals who support the particular group or organi ational position based on their own individual needs' greed and desires and thus' an apparent =class struggle? in reality' is an e2tension of individual motivation. >ikewise' nations engage in wars of aggression' not because capitalism or classes of society are at root cause' but because individual members of a society are individually convinced that it is in their own economic survival best interest. +ar' poverty' starvation and lack of Luman and Civil 5ights have e2isted on our planet since long before the rise of modern capitalism' free enterprise and multi.national corporation avarice' thus the root problem obviously
those involved' including individuals outside the enterprise itself who profit indirectly from it. "f one e2amines =the course of human events? closely' it can correctly be surmised that goes deeper than this. %unior Bush and the neo.conservative genocidal maniacs of modern.day America could not have recently effectively gone to war against "raq without the individual support of individual troops and a certain percentage of individual citi ens within the U.1. population' each lending support for their own personal motives' whatever they individually may have been. +hile it is true that corrupt leaders often provoke war' using all manner of religious' social and political means to justify' often as not' entirely ludicrous ends' very rare indeed is a

though a few iniquitous elitist powerbrokers may initiate nefarious policies of global genocidal oppression' it takes a very great many individuals operating from individual personal motivations of survival' desire and greed to develop these policies into a multi.national e2ploitive reality. Io economic or political organi ation and no political or social cause e2ists unto itself but rather' individual members power a collective agenda. A workersH strike has no hope of succeeding if individual workers do not perceive a personal benefit. And similarly' a
battle only engaged in by these same unscrupulous miscreants of power. And corporation will not e2ploit workers if doing so is not believed to be in the economic best interest of those who run the corporation and who in turn' must answer $at least theoretically, to individuals who collectively through purchase or other allotment of shares' own the corporation. Companies have often been known to appear benevolent' offering both higher wages and

Ion.unioni ed business enterprises frequently offer <carrotsH of appeasement to workers in order to discourage them from organi ing and historically in the United 1tates' concessions such as the forty.hour workweek' minimum wage' workers compensation and proscribed holidays have been grudgingly capitulated to by greedy capitalist masters as necessary concessions to avoid profit.crippling strikes and outright revolution.
improved benefits' if doing so is perceived to be in the overall economic best interest of the immediate company and!or larger corporate entity.

***3A4 8L+CGS

8A5 *nvironment
2O risk of environment means vote affwarming and ecosystem collapse cause e2tinction-FMM e2perts prove warming is real "uthor indicts don't apply"CCC has no economic incentiveand' they should have to apply indicts specificallyconstant questioning makes environmental solutions impossible proven by climate denial "nd& no risk of -weHve crossed the threshold of sustainabilityeven if the alt resulted in ;*5P human consumption weHll still go e2tinct b!c of ecosystem holes and positive feedbacksthatHs Atkisson Aducation and market innovation keyunless they can e2plain specifically what the alt would do to remedy the crisis you vote affthe alt does IP) stop China and "ndia from polluting1talinist 5ussia proves non. capitalist societies pollute violentlyplan creates an incentive for sustainable innovationthatHs )onn M F M"T !ap #ills AnviroF !ap key to the environmentprivate property creates a disincentive to e2pend resources too quickly communal property means people want to get their largest piece of the piehistory proves socialist environment sucked
"dler 2 :>aw Clerk and 1enior 6ellow at the Competitive *nterprise "nstitute %onathan' -/ Larvard %ournal of >aw D Cublic Colicy JRN' =Article D *ssays3 6ree D
&reen3 A Iew Approach to *nvironmental Crotection'? 1pring' >e2isA Y)he

comparison between private and political ecological performance is most stark when one considers the ecological legacy of the former 1oviet nations. )hese nations were not without their environmental laws' but state control of the :VJF/A economy was also an ecological disaster. )he fall of the Berlin +all revealed to2ic pollution far in e2cess of anything that had been imagined. Pur worst ecological nightmares were the 1oviet nationsO environmental reality. "n 89GG a single Ukranian city' ;aporo he'
released to2ic emissions equivalent to appro2imately one.third of all American emissions at the time. n9/ Cotable drinking water was scarce and 1oviet forests were decimated. n9R "n just under thirty years' the Aral 1ea was drained by JJ percent to subsidi e irrigation' and fish populations were decimated. n9J )he lack of

private ownership left no one with any incentive to care about preserving ecological values. 1ocialist systems are also worse for environmental protection because they sacrifice the natural ecological benefits of market. driven efficiency gains. "n the simplest of terms' market competition creates tremendous pressure to minimi e costs' and that means finding ways of doing more with less . producing
more widgets with less material and energy. Pver time' market economies produce a continued decline in the energy and material inputs necessary for a unit of industrial output. )his can be seen in the replacement of copper with fiber optics $made from silica . i.e.' sand,' the downsi ing of computer circuitry' the light weighting of packaging' the e2plosion of agricultural productivity' and so on. n9F >ess material is used and disposed of' reducing overall environmental impacts from productive activity. )his same trend is rarely evident in socialist economies where' on average' it took nearly three times as much energy to

produce a given unit of goods or services. n9G Almost the same ratio e2isted :VJFRA for steel. n99 )he key to such improvements is a system of well.defined and enforced property rights. "nternational studies of economic and environmental trends demonstrate that 0environmental quality and economic growth rates are greater in regimes where property rights are well defined than in regimes where property rights are poorly defined.0 n8MMZ

M F M"T ;P ,rovesF ;P environment sucks bJc of 3ush being an idiotPbama is pushing for Copenhagen summitand' the plan solves thisat worst our cap key cards are defense against the alt solving warming

3A4 Cap GT Inno!ation J3H2K

Their innovation evidence doesn't assume scienceya' people will do creative writing but only the plan infuses green energyprefer specificity of Atkisson !ap key to incentive for warming innovations
!lark and 6ee ( $%.5. and Ewight' professor of economics and occupies the Crobasco Chair of 6ree *nterprise at the University of )ennessee' professor of
economics and occupies the 5amsey Chair of Crivate *nterprise at the University of &eorgia' )he "ndependent 5eview' Bol B"""' Io./' 1pring -MM/' =&lobal +arming and "ts Eangers?' http3!!www.independent.org!pdf!tir!tirKMGK/Kclark.pdf,

Pnce individuals are convinced that global warming is a problem' they automatically assume that it demands a government solution. Although we believe that global warming has been e2aggerated by those who stand to gain from larger bureaucratic budgets and from more government controls over private decisions' we cannot render an informed judgment as to how serious a problem it might be. Lowever' based on our understanding of how markets transmit dispersed information on changing conditions and motivate people to coordinate their responses to those conditions in the most appropriate ways' we are convinced that any problem of global warming will be dealt with better through market incentives than with government mandates. Ceople tend to regard global warming as a problem that should be attacked directly by imposing restrictions on market behavior in an attempt to reduce temperature increases. Almost universally ignored is the argument that a superior solution emphasi es the best response to whatever changes in temperature occur rather than attempts to prevent those changes. 6urther' even if people acknowledge the importance of appropriate responses to temperature changes' few appreciate the ability of market incentives to inform and motivate such responses4 nor do they recogni e that government mandates undermine those responses by distorting market incentives or by rendering them completely inoperable. *ven if government
mandates were to be more effective than market incentives in reducing global warming' market incentives probably would still be more effective in reducing the harm of global warming by motivating a better response to a worse situation. (oreover' in the long run' reliance on the informed fle2ibility of the market

will do more than government controls to reduce greenhouse gases. Io sensible person denies that markets do a far better job than governments in promoting and utili ing technological advances that constitute our best hope for reducing dependence on fossil fuels and for creating the wealth that increases both our demand and our ability to deal with a wide range of environmental problems' including global
warming.

9istory proves
!allahan < :&ene' economist' writer' and scholar with the >udwig von (ises "nstitute' 6reeman' Pctober -MMF' =Low a 6ree 1ociety Could 1olve &lobal +arming?' Cro@uestA )he U.1. government has subsidi ed many activities that burn carbon3 it has sei ed land through eminent domain to build highways' funded rural electrification projects' and fought wars to ensure AmericansO access to oil . After +orld +ar "" it played a
key role in the mass e2odus of the middle class from urban centers to the suburbs' chiefly through encouraging mortgage lending. *very American schoolchild has heard of the bold transcontinental railroad $finished with great ceremony at Cromontory 1ummit' Utah, promoted by the federal government. Listorian Burt 6olsom e2plains that due to the construction contracts' the incentive was to lay as much track as possible between points A and B.hardly an approach to economi e on carbon emissions from the wood. and coal.burning locomotives. 6or a more recent e2ample' consider %ohn 6. #ennedyOs visionary moon shot. "Om no engineer' but "Ove seen the takeoffs of the Apollo spacecraft and think itOs quite likely that the free marketOs use of those resources would have involved far lower CP- emissions. +hile

myriad government policies have thus encouraged carbon emissions' at the same time the government has restricted activities that would have reduced them. 6or e2ample' there would probably be far more reliance on nuclear power were it not for the overblown regulations of this energy source. 6or a different e2ample' imagine the reduction in emissions if the government would merely
allow market.clearing pricing for the nationOs major roads' thereby eliminating traffic jamsT )he pollution from vehicles in major urban areas could be drastically cut overnight if the government set tolls to whatever the market could bear.or better yet' sold bridges and highways to private owners. Pf course' there is no way to determine just what the energy landscape in America would look like if these interventions had not occurred. Qet it is entirely possible that on net' with

freer market economy' in the past we would have burned less fossil fuel and today we would be more energy efficient. *ven if it were true that reliance on the free.enterprise system makes it difficult to curtail activities that contribute to global warming' still the undeniable advantages of unfettered markets would allow humans to deal with climate change more easily. 6or e2ample' the financial industry' by creating new securities and derivative markets' could crystalli e the 0dispersed knowledge0 that many different
e2perts held in order to coordinate and mobili e mankindOs total response to global warming. 6or instance' weather futures can serve to spread the risk of bad weather beyond the local area affected. Cerhaps there could arise a market betting on the areas most likely to be

3A4 Cap GT Inno!ation J2H2K

Creative entrepreneurs' left free to innovate' will generate a wealth of alternative energy sources. $1tate intervention' of course' tends to stifle innovations that threaten the continued dominance of currently powerful special interests ' such as oil companies.for e2ample'
permanently flooded. )hat may seem ghoulish' but by betting on their own area' inhabitants could offset the cost of relocating should the flooding occur. the state of Iorth Carolina recently fined Bob )ei2eira for running his car on soybean oil., Crivate insurers have a strong incentive to assess the potential effects of global warming without bias in order to price their policies optimally.if they overestimate the risk' they will lose business to lower.priced rivals4 if they are too sanguine about the dangers' they will lose money once the claims start rolling in. "ndividuals finding their homes or businesses threatened by rising sea levels will find it easier to relocate to the e2tent that unfettered markets have made them wealthier . "ndustrial manufacturers' as long as they are held liable for the

negative environmental effects of their production processes .a traditional common.law liability from which state policies intended to 0promote industry0 have often sought to shield manufacturers.will strive to develop technologies that minimi e the environmental impact of their activities without sacrificing efficiency. &overnment interventions and 0five.year plans'0 even when they are sincere attempts to protect the environment rather than disguised schemes to benefit some powerful lobby' lack the profit incentive and are protected from the competitive pressures that drive private actors to seek an optimal cost.benefit tradeoff . "f the situation truly becomes dire' it will be free market capitalism that allows humans to develop techniques for sucking massive amounts of carbon out of the atmosphere' and to coloni e the oceans and outer space. Beyond these futuristic possibilities' the obvious responses to global warming.such as more houses with AC' sturdier sea walls' and better equipment to evacuate flooded regions.are again only feasible when the free market is unleashed. "t is the poorest people and
nations that stand to suffer the most if the worst.case scenario for global warming is reali ed' and the only reliable way to alleviate their poverty' and thus help protect them from those effects' is the free market.

!entral planning of the alt dooms successful innovation

!lark and 6ee ( $%.5. and Ewight' professor of economics and occupies the Crobasco Chair of 6ree *nterprise at the University of )ennessee' professor of
economics and occupies the 5amsey Chair of Crivate *nterprise at the University of &eorgia' )he "ndependent 5eview' Bol B"""' Io./' 1pring -MM/' =&lobal +arming and "ts Eangers?' http3!!www.independent.org!pdf!tir!tirKMGK/Kclark.pdf, +e admit that without government action' market incentives probably will not reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the short run. Lowever' government

regulations that undermine both information flows and adjustments of the market process in an effort to reduce greenhouse gases' even if successful' run the serious risk of increasing the long.run damage of any global warming that does occur. )wo possible' and opposing' approaches to global warming present themselves. )he first' and the most familiar one' is the use of government regulations to force greenhouse gas reductions. )he second approach is to emphasi e arrangements that allow the most efficient response to any changes in the global climate that do occur ' without trying to prevent such changes. )he latter approach avoids government actions that interfere with the superior ability of markets to provide the information and motivation necessary to adapt quickly and
appropriately to changing conditions. Although this approach may not do as much as direct government action to reduce global warming' it results in better responses to any given increase $or decrease, in global temperatures. 1o' even if warming is greater under the market approach than it is under the government approach' the former may still be preferable. A more efficient response to a worse situation can be better than a less efficient response to a better situation.N *ven if the government approach is better than the market approach in reducing greenhouse gases' this success may have little' if any' effect on global temperatures' given the rather minor proportion of total carbon dio2ide emissions from human activities./ 6urthermore' over the long run' the innovation fostered by the disciplined freedom of the

market may offer the best hope for reducing reliance on the fossil fuels responsible for most human release of greenhouse gases. 5eliance on market forces' with little thought about reducing greenhouse gases' rather than on government regulations specifically aimed at reducing them will do more in the long run to reduce any global.warming problem $and almost everyone agrees that if global warming is a problem' it is a long.run problem, by doing more to promote the economic prosperity and freedom that provide the best foundation for dealing with all problems.

3A4 Alt B 8lo& J3H2K

The alternative fails and results in transition warsblanket calls for an anti.capitalist strategy causes elite backlash and social instabilityCambodia provesCol Cot called for communes' but no one knew how to change their livesdemogogues fill the void to control peopleHs livesall who donHt conform to the =system? are deemed threats and eradicatedit is no coincidence that every revolution in historyChina' 5ussia' Cambodiaall resulted in mass war and genocidethatHs #othari "nd& this demobilizes progressive social changelack of a blueprint causes reform stagnation b!c everything can be considered capitalistthereHs no agent or course of actioncan people still go to work7 Erive7 Build homes7 Use energy7 ") causes backlash to the alt and means it will crumble under resistance b!c itHs a failed political strategythatHs #liman This answers their Krisk the altL and Kassume it worksL argsthey prove it results in comparatively worse systems with more devaluationsturns value to life b!c genocide devalues life M"T .esarosF .esaros is an idiothe has no qualifications outside of being a (ar2istour evidence is based on empiricism which is the gold standard b!c non.falsifiable predictions cause policy.paralysis and blind faith' which in and of itself causes transition wars M"T Be "ren't ThatF Their no link arguments prove the alt will failsaying =we arenHt 1talin? still doesnHt clarify the questions of what the alternative doesand' our evidence says it will be implemented that way M"T Fear of "lt Q ?o "ltF ;aying our argument is fear-mongering is circularit applies equally to themtheir impacts are fear. mongering to prevent market innovations /ight-wing groups will s5uash their movement and bring global fascism
6ewis 9* $(artin +.& associate research professor of geography' co.director of Comparative Area 1tudies' Euke University' &reen Eelusions' pp. 8FM.8F8, )he e2treme left' for all its intellectual strength' notably lacks the kind of power necessary to emerge victorious from a real revolution. A few old street radicals may still retain their militant ethos' but todayOs college professors and their graduate students' the core mar2ist contingent. would be ineffective. )he radical right ' on the other hand' would resent a very real threat. Copulist right. wing paramilitary groups are well armed and well trained. while establishment.minded fascists probably have links with the American military. wherein lies the greatest concentration of destructive power this planet knows. 1hould a crisis strike so savagely as to splinter the American center and its political institutions' we
could well e2perience a revolutionary movement similar to that of &ermany in the 89NMs. (ar2ists' however' would likely counter this argument by citing the several cases of successful socialist revolutions. 1uccessful

no mar2ist revolution has ever come close to occurring in an advanced capitalist nation. all successful mar2ian revolutions have relied on the strategic cooperation of the bourgeoisie against the aristocracy 4 only after the
though they were' none makes a compelling analogue. 6irst ' )riumphant leftist revolutions have only taken place in economically backward countries. and generally only after an unrelated war had demorali ed the old guard. (ore importantly' as Lamerow $899M, clearly shows ' old regime is toppled are the fractionated moderates cut out of power. Considering the fate that has generally befallen them under such circumstances. it is unlikely that the business classes.even in the worldOs more feudal countries.would again be tempted by the promises of a mi2ed economy offered to them by would.be leftist revolutionaries. *2cept perhaps in *" 1alvador and Ceru'

contemporary mar2ist

revolutionary movements are irritants.to the ruling elites rather than real threats. "n contemplating the likely future of a revolutionary United 1tates' we
encounter the ultimate parado2 of contemporary mar2ism3 the unintended collusion of the radical left and the radical right. *ven during periods of normality' the opposing ends of the political spectrum feed strongly on each other in sardonic fashion' they are each otherOs best allies. )he mar2ian left is e2traordinarily frightening to the vast majority of the populace' and the stronger it becomes. the more seductive the propaganda of the radical right grows. )he equation can also be reversed4 leftist rhetoric draws its real power in opposition to the radical right' not the accommodating center. +ith every ### outrage' with every atrocity committed by the >os Angeles Colice Eepartment' the mar2ian message grows ever more convincing to horrified progressives. )he broad center of responsible conservatives. moderates. and liberals

3A4 Alt B 8lo& J2H2K

environment. marked by inflamed passions' such a stance will seem to many increasingly inadequate. "f. in the event of e2traordinary crisis' the center does fold ' " must conclude that most Americans would follow the far right rather than the far left. American society has simply been too prosperous. and the majority of its citi ens too accustomed to owning property. to be willing to risk everything on a communist e2periment.
may attempt to remain dispassionate and to refute both e2tremes' but in a deteriorating political

Ale2ander Cockburn of )he Iation has repeatedly pleaded with liberals not be afraid to endorse socialism.a fine position indeed if one would like to see reactionaries gain uncontested power throughout the United 1tates. "f truly concerned about social justice and environmental protection' " would counter liberals should not be afraid first to embrace' and then seek to reform' capitalism.

3A4 AT 4isk Impossi"le H Di%ek

20 This begs the P of if cap is badif cap is a more moral framework we should risk our lives to uphold it *0 Axtinction oJw
3ostrom < :P2ford philosophy professor $Iick' April' LumanityOs biggest problems arenOt what you think they are' transcribed from video R3-- to R3R-' http3!!www.ted.com!inde2.php!talks!view!id!//A )hen' even a one.percentage.point reduction in the e2tinction risk could be equivalent to this astronomical number' ten to the power of thirty two. 1o if you take into account future generations as much as our own' every other moral imperative or philanthropic cause just becomes irrelevant. )he only thing you should focus on would be to reduce e2istential risk' because even a tiniest decrease in e2istential risk would just overwhelm any other' um' benefit you could hope to achieve.

@0 This is elitistitHs easy for 1lavoj to sit in his office and say risk the impossiblemillions of people who die from warming causing sea level rise donHt give a shit

3A4 PermutationH5i"son-5raham
,erm do boththe plan isnHt intrinsically capitalistpeople would still have jobs and get educated in the world of the altif they wouldnHt it proves they donHt solve warming b!c people wouldnHt innovate or be smart ?ot a =Cwe do the entirety of the aff and alt and nothing elseat worst reject the argif the alt solves links to the 1@ it solves links to the aff ?3 is Gibson-grahamalt treats cap as monolithictheir root cause arguments provedebilitates resistance b!c it becomes overwhelmingtheir state links prove people couldnHt even reformcauses cession of politics to the e2treme rightperm makes 1@ education not elitist by including low.income communitiessolves the alt better

3A4 5reen Capitalism

,lan's transition to green economy solvesproblem of capitalism is that it is focused on resource e2ploitation and oil profitsplan creates an intrinsic understanding of the dangers of warmingresults in resource consumption and community activism to solve warmingcauses grass.roots changes in neoliberalism our ev cites multiple &reen %obs corps that had significant regional changes but require national effortsthis is a reason we solve their turns case args and a IB to the permthatHs 1hikar D Iyugen