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This following essay will attent to offer a sociological review of the southern europe transitions to democracy -Greece, Portugal and Spain- in the 70's . All of them considered in the Third Wave Democracy1 phenomenom. The paper will try to point out the similarities and differences between those porcesses towards democracy, specially in the role of the civil society and the state powers. In the end we will try to state a conclusion in the matter of why these transitions happened and why they did or did not follow the same paths. The paper will also briefly consider the italian case, given the fact that its transition happened in different circunstances and before those other three countries.
Keywords: Democracy, transition, southern europe, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Third Wave Democracy, civil society.
Titre original
THE TRANSITION AND LEGETIMATION OF THE DEMOCRACY IN PORTUGAL, SPAIN AND GREECE IN THE LATE 70'S: A comparative sociological review
This following essay will attent to offer a sociological review of the southern europe transitions to democracy -Greece, Portugal and Spain- in the 70's . All of them considered in the Third Wave Democracy1 phenomenom. The paper will try to point out the similarities and differences between those porcesses towards democracy, specially in the role of the civil society and the state powers. In the end we will try to state a conclusion in the matter of why these transitions happened and why they did or did not follow the same paths. The paper will also briefly consider the italian case, given the fact that its transition happened in different circunstances and before those other three countries.
Keywords: Democracy, transition, southern europe, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Third Wave Democracy, civil society.
This following essay will attent to offer a sociological review of the southern europe transitions to democracy -Greece, Portugal and Spain- in the 70's . All of them considered in the Third Wave Democracy1 phenomenom. The paper will try to point out the similarities and differences between those porcesses towards democracy, specially in the role of the civil society and the state powers. In the end we will try to state a conclusion in the matter of why these transitions happened and why they did or did not follow the same paths. The paper will also briefly consider the italian case, given the fact that its transition happened in different circunstances and before those other three countries.
Keywords: Democracy, transition, southern europe, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Third Wave Democracy, civil society.
THE TRANSITION AND LEGETIMATION OF THE DEMOCRACY IN PORTUGAL,
SPAIN AND GREECE IN THE LATE 70'S: A comparat!" #oco$o%ca$ r"!"& Ro'r%o P"(a )ar*"to 1 Rodrigo Pena Barbeito Abstract: This following essay will attent to offer a sociological review of the southern europe transitions to democracy -Greece Portugal and !pain- in the "#$s % All of them considered in the T+r' ,a!" D"mocrac- . phenomenom% The paper will try to point out the similarities and differences between those porcesses towards democracy specially in the role of the civil society and the state powers% &n the end we will try to state a conclusion in the matter of why these transitions happened and why they did or did not follow the same paths% The paper will also briefly consider the italian case given the fact that its transition happened in different circunstances and before those other three countries% 'eywords: (emocracy transition southern europe Greece Portugal !pain &taly Third )ave (emocracy civil society% 1 This term was coined by !amuel P% *untington a political scientist at *arvard +niversity in his article published in the Journal of Democracy and further e,pounded in his 1--1 boo. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century% / Rodrigo Pena Barbeito &0TR1(+2T&10: 0oting that the democrati3ation came in waves as *untington suggests / the first wave of democracy began in the early 1-th century when suffrage was granted to the ma4ority of white males in the +nited !tates 567ac.sonian democracy68% At its pea. the first wave saw /- democracies in the world% This continued until 1-// when Benito 9ussolini rose to power in &taly% The ebb of the first wave lasted from 1-// until 1-:/ during which the number of democracies in the world dropped to a mere 1/ than.s to this reverse wave% The second wave began following the Allied victory in )orld )ar && and crested nearly /# years later in 1-;/ with <; recognised democracies in the world% The second wave ebbed as well at this point and the total number dropped to <# democracies between 1-;/ and the mid-1-"#s% But the 6flat line6 would not last for long as the third wave was about to surge in a way no one had ever seen% &taly was one of those countries that became a democracy following the ))&& therefore its transition is not part of the same wave as the portuguese spanish or gree. ones% The Third wave began in 1-": 52arnation Revolution Portugal8 and included the historic democratic transitions in =atin America in the 1->#s Asia Pacific countries 5Philippines !outh 'orea and Taiwan8 from 1->; to 1->> and ?astern ?urope after the collapse of the !oviet +nion% ?,act tallies of the number of democracies vary depending on the criteria used for assessment but by some measures there are well over 1## democracies in the world today a mar.ed increase in 4ust a few decades% 9any of these newer democracies are not fully 6consolidated6 however meaning that while they have electoral institutions in place political democracy remains fragile% Reasons for this fragility include economic instability continued elite dominance of politics ongoing military interference in civilian affairs and others% !pain Portugal -as mentioned above- and Greece are embodied in this third wave% &n adition to *untington in the late >#$s =i4phart and other authors e,amined similarities and differences between !outhern ?uropean democracies 5Portugal !pain &taly and Greece8 also in comparison with other democratic countries in terms of ma4oritarian and consensual types of democracy 5see also =i4phart 1->:8% Their conclusion was that those countries did not form a distinctive and cohesive cluster: Portugal was consensual and unitary !pain ma4oritarian and semi- federal &taly consensual and slightly decentrali3ed and Greece ma4oritarian and unitary% @urthermore they stressed that Athe changes that seem li.ely to occur in !pain Portugal and Greece will all have the effect of reinforcing the ma4oritarianism of already ma4oritarian regimes and / < Rodrigo Pena Barbeito similarly of reinforcing the consensualism of already consensual systems% This means that the four countries are much more li.ely to move farther away from each other than to draw togetherB 5=i4phart et al% 1->> //8 ,A/ES 0 . #t &a!" . #t r"!"r#" &a!" 1 (' &a!" 1 (' r"!"r#" &a!" 0 r' &a!" 0 r' r"!"r#" &a!" period 1>/>-1-/; 1-//-:/ 1-:<-;/ 1-C>-"C -1-": 1->#$s (emocracie s 508 << 5ma,%8 11 5min%8 C/ 5ma,%8 <# 5min%8 ;C 5ma,%8 as of 1->- Roots @rench Revolution and American Revolution disorientation and alienation of democracy 5/#s8 Great (epression 5<#s8 rise of 2ommunism @ascism and 0a3ism allied occupation after the war 5Germany &taly 7apan8 and decoloni3ation shift toward authoritarianism 5BA D &!&8 issues with development disillusionment with 9oderni3ation !chool military coups nation- buildingE 2old )ar ban.ruptcy of BAE demonstration effectE decoloni3ationE end of 2old )ar Remar.s a bifurcation between 6older6 democracies and 6newer6 ones - succumb to reverse wave 6imposed democracy6 on losers populist democracy 5=A Peron8 short-lived decoloni3ation produces tenuous democracy most new nations in Africa not democratic BA 5high growth and political repression8 constitutes a challenge to 9oderni3ation Theory )ithdrawal of replacement of military regimes fundamental economic crisis 5debt inflation etc%8 considerable liberali3ation in ?A8 small setbac.s in *aiti !udan 0igeria !uriname (efinitions of Ademocracy B !uffrage 5C#F adult males8 and responsible govt% 5cabinet to parliament periodic elections8 e,panded suffrage 51##F males and start for women elections8 +niversal suffrage Periodic open fair and competitive elections < !ource: *untington 51--1: /;8 Russet 51--<: 1<>8 : Rodrigo Pena Barbeito THE TRANSITION IN PORTUGAL, GREECE AND SPAIN, AND THE ITALIAN CASE: T+" arr!" a(' co(#o$'ato( o2 t+" '"mocrac-3 Ta.ing a general approach in the matter the first thing that should be pointed out are the main causes for these transitions% *ere following *untington analysis again we could offer at least the reasons he argued for the third wave transtions to democracy% *e e,plained five defining factors: 1) The deepening legitimacy prolem! of authoritarian regime! in a world where democratic value! were widely accepted" the con!e#uent dependence of the!e regime! on !ucce!!ful performance$ and their inaility to maintain %perforrnance legitimacy% due to economic &and !ometime! military) failure" ') The unprecedented gloal economic growth of the 1()*!" which rai!ed living !tandard!$ increa!ed education$ and greatly e+panded the uran middle cla!! in many countrie!" ,) - !tri.ing !hift in the doctrine and aclivitie! of the Catholic Church$ manife!ted in the /ccond 0atican Council of 1(),1)2 and the tran!fornlation of national Catholic churche! from defender! of the !tatu! #uo to opponent! of authoritariani!m" 3) Change! in the policie! of e+ternal actor!$ mo!t notaly the 4uropean Community$ the 5nited /tate!" and the /oviet 5nion" 2) %/nowalling"% or the demon!tration effect of tran!ition! earlier in thc third wave in !timulating and providing model! for !u!e#uent effort! at democratization"6 5*untington 1--1::8 The third wave of the 1-"#s and 1->#s was overwhelmingly a 2atholic wave% Beginning in Portugal and !pain however Greece is an 1rthodo, country thus it can$t be putted in the e,act same category% &t would be more accurate then to say that these tird wave countries were in their ma4ority not protestants% (uring the third wave the ?uropean 2ommunity played a .ey role in consolidating democracy in southern ?urope% &n Greece !pain and Portugal the establishment of democracy was seen as necessary to secure the economic benefits of ?uropean 2ommunity membership while 2ommunity membership was in turn seen as a guarantee of the stability of democracy% &n 1->1 Greece became a full member of the 2ommunity and five years later !pain and Portugal did as well% )e also would have to consider the role of the +nited !tates in previous years the )hite *ouse wasn$t so hard with the dictatorship regimenes as long as they served american interests% But by the end of the "#$s and in the >#$s this american international relations behavior had changed and therefore it was another big cause in favor of the new democracies% !eing other countries becoming a democracy 5snowball effect8 was another factor not always C Rodrigo Pena Barbeito enough though if a country lac.s favorable internal conditions however snowballing alone is unli.ely to bring about democrati3ation% The democrati3ation of countries A and B is not a reason for democrati3ation in country 2 unless the conditions that favored it in the former also e,ist in the latter% Although the legitimacy of democratic government came to be accepted throughout the world in the 1->#s economic and social conditions favorable to democracy were not everywhere present% The 6worldwide democratic revolution6 may create an e,ternal environment conducive to democrati3ation but it cannot produce the conditions necessary for democrati3ation within a particular country% & would state that in the spanish case the e,ternal actors and the snowballing effect had a significant impact% &n !pain there was nothing similar to a revolution but a false sense of organic transition% &t wasn$t until the dictatorship @ranco$s death when the democracy was even considered- although in see. of legetimation the regime had made some steps before to apear an almost democratic country- and thus revolution and specially the catholic church were not main factors here althought the citi3enship claimed for democracy 5with demonstrations and riots mostly student movements8 it was more a lac. of power after @ranco$s death than a real transition in the first place% &n Portugal and Greece the causes seem to be more internal and there was an actual revolution against the former portuguese military government and the gree. military government itself 4ust dropped the power% As for &taly we have to .eep in mind that its transition did not ta.e part in the same wave as the rest of the southern europe countries% But we have to say that here the e,ternal actors played the ma4or role after the ))&& &taly as one of the defeated countries with authoritarian goverments was led into democracy by the +%!%A and the allies% At this point it is necessary to say that in the literature about the southern europe transitions to democracy one can find a large number of important scholarly wor.s on the return of democracy to Portugal !pain and Greece% But most analysis have shied away from broad comparative generali3ations however with e,ceptions the most important contributions have come from country-specific studies many of them emphasi3ing the distinctiveness of their national cases% 1ne great e,ception to the general absence of significant comparative and theoretical wor. on these democrati3ations is Transitions from Authoriarian Rule : edited by 1$(onnell !chimitter and )hitehead% &n his introductory essay to the volume on !outhern ?urope !chimitter notes that the contributors to that pro4ect concluded that tran!ition! from authoritarian rule and immediate pro!pect! for : 1$(onnell G% et al% Transitions from authoritarian rule: !outhern ?urope ; Rodrigo Pena Barbeito democracy were largely to e e+plained in term! of national force! and calculation!6 !chimitter 51->#:<8 !o the internal movements would be the main engine for these transitions rather than of the international dynamics although the international conte,t of the !outhern ?uropean cases rendered successful redemocrati3ation more li.ely there than in =atin America% The country chapters that follow which cover &taly and Tur.ey in addition to Greece Portugal and !pain tend to emphasi3e specifically political actions and paths -including significant contributions to regime change by some of the very forces that held or helped to e,ercise authoritarian political power% ?arlier narrowly class-based and internationally oriented theories of the !outhern ?uropean transitions C
find little resonance in the interpretive essays of this volume%
The ma4or attempt in the Transitions volume on !outhern ?urope ; to account for the rough political parallelism G that is the historical simultaneity of roughly similar political developments across national boundaries G long noted by many analysts of the southern region of ?urope is the broadly posed and subtle analysis of the spanish sociologist !alvador Giner% &n a contribution that encompases nineteenth G and twentieth - century political development Giner emphasi3es the AunevennesB of southern european societies and political forces G their heterogeneity and contradictions G rather than focusing on any specific and immutable configuration of sociopolitical forces% *e maintains that: The inner contradiction! of each one of the!e a!ic component! 7 limited parlamentariani!m$ re!tricted and divided lierali!m$ !tunted reformi!m$ and utopian imperiali!m 7 irrevocaly led the!e !ocietie! toward a !pecific form of cla!! de!poti!m$ namely 8a!ci!t or fa!ci!ti!ant dictator!hip""" Giner 51->#:/<8 )hat remains somewhat unclear is how such a comple, and subtly described problem of unevenness and contradiction can AirrevocablyB lead to a Aspecific form of class despotismB% ?normous differences among the three 5plus &taly8 cases in the timing of political changes the longevity of nondemocratic regimes and the political forms ta.en by nondemocratic rule ma.e it difficult to sustain the strong assertion of an irrevocable tendency toward eHuivalence in the political development of these countries% Although Giner$s essay is enormously suggestive it fails to resolve adeHuately the large Huestion of 5imperfect8 political parallelism and historical clustering% !trong causal claims prove difficult to advance unless the differences as well as the similarities among the cases are systematically incorporated into the analysisE in order to do that we need conceptual distintions that allow us to point out capital differences% +nless one ac.nowledges and ma.es sense out og the variations C The ma4or e,ample would be Poulant3as 0% The crisis of the dictatorships 51-";8 which offers a more international political view to this topic% ; 9p" cit" " Rodrigo Pena Barbeito among the countries one is left with too many e,ceptions to any comparative assertion whether it concerns the political role of the military the place of a single party in nondemocratic rule or the character of the crisis leading to the demise of authoritarian rule% &n accounting for the return of the analy3ed countries to democracy Giner lays his argument in the erosion of legitimacy for the authoritarian systems the conseHuences of economic development and the contribution to democrati3ation by some of the political forces inside the structure of authoritarian political power% &n his emphasis on the delegitimation of authoritarian regimes as well as in his discussion of the role of forces to be found within the circle of power Giner touches upon topics widely emphasi3ed by analysts of the transitions% &t is precisely on these two Huestions G the sources of the delegitimation of authoritarian rule and the location of the impetus toward democratic change within the circles of political power G that an analysis of the differences among the southern european cases yields significant insights% )e have to consider now for a final deeper analysis what differences emerged in the southern european countries with the arrive of the democracy% )as the same democracy for all these countriesI And which obstacles faced these new democraciesI (espite the differences among the cases and the absence of any strong evidence for a parsimonious largely class-based or internationally focused macro-level e,planation " the historical clustering of the e,periences of !pain Portugal and Greece remains an intriguing fact% There is a sense in which authoritarian rule was Ae,haustedB in all three societies at about the same time G unable to resolve the basic political challenges of legitimation and institutionali3ation at a time when crisis to one degree or another prevented the regimes from continuing on effortlessly through the sheer force of inertia% But the fact that this e,haustion concurs in the three societies does not guarantee that its causes were the same or the path of redemocrati3ation would be similar for Greece !pain and Portugal% &n most of these essays embodied in the Transitions volume the importance of social forces in undermining authoritarian rule is almost certainly understated > % Anyway the political focus including the attention directed to the issue of legitimation and the emphasis on the political orientation of forces located within the circle of political power seems consistently useful in analy3ing the southern european cases included &taly% !chmitter asserts that the best hope for the restoration of democracy is to be found not so much in " This is not to argue that class forces or the international conte,t were irrelevant as we said before it wasn$t li.e that% But the point is that these forces are not the sole determinants of political developments and actions% > The civil society held a role in those transitions though labor and student movements have to be pointed out% )or.s on this matter can be found at least for the spanish case but not for the others to complete a comparative analysis !ee: Pere3 (ia3 J% 51->"8 A?l retorno de la sociedad civilB or Jalen3uela !%7 51->-8 A=abor movements in transitions to democracyB > Rodrigo Pena Barbeito the relations between state and civil society as within the structure of authoritarian rule itself% *e focuses on both the authoritarian regime and the state apparatus without drawing a distinction between the two% This appears to fit the Portuguese case given the fact that the remants 5or most of them8 of @ranco$s regime helped to build the reform-oriented process of change in !pain and that the Gree. military e,tricated itself from political power !chmitter$s perspective appears to be useful for the three cases% But in the end the differences in the processes are wide enough to have led to rather different outcomes% &n !pain the ob4ective of returning to democracy eventually came to be assumed by significant sectors within the regime% @ollowing the death of @ranco and under pressure from the opposition these sectors began the difficult but ultimately successful process of transition by negociated reform% The specific location of the impetus for the change helped produce a new political system in which the authoritarian regime was never totally re4ected symbolically even though it was fully superseded and transformed% By helping to initiate the transition the reformist sector of the old regime participated in the shaping of the new one% The spanish transition was the only one in southern ?urope in which no purge of the state was possible moreover the fear of a military intervention against democracy helped to restrain the more radical instincts of some political actors% &n Portugal on the other hand the regime proved incapable of such a thing% Thus the political actors of the old regime lost their ability to shape the new democracy% &nstead the impetus for change came from the state in the form of a middle-level officers$ revolt in the military% The regime was actually overthrown G nothing li. in !pain G ending in revolutionary mobili3ations that have left enduring mar. on Portugal% &n Greece as in Portugal the military helped to initiate the political change% &n the Gree. case however it os difficult to locate this initiative sHuarely in the regime% &n a sense one can argue that the gree. military acted mora as an institution of the state than of the regime% After the military crisis with Tur.ey over 2yprus the armed forces$ highest leadership reinstituted military- institutional control and handed over power to civilian democratic politicians% To sum up the gree. military acted as a whole institution not li.e the portuguese one% Therefore it was no chance for revolution% The gree. case 5in some aspects8 might be seen as between the spanish and the portuguese% The distintion between regime and state is important not only for identifying the source of the democrati3ing iniciative but for understanding the ne,t tragectory of political change% Those changes led to bigger differences than similarities as =ip4art would state later in the >#$s Portugal was consensual and unitary !pain ma4oritarian and semi-federal &taly - Rodrigo Pena Barbeito consensual and slightly decentrali3ed and Greece ma4oritarian and unitary% !pain was charactari3ed by the consensus while Portugal not only by the purge but for the dramatic political conflicts and revolutionary mobili3ations% CONCLUSION: Are the southern europe transitions to democracy a clusterI ?ven though Greece !pain and Portugal are included in the third wave democracy and they came from authoritarian regimes towards democracy almost at the same time the similarities seem to be too shallow% 1nce we analy3e these countries phenomenoms the causes and results we see peculiarities that shifted them away in this terms and that are showed in the different .ind of democratic goverments that resulted from those transitions% Thus we should conclude that although international and cross-national historical conte,ts contributed somewhat to each of the transitions the three cases do not follow a unified logic% )hen comparative analysis focuses on the differences as well as the similarities one must be prepared to find that some instances of historical convergence may 4ust be 4ust accidents in timing as much as to any causal configuration% &n the end we have to step away from the original idea brought by *untington of a unified democratic wave at least in these mediterranean cases% 1# Rodrigo Pena Barbeito )I)LIOGRAPHY: Gunther R% et al% !pain after @ranco: The 9a.ing of a 2ompetitive Party !ystem 1$(onnell G% et al% Transitions from authoritarian rule: !outhern ?urope *untington P%! 51--18 The Third )ave: (emocrati3ation in the =ate Twentieth 2entury% =i4phart A 51->:8 Democracie!: :attern! of ;a<oritarian = Con!en!u! >overnment in Twenty1one Countrie!% 0ew *aven: Kale +niversity Press =in3 7% D !tepan A% 51--;8 Problems of (emocratic Transition and 2onsolidation 57ohns *op.ins +niversity Press8% @ishman R 51--#8 Rethin.ing !tate and Regime: !outhern ?uropeLs Transition to (emoracy% )orld Politics :/ ://-:#% Poulant3as 0% The crisis of the dictatorships 51-";8 =iebert +% 51->>8 Parlamento y consolidaciMn de la democracia en la ?uropa del !ur% R?&! maga3ine :/ -<-11; GMme3 @ernNnde3 A% B% 5/#118 =A ==?GA(A (? =A (?912RA2&A A= 9?(&T?RRO0?1: =A! TRA0!&2&10?! (? P1RT+GA= GR?2&A K ?!PAPA% +niversidad de 7aen% *A1= 0Qm% /C 5Primavera /#118 "-1> Tsiridis G% 5/##;8 !1+T*?R0 ?+R1P? &0 219PARAT&J? P?R!P?2T&J? : (?912RAT&2 TRA0!&T&10! &0 P1RT+GA= GR??2? A0( !PA&0% +ltrech +niversity Geoffrey Pridham The (ynamics of (emocrati3ation : A 2omparative Approach 5=ondon: 2ontinuum /###8 pp% C-1# Richard Gunther 0i.iforos P% (iamandouros and *ans- 7Rurgen Puhle The Politics of (emocratic 2onsolidation 11