169

K L A U S V o N d r oV E C

Coinage of the Nezak

According to numismatic evidence, the Nezak Shahs are the fourth group of the Iranian Huns apart from
the Kidarites, the Alkhan Huns and the Genuine Hephthalites. While the coin production of the other three
groups seems to come to a clear end at some point, it is the coinage of the Nezak that evolves into what is
called Western Turkic. Literary evidence from the seventh century and thereafter, originating from Arab
or Chinese sources, gives us some important glimpses into the Nezak and definitely needs to be taken into
consideration.1 Matching it with numismatic data is not an easy task. Literary sources were compiled by
adversaries of the Huns or the Nezak, for that matter, and only centuries after the events described occurred,
but it is their coinage that has remained unaltered. It was conceived, produced and distributed by the very
authorities under investigation and thus is primary evidence of the highest value. Yet the lack of detailed
reports on coin finds or excavation results in general greatly limits the potential of present numismatic
analysis, so that in many cases only a relative chronology can by established. This needs to be cross-referenced with all kind of available evidence from neighbouring disciplines, but as of now, this is often very
much work in progress, so that we will encounter grave difficulties.
This article relies mainly on coinage for the greater goal of summing up all numismatic arguments and
displaying the often quite complex strings of typology in a comprehensive way. In order to achieve further
correspondence with other disciplines in the future and to bring numismatic, literary sources as well as archaeology or art history into line, the key arguments of numismatics shall be presented on the following
pages.2
The name Nezak has been read from their Pehlevi coin legends in the first place3, but is also attested in
written accounts.4 From the numismatic point of view the Nezak coinage appears with some unique features
from its very beginning that have no prototypes in other coinages. Unlike the Alkhan Huns, who only gradually built up an individual coinage, striking their first coins using altered Sasanian coin dies with the word
added to them, the Nezak coinage comes into being with an already fully developed typology of
its own. The most prominent feature is the buffalos head on top of their crowns, but also the sun-wheels
above the heads of the attendants on the reverse are unprecedented. It seems noteworthy that it is a (black)
buffalo5 and not a bull or a Zebu, for the horns are clearly of a ribbed appearance, as can be observed on
all clear specimens.
Yet the buffalos head on a winged crown, together with the Pehlevi legend on the obverse, and a fire
altar with two attendants with wheels above their heads on the reverse is one of the most frequently issued
coin types, which we can observe for centuries well into the late seventh and early eight century. The earliest
Nezak coinage, however, comprises only four drachm types that were struck in huge numbers along with
a number of obols.
1

Cf. the contribution of Minoru Inaba in this volume.

I will refer to numbers introduced by Gbl 1967 and subsequent supplementa by the term type; in English literature the abbreviation
NumH has been established which I will also use.

nyky MLK; there have been several different readings, e.g. Gbl 1967: nspk; Harmatta 1969: 408 and Frye 1974: nyky.

Grenet, Nezak.

Gbl 1967/I: 135: Bubalus arnee bubalis.

170

Klaus Vondrovec

Grouping these early drachms has led to the observation that their coinage is divided into two different
groups or mints6 that differ in style and also in the last letter of the obverse legend which can either be the
letter (hin) or (leph). Although this character is separated from the rest of the legend in the upper left
obverse field it is merely the last letter of MLKA, written in a different style or handwriting. Gbl 1967 has
tentatively attributed the -type to the mint of Ghazni and the -type to Kabul. Alram 2000 referred to them
as group I and group II.
TYPE

217

221

TYPE

222

198

When the entire material from this classical period is grouped one reaches the conclusion that the -type
started earlier than the -type.7 This can be claimed for stylistic reasons, but there is also a feature that distinguishes them quite clearly. on the earliest issues of types 217 and 221, the snout of the bull points downwards into the crescents. Thus far, I could not find any specimen that shows traces of a bridle. on the later
types 222 () and 198 (), the bull is facing to the right and regularly wears a bridle. Because of this and
the very similar contour of the skulls, the issues of 222 and 198 are believed to be contemporaneous.

INITIAL dATE oF THE NEZAK

In order to establish the initial date of the coinage of the Nezak Shahs, numismatics offers several arguments.
All of them suggest they started striking coins in the late fifth century. The main features of the buffalos
head, the peculiar Pehlevi legend and the wheels above the heads of the attendants are unique inventions
of the Nezak Shahs. But some features were adopted from Sasanian coinage and thus indicate that they were
used by the Nezak at a somewhat later point (termini post quos) although we do not know exactly how
much later they appeared on the Nezak coinage. All the more consideration needs to be paid to every other
detail that can be of use.
The reverse design of the Nezak drachms features the same Zoroastrian fire-altar with two attendants
as Sasanian drachms, only with wheels or rosettes above their heads. As a consequence, the attendants are
much shorter. The attendants carry long barsom-bundles that are found only on Sasanian drachms until
Yazdgerd II (438457); on Peroz coins they are abandoned from the very beginning. In contrast to their
obvious Sasanian prototype they reach down to the base-line. The same is true for the crowns of the attendants which are composed of mural elements. These features are changed in the Sasanian coinage from the
first crown of Peroz onwards. Instead of long bundles, the attendants are folding their arms or raising one

Gbl 1967/II: 7189.

Gbl 1967/I: 154 and Gbl 1967/II: 50 and 71ff.

171

Coinage of the Nezak

arm towards the flames; also their crowns are cap-like and touch the border of dots. So if the reverse of the
Nezak was created in the sixth century, we would definitely assume that the newer features were adopted
from the Sasanians.

Yazdgerd II

217

Peroz 1st crown

The winged crown also has its iconographic roots in Sasanian coinage. Wings are frequently found on
Sasanian crowns: in our rough timeframe Wahram IV (388399) and Peroz third crown (c. 474484) are
of immediate interest. on the crown of Wahram, the wings are attached to the diadem at both sides of the
head so that they overlap each other in the side view. It is curious that the same crown design is reproduced
by the Kidarites on type 18 but only with a three-quarter frontal bust.8 Therefore, this type shows a crown
with a wing protruding at each side. There is also a single dinar type from Wahram IV in a three-quarter
front view.9
on Sasanian coins, the symmetrical depiction of the wings to the left and the right of the crown was first
used on Perozs third crown. This crown was adopted after he was defeated and taken prisoner by the Hephthalites in 474 CE.10 Additionally, he had to pay 30 mule-loads of drachms as ransom and leave his eldest
son Kawad hostage in the Hephthalite court. It is not entirely clear how the wings are attached; they seem
to be fixed somewhere at or above the crown-cap. In fact they are neither connected to the diadem nor fixed
to a central point above the crown cap or the stand of the crescent on top, seen only as late as on Khusros
II (591628) crown.
on all of the Nezak coin-types, the wings are undoubtedly attached to the diadem. Therefore, robert
Gbl11 had argued that they were not necessarily inspired by Peroz third crown and he consequently dated
type 217 earlier, at around 460 CE.12 Still, it stands to reason that the wings were adopted from Peroz third
crown as such with only just a different fastening to the crown. The Sasanians would not have copied them
if they were a prominent feature of any Huna clan. So the wings in the Nezak crown provide the latest terminus post quem, which is only just 474 CE.
The bust of the king is based on a vegetal element. This feature was initially developed on Sasanian seals.
on Sasanian coins it can be observed on drachms of Wahram IV and Yazdgerd I, although it is of a very
different design. The actual wing or leaf-like shape is featured on coins of the Alkhan who adopt it from
their earliest stage of the issues of their so-called Anonymous Clan rulers onwards. In their classical phase
8

Cf. the contribution of Joe Cribb in this volume, fig. 50.

SNS III, type IV/3; A 68.

10

Cf. SNS III/1: 414419.

11

Gbl 1967/I: 134 and Gbl 1967/II: 50, Emissionsschema 4.

12

Errington and Curtis 2007: 99100 and table 5.

172

Klaus Vondrovec

it is strongly curved and gives the overall impression of wings rather than of leafs or branches. on the later
coins of the Alkhan, it becomes smaller; the two sides are merely segments of a circle with some vertical
strokes underneath. In a medium stage it can be seen on drachms of the Nezak. Its wing-shaped character
is still recognizable on both the -type (217, 221 and 222) and the -type (198). on the group of the AlkhanNezak crossover (types 225235), we can see this ornament in its latest stage.
Another numismatic peculiarity is the existence of a considerable number of obols. From the origin of
this denomination in the classical Greek era in the sixth century BCE they are to be regarded as sixths of
drachms. In Iran they were struck in the later Parthian and in the Sasanian period. It is the general opinion
that they were issued for special occasions. However, we have observed that this denomination shows a
greater range of typological variety, but that is even truer for copper coins, because there was probably much
less regulation imposed on the latter. Just recently, two obols have come to light in the Aman ur rahman
collection that could be attributed to the o o group of the Alkhan Huns.13 All other obols of the
Iranian Huns belong to the -type of the Nezak Shah; in most cases the letter in the upper right obverse field
is clearly legible.
only when one also takes the Sasanian obols into consideration do they become relevant for the initial
date of the Nezak Shah. There are a considerable number of Nezak obol types so it seems only logical that
they were struck in some correspondence with or at least not long after the Sasanians stopped issuing this
denomination. In Sasanian coinage, obols cease to be struck in the late phase of the reign of Kawad. The
latest date that is clearly legible is the 30th regnal year, equal to 518/519 CE.14 Except for types 224A and
probably 224B, the Nezak obols match the style of the drachms closely. Types 218, 218B, 219 and 224 even
belong to the earlier phase of the Nezak -type, for the snout of the buffalo on the crown is pointing down
into the crescent; on types 219A, 220, 220A and 224A it is facing to the right side. So the entire phenomenon
of Nezak obols might start even before 515 and must come to an end well before 560 CE in any case.

218A

219

220

all x 1.5

As an example for the range of typological variation mentioned above we may note the presence of hitherto
unknown symbols, namely S61 in some of its variants. This tamga will appear again much later, such as in
type 245 of Sangolo / Pangul.15 There are also reverse types showing a fire altar with ribbons instead of attendants (type 218A or 219), another version with tamgas S61 instead (type 224). Type 220 shows the busts
of a braided woman and beardless young man with short hair facing each other, which is obviously a marriage topos.16 The types 224 and 224A have a cross-legged seated figure on the reverse, as it is commonly
depicted in wall paintings and metalwork etc. or even coinage.
13

Vondrovec 2008 with a complete inventory of all Nezak obol types.

14

Schindel 2004/I, p. 486 gives the 30th anniversary of Kawad as a possible explanation for issuing obols.

15

There are different readings of the name of the issuer: Humbach 1998 has read Pangul, Alram 1986 oo and Gbl 1967
ooo.

16

Cf. the silver bowl from the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, S1987.105; Gunter and Jett 1992 No. 25, p. 125f.

Coinage of the Nezak

173

CoNCLUSIoN
It has been discussed that Peroz third crown, adopted in c. 474 CE, is the latest terminus post quem (t.p.q.)
for the Nezak coin types. And yet a terminus post quem can only just give a date later than and does not
necessarily give any hints on how much time had passed for the events to take place. on the other hand, if
out of several relations to Sasanian coinage there are none later than 474 CE, we can simply rule out the
idea that the Nezak started minting only in the mid-sixth century.
Considering a wider historic picture of Bactria it can only be assumed that the Nezak Shahs, although
they are definitely located south of the Hindukush, also started their own coin production as a consequence
or in the aftermath of the death of Peroz at the hands of the Genuine Hephthalites. Peroz third crown was
copied as the main coin type 287 by the Hephthalites very accurately, with only the four dots at the obverse
rim and the Bactrian in the right obverse field plus the mint signature of (Balkh) on the reverse.17
And it would seem that in the very same manner, the Nezak were inspired by the wings of Perozs crown,
although they created a more distinctive design than the Hephthalites. The Bactrian document I from the
archives of rb, dated in the year 260 (= 482/483 CE), is the earliest evidence of a Hephthalite tax, levied
even when Peroz was still alive.
So I assume that the -group started at 484/490 CE with type 217 and 221. The -group with type 198
has to be placed somewhat later for stylistic reasons, and therefore, might have begun at 500/515 CE, at
about the same time as type 222.18

LITErArY EVIdENCE
In order to at least narrow down the initial date of the Nezak coinage, it seems that we must depend entirely
on numismatic evidence, as all the literary sources originate from a much later period and also deal with
it. Their interpretation has again led to a markedly different picture.19 It seems commonly accepted that the
Nezak were a local dynasty in Kapisi in the seventh century who at times ruled over Gandhara.20
The period from 560 CE onwards would be that of the Western Turks, although it is not clear how and
foremost when they gained power over Bactria and the Hindukush-region. Minoru Inaba states that gradually having extended their power, they came to be independent ...21 The Western Turks were in league
with the Sasanians in their combined victory over the Hephthalites in c. 560 CE and consequently gained
power not only of Transoxiana, but also over Bactria. According to Xuanzhang, the Chinese pilgrim who
visited Kapisi in 629 CE, .. the Turks have lived in the mountain area between Zabulistan and Kapisi. We
should keep this in mind when we consider that the Tang Shu mentions that the ruler of Cao in Jibin
(Kapisi) was wearing a golden buffalo crown in 658 CE.22 At the time, parts of Bactria and also some regions south of the Hindukush had become a Chinese protectorate. It is further reported that at this point the
rule of the king Ho-hie-tche had lasted for 13 years and that he was the twelfth successor of the first king
Hing-ye on the throne.23 This name has been translated as Xingil24 or Khingal.25

17

Cf. the contribution of Michael Alram and Matthias Pfisterer in this volume.

18

Gbl too has established f 515 CE as the initial date for both the types 198 and 222.

19

This phrase was coined by Grenet 2002: 205; Kuwayama 1998: 346349 has proposed a strikingly different arrangement and a
much later chronology for the Nezak. From the numismatic point of view it is implausible that the first issuer of a buffalos head
crown had been Khingila and that he should be dated in the mid-sixth century.

20

Grenet, Nezak.

21

Inaba 2005: 2.

22

Kuwayama 1998: 344.

23

Chavannes 1903: 131, note 4.

24

Harmatta 1969: 395ff. and Harmatta 1996: 373ff.

25

Kuwayama 1991: 332ff. and Kuwayama 1998: 336ff.

174

Klaus Vondrovec

Now the conclusion does not necessarily have to be that the Alkhan Huns, with Khingila as their first king
whom we know by name from his coins, had their capital in Kapisi for almost two centuries. Neither was
it Khingila who started or even maintained the production of the winged buffalos crown coinage. on the
contrary, it is nothing else but a terminus ante quem for the existence of the buffalo crown. This crown had
existed long before the seventh century and most probably continued to be struck on coins for yet another
period afterwards, as will briefly be shown in the course of this article. I also do not see the necessity that
the Kabul-area shared the same history as Gandhara from the fifth century onwards. If the identification of
Hing-ye with Khingila is correct, we can merely observe that some dynastic link existed between the rulers
of Kapisi and the Alkhan in the middle of the seventh century. robert Gbl had established the theory that
at least a part of the Alkhan migrated back into the Kabul area in the late sixth century, which ultimately
resulted in a group of coinage he labelled Alchon-Nezak-Mischgruppe, which I call Alkhan-Nezakcrossover. To refer to the issuers of the winged buffalos crown as Khingal-dynasty26 does not seem justified to me; their coin legend clearly labels them as nycky MLKA Nezak Shah.

THE HoArd oF KABUL

In the 1990s, a hoard consisting of a large number of copper drachms of type 150 came on the coin market
that was reportedly found near Kabul. 447 specimens out of a once probably much bigger ensemble were
brought together by Peter Ilisch and published by Michael Alram.27 The type 150 was issued by a king of
the Alkhan Huns referred to as Narana-Narendra who appears to have been a successor of Mihirakula.
Among the 447 pieces in the hoard, two overstruck coins have attracted a lot of attention. They were
struck on drachms of type 198 of the Nezak -type instead of blank flans. The clearest overstruck coin from
the hoard has been presented to the Mnzkabinett of the KHM and recently two more overstrikes of the
same type but of unknown provenance were donated to the collection.
In 528 or 532 CE Mihirakula, the king of the Alkhan Huns in Gandhara, suffered a major defeat by an
alliance of Indian principalities. Ultimately, the Alkhan lost their power over Gandhara; allegedly a part of
them retreated to Kashmir under Mihirakula who must have died around 540. robert Gbl had postulated
the idea that some decades later a part of the Alkhan migrated back over the Khyber-pass into the wider
area of Kapisi/Kabul or Ghazni under the successor of Mihirakula, by the name of Narana or Narendra.
Gbl 1967/II: 70 dated his reign to c. 570/580600 CE and assumed that he might have led back a part of
his clan at the end of his reign.28 This would ultimately result in the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group. In this
group, the crown of type 150 is placed on the bust of a Nezak king.
(JAYATU) NArENdrA
Before we go into further detail it has to be stated that the attribution of type 150 to Narana is based mainly
on stylistic arguments. The basic design of the crown is clearly derived from the late phase of the Alkhan
coinage in Gandhara.
There are three distinct variants of type 150. on the first variant, there is a Brahmi legend that is often
unclear.29 It was read by Alram as ri sahi na.30 Most specimens with the legend are of copper and show
traces of a fire altar and two attendants at the reverse. only very recently, some rare clearer specimens of
type 150 have come to my attention that show a wheel or rather a circle above the heads of the attendants
on the reverse; they all belong to the first variant. This was initially introduced by the Nezak and only occurs
on their coinage and those of the succeeding types, including type 223 of o, see below.
26

Kuwayama 1989; Kuwayama 1999; Grenet 2002; Grenet, Nezak.

27

The overstrikes have been included in Alram 1996, No. 78 and 79; the entire ensemble from the hoard is published in Alram 2000.

28

Gbl 1967/II: 7071.

29

According to the information provided by Harry Falk a possible reading would be ri Ehata or ri Ehato.

30

Alram 2000: 129.

175

Coinage of the Nezak

on all specimens known with this full legend, the king is holding a bunch of plants that consists of a kind
of fruit or ear of some grain or crop, a straight leaf and yet another ear. on the second variant, the king is
holding the same kind of plant. There are no traces of a reverse die and the legend is only r but mostly
no traces of it can be seen. on the third variant the king is holding a plant with only the straight leaf and
one ear of grain.

138

150B

150 var. 1

150 var. 2

150 var. 3

on type 138 the Brahmi obverse legend jayatu bharaa can be read quite clearly.31 The design is however
different from type 150. There is only one crescent attached to the diadem instead of two and the king is
wearing a double-pearl earring instead of the ring-shaped version; we can still observe the same depiction
of the ribbons. Type 150 stylistically follows this type, although on a later level. Alram 1996 published the
hitherto unknown coin type 150B, where at one oclock, the two minute Brahmi characters na ra can be
read, although they are very tiny.32 Interestingly enough, there is a buffalos head on top of the crown which
might suggest some relation to the Nezak. So at this point and without any further new information, the
possibility exists that type 150 was struck by a successor of jayatu bharaa.
Based merely on the coin legends combined with their typological evidence, it would not seem imperative that Narana is equal to Narendra.33 Those types with the Brahmi legend Jayatu Narendra show the portrait of the king in the very same Indianized style, with a different crown and an elongated earlobe (types
171, 172, 173, 174A, 174B, 175 and 176). All of these are copper denominations and were struck on rather
thick flans. Stylistically, they loosely belong to the group of the successors of Mihirakula, referred to as local rulers by Gbl.34

171

31

I am referring to the reading provided by Harry Falk.

32

Alram 1996: No. 59.

33

Gbl 1967/II: 70 came to the opposite conclusion.

34

Unsichere Stadtfrsten, Gbl 1967/I: 126ff. (Types 177193) and Gbl 1967/II: 70.

174A

176

Klaus Vondrovec

In Kalhaas rjataragi, the chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, the name is given twice: I, 347 mentions
Narendrditya with the second name of Khikhila (as the son of Gokara), the son of whom was Yudhihira I.
III, 383 mentions Narendrditya with the second name of Lakhaa (as son of Yudhihira II). In the past,
the second names have led to various speculations about both Khingila and Lakhaa rather than on Narendra, because both can clearly be read from coins. Although the rjataragi was compiled much later, we
might consider that there were two kings by that name, since numismatics came to the same conclusion independently.
So the conclusion at this point is that Narendra was a ruler in succession of Mihirakula who minted coins
probably in Kashmir or maybe in Gandhara. He might have been king of the part of the Alkhan Huns that
stayed in Gandhara despite the defeat of Mihirakula. Narana on the other hand, a successor of Mihirakula
too, was the king who led back another part of the Alkhan Huns over the Khyber-pass into the Kapisi /
Kabul and/or the Ghazni area where type 150 might have been issued. For the purpose on hand, we will assume that type 150 was issued by Narana who was definitely a ruler of the Alkhan Huns, rooted in Gandhara.
This type is probably the latest of the Alkhan coinage. Although this name is not attested on type 150, we
shall call him by the name of Narana as a working hypothesis, for the lack of a better one.
oVErSTrIKES TYPE 150 oN 198
All three coins shown here have been overstruck by Naranas type 150 of the third variant with the king
holding a plant with two leaves. other than on the specimen from the hoard of Kabul, the obverse of type
198 was overstruck by the obverse of type 150 on the other two examples. The issue here is to establish
where the overstrikes were minted and at about what time.

MK Gr 42.33735
3,19g; 26,3mm

35

MK Gr 43.240
3.32g; 26,5mm

This coin has also been published as Inv.-No. MK Gr 3.384x.

MK Gr 43.241
3.81g; 25,7mm

Coinage of the Nezak

177

The phenomenon of overstrikes is quite rare and certainly was not the usual way of producing coins. In the
monetary history of the Iranian Huns, coins of Tobazini36 (type 32 and its variants) were overstruck at times;
the group that was overstruck most often is the copper type 152 of Mihirakula on type 120 of Toramana.
There are other examples that may be of some interest. In 260 CE, the Sasanians seized the roman mints
of Antiochia and Samosata; obviously a number of drachms were struck on blank roman flans they captured.37 Copper coins of Shapur II are known of that were struck on coins of Licinius I. (308324) or Valens
(364378)38 which does not provide us with any conclusive picture. When the Alkhan Huns captured the
eastern-most mint of the Sasanians, probably Kabul, during the reign of Shapur III (383388)39 they took
over their equipment and continued minting with altered coin-dies that bear either the legend or
the tamga S1 but they did not overstrike proper coins at least none have come to light yet. To regard overstrikes entirely as an obvious way of superimposing an enemy seem to be an appalling idea, but the primary
reason for overstriking proper coins had always been an urgent demand for more money. obviously there
was not enough time to melt down enough metal in order to produce flans.
First of all, the overstruck coins seem to corroborate robert Gbls view on the return of at least a part
of the Alkhan Huns from Gandhara into the wider region of Kapisi/Kabul.40 To me, all three coins used as
flans seem to be of a very similar style of type 198. What we can deduct from these overstrikes in order
to ascertain an absolute date for the Nezak is in fact very little. It has been mentioned that both types were
struck in huge numbers over a considerable period of time. Both of them too are found in hoards that exclusively consist of the type in question.
The location of the so-called hoard of Kabul at this site might provide some clues for type 150. It seems
only logical that a big hoard consisting only of one single coin-type was buried rather close to the mint. So
it should be taken into consideration that type 150 was already struck on the move of the Alkhan, probably
somewhere in the Kabul area and not in Gandhara.41 Those issues prior to type 150 were definitely struck
in Gandhara and are part of the late Alkhan-series.
THE LATEr PHASE oF THE NEZAK SHAH
The question arises whether the overstrikes mark the end of production for type 198 or not. We cannot be
sure whether the re-migration of a part of the Alkhan Huns from Gandhara into the area of Kabul or Ghazni
in the late sixth century42 was a peaceful event or if there was a major clash that has possibly brought an
end to either the - or the -group. robert Gbl assumed that the -group which he had tentatively located
in Ghazni fell under Sasanian control in 560 CE and consequently stopped its production of coins with the
winged crown with a buffalos head.43 The -group he believed continued to be struck well into the late seventh century, when this area had become a Chinese protectorate. Michael Alram too supposed that the issue
of type 198 was merely interrupted by the re-migrating Alkhan and that it continued afterwards.44 As will
also be shown in the course of this article, there are several coin-types that seem to continue both groups
of the Nezak. However, then there is also the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group that combines the crown of
the issuer of type 150 with the bust of a Nezak king.
Both the -type 222 and the -type 198 are among the most numerously struck issues of the Iranian Huns.
Yet they undergo different developments in later phases that shall be presented only along crude outlines. Both
the - and the -type have a typological afterlife and there is also the issue of the Alkhan-Nezak crossover.
36

Cf. the contribution of Michael Alram and Matthias Pfisterer in this volume.

37

SNS I: 8587.

38

SNS III, No. 49 and A10.

39

Schindel 2004/I: 282ff. has considered that this mint was captured in late 384 or 385 CE.

40

Cf. Alram 2000: 133.

41

Alram 2000: 133.

42

The date of this re-migration cannot be established properly, depending on the reign of the issuer of type 150 whom Gbl dated c.
570/580600; cf. Gbl 1967/II: 7071.

43

Gbl 1967/II: 74.

44

Alram 2000: 133.

178

Klaus Vondrovec

222 (Late Style)

198 (copper flan)

We can not establish an absolute date for the later stages of 222 and 198 properly or for the very end of
their production, for that matter. There are no any new typological influences. So I can only assume both
types were struck unaltered at least until c. 560 CE when the allied forces of the Sasanians and the Western
Turks defeated the Genuine Hephthalites. We have no information on the immediate effects of this event
on the areas south of the Hindukush. during the late sixth century a part of the Alkhan Huns seems to have
migrated back from Gandhara into the area of Kabul or Ghazni.
In any case type 198, as well as the types 217, 221 and 222 of the -type, started to be minted on flans
of pure silver when they were introduced. The immediate stylistic successor of types 217 and 221 is type
222 which is also the most numerous among them. Type 222 could further be divided into various subgroups. robert Gbl had defined no fewer than six different groups, 222/I222/VI, whereas I decided to
take one step back again and just separate an early (222/IIII and 222/VI) from a late style (222/IVV). In
the late-style group the head of the king gradually becomes more oval. The alloy seems to be debasing to
a certain degree, yet I do not know any specimen that seems to be made of copper.
Type 198 gives a more uniform stylistic impression than type 222 but there is an almost total debasement
of the silver content. Matthias Pfisterer has closely investigated a lot of 125 coins of type 198 of copperish
appearance that seem to be part of a once much larger hoard. He has been able to separate in fact several
groups of diverging style and has also conducted metal analyses; his results are forthcoming.45 obviously
an enormous amount of this type has been produced, as is suggested by the total numbers of specimens
known this is true even if we discard all hoard finds which naturally distort the absolute numbers. Now
we could deduce that this was the result of an exceptionally long production period, although a rapid emission of coins could also happen within in quite a short time, if for example a war demanded huge amounts
of money and the resources of silver were running low.
The total numbers of known coins of the -type seem to be smaller at present, but new hoard finds could
change this picture dramatically in the future, and coins of copperish look are absent. This is an indication
that its production ended earlier than that of 198. However, the Nezak groups show quite different stylistic
developments and likewise the end of their production is to be seen rather separately and not as a joint event.
Although there is no proof, the overstrikes nonetheless might hint that the Alkhan Huns seized the mint
of type 198 and brought its production to an end. We do not know if or for how long those specific coins
of type 198 were in circulation before they were overstruck. And we can still not establish an accurate date
of the re-migration of the Alkhan which we can only approximately assume in c. 580 CE. But we can see
clearly both types 150 and 198 had reached an equal level of almost total metal debasement at the time
of the overstrikes. So it is not very likely that type 198, as was generally believed, was struck for some additional 80100 years, until after 658 CE, after it had reached the bottom of its silver content.

NUMISMATIC rELATIoNS ALKHAN NEZAK

Although the question whether the Nezak had gained control over parts of Gandhara46 at times is not settled,
it shall be pointed out that there are several numismatic relations between them and the Alkhan. The vegetal

45

Pfisterer (forthcoming).

46

Grenet Nezak.

179

Coinage of the Nezak

element beneath the bust is not the only feature in the early types of the Nezak that directly relates them
to the Alkhan. Although it has its roots in Sasanian sigillography, it was developed into that peculiar almost
wing-like shape by the Alkhan Huns. It can be observed as early as the Anonymous Clan-rulers, so it was
shaped in the early fifth century as has already been pointed out here. other typological links refer to much
later phases of the Alkhan coinage. It has been mentioned that on several coins of type 150 var. 1 there are
wheels above the attendants heads; this was actually believed to be characteristic feature of the Nezak.
A buffalos head on top of the crown was in fact used on some later Alkhan coin types as well, although
it is never in combination with wings and only just the head without any traces of the neck. Considering
the arguments mentioned above, it is clear that it was adopted by the Alkhan from the Nezak and not the
other way round.

76

150B

76B

150A

Gbl 1967 already knew of type 76, only the images that were available at that time were not clear enough
to identify its crown properly. When type 150A was introduced Gbl expressed the idea that the Nezak
might have extended their influence over Gandhara.47 Ultimately, the Alkhan rule over Gandhara came to
an end in the decades following the defeat of Mihirakula in c. 528/532 CE and they moved at least partly
back into the Kabul-Kapisi region afterwards. But we do not know for certain if the Alkhan buffalos head
is to be understood as a sign of dominance or submission towards the Nezak, we could as well think of a
dynastic link between them and maybe a branch of the Nezak. However, it is only just a buffalos head with
no traces of a neck; whether the horns are ribbed or not is unclear too. Although it is stylistically quite different from the buffalo head on the Nezak Shah crowns, it is clear proof that there had been a longer lasting
relation of some kind before a part of the Alkhan finally left Gandhara for the Kapisi / Kabul area.
The motif of the king holding a flower or other objects is absent from the very uniform typology of
Sasanian drachms. Merely the small bust in front of the face of Zamasp (496499) is depicted with an arm
below the head holding a diadem. The type of the Hephthalite prince of type 287A holding a cup is to be
excluded from these considerations, for it shows the entire upper torso of the figure. The peculiar form we
find on the drachms under investigation here shows the bust of the king in very much the same size as usual,
only beneath the bust there is a somewhat down-scaled arm; the hand is depicted very lifelike so that we
can see exactly how the fingers clutch whatever object they are holding.

47

Gbl 1981: 181; Alram 2000 published type 150B. 76B is so far unpublished.

180

Klaus Vondrovec

62

75A

76B

150

234

255

This topos seems to have been developed by the Alkhan on type 62. This coin-type is inscribed o in Bactrian and there is good reason to believe that the intended form was o and that Mehama is its Brahmi
equivalent. The king is holding a jewel or, judging from the curved stem, a flower. The issuer of type 150
is holding a plant or maybe some kind of fruit or crop, and finally the king on type 234 is clearly holding
a flower. Therefore, in this case, a feature is found on classical Alkhan coins, again on those of Narana and
on the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group as well. Although the object varies, the depiction of the arm and the
hand is of a very similar fashion. Finally, the ruler on type 255 is also holding some kind of object; this type
belongs to a later timeframe. However insignificant this detail might seem, it is definitely a genuine Hunnic
feature that can be found on several different groups of Huna coinage.
There is another unique feature that was developed by the late Alkhan and that is exclusively found there:
the ring-shaped pearl earring. It appears on a number of types, 7678, 82, 308 and finally on 150A48, 150
and its variants as well as on 151. It is a peculiar feature of those coin types of the group that overlaps with
the Nezak at its very end. All those types with the buffalos head also have it, but it does not show up in the
Alkhan-Nezak crossover or later. So it is yet another small piece in the jigsaw-puzzle of the Alkhan as well
as the Nezak chronology that indicates some relation between them. We can only hypothesize some marriages or dynastic connections.

48

Gbl 1981.

Coinage of the Nezak

181

THE PErIod oF THE WESTErN TUrKS

Chinese sources mention a Turk Qaanat for the first time in 542 CE; in 551, after a revolt against the
rouran in modern Mongolia, the Turks became the predominant power in the central Asian steppes.49 In
c. 560 CE, the Western Turks were the allies of the Sasanians under Khusro I (531579) in the ultimate defeat of the Genuine Hephthalites.50
We do at this point still know only little about the political consequences of the defeat of the Hephthalites
in c. 560 CE, but in the end their former territories were taken over by the Turks.51 The Western Turks
might have seized Bactria while the Sasanians, according to Gbl, seized the area of Ghazni.52 A Hephthalite
successor-state or -confederation probably continued striking coins of type 288 and 289 north of the river
oxus.53 Probably some other remnants dwelled also south of the Hindukush. The Chinese pilgrim Xuanzhang who visited Kpi / Begram in 629 CE and provides us with an invaluable picture of this site54,
witnessed a nomad population in Badakhsan which he called Ximotalo this was understood as Hephthalites.55 However, the Western Turks must have gradually gained control over vast areas both north and
south of the Hindukush in the sixth and seventh century.56
Bactria might have partially become under Sasanian control at least for some time. during the reign of
ohrmazd IV (579591) the Sasanians seem to have opened a mint in Balkh; there are a number of drachms
with the signature bhl.57 Most of them are from the eleventh regnal year (589/590 CE), but this type seems
to have become immobilized, for there is considerable stylistic debasement. A major part of these drachms
are countermarked. So once again it is not entirely clear who was in control of Balkh or south of the Hindukush during the seventh century. As I will attempt to show, the production of coins featuring the winged
buffalos crown was continued until the seventh century.
In AH 31 (651 CE) Yazdgerd III (632651) was killed in Merw, which effectively ended Sasanian rule;
its empire was replaced by the rule of a new super-power, the Muslim Caliphate. The advance of Islamic
forces both into Tokharistan in the north and into Zabulistan farther south was opposed by local rulers of
probably Western Turkish identity.
In the end it took longer than a century for the Arabs to cross the oxus and finally settle their position
against Tang China in the battle of Talas in 751 CE. China, at the other end of Central Asia, managed to
bring the Western branch of the Qaanate58 under Tang supremacy in 658 CE and consequently established
a protectorate in Bactria which also extended south of the Hindukush.
Among the coinage that is now generally labelled Western Turkish there are several independent lines
of typological development.59 Some of them have their roots in the coinage of the Nezak and evolve without
any obvious breaks, so it is often impossible to draw a clear line between Nezak and Western Turks. I will
focus on the major numismatic developments that have their origins in the winged buffalos head crown.
Several other numismatic groups such as that of Phromo Kesoro are therefore not covered by this article.

49

Stark 2008: 15ff. Zhoushu 27, 454 (Annals of the Northern Zhou dynasty).

50

Schippmann 1990: 5759; the date given for this event range from 557561 CE.

51

Grenet 2002: 214 .. the Turks took a long time, in fact more than a century, before crossing the border of the Hindukush.

52

Gbl 1967/I: 25 and Gbl 1967/II: 74ff.; Schippmann 1990: 5859; cf. also Gyselen in this volume.

53

Among other series a considerable number of these two types are found in modern Uzbekistan, as will be published by Baratowa.

54

Cf. Kuwayama 2010.

55

Grenet 2002: 214.

56

Inaba 2005: 2.

57

This issue is frequently countermarked. The most numerous among them is countermark 59A with Bactrian and a yet unlabelled form showing a head in a Bashlyk facing left; I am continuing the nomenclature of Gbl 1967 who is himself continuing that
of Walker 1941.
Mochiri 1983: 122124 has identified the mint-signature SMr as Samarkand on coins of Peroz which is not attested in SNS III,
but also of ohrmazd IV and Khusro II which would imply a much wider area of Sasanian influence.

58

Stark 2008: 16.

59

Cf. Also Vondrovec 2008.

182

Klaus Vondrovec

ALKHAN-NEZAK CroSSoVEr
It is in any case certain that the Alkhan mixed with or overlapped a part of the Nezak-Shahs. This happened
in the late sixth or the early seventh century. The entire group NumH 225235 shows the crown of the latest
Alkhan type 150 on the bust of a Nezak king along with a corrupted version of the same Pehlevi legend;
in the upper left field there is always a small tamga S 1 or a similar variant. Gbl labelled it Rckwandernde
Alchon (returning Alchon) or Alchon-Nezak Mischgruppe. I would suggest the more neutral term AlkhanNezak-crossover group.

150

222

198

225

The question whether the -type or the -type of the Nezak was transformed into the crossover group cannot
be answered with certainty. It has been outlined that the metal debasement of type 222 did not reach the
same degree as type 198. This has been a main argument next to the reverse design for robert Gbl to assume that the -type had been abandoned. He has further assumed that the Sasanians had gained control of
Ghazni for some decades until the re-migration of the Alkhan and the start of the Alkhan-Nezak crossover
at this location.
As remains to be shown, there are coin types that indicate that both the - and the -type had further developments. Type 217 is followed by the Sero group (see below) which was struck at an undetermined point
probably in the seventh century and type 198 is followed by type 200. Again we cannot be certain whether
that is the result of a strictly linear typology or maybe of a simultaneous development. So at this point we
have to consider the possibility that during the seventh century there were three major mints in the area of
Ghazni Kapisi/Kabul or even Bamiyan.
It is peculiar that the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group is accompanied by a number of small copper issues;
some of them seem to be quite numerous. There are no copper coins that can be associated with the classical
Nezak coin-types. Type 231 should be labelled as half-drachm. Although it is obviously made of copper,
it is struck on very thin flans and has an average weight of 2.87 gram. This denomination too is not known
from either the Alkhan or the classical Nezak coinage.

183

Coinage of the Nezak

225

227

231

234

SrI SHAHI
The type 225 of the Alkhan-Nezak crossover seems to have served as the model for another group of cointypes. There is a set of types with the Bactrian legend 60, and yet another one with Brahmi r
hi.61 despite the different scripts they form a stylistically uniform group. Along with the group 200205
robert Gbl has attributed them to a ruler bearing the title Shahi Tegin and has suggested a date of c. 700
CE.62 This person can probably be identified with Tegin whom we know from Chinese and Arab Sources.
He was the son of Barha Tegin who successfully fought the Arabs in AH 46 (666 CE) whom he succeeded
from c. 61 AH (680 CE) to AH 121 (738 CE).63 He was succeeded by his son who called himself Phromo
Kesaro (Caesar of rome) and is also well attested from coins (Types 247251).

225

236

60

Types 236, 237 (drachms) and 238, 239 (copper).

61

Type 252 (drachm), 257 (half-drachm) and 253, 258 (copper).

62

Cf. Gbl 1967/II: 85.

63

Gyselen 2009: 144; Kuwayama 1999: 65.

252

184

Klaus Vondrovec

Both groups with Bactrian and Brahmi legends are accompanied by a number of small copper types, like
the Alkhan-Nezak crossover. I cannot provide any new information regarding their absolute date at this
point. Yet this group cannot be dated earlier than the second half of the seventh century.
SUCCESSIoN oF THE -TYPE
There is a consistent line of coin types that retain both the winged crown with the buffalos head and the
Pehlevi legend, especially the last letter . Type 200 is obviously a successor of 198, only with a much larger
face of the king, but also the flans are considerably bigger. Many of the some 50 specimens known to me
are of good silver, but there are also some pieces of a debased alloy and even of pure copperish appearance.
The stylistic difference the crescent in the crown is much bigger now suggests that type 200 was minted
after type 198. However, we cannot determine an accurate date, it might have been struck at a considerably
later time. In his Emissionsschema64 Gbl arranged these types, including 202 and 205, after 700CE, when
he believed the Chinese protectorate over the Kapisi / Kabul region had ended.

198

200

202

205

despite some stylistic differences, this group seems to have succeeded the -type. Considering that type
198 had debased into copper there had obviously been a major restoration or monetary reform, probably
the production of type 198 had been interrupted for some time too. It is curious that on some types, the
snout of the buffalo is pointing downwards into the crescent this feature is only attested on the earlier issues 217 and 221 of the -type. The crescent of type 200 is much bigger, and on type 205, there is an additional globe therein and the wings are attached to the outer end of the diadem. Nonetheless, all this gives
us only a relative terminus post quem. There is no hard evidence to assign an absolute date to this group so
I can only tentatively assume type 200 started after c. 600 CE.
There are a number of copper coins featuring the winged buffalo crown of the old Nezak-type that might
be of interest. I have also labelled them as half drachms, for they are quite carefully executed and are struck
on rather big flans of c. 21mm compared to their average weight of about 2.5 grams. A few specimens are
made of billon while the majority seems to be of copper.

64

Gbl 1967/II: 50.

185

Coinage of the Nezak

203

266A

267

270

271

on these types we find a large variety of new reverse designs. They all share the tamga S61 with a round
bulge. It either replaced the attendants next to the fire altar or is combined with the moufflon ram of type
267 or on the rear of the bull of type 270. on this type, there is actually a bull or a cebu, with plain curved
horns and a hump.
Type 271 has the Bactrian legend oo on the central spot of the reverse, instead of a fire-altar, between two tamgas. The Pehlevi legend on the obverse is corrupted, but the crown is still very clear. We
could possibly assume that this is merely a reference to the god Zhun, also because this is certainly not the
proper spot for the name of an issuer. We are, however, reminded of Zhuld of Gzgn, from whom we
know a number of silver drachms of large diameter with Arabic, Pehlevi and Bactrian legends. The Bactrian
legend in the right obverse field, oooo // ooo, identifies him issuer as Zhuld of Gzgn.65

281
This group was clearly intended to circulate together with Arab-Sasanian drachms. The basic type was
copied from Khusro II; next to the Bactrian legend there is also the additional border of dots in the reverse
which indicates a terminus post quem of AH 63 (= 682 CE).
Type 272 bears the year 39, the other issues bear the years 66 (NumH 273, 274), 68 (types 275279) and
69 (types 280, 281). Now the question arises what era was used here. If we assume that the Higri era was
employed which seems unlikely for these coins were struck by the adversaries of the Arab Governors
this would result in a time frame from 658/659 CE to 688/689 CE. If the Post-Yazdgerd era were to be used,
the resulting dates would range from 690/691 CE until 720/721 CE. All types have the Bactrian in
the reverse in common. This indicates they were minted in Amber (= Sar-e Pul, the capital of Gzgn66).

65

Sims-Williams 2008; cf. the contribution of rika Gyselen in this volume.

66

This was suggested by Minoru Inaba.

186

Klaus Vondrovec

SUCCESSIoN oF THE -TYPE: SEro

Another very consistent typological string leads to the Bactrian inscribed o-types. The title o
ser of the Turks is attested in a Bactrian document S, dated in the year 470 (= 692/693 CE). We may assume a Western Turkic identity of the issuers of this group.
only very recently, the two hitherto unrecorded coin-types 223 and 223A have surfaced that link this
group even closer to the -type of the Nezak.67 In fact, this series shows in an exemplary way how cointypes are constantly changing in quite the same way as evolution works on living beings.

222 early

223

223A

241
(+ 242, 312)

243B

robert Gbl believed that the production of the -type 222, which he had located in Ghazni, was brought
to an end by the Sasanians. In his opinion, the Alkhan Huns moved into this area only some decades later
at around 600 CE and struck the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group (Types 225235) at this place.68 However,
the entire Sero coin-group has its numismatic roots in type 222. The newly published types 223 and 223A
cast a new light on this matter because they link these groups even closer together.
The issue here is whether the production in the mint of type 222 went on without interruption or was it
only resumed after a probably considerable amount of time? The stylistic difference between 223 and 223A,
on the one hand, and 222, on the other, is arguable. The contour of the head is different and the lapels of
the draping are fitted with a double pearl rim. Type 223 bears a tamga S61e which I consider to have evolved
into S104 which is always combined with the Bactrian legend o. only in the next phase (types 241, 242
and 312) were the letter and the buffalos head in the crown abandoned. The crown is decorated by a big
crescent with a jewel inside. The wings and the bust remain unchanged until from type 243 onwards, the
ribbons at the back of the bust are transformed into snakes that also appear under the crescent where they
emerge from a knot.
In the hoard of Gharwal, a place in the modern Wardak-province of Afghanistan some 50 kilometers
east of Ghazni, there are six drachms of type 242 and one of type 252 with the Brahmi legend r hi, together with a drachm of Peroz second crown, a gilded imitation of a Peroz drachm with his third crown
plus four gold bracteates.69 This evidence was only collected from trade; there might have been more ob-

67

Type 223 was published in Gbl 1993/2 and 223A in Vondrovec 2008.

68

Gbl 1967/I: 156 and Gbl 1967/II: 50 (Emissionsschema 4) and pp. 73ff.

69

Vondrovec 2007. This hoard was probably a stupa deposit; one of the bracteates was probably manufactured over a coin of type 253
which is a small copper denomination accompanying type 252.

Coinage of the Nezak

187

jects. Leaving aside the bracteates for our purpose, the oldest coin of this ensemble was struck before 474
CE but the other two types can only tentatively be dated into the seventh century. That would in any case
indicate a time-span of roughly 200 years for so small an ensemble of a total of seven coins. The types 242
and 252 from this find appear to be struck on billon or rather copper flans; moreover they show the very
same kind of patina thus we can assume that they circulated in the same area during the same time.
Virtually all specimens of Type 243 known to me show a double-struck reverse.70 There is a completely
new reverse in what I call type 243B; this variant first came to light in the deposit from Tang-i Safedak.71
In the right reverse field there is the Bactrian legend (ramin) which is most probably the name of
a yet unidentified mint. In the left field there is Pehlevi (year) one. The only evidence that can be linked
with at least some absolute chronological data is the word o of the legend, attested in the year 470 (=
692/693 CE). This is only a single fragment of information and not necessarily a proper terminus post quem,
but rather a terminus ante quem, because we might assume that this title was also used well before the end
of the seventh century. It is however noteworthy, that also in the Sri Shahi group the Pehlevi script was abandoned in favour of Bactrian.
SUMMArY
I have tried to show that the coin-type of the Nezak Shah, a winged crown with a buffalos head on top, was
created in the late fifth century. during the entire sixth and well into the seventh century we are left with
a number of coin types that can only be arranged according to their numismatic typology and their style,
and consequently deliver only very preliminary results. A number of ascertained find-spots or coins from
excavations would desperately be needed. Naturally, all this only provides us with a very unsatisfying relative chronology. Linking numismatic data, which is not very accurate in these respects, with literary sources
is still more work in progress. Fragments from various sources so disparate leave many questions unanswered and can be interpreted differently.
The - and the -group of the classical Nezak came to an end at some point in the late sixth century.
From this time on, the Western Turks have gradually extended their power over Central Asia. obviously
they continued the production of coins in the same style as it used to be. In the case of the sero group the
very first issue with the Turkic title o ser still has the winged crown with the buffalos head. So we
can be sure that the buffalos head was used on coins well into the seventh or, regarding the half drachms,
possibly even until the early eight century.
There are several independent numismatic groups in that period, succeeding the - and the -type as well
as the Alkhan-Nezak crossover and, maybe resulting from the latter, the Sri Shahi-group. during this phase
in the seventh century, Pehlevi is gradually abandoned in favour of Bactrian or, in the case of the Sri Shahi
coinage, of Brahmi.

70

That goes also for type 243A which was published by Gbl 1981; it shows the new tamga S 168 that has the shape of a lily.

71

Lee and Sims-Williams 2003.

188

Klaus Vondrovec

ILLUSTrATIoNS

This is a list of all the coins used for illustration with their technical data and information regarding their
location. In the text there is either a reference number or their type-number according to the system established by Gbl 196772. They are arranged according to their appearance in this article.

Type / ref.
217
221
222 (Early Style)
198
SNS III, Ib1/2c
SNS III, I/1a
218A
219
220
138
150B (= 76A)
150 var. 1
150 var. 2
150 var. 3
171
174A
150 var. 2
150 var. 3
150 var. 3
222 Late Style
198 copper flan
76
76B
150A
62
75A
234
255
225
227
231
236
252
200
202
205
203
266A
267
270
271
281
223
223A
241
243B

72

Issuer, denomInaTIon, TechnIcal daTa

Nezak-Shah: -type, drachm, 3,48g, 3h, 27,2mm
Nezak-Shah: -type, drachm, 3,73g, 3h, 27,2mm
Nezak-Shah: -type, drachm, 3,45g, 3h, 27,3mm
Nezak-Shah: -type, drachm, 3,06g, 4h, 26,4mm
Yazdgerd II, drachm, 3,98g, 3h, 29mm
Peroz, drachm, 3,65g, 3h, 27mm
Nezak-Shah: -type (Ghazni ?), obol, 0,55g, 3h, 14,9mm
Nezak-Shah: -type (Ghazni ?), obol, 0,53g, 3h, 15mm
Nezak-Shah: -type (Ghazni ?), obol, 0,68g, 1h, 12mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm, 3,36g, 11h, 23,3mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm, 3,72g, 3h, 25,7mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm, 3,54g, 10h, 27,9mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,35g, ?h, 26,4mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 4,23g, ?h, 25,7mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,14g, 12h, 23,7mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,47g, 1h, 20,5mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,19g, ?h, 26,3mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,32g, ?h, 26,5mm
Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,81g, ?h, 25,7mm
Nezak-Shah: -type, drachm, 2,37g, 2h, 24,7mm
Nezak-Shah: -type, drachm (AE), 3,43g, 2h, 27,8mm
Khingila, drachm, 3,04g, 2h, 26,5mm
Alkhans, drachm, 2,17g, ?h, 25,3mm
Narana-Narendra (?), drachm (Base silver), 3,73g, 9h, 26,2mm
Mehama Shahi, drachm, 3,51g, 3h, 28,9mm
Khingila, drachm, 2,36g, 3h, 27,5mm
Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,31g, 3h, 28,1mm
Shahi-Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 2,94g, 4h, 30mm
Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,39g, ?h, 28,1mm
Alkhan-Nezak, AE, 4,28g, 2h, 19,1mm
Alkhan-Nezak, drachm (AE), 4,73g, 2h, 24,3mm
Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,35g, 3h, 29mm
Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,37g, 2h, 29,7mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm, 3,30g, 3h, 29,9mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 3,24g, 3h, 25,9mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm, 2,64g, 3h, 28,9mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm, 3,05g, 3h, 22,4mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 3,86g, 3h, 24,4mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 2,96g, 12h, 22,4mm
Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (Base silver), 2,72g, 12h, 22,1mm
Zhuld, drachm (AE), 3,04g, 3h, 21,3mm
Zhuld, drachm, 3,66g, 6h, 33,7mm
Nezak-ah: -type, drachm, 3,03g, 2h, 26,2mm
Sero, drachm, 2,92g, 2h, 26,9mm
Sero, drachm, 3,30g, 9h, 25,7mm
Sero, drachm (Base silver), 2,92g, 12h, 30,1mm

locaTIon
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.124
Bern: ex Coll. Gbl, 68.1281
Paris: ex Coll. Widemann, 1979.143.20
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.354
Wien KHM: MK or 6498
Wien KHM: MK or 6477
Aman ur rahman, 714
London BM: 1922.4.24.4642
Aman ur rahman, 125
London BM: 1894.5.6.265
Paris: 1974.443
Wien KHM: MK Gr 42719
Wien KHM: MK Gr 42339
Wien KHM: MK Gr 42338
London BM: 1933.3.15.1
London BM: Col. Lafont 71
Wien KHM: MK Gr 42337
Wien KHM: MK Gr 43240
Wien KHM: MK Gr 43241
Aman ur rahman, 541
London BM: 1894.5.6.1225
Aman ur rahman, 527
Jean-Pierre righetti, 108
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.57
London BM: 1894.5.6.1165
Aman ur rahman, 473
Jean-Pierre righetti, 251
Aman ur rahman, 930
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.179
London BM: 2386
London BM: 1922.1.16.36
Paris: 1986.161
Berlin, ex Coll. Guthrie
Jean-Pierre righetti, 174
Jean-Pierre righetti, 193
London BM: , 1894.5.6.315
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.182
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.309
Kabul-Museum: 264
Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.332
Paris: ex Coll. Widemann, 1979.143.18
Aman ur rahman, 322
Jean-Pierre righetti, 227
Aman ur rahman, 917
Aman ur rahman, 170
Jean-Pierre righetti, 275

This nomenclature was maintained and gradually enlarged by various additions by robert Gbl, Michael Alram and myself.

Coinage of the Nezak

189

BIBLIoGrAPHY
ALrAM, M.
(1986)
(1996)
(2000)

Nomina Propria Iranica In Nummis Materialgrundlagen zu den iranischen Personennamen auf antiken Mnzen.
Iranisches Personennamenbuch IV, Sonderpublikation der Iranischen und Numismatischen Kommission. Wien.
Alchon und Nezak Zur Geschichte der Iranischen Hunnen in Mittelasien. In La Persia e l`Asia Centrale da Alessandro al X Secolo (Atti dei Convegni Lincei 127). rome, 517554.
A hoard of copper drachms from the Kpia-Kabul region. Silk Road Art and Archaeology 6, 2000, 129150.

ALrAM, M. ANd GYSELEN, r.

(2003)
Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum. Paris Berlin Wien, vol. I: Ardashir I. Shapur I. = denkschriften der
= SNS I
Phil.-hist. Klasse der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 317, 2003. = Verffentlichungen der
Numismatischen Kommission 41, 2003, Wien.
BoSWorTH, C. E.
(2008)
The Appearance and Establishment of Islam in Afghanistan. In Islamisation de lAsie centrale: processus locaux
dacculturation du VIIe au XIe sicle (Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39). . de la Vaissire (ed.), Paris, 97114.
CHAVANNES, E.
(1903)
documents sur le Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidenteaux - recueillis es comments suivis de notes additionelles. Bulletin
de lEcole franaise dxtreme Orient 3.
ErrINGToN, E. ANd CUrTIS, V.S.
(2007)
From Persepolis to the Punjab. Exploring Ancient Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. London.
FrYE, r. N.
(1974)
GBL, r.
(1967)
(1981)
(1993)
GrENET, F.
(2002)

Napki Malka and the Kushano-Sasanians. In Near Eastern Numismatics, Iconography and History Studies in
Honour of George C. Miles. d. Kouymjian (ed.), Beirut, 115122.
Dokumente zur Geschichte der Iranischen Hunnen in Baktrien und Indien. 4 vols. Wiesbaden.
Iranisch-Hunnische Mnzen. Iranica Antiqua XVI, 173182.
Supplementa orientalia III. Numismatica e Antichit Classiche XXII, 229242.
regional interaction in Central Asia and Northwest India in the Kidarite and Hephthalite periods. In Indo-Iranian
Languages and Peoples (Proceedings of the British Academy 116). N. Sims-Williams (ed.), oxford, 203224.

G rENET N EZAK
NZAK (or Nizk). In Encyclopaedia Iranica (http://www.iranica.com/articles/nezak).
GUNTEr, A. ANd JETT, P.
(1992)
Ancient Iranian Metalwork in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery and the Freer Gallery of Art. Washington, d.C.
GYSELEN, r.
(2009)

Two notes on Post-Sasanian Coins. In Sources pour lhistoire et la gographie du monde iranien (224710)
(res orientales XVIII). r. Gyselen (ed.), Bures-sur-Yvette, 143172.

HUMBACH, H.
(1998)
Pangul, a Turco-Bactrian ruler. Bulletin of the Asia Institute 10, 247251.
INABA, M.
(2005)

The Identity of the Turkish rulers to the South of Hindukush from the 7th to the 9th Centuries A.d. Zinbun:
Annals of the Institute for Research in Humanities (Kyoto University) 38, 119.

KUWAYAMA, S.
(1998)
Not Hephthalite but Kapisian Khingal: Identity of the Napki Coins. In Ex Moneta: Essays on Numismatics, History
and Archaeology in honour of Dr. David W. MacDowall. A. Jha and S. Garg (edd.), New delhi, 331349.
(1999)
Historical Notes on Kpi and Kbul in the Sixth-Eighth Centuries. Zinbun: Annals of the Institute for Research
in Humanities (Kyoto University) 34, 1, 2577.
LEE. J. ANd SIMS-WILLIAMS, N.
(2003)
The Antiquities and Inscription of Tang-i-Safedak. Silk Road Art and Archaeology 9, 159184.
MoCHIrI, M.
(1983)

Etude de Numismatique Iranienne sous les Sassanides et Arabe-Sassanides Tome II - Nouvelle dition revue et
corrige. Thran.

190

Klaus Vondrovec

PFISTErEr, M.
(forthcoming) A Hoard of Nezak Coins.
SCHINdEL, N.
(2004)

Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum. Paris Berlin Wien, vol. III: Shapur II. Kawad I./2. Regierung. Wien.

SCHIPPMANN, K.
(1990)
Grundzge der Geschichte des Sasanidischen Reiches. darmstadt.
SIMS-WILLIAMS, N.
(2000)
Bactrian Documents from Northern Afghanistan I: Legal and Economic Documents. oxford.
= Bd I
(2007)
Bactrian Documents from Northern Afghanistan II: Letters and Buddhist Texts. London.
= Bd II
(2008)
The Arab-Sasanian and Arab-Hephthalite coinage: a view from the East. In Islamisation de lAsie centrale: processus locaux dacculturation du VIIe au XIe sicle (Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39). . de la Vaissire (ed.), Paris,
115130.
STArK, S.
(2008)

STEIN, M. A.
(1900)

die Alttrkenzeit in Mittel- und Zentralasien. Nomaden und Sehafte. Sonderforschungsbereich differenz und
Integration, Wechselwirkungen zwischen nomadischen und sehaften Lebensformen in Zivilisationen der Alten
Welt, vol. 6, Wiesbaden.
Kalhaas Rjataragi A Chronicle of the Kings of Kamr; in 2 Volumes. Westminster.

VoNdroVEC, K.
(2007)
Coins from Gharwal. Bulletin of the Asia Institute 17, 2007 (2003), 159175.
(2008)
obole in der Mnzprgung der Iranischen Hunnen. Numismatische Zeitschrift 116/117, 269300, Wien.