UNIVERSITY OF EXETER

SCHOOL OF EDUCATION AND LIFELONG LEARNING

570036539

EEDD030 Language Learning Theory and Research

Doing school based ethnographic research

Dr Malcolm MacDonald

Submitted on 31 July 2009, as part of the requirements for the Ed. D in TESOL 2008-9

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Abstract
Most sociologists agree that racial and ethnic identities are ‘emergent’ products
of social interaction rather than rooted in ‘natural’ biological differences, yet few stop to
consider how or from what these identities emerge. The main subject was a 15-year old
Algerian British adolescent named Samir who was born and grew up in London. In-
depth interviews of the informant revealed the boy’s bicultural orientations. The boy
considers himself Algerian who is familiar with English culture, rather than English who
is familiar with Algerian culture. However his discourse demonstrates the dominance of
his British identity. The approach for this study was inductive and ethnographically
based. It employed three methods of data collection: focus group discussion, in-depth
interviews and document analysis. In my exploration of the relationship between
language and identity, I found it difficult to create an “accurate” representation of
Algerian identity, because I was unable to accurately recognize my own identity. I
learned, as Goodall (2000) suggests, that in writing ethnography, cultural representation
is subject to being the three P’s: Partial, Partisan, and Problematic. I learned that
ethnographic research is more than just the systematic collection and interpretation of
data about others, but it is also about the systematic collection and interpretation of data
about me.
1. Introduction
The question of identity is an important one for people in the modern era as well as a
highly contested topic among scholars. The way we identify with a particular nation-
state, a religion or a political party determine how we are judged in society and how we
judge others. The discourses of multiculturalism have blurred the boundaries of
identities. In the United Kingdom, it is common to identify as a “British-Jamaican” or to
be of British -Irish- Catholic” or even be an Arab-Christian. We now have the vocabulary
with which to indicate the complexity and the plurality of modern identities. I contend that
individuals and notably teenagers are plural in their self-identities. Adolescents often
choose from a wide range of labels including identifying themselves — for instance as
Lebanese or hyphenated Lebanese to identifying by the parents’ national origins

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However there remain certain identities that are not fully recognized or validated even in
pluralistic Western societies. Here I am referring to the identity of one of Samir’s
classmate (Feroize), who defines himself as a Kashmiri, Muslim individual whose first
language is Punjabi. Another student, Ahmed, defined himself as a Muslim Kurd who
comes from northern Iraq.
Focusing on both examples—the adherence to Kashmir or Kurdistan, whether they
conceive them as real or imagined homelands— can raise questions over the nature
and the validity of their identity claims. Why does Feroize refuse to refer to himself as a
Pakistani? Why does he keep insisting that he does not speak Urdu, the national
language of Pakistan, but only speaks Punjabi? Why does he feel offended when I refer
to Pakistan? Historical and political events may legitimatise his identity claims but do
they justify his anger?

Based on this background, this project is concerned with the intercultural identity
negotiation process of a single Algerian teenager who was born and grew up in England
This paper grew out of my personal experience and interest in young people. It is a form
of practitioner’s research. It represents the outcome of personal involvement with youth,
ranging in age from 14 years old to 18 year old “A” level students, as well as a life long
interest in the making of identities. This paper examines the ‘becoming’ and ‘being’ of an
Algerian British teenager— as an outcome of a fusion between two cultures: an act of
natural or a more subjective identity formation. This study interrogates the cultural
identity negotiation process, on the grounds that his identity claims may be continually
negotiated throughout everyday interactions with the host culture (England) and his
heritage Algerian culture.

This paper explores and problematises the general topic of identity, drawing insights
from the case of an Algerian British teenager who was born and raised in London. I
have three goals in this paper. First, I will attempt to gauge this teenager’s self-meaning
in terms of his connection to what he sees as his home country. In doing so, I will
explore whether his identities in his British subculture are multidimensional. Second, I
will discuss how I developed the method and present preliminary results to illustrate.

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Then I state the methods used in this study, situating the informant in context. Finally, I
interpret the audio- taped interviews along with other ethnographic data I collected within
this context.
One of the most interesting yet under-investigated facts about “national identity” is that
people of different ethical background do not experience “ethnicity” or their heritage in
the same way. For example national belonging in England or in France is seen by jus
solis – those belonging by birth within the territory. Algerians treat national belonging as
by jus sanguinis – that is by heritage .This conception of national belonging through
heritage rather than through birth affiliation rather than place of birth is essential for the
Algerian diaspora and in the construction of Algerian identities. Given the recent and
sporadic nature of Algerian immigration in England, there is little existing research that
investigates how British individuals of Algerian descent adapt to English culture.
Consequently, this study attempts to address the need for such research by exploring
how a 15-year old Algerian-British boy develops his identity and what salient
characteristics affect his identity.

2. Literature Review
The major theoretical concepts that inform this research include three main fields:
(1) identity development; (2) communication acculturation; and (3) diasporas.

2.1 Conceptualizing Identity

Identity, as a general concept, has become a cornerstone of contemporary sociological
theory. Yet it remains highly contested and under-theorized concept. Identity is used in
numerous ways, ranging from a deeply personal sense of self —to a way to label ethnic
groups. Theoretically identity has been examined in various ways within social science
literature. The wide applicability of this term is further complicated by its multiple and
multifaceted definitions. This paper does not subscribe to the concept of singular identity
since individuals hold multiple positions within the social structure. Most social scientists
of today reject the idea that identity is a static, stable core characteristic. However the
belief of singular intrinsic identity persists in the popular imagination – embodied in
popular culture mostly through cinema and literature. The idea of unified identity

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functions in some ways as what Giddens terms a “modernist myth”. As philosopher
Anthony Giddens posits: “Self-identity is not a distinctive trait or even a collection of
traits, possessed by the individual. It is the self as reflexively understood by the person
in terms of her or his biography” (Giddens, 1991: 53). In order words identities are
socially constructed and interpreted by individuals. Giddens sees identity as a set of
symbols reflected in a person's life from their experiences. He argues that the self is a
reflexive project, that symbols are continuously interpreted by the self (Giddens,
1991:32). A coherent and unified identity presupposes an individualized narrative of
one’s life (even if never consciously conceptualized) with a moral thread of authenticity,
based on “being true to oneself” (Giddens, 1991: 254).

Along the same train of thought, Erikson introduced the idea that identity is “the style of
one’s individuality” (Erikson, 1968: 50). Differently stated, Erikson views identity as a
deeply personal sense of self, as an achievement of ego development—that is a product
of a specific kind of self formation and self development. According to Eriksson, key
developmental challenges occur during middle childhood (ages 6 to 12). At this time,
children strive to gain feelings of self worth and must overcome the feeling of inferiority.
In Erikson’s (1968) view, the achievement of a coherent self-identity is a fundamental
and central goal or task for teenagers. Adolescence is a critical period for the
development of an identity; it is a time of passage to adulthood marked by major
physical, emotional, and social changes. Teenagers experience a major “identity crisis”
that needs to be overcome before moving on to adulthood. In other words, adolescence
is a period of identity moratorium during which adolescents are actively exploring the
roles they can play in the society to which they belong. As children progress into
adulthood the crucial challenge they face is one of self-definition and identity formation
(Erikson: 1968). During this time, adolescents develop a sense of who they are and
begin to set goals, formulate opinions and thoughts among many new traits. The identity
moratorium is in fact a phase of exploration and questioning that leads to identity
achievement. Therefore the answers to the question of “who am I?” are keys to what
Erikson (1968) terms as “healthy identity”.

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Working from Erikson’s identity theory, Henri Tajfel (1981) defines social identities as
that part of one’s self concept that derives from his or her membership in a group (racial
or ethnic identity), together with the value and emotional significance attached to group
membership. ‘Social identity theory’ (Tajfel and Turner: 1979) asserts that simply being a
member of a categorical group in society provides individuals with an identity. Belonging
to a group provides individuals with a sense of belonging that contributes to a positive
self concept. This perspective is coherent for majority groups but may reveal to be more
problematic when applied to minority populations or hybrid identities. Since minorities
represent by definition various heterogeneous subgroups in a given society, minority
individuals and especially multiethnic individuals may struggle to identity with a group.
In coherence with this argument, the writer/ philosopher, Stuart Hall (1996), stresses
that ‘identities’ function as points of identification and attachment only because of their
capacity to selectively exclude and include particular groups. Therefore the identities
societies take to be unified and fixed can instead be thought of as the unique, evolving
and/or arbitrary. Hall (1990) further contends that identity is formed in contextual and
relational processes that are continuously being negotiated and contested. In the view of
this author, identity operates through social and material conditions and is shaped by the
social relations and practices that constitute lived experiences.

2.2. Language and acculturation

Problematizing language offers another lens through which identity formation and
propagation can be seen. Language can be an identity marker— a means by which
Tajfel’s (1981) theoretical framework of the ‘in-group’ and ‘out-group’ makes most
sense. The classic nationalistic association of language and identity can be traced to
Herder’s seminal essay "On the Origins of Language” (1772) or more recently in the
writing of Huntington." Herder lays out the famous and influential premise that language
and national consciousness are inextricable. Herder argues that language is the core
value of people’s (Volk) and their national spirit (Volkgeist). This understanding of
language that links language and intrinsic identity is underlain by a racist ideology that is
a good example illustrates my stance on the issue of identity. I approach identity and the

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association of language and identity as a construction that is based on narration, myths
and legends. In fact, human beings are self-interpreting animals. This theme is echoed
widely in contemporary literature in social science particularly with Hall’s (1992) view
that interpretation is essential to identity construction. Language plays a capital role in
the activity of self-interpretation, as evidenced by Taylor’s ideas of ‘strong evaluation’
and ‘weak evaluation’. Concurring with Taylor’s view, I argue that an individual’s source
of identity is based on his narration and can be located in the interplay between ‘strong’
and ‘weak’ evaluation. Simply stated, strong evaluation is the ability to value and to rank
some of our identity claims as more important than others. I engage in ‘strong’
evaluation when I define myself as an Algerian Muslim, who was born and raised in
France but now lives in London. On the other hand, I engage in ‘weak evaluation’ when I
refer to myself as a ‘language teacher’ and a recreational tennis player as those
identities, do not represent core features of my intrinsic identify. Because my identity
consists of several identities, social context often influences which identity I will activate
(Hogg, et. al, 1995).This process is called ‘identity salience’.
Beyond the issues of race, ethnicity, gender and religion, communication through
language serves as the pivotal point of connection between individuals. As Bucholtz &
Hall (2004) observe, “Language is a primary vehicle by which cultural ideologies
circulate, it is a central site of social practice, and it is a crucial means for producing
sociocultural identities” (Bucholtz & Hall, 2004 : 492) . Language is a primary resource
for enacting social identity and displaying membership of social groups (Miller: 2000). In
other words, language is a central and constitutive feature of social life. Language not
only creates social groups but also constitutes social meanings--and thus activates a
position in a social system based on categorizations. Negotiations of identity thus take
place within linguistic and communicative parameters.Consequently language is much
more than a tool for description and a medium of communication: it is a social practice.
Miller (2000) posits that language use and identity cannot be considered in isolation
from social practices and membership. For children of immigrant parents, the issue of
language can become a complex terrain to tread because their identity construction is
very much entangled with their language knowledge and use in different worlds. In this
context language linguistic competence can bring either acceptance or marginality from

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their respective communities. It could either establish the child’s in-group status or
pinpoint their out-group position in either worlds and in some rare instances in both
worlds.
2.3 Cultural adaptation diaspora
Similarly to the issue of identity, the concept of diaspora is a hotly debated issue among
scholars summarizes two distinctive models of cultural identity. The classical notion of
diaspora is coined with Jewish communities across the world. The term diaspora itself
originates from the Greek speiro (to sow) and preposition dia (over). In some usages,
the term refers exclusively to translational Jewish communities across the world and
refers to the dispersion of Jews from Palestine in the sixth century b.c (Cohen: 1995). In
the view of some scholars, the usage of the term should be restricted to Jews or similar
groups that have experienced a traumatic dispersal such as Armenians. Later the term
began to be more closely associated with any collective banishment or trauma suffered
by an ethnic, religious or national group leading to its geographic dispersal e.g. in the
case of individuals of African descent across the world, whose dislocation was due to
the slave trade. It is now used to describe groups and the affiliations of those groups
which have been forcefully dispersed from their homeland, have an ethno-national
consciousness, are collectively committed to the preservation or restoration of their
homeland and share a sense of alienation in their new country of residence. The notion
of diaspora itself has been dispersed within and outside of academia. Its definitions have
widened as it is now frequently used when referring to people living outside (what they
consider to be) their homeland.

The definition of diaspora identities given by Hall (1990:235) supports the establishment
of the new culture as well: ‘diaspora identities are those which are constantly producing
and reproducing themselves anew, through transformation and difference’. Stuart Hall
(1990) formulates a notion of diaspora identities that moves beyond the contested and
controversial notion of race. The use of Hall’s (1990) conceptualization of the term
diaspora has allowed me to better comprehend the narratives provided by the
participant. More importantly it allows me to point to the various ways immigrants,
asylum seekers and refugees and similar itinerant groups, articulate their affiliations and

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their differences in a globalized society. I interpret the concept of diaspora as a
conceptual approach that embraces all individuals—regardless of their ethnic or cultural
background—regardless of the fact that they are first second or third generation
immigrants—who may feel both “aliens” and alienated in any given society.This concept
aligns well with globalization theories of hybrid identities where identities are seen as ‘in
process’. The concept ‘diaspora’ expresses the links and commonalities among various
cultural or subcultural groups throughout the world. The stress is on multiple,
fragmented identities and multiple self-representation and beliefs—the fractured post-
modern self (Hall: 1990) Moreover, it makes sense of the narratives and self-
representation and the feeling of ‘being different’ that immigrants go through that affect
their position in society and more broadly in the world. These differences produce
multiple narratives of identity that may sometimes be perceived as illogical, contradictory
and intersectional. The similarities and differences in identity narratives are conceptual
paths through which this paper aims to understand the making of identities as a process.
Based on these literature reviews, this study began with the following hypotheses:
Firstly, that the Algerian/ British boy would encounter more difficulties in defining his
Algerian identity and fewer difficulties in defining his British identity; secondly, that this
condition would result in tendencies towards rejection of his Algerian identity in favour of
his British identity, and thirdly, that this conflict between his two identities would emerge
in his interactions within his environment.

Three main research questions emerge from these assumptions: First, how do the
children of immigrant workers interpret and negotiate their identities in a multicultural
context?
Second, do these identities represent a self-subjected form of identification or an
externally-imposed marker which determines how well they fare in all realms of society?
Third, are these identities articulated in direct opposition to the dominant discourses on
multiculturalism in Britain?

1. Methodology

3.1 Research philosophy

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The epistemological basis for this article is interpretative. That is, the paper will not
assume that all reality is observable, but that reality is also constructed between humans
in their role as social actors. The main objective of the research is to explore ways in
which adolescents make sense of their identities. The research will then proceed from a
subjective ontological basis, identities are not presumed to have an objective existence
external to social actors but it is a social construction based on the perceptions,
meanings and actions of those social actors. Thus the phenomenon of identities may
have different meanings to different social actors.

3.1 Contextual background

I started teaching French and Italian at Ealing Upper School in West London in October
2008. Because of the small size of the school, I could acquaint myself personally with all
students without any problems. Following a preliminary screening, five students
participated in semi-structured interviews to aid in understanding of their experience as
bicultural teenagers. Only respondents indicating that they spoke a language other than
English at home qualified for participation. Instead of forcing young participants to
verbalize complex ideas about their identities, I let them express their views on the topic
creatively by asking them to write a creative essay on the topic of language identity. I
noticed that a 14- year old Algerian-Welsh British born student named Samir, kept
referring to himself as ‘Algerian’ during the pre-screening process .Upon reflection, I
realized that Samir was seeking sought validation from someone who he regarded as a
valued member of his community, i.e. me as a French-born Algerian. I decided to
conduct this research with him as I realized that it would be too complex to accurately
represent the identities of five teenage boys who did not share the same cultural and
linguistic backgrounds .Besides Samir was very keen to talk about his identity and he
was the most prolific, articulate, and explicit among the students I taught. Moreover, as a
British-born practicing Muslim of Algerian and Welsh descents, in many ways
exemplifies experiences of ‘fragmented identities’. Samir‘s father immigrated to the
United Kingdom 20 years ago and his mother is Welsh- born. She moved to England
from Wales in the early 1990’s. Samir does not have any siblings. Samir was born in
England and has lived all his life in the London area. His parents are now divorced and
have shared custody. Samir travels to Algeria on a regular basis (at least once a month)

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and spends his summer holidays in Algiers. On March 14, I initially had a research
briefing and got permission from Samir and his mother. Also we established a basic
schedule for participant observation and in-depth interviews, the methods by which I
gathered data for this study.

3.2 Method of analysis

The hybrid nature of young British Algerian s’ identity calls for a specific method that
reflects a complex nature of that hybridity. In an effort to gain a deep understanding of
changes in identification and to understand the process of identification, this study
employed a multi-methodological approach. Multimethodological approaches assume
that “collecting diverse types of data best provides an understanding of a research
problem” (Creswell, 2003: 21). Among qualitative methods, the case study method is
particularly valuable for understanding identify issues because it is not only qualitative
but well fitted to the study of individuals (Denzin: 1989). According to Stake (2003), a
case study is“both a process of inquiry about the case and the product of that inquiry”
(Stake, 2003:136). The reliance on multiple sources serves to triangulate and offer
credibility to the findings. Researchers are aware that there may be competing
explanations and therefore do not seek statistical generalization but rather analytical
generalization (Yin, 2003).The method is appropriate for this research because it
explores a phenomenon—the perceptions and attitudes that have shaped the identities
of immigrant children teenagers. As a methodological approach, case study cannot be
generalized. Often it is used as a precursor to more quantitative research of a particular
problem (Yin 2003). Thus this case study cannot be generalized to apply to all Algerians
who reside in the United Kingdom but can serve as a basis for which to develop
additional research questions for further study and further researches.

3.3. Triangulation
I used triangulation to build comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon by combining
several levels of analysis, with each level focusing on a certain dimension of the
phenomenon being observed (Denzin, 1989). For this single case study, research and
data collection triangulation consists of structured interviews, the analysis of a creative

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writing assignment and focus group discussions. Qualitative methods were chosen to
allow the interviewee to give voice to this own thoughts, providing insight into how he
saw his life and the complex process of identity construction.

3.3.1 Focus group discussion

I set up focus group interviews with Samir and his peers at each school to get at their
subjective understandings of the issue of identity. The group was comprised of five year
9th grade students (Ramsey, Deepak, Feroize, Marc) respectively of Lebanese, Indian,
Pakistani and Ukrainian cultural backgrounds. Considering participants’ privacy, the
names of interviewees in this paper are their pseudonyms. The discussion took place
during registration every school day from 8.45 am to 9.10 for two weeks in March. I
relied on a standard set of 10 questions, but in order facilitate natural and honest
discussions, I also allowed for impromptu follow-up questions, topic changes, and
conversational drift. In total, these sessions included 5 male students from various
cultural background .I used their narratives as a background against which I placed
Samir‘s experience and discourses to highlight variations in the way his hybrid identities
intersect. All those students were keen on talking about the project but their identities
appeared to be far less fragmented and far less conflictive.

3.3.2 Participant observation

The second phase of the study consists of observation of the sole participant chosen for
analysis, Samir, in his natural setting (classroom). I found it to be a critical part of the
inquiry as the observations could not take place during their regular language classes I
taught. Instead I observed the participant during registration periods from 2.40 pm to
3.15 pm every day for two weeks in March. Unlike the morning sessions, there were
many interruptions and Samir was more agitated and less engaging. (You may need to
explain this more) I then decided to ask them to write a short essay on the topic of
language and identity.

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3.3.3 In-depth interview
The in-depth interview was the cornerstone of this study. This segment of the research
is the third leg of the process of “triangulation”. The interview took place in the staff room
and lasted roughly 20 minutes. I utilized Spradley’s approach (1979). After the
interviews had been transcribed, I took a three-step approach to interpreting the data,
utilizing an open coding method (Cresswell, 1998), drawing upon the approach of
Spradley (1979) in seeking recurrent patterns and themes.

4. Findings

Three themes emerged from conversations with the participant of my study. These
themes are not offered as facts which can be generalized to all Algerians living in the
United Kingdom. According to Van Manen (1990), themes only serve to point at, allude
to, or hint at, an aspect of the phenomenon. The three themes are: 1) cultural
affirmations, 2) acculturation, 3) diaspora.

Each theme will be discussed by first defining its conceptual nature. Following that, the
analysis focuses on a short excerpt from the interview to reveal in the respondent’s own
language various ways he employed themes to make sense of differences.

4.1 Cultural Affirmations

During the focus group discussion, participants were asked open-ended questions about
topics such as cultural behaviours (clothes, cooking, religious practices), racism in the
UK and their views on assimilation and integration. They discussed the pressures and
challenges they face and the meanings and importance attributed to their various
identities: religious, racial and cultural. All participants (five out of five) emphasized that
they do not belong to one culture or the other but could not label themselves as British
let alone English. They clearly identify their identities as the product of two or more
cultures, which distances them from the native “others” who do not share such a unique
mix of identity. At the same time those differences bring them closer with those they

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identified as “different”. In the following excerpt from one focus group, Samir describes
his experience trying to explain to his peers that he is Algerian, not Welsh or English.
“I am Arab, Sir, Arabic. I am Algerian, in it? I can’t be Welsh like my mum
‘cos I am a boy not a girl. I am not English because I am Arabic and
I go to Algeria all the time with my dad. Algeria is my country”. (Excerpt 1)

Identity negotiations operate at many levels in this excerpt. In terms of explicit identity
categories and referential meanings it is about whether Samir is Algerian, English or
Welsh or a combination of those categories. Clearly Samir is proud of his Algerian
heritage. What seems apparent in his discourse is a rejectionist approach to identity. He
is Algerian because he is not Welsh or English. Samir clearly displayed a hybridized
identity, whose mainstay is being “Arabic” despite the dominance of English and Euro-
Anglo cultural norms in his discourse. His Algerian identify is reinforced with the
repetition of the word ‘Arabic’ and forcefulness identified by vocal inflection of “I am
Arabic”. Identity negotiations operate at many levels in this monologue. In terms of
affiliation and disaffiliation, there are shifting negotiations. Samir does not make any
reference to English as a language, while the language “Arabic” is fused with his
identity. This view does not allow for a new definition of Algerian-British. It appears that
his identity/ies is not reducible to be either Algerian or British but rather it emerges from
a combination of both. Hence the concept of hybridity that emphasizes how membership
categories can be blended. Later I asked Samir if he considered himself as a real
Algerian, to which he replied: “I don’ think that Algerians are people who are born in
Algeria.” Samir then pointed the fact that I was not born in Algeria myself. By doing so,
he indirectly pointed the conception of national belonging through heritage (jus
sanguinis), which is essential in Algerian discourses about identity. I followed up the
question by asking if he thought that the real Algerians should speak Arabic and Samir
replied: “If they understand the language, then yeah they are.” To paraphrase Samir
linguistic heritage does not constitute an essential feature of identity. Samir ‘s answer
did not surprise me because he felt that those who were directly from Algeria should
learn the language but those who were not born there did not have the obligation to
speak it in order to be “Arabic”.

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Conversations like this prompted me to investigate why Samir defined himself as
“Arabic”. I contend the misuse of the term Arabic is a common mistake caused by a
semantic juxtaposition to being “Arab”, which in the case of North Africans can be
contested. However it can also be seen as a symbolic tie that unifies Arabic speakers
together as well as a cultural affirmation and even a form of political activism. During my
field observations I have noticed a myriad commonalities and distinctions that are used
to form ‘in-groups’ and ‘out-groups’, which provide clues to how they negotiate their
identities. Beyond racial boundaries, heritage languages and religions were selectively
used to display their identities and their adherence to a clique.
4.2 Acculturation
Acculturation refers to changes in attitudes, values, cultural norms and behaviours that
emerge from the continuous encounters between two distinct cultures. It is viewed as a
multifaceted, ongoing process. For example, Berry's (1980, 1990) psychological
acculturation model identifies four identity orientations: "integration," "assimilation,"
"separation," and "marginalization." It is worth mentioning that the idea of acculturation
in this paper is very different from that Berry’s theoretical framework. Samir has a hybrid,
hyphenated identity of an Algerian-Welsh-English born teenager and therefore those
general orientations cannot apply to him. Sadly much scholarly attention has been
devoted to both the first and second generation of immigrants, in the arena of and
assimilation/acculturation/integration patterns but there has thus far been a failure to
take a psychological and cultural approach to questions of ethnic identity claims and
practices of individuals of mixed heritage. One alternative to this framework is the ‘pan-
ethnicity’ perspective. Traditionally, while acculturated individuals are expected to
integrate into mainstream society, the ‘pan-ethnicity’ alternative suggests that instead
members of groups are developing durable alternative identities. The malleability of
identities is evident in a new form of ethnic identity. Increasingly, select individuals
display a strong admiration and knowledge of ethnicities to which they have either little
or no direct ancestral ties, integrating the symbolic elements and practices of these
ethnicities into their own social identity to such a degree that it becomes part of an
adopted form of ethnic identity.

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The malleability of ethnic identities allows new hyphenated identifies such as ‘Algerian-
Welsh-English’ to emerge, while others are constantly evolving and being reinvented.
For example Black Americans have now rejected the label ‘Afro-Americans’ they used
ten years ago and now have adopted the label of ‘people of African Ancestry’. Gans
(1979) argues that the essentialist identities of the modern era have been dropped;
however, he asserts that old identities have been not been deleted altogether but
replaced by a more loosely defined symbolic ethnicity which can be put on and taken off
more readily than the old labels. Gans (1979) also puts forth the notion of “symbolic
ethnicity,” the proposition that as acculturation and assimilation continues to take place;
the new manner of ethnic involvement will revolve around the use of ethnic symbols.
This “ethnicity of last resort” will be more “expressive” rather than “instrumental” in its
function in people’s lives, more of a leisure activity or “nostalgic allegiance” than a
mechanism of any real regulatory authority (Gans 1979: 9). Samir’s response to
questions about musical interests, films and popular culture exemplifies this notion of
symbolic ethnicity:
“I listen mostly to Rai music, and a little bit of Arabic music. And maybe a bit of English
and American music”. I listen to Cheb Kalhed on my iPod and Cheb Mami. I like, yeah
that chick, what’s her name?” (Excerpt 2)

Samir’s peers listened to all kinds of Anglo-American genres of music as well as

Punjabi, Lebanese and Ukrainian music, depending on their cultural backgrounds and
all felt quite comfortable admitting that English culture dominates that particular aspect
of their lives. Samir, on the other hand, insists that he is more influenced by Algerian
music, which is quite strange given the fact that he has lived in London all his life. By
opposing himself to his peers, Samir tried to assert a strong identity claim despite the
lack of coherence in his discourse. Upon reflection, his self-ascription to Algerians as a
group appeared to be symbolically constructed. Crucially, without an idea of identity, that
is, an identity in relation to someone else, there would be no need for Samir to enact his
‘Algerianness’. The mere act of saying “I do listen to Algerian music” separates him from
his peers, while creating ways to establish sameness of identity with his teacher.

Samir and his peers talked about how they strongly identified with the culture of the
country of origin of their parents. There seemed to be no consensus amongst the

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students about what British or English culture is. In unravelling the complexities of ethnic
identity, I could not help but notice that students defied the traditional notions of
Britishness and its core values (i.e. English language). One important component of
adolescent self identity, which may potentially facilitate or complicate the formation of
personal identity, is that of leisure and notably football among young male teenagers.
Indeed football seems to be a far more powerful factor in shaping identities, in producing
in-group and out-group categories among male teenagers than language. I asked Samir
questions to make his social identity as football fan salient rather than his identity as
fans of a particular club :

Interviewer: Who are your favourite players?

Samir: Zidane, Nasri and Benzema.
Interviewer: Tell me more about football?
Samir: I love Algerian players, there are the best. Zidane was the best. He is Khabil like my dad.
Now I like Nasri and Benzema.
Interviewer: I heard of Nasri, doesn’t he play in England?
Samir: Yeah he plays for Arsenal but I support Chelsea.

While Samir exuberantly displayed ethnic attachment, I started to express raw skeptisms
about his identity claims. Although, significant positive ethnic-national attachment
relationships were found in the informant’s discourse, I could not help but notice that he
kept referring to elements of Diaspora Algerian culture in his music references (Cheb
Kahled, Cheb Mami, Souad Massi) and French football players of Algerian descents
(Nasri, Benzema, Zidane,). Samir equates Algerian culture with sports and
entertainment and venerates who he sees as figures of Algerian popular culture, not
accounting for the fact that most of his cultural references are products of French
subculture. I pointed the fact that Zidane, Nasri and Benzema play under the French
national flag, and that consequently they are French:

17
 Interviewer: “Samir, do you know that these players are French? They play
For France, not for Algeria.”
Samir: “Yeah but they are Algerian Sir.”
Those confusions could possibly have been the expression of exaggerated feeling of
being "Algerian". In other words Samir’s sense of identity ultimately depends on the
meaning that he attaches to it. His notion of identity is essentially defined as self-
ascription to a particular group or rather whoever he views as symbolic figures of a
country. In line with this observation, Gans (1979) believes that a more superficial and
convenient ethnicity, which he calls ‘symbolic ethnicity’, has arisen to provide third and
fourth generation ethnic groups with a sense of ethnic identification. Gans describes
only five manifestations of ‘symbolic ethnicity’, which are:
1) Rites of passage;
2) Consumption of consumer goods;
3) Identification with political issues;
4) Alliance with political struggles in the home or “old country”, and;
5) Historical interest in homeland.
However this list appears to be non-exhaustive. In his view symbolic ethnicity must be
highly visible and meaningful to the ethnic participants and be capable of arousing
sentiment; however, these symbols must not require a disruption of other parts of the
individual’s life. Language, in its symbolic representation, could be a meaningful
addition to this list. In the autobiographical essay, Samir (2000: 1-2) narrates his
transnational identity and admits for the first time that he does not speak Arabic:
“In my family half of them speak Arabic. I go to Algeria in the summer
and I do not understand a lot of it and it is really annoying. Sometimes
because they speak a different language and I really want to understand.
My dad is trying to teach me but is taking me a very long time to get to grips
with the language. If I had the choice I would really like to speak it fluently
to my dad and to my family, plus also my dad sometimes at his house
speaks Arabic to me and I get annoyed because I don t understand a lot
then he just says it in English I wish I speak Arabic because there is this
girl that I like in Algeria but I don t speak her language. When I am on my
holiday it is a great time to learn some basic Arabic words. Also when I am
there I feel lonely, cos’ I have nobody to talk to. I feel isolated because
sometime I need something is not at home and it is difficult .My family try to
help”. (Excerpt 2)

18
Samir shows his frustration in asserting he does “not speak the language” and finds it
“annoying”. He is proud of his ancestry but is aware that the fact that he does not live in
the country of Algeria makes him a stranger to native Algerians when he visits. Despite
his strong identity claims, I have also noticed that in his writing piece Samir used a
typical English teenager’s communication style. I also note that Samir refers to Algeria
and Algerian people impersonally, using “Algeria” or “they” instead of “my country” or
“us.” This use of language is a sign that Samir distances himself from an Algerian
identity. The use of “I don’t know” signals identity ambiguity feelings and a little
confusion about his identity and his perception of Algerian culture. I conclude that Samir
is selectively acculturated teenager who maintains his ethnic identity and has adopted
the behaviour, the norms and the codes of the dominant culture. Thus, Samir does not
have to rely exclusively on language fluency as a legitimizing identity claim. In his
discourse, Arabic appears to be a manifestation of his symbolic ethnicity, that is
according to Gans (1979) meaningful and arouses sentiment. He links Arabic to his
“family”, to his “dad” and to” a girl”.

4.3. Diaspora
How does the notion of diaspora emerge and how does it manifest itself? Hall (1990)
gives two possible orientations to the hotly debated academic issue. First Hall (1990)
points out that the white racist discourse has the power to subject non-whites to the
‘other-ed’ position as well as to impose white superiority and non-white inferiority. Hall’s
main argument is that non-whites develop their cultural identity within the white racist
ideology. Consequently diaspora can be seen as the product of white racist ideology.
The second explication Hall proposes (1992: 310-14) is to be found in the modern world
that is divided by two contradictory tendencies: firstly the move towards globalisation
with the emphasis on assimilation and homogenisation, and secondly, in response to
globalisation there are increasing tendencies to reassert ethnic, nationalistic and
religious identities. Within this context, Hall argues that the cultural identities emerging
are ‘in transition’. These identities are drawing upon the variety of values, practices and
traditions and that there is the harmonisation of the old and the new without losing the

19
past or assimilating into the new. Hall calls this process the development of the ‘cultures
of hybridity’ and links this surge with the ‘new diasporas’ created by imperialism and the
resultant postcolonial migrations.

Following Hall’s argument, ‘symbolic ethnicity’ is evidenced when individuals display

keen historical, cultural or linguistic interest in their homeland. This is often manifested
in a romantic interest in cultural traditions, or in the case of black diaspora groups in the
United States, it is manifested by a strong pan-ethnic attachments to the African
continent. All the students I spoke to for this project had visited their parents’ home
country and endowed these places with a romantic mysticism. Samir describes Algeria
as being ‘heaven’. Moreover, Samir provides a narrative in which he strongly defines his
transnational identity and displays strong emotional and cultural and linguistic
attachments to what he sees as his native land. However during the interview Samir
appeared to be feeling self-conscious and intimidated, and only gave very short replies:
“I would give up my knowledge of English if I could be fluent in
Arabic”. (Excerpt 3)

In the excerpt above, Samir reveals some of the internal dynamics that influence his
identity claims. His cultural affirmations, being Algerian, complement cultural and
linguistic negations (being unable to master Arabic). The flux between the two creates
an internal tension, which is manifest on the recurrence of the theme of linguistic
competence. The importance he attributes to Arabic makes him revert to what I label as
“diaspora mentality”. His discourse highlights that his Arabness relies on his knowledge
of the language and he would go to extremes to preserve his commonalities with
Algerian people. The diaspora mentality that he embraces can be captured effectively
with a single word that he often uses. This word encapsulates the emotional and logical
motivations to build bridges to his homeland: the Arabic word ‘bled’. In its colloquial
meaning, this term describes someone’s home country and home. The terms implies a
feeling of guilt for leaving home but it also suggests a probable return to the homeland in
the future, and that the absence is only temporary.

20
5. Conclusion
Throughout ethnographic observations and interviews in combination with an analysis of
document discussed so far, it appears possible that cultural identity is a constitutive and
socially conditioned entity of our social and cultural life. Moreover cultural identity is
negotiated and contested through our daily experiences in different ways and in diverse
cultural contexts, which consist of various human communicative interactions. Cultural
identities are formed and are triggered in relation to these different communication
activities and in culturally diverse social contexts. The dominant assimilation and
integration ideologies of western countries would except a British born teenager, whose
ancestry is partly Welsh, to be fully integrated into the English culture and society .
Instead, against all odds, this teenager displays strong pan ethnic attachment to his
father’s native home. Distinctive themes surfaced in the study. Language figures
prominently in all those scenarios. Language acts a primary boundary marker for group
membership in Samir’s life and the lack of proficiency in Arabic that Samir defines as
“his language” causes him discomfort, frustration and even an internal crisis. Thus in
Samir’s case, Arabic does not have a communicative but a symbolic function. Arabic
language is intertwined with its intrinsic identity, which I define as‘transethnic’. I found
three thematic ways transnational Algerians may interpret differences in interethnic
relationships: cultural affirmations, cultural negations, and the use of language as a
manifestation of symbolic ethnicity .Further research might uncover additional themes by
which Algerian people make sense of their differences. My primary issue for future
research is the link between the population of biracial individuals and the shift towards
biracial individuals choosing to reject the biracial label while also rejecting both parents’
racial identity. The factors that influence this shift are of great interest as it is a
phenomenon I have witnessed while working with teenagers.

21
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Creative writings (appendice 1)

At home I speak a mix of Ukrainian and English. Speaking Ukrainian makes me proud
because we feel proud because we can speak the language. I can speak a language
that is rare in England. My Ukrainian is very good and I am understood when I speak i
which makes me very happy. Even tough I was born in England; I am pleased I can
speak a different language. My dad is German, but unfortunately I can’t speak German. I
want to learn someday so that I can communicate with my family in Germany. ( Marc)

At home I speak a mixture of English and Punjabi. This makes me feel that my parents
care and give me the advantage of speaking another language. My Panjabi is very good
and it is nice to have people which can understand me, and me their mother language.
Despite the fact that I was born in England, I feel good about knowing how to speak a
mother language from a very young age. I am hopeful that from knowing another
language will give me the upper hand at getting a job. (Feroize)

“In my family half of them speak Arabic. I go to Algeria in the summer and I do not
understand a lot of it and it is really annoying. Sometimes because they speak a
different language and I really want to understand. My dad is trying to teach me but is
taking me a very long time to get to grips with the language. If I had the choice I
would really like to speak it fluently to my dad and to my family, plus also my dad
sometimes at his house speaks Arabic to me and I get annoyed because I don t
understand a lot then he just says it in English I wish I speak Arabic because there is
this girl that I like in Algeria but I don t speak her language When I am on my holiday
it is a great time to learn some basic Arabic words. Also when I am there I feel lonely,
cos’ I have nobody to talk to. I feel isolated because sometime I need something is
not at home and it is difficult .My family try to help”. (Samir)

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Focus group discussion (appendice 2)

Interviewer: So guys. Marc, I have noticed that Deepak and Samir come from
bicultural home. I want to focus on you three boys today.
Interviewer: Your dad is German, your mum is Ukrainian, you were born in England and
you feel that you are Ukrainian.

Marc : Yes.

Interviewer: Samir and Deepak, you guys identify with your dads’ counties of origin.

Samir : yeah. We are not girls.

Interviewer: Marc, How come you feel more Ukrainian than German?.

Because I spend my summer holidays there and I also go for Christmas. I work on a
farm at my grandpa and I sell stuff in the market.

Interviewer: Samir; How often to you go to Algeria?

Samir : Once a month sir, at least. My grandpa is very ill so I travel there more often

Do you go to Wales?

Samir: Yeah sometimes.

Interviewer: What about you Deepak?

Deepak: My mom is from Birmingham but my dad is Indian. I am Indian. I was there last
summer. I really liked it.

Interviewer: Samir: I go to Bled all the time. Last time I went yeah, I stayed with my
granddad. I did not do much though because he was ill.

(Samir hands me his phone)

Samir: Do you want to speak to my dad? I will call him so that you can speak to him in
Arabic.

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