LYNNWORSHAM The point of critique is not justification but a different way of feeling, another sensibility. Gilles Deleuze ... decolonization isalways aviolent phenomenon. Franz Fanon Going Postal in Practice and Theory Aphrasewith arather short history,goingpostal hasprovento bequiteportableduring itsbrieflife. I cameacrossit most recentlyinPremiereMagazine, where it servesasthe clevertitleofthe letters-to-the-editorsection. To getto the glossypagesof amagazine devotedentirelytothepromotion oftheentertainment industryandthe manufacture ofcelebrity, the phrasehadto travelquiteadistancefromitsplaceof origin:the inner workings 0 fV .S.postal facilitieswhere incidents of violence, usually deadly, have occurredwith alarmingfrequencyinthe lastdecade.Sincethe mid-1980sPost Office employeesaresaidto begoingpostalwhen they murder andinjureco-workers,often their supervisors, asaway of settlingworkplace grievancesperceivedto bebeyond resolution or appeal. Coined in this context and in an effort to wrest from senselessnessasenseof something unprecedented in labor history, the phrase then moved with surprising speedinto the vernacular of postmodern America, where it nowmaybeusedto referto anyviolentoutburst, howevermundaneandinconsequen- tial. Itsappearanceinthe pagesofPremiereMagazineseems to suggestthat oncegoing postalgoesto Hollywood to entitleapopularcourt ofopinionandappeal,the meaning ofthephrasehasforeverchanged.Perhapsgoingpostalhasnowbecomemerelyacatchy phrasewhoseattenuatedpower existsonlyinitsabilityto incitethe anonymous letter- writerto averbaldisplayworthy offifteensecondsofnotice. Ifso,then perhapshere the full deadly force of"nobodiness" canbe contained andwill not collidehead on with the fullforceofthe desirefor "somebodiness,"andthus inthis venuethe circuit mayberewired-the short circuitthat transforms,forexample,a"nobody" likeMark DavidChapmanintothe"somebody"whokilled]ohnLennon. Orperhapsgoingpostal hasbecome just another empty catchword that preservesno memory of what was originallycarriedinitsterms, no memory ofthe outragethat begetsrageandfurther outrage. If so, then the linesof articulation must bewideopen, andgoingpostal may soonturn up asthe namefor anupdatedversionofthat adolescentkissinggameonce called"post office." In any event, the strange career of this phrase-its increasing 214]AC distance and abstraction, alienation and estrangement, from the objective conditions that gave rise to it-has followed awild logic that we can neither bear to remember nor afford to forget. In these pagesgoingpostal will therefore remain acanny phrase for remembering, for example, the execution of fourteen women byaman who, on December 6, 1989, walked into an engineering classroom at the University of Montreal and reportedly shouted, "I want the women!"! There was laughter-everyone thought it was ajoke, a game-as he ordered the women to one side of the room and the men to the other. Before he opened fire, he called the women a"bunch of feminists." In adesperate effort to quickly reeducate the gunman and reverse the inevitable course of events, one woman screamed, "You have the wrong women; we are not feminists!" But this disavowal alone could never have reversed the momentum of aparanoid logicwhich, in abject misrecognition, crossed the personal and the political to justify the annihilation of difference. Goingpostalwill also remember the senseless mayhem created in Stockton, California by Patrick Purdy, who armed himself with an assault rifle, walked onto a schoolyard at midday recess,and beganshooting. Five children were killedandtwenty nine were injured before Purdy turned the gun on himself. Although news reports indicated that the slaughter might have been motivated by racial bitterness-an influx of Southeast Asian immigrants into the area in the 1980shad taken jobs that Purdy felt should have been his-public memory has sinceerasedthe gunman's smiling face and its recitation of euphoria and rage. In the aftermath, what remained for most of us was only an abstract senseof the event asanother moment in the ongoing stalemate over constitutional rights and gun controL What remained fora time inthe daily lives of the surviving children of Stockton was a game they called "Purdy." This child's play took two forms: the players either reenacted the slaughter with atoy assault rifle placed in the hands of an appointed villain, or they revisedthe original event by taking up toy guns and, in righteous and justifiable vengeance, staging the villain's ritual execution." In 1989,Stockton was the fifth in aseriesof school assaultsthat year that began when awoman walked into aWinnetka, Illinoisschoolroom, saying,"1'mgoing to teach you alesson about guns," and then shot and killed an eight -year-old boy and critically wounded fiveothers. Then, too, there isthe national teaching that took place, alsoin 1989, in the wake of the Central Park rape. The principal lesson here would reinforce a familiar teaching-the catechism of fear and shame that schools women to accept responsi- bilityfortheirown brutalization-but it focused attention primarily on the terrible relation that may link boredom and urban violence. Wildingentered the national vocabulary and the post modern imaginary through this caseto describethe seemingly rando m acts 0 f unmotivated savagery commi tted by bo red and restless gro ups 0 f youths looking for something to do. Nothing, at least initially, explained the wilding in Central Park, none of the usual social or psychological topoi for locating, naturalizing and, in a sense, organizing urban crime for its profit of meaning.' Wilding, by definition, seems to refuse to wear the faceof poverty, race, gender, sex, or even madness. The term itself suggests a form of play, except that here the Pedagogic Violence and the Schooling of Emotion 215 disappearanceof the players(that is,their anonymity) inthis brutal gamemay not signalasuspension of the rules asmuch asrender them more deceptiveand more desperate. If it isto bedefinedby apoverty of reason,then perhaps wildingshould not be associatedwith the incidents of violencethat occurred in Montreal, Stockton, or Winnetka,orwith anyoftheincidentsofschool,workplace,andfamilyviolencewhich, in the last decade,haveincreasinglypunctuated the everyday-most recently, in Jonesboro (Arkansas),Newington (Connecticut),Milwaukee(Wisconsin),Orange (California), West Paducah (Kentucky), and Pearl (Mississippi). From Pearl to Paducah, the incidenceofviolenceinthe U.S. ison the rise:workplace homocide is the fastest growing category of murder, where the number has tripled in the last decade;murder istheleadingcauseofworkplacedeathforwomen. Thephenomenon of wilding, becauseit appearsto beinacategoryof itsown, may not shedany light on theseformsor on more symbolicformsofviolenceor their effects-for example, the repeatedbroadcastofthevideotapedbeatingofRodneyKingbyL.A. policemen; or the ritual humiliation of AnitaHill by the all-male,all-whiteSenateJudiciary CommitteeandbeforetheAmericanpeople,whoseneedforaneducationontheissue of sexualharassment hasbeensuggestedasjustification for her public shaming. Yet,inmyview,wildingisanexemplaryinstanceofgoingpostal.It willtherefore proveinstructiveforwhat it willofferarhetoricof"pedagogicviolence,"astudythat wouldseekto describeboth theformsandeffectsthrough whichviolenceislivedand experiencedanditsobjectiveor structuralroleintheconstitutionofsubjeetivitiesand inthe justificationof subjection. The increaseinviolence,especiallyinincidentsof goingpostal,suggeststo methat itistimeto reconsiderthe realandsymbolicfunction of violence. In the liberalview, violenceoccursat the very limit of the socialorder where it displaysthe fragilityof meaning,identity, andvalue;andthe "progress"of modern society canbe measuredin the successfulsubstitution of persuasion and consentforviolenceandforce.Butthisviewdrawsattention awayfromthe factthat violencealso(andincreasingly)arisesfromwithin the authority of existingsocial, political, andeconomicarrangementsandservesquiteeffectivelyto reinforcetheir legitimacy. Given that violenceseemsto be apermanent andpervasivefeature of capitalistsocieties,circulatingitseffectswidelythrough the reiterativeteachingof media, a study of pedagogicviolence may add an additional chapter to Michel Foucault'shistoryofdisciplinarysocietybyreturningagainto the bodilyrhetoricof violence,to itsvisibleandinvisiblescarificationofthe individualandsocialpsyche. More specifically,the concept of pedagogicviolenceseeksto makevisiblethe relationship betweendisciplineandviolence,betweenwhat ismost legitimateand what ismost illegitimate,to openfor examinationthe symbolicviolenceimpliedin teachingandlearning,the realviolencepreparedinschooling,wherever schooling happensto occur. Theconceptofpedagogicviolencebringstogetherphenomenaset apartfromoneanotherbythepartitioningandindividuatingtechniquesofdiscipline; therefore, I seeit asahorizonal or border conceptthat locatesthe point atwhich one kindofthingbecomesvisibleassomethingentirelydifferent.Initsoriginandeffects, wilding is, as I will suggest later, far less pathological than it is normal {and 216JAC normalizing), for it demonstratesandconfirmstheefficacyofdominant pedagogy. Arhetoric of pedagogicviolencewill focusspecificallyon the way violence addressesandeducatesemotion andinculcatesanaffectiverelationto the world. In the viewI develophere, emotion will referto the tight braidof affectandjudgment, sociallyandhistoricallyconstructedandbodilylived,through whichthe symbolic takesholdofandbindstheindividual,incomplexandcontradietoryways,tothesocial order and its structure of meanings. School, workplace, and familyviolence are pedagogiesof emotion, andassuchtheyareparticularlyeffeetivewaysoflocatingand anchoringus in awayof life. They areanintegralpart ofthe politicalmachineryof what I will call, following Ann Ferguson, the sex! affectiveproduction systemof advancedcapitalism, andthey arisefromwithin andextend (rather than radically destabilize)itslogic. The paradigmaticinstancehereisthe institution of domestic violence (including incest) which has been criminalized in first-world societies, though onlyrecentlyandunevenly. 4 In what canonly bealimitedtreatment ofthe subjecthere, I ammovedby the exorbitant instancesof pedagogicviolence,suggestedby the examplesopeningthis paper, to consider more subtleformswhileneverthelessinsistingon their relation. In this paper, I want to return to what I think wealreadyknow but havelearnedto forget-namely, that the discourseof emotion isour primary education(primaryin the senseof both earliestandfoundational). And I arguethat ifour commitment is to realindividualandsocialchange-change that would finallydissolvethe relation- shipbetweenpedagogyandviolence-then the work of decolonizationmust occur at the affectivelevel,not only to reconstitutethe emotional lifeofthe individualbut also,andmore importantly, to restructurethe feelingor moodthat characterizesan age. To be sure, our most urgent political and pedagogical task remains the fundamentalreeducationofemotion. Thisprojectcannotsucceedbymappinganew regimeof meaningonto anoldwayoffeeling,onethat hasonly intensifiedwith the .so-called"waningof affect"inthe eraofthe postmodern (seeJameson). Faceto face with the indomitable andarchaicspirit of sex-hatredandrace-hatred,for example, critical social theories have helped to shape an intellectual understanding of the practicesandthe costsofothering. Yet atear isnot simplyanintellectualthing, and achangeofheart doesnot follow,naturallyor simply,fromachangeofmind(seeNeu). Grief, hatred, bitterness, anger, rage,terror, andapathy aswell asemotions of self- assessment such as pride, guilt, and shame-these form the core of the hidden curriculum for the vastmajority of peoplelivingandlearningin ahighly stratified capitalistsociety. Thiscurriculumholdsmostof ussodeeplyandintimatelyandyet differentlywithin itslogicthat our affectivelivesarelargelyimmuneto the legislative effortsof socialcritiqueandto the legislativegainsof progressivesocialmovements. I am compelled therefore to make the ultimate destination of this paper a considerationofthetum topedagogyinAmericanliteraryandculturalstudies,which arguably represents an effort to change, through the language of critique and empowerment,theemotionalconstitutionofthepostmodernsubject.Inliteraryand cultural studies,the pedagogicalturn isrelativelyrecent, beginningonly inthe late 1980s.Bythe earlynineties, education andpedagogyhadbecome, inGeraldGraff PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 217 words, the "boom subject" of the academic humanities. In abrief account of the growing interest in pedagogy in literary and cultural studies, Graff finds in the very nature of theory what I have called, in the context of composition studies, a pedagogical imperative to spellout theory's implications for teaching (see"Writing"). But, in my view, the pedagogical turn in literary and cultural studies isdriven by a recognition of the failuresof theory-on the one hand, itsfailureto effectivelycounter the successesof the conservative educational agendas of the 1980s;and, on the other, its failure to meaningfully confront the political consequences of postmodernism understood asthe cultural logic of late capitalism. Interestingly, the decade of the 1980salsoclosed with the incidents of going postal suggested above and with the so- called global triumph of capitalism represented by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. In the 1990s"Capitalists of the World Unite!" hasreplacedthe failedsloganfor worker solidarity, and the triumph expressed in this phrase threatens to foreclose the possibility of any oppositional theory that could effectively organize collective political action (seeNew York TimesC28; Eagleton 5).Inthiscontextoffailureand triumph, of despair and euphoria, pedagogy finds the political imperative to reconceive itselfasaform of radical politics with goalsthat areformulated with asense of utmost urgency: to reclaim education as a terrain of struggle crucial to the reconstruction of apublic political culture and to constitute arevolutionary subject capable of transforming the world. Ambitious, to saythe least, this project and these goals have been important in the recent history and development of composition studies, a field that has been devalued ("feminized" and "proletarianized," it claims) precisely because its labors have been deemed "unscholarly" -practical, pedagogical, and applied. Apparently undisturbed by rumors of the failure of theory, composition studies has rapidly adopted the linguafrancaof theory during the lastfifteenyears asaway of enfranchising itself as a fully vested member of English studies, while more recently it has appropriated the political languageof radical pedagogy asaway of claiming akey role for itself (and writing instruction) asarevolutionary agent of change. The irony for those of us in composition studies isthat the pedagogical turn in literary and cultural studies has accomplished what composition has not had the power to achieve on its own: pedagogy has become not only a legitimate object of intellectual inquiry in English studies, aboom subject in the humanities, but also amatter of urgent social and political interest. More sobering isthe factthat composition studies, in an anxious effort to travel the circuit from "nobodiness" to "somebodiness," ifonly in the culture of English studies, has continued to pursue arelatively uncritical relation to the boom subject that has been such aboon to the field. Understandably content to capitalize on the terms of political vision and to translate them into the more lucrative tokens of professional self-interest, composition studies generally has asked too few questions. One pivotal question that should be asked-and aquestion that givessharp focus to the nature of the failure of theory-concerns the fact that the spectacleof excessive violence returns as an all too familiar form of the everyday, while the category of violence all but disappears in recent theoretical and pedagogical discourse, where the 218]AC focus ison detailing forms of desire, pleasure, andconsent. TeresaEbert, among others, alsohasfocusedattentiononthispreoccupationincriticaltheory andinaway that helpsto situatethe present inquiry. Ebert suggeststhe concept ofthepost-alas aname for variousnewknowledgesincludingpoststructuralism,Lacanianandpost- Lacanianpsychoanalysis,postmodernism, post-Marxism,postlesbianandpostgay queertheory, andalmosteverybrandoffeministtheory. Thesenewpost-al(a.k.a,ludic) knowledges, andthe pedagogiesthey inspire, arethus differentiatedfromclassical Marxismandareidentifiedasthe specificforms that failuretakes. In general, the concept of the post-al designatesdiscoursesandpracticesthat concentratecriticalattention on the body, that substitutedesirefor labor asthe basic processoflatecapitalism,that erasethe relationsofproductionandclassstrugglefrom contemporary analyses,andthat ineffectreducethe scopeofpoliticsto cultural and discursive(orideological)analysis(Ludic; "RedPedagogy").Reclaimingthepriority of the categoriesof labor andclass,Ebert seeksto endtheory's longdigressioninto discursive and cultural materialism by setting it on the proper path of historical materialism.Acentralpart ofthisprojectisto exposepost-altheory asmerelyaform of bourgeoisideologyoutfitted inthe latestjargonto appearto be"knowledge"and thereby to exposeitsroleintheelisionofissuesofexploitationandemancipation. To this end, Ebert excoriatescultural materialistsfor combattingphraseswith phrases, for thinking they arecombattingthe realproblemsofthe existingworld andwaging realpoliticalstrugglewith discourseabout discourse.Her point isnot that ideology, cultural practices,andsignificationsareperipheralto politicalstruggle. Rather, her point isthat theyarenot autonomousandmustbelinked,throughmaterialistcritique, to the nondiscursive,to the '''real existingworld' -whose objectivityisthe factofthe 'working day'" (Ludic45).Post-alknowledgesandpedagogieshavefailedto perform suchacritiqueandhavesuccessfullyshiftedcriticalattentionfromthe"workingday" to the "everyday,"to popular culture andconsumption (seealsoKelsh). For Ebert andher cohorts, goingpost-alisaparticularlyheinousformofviolencebecauseit has effectivelyparalyzedpoliticalwill andaction. It maynot begoingtoo farto suggest that, inthis view, goingpost-al intheory istantamount to aformof goingpostal- that is, post-al theory ismerely aroute for avery fewenterprising" nobodies" to become"somebodies"intheacademicstarsystembytradingonthemiseryofthemost exploitedandoppressed;goingpost-alintheoryisnothingmorethanaverbaldisplay, even a mode of play or entertainment, that servesthe professional and political interestsof bourgeoisintellectuals(seealsoShumway). In specificcases,I might agree. I too seek a form of critique that links the discursiveandthe nondiscursive, the working day andthe everyday, beyond the mystifying focuson pleasureanddesire. Yet I cannot endorsethe rather sharpline drawn between (classical) Marxismandallother theoriesgatheredunder the rubric of post-al or ludic knowledges. Suchstrict categorization, coupled with arather dogmaticreturn to classicalMarxism,ignoresthe historicalityofMarxismaswell as the historicality of capitalism. It alsosuggestsarather undialecticalrelation to so- calledpost-al theories that refusesto recognizethat history alsohappens inthese theories, that they too mayhavetheir moment of "truth" aswellastheir moment of PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 219 "falsehood."At theveryleast,suchstrictcategorizationisarguablyanother instance ofthekindofdividingpraeticethatisthegeniusofdisciplinarythinking, an"upagainst the wallrhetoric that historicallyhasbeenusedsoeffectivelyagainstthosewho are identifiedasothers andenemies. Granted, there isacritical edgegivento though t whenit canclearlyanddecisivelynametheproblemandidentifytheenemy. Perhaps this isthe only certain way to achievethe necessarycritical distancethat leadsto oppositional struggleandchange. Still,it maybeusefulhereto suggestadistinction betweenenemyandadvmary, aspost-Marxist theoristChantalMouffeurges.Anenemy isone to be annihilated; anadversaryisrespectedasone to strugglewithandagainst in the formation of anew hegemony (2-4,84-85).Capitalism-complicated and abettedby interactingregimesofwhitesupremacy,racism,neocolonialism,patriar- chy, andheterosexism-is the enemy. On this, Ebert andI agree.But Ebert alsosees enemiesinallofthevariouspost-alknowledges, whereasIseesomeworthy adversaries andevenafewfriends. Ebert seeksacorrection inthe courseoftheory through the substitution oflaborfor desire,through thesubstitutionof onewayofknowing and itsphrasings(historicalmaterialism)foranotherwayofknowing(post-alknowledge); I seekintheory's variousphrasingsa"criticalarticulationthat may claimarole in producing,inthe realexistingworld, adifferentwayoffeeling,adifferentsensibility. The crucialinsighthereisthat what the working dayproducesandreproduces asitsprimaryandmostvaluableproductisanaffectiverelationtotheworld,to oneself, andto others. Thisisinlargepart what ismeantbythesocialrelationsoflabor. Going postalwillserveasarepresentativeanecdoteandaguideforthe kindofcritiqueI have inmind, onethat linksthe working dayandthe everyday. Although wemayprefer to be comforted by the viewthat violence isthe unfortunate result of individual pathology, wemust rememberthat thephrasegoingpostal originatesinthe objective conditions of the working dayinU.S. postal facilitiesandshouldtell ussomething about thoseconditions:conditionsofexploitationanddomination; humiliatingand alienatingconditionsthat producerage,bitterness,frustration,andindignation. The violencethat must berememberedthrough thisphraseisoftwo orders:the outrage of exploitation and domination and the rage such outrage produces. In the phenomenon of goingpostal,wehaveevidencethat violencebegetsfurther violence; violencelegitimizedandjustifiedasthe existingeconomicandsocialarrangements begetsfurther violencethat, withinthesearrangements,must besetapartandtermed "illegal,""unjustified,"and"unjustifiable."Furthermore, the strangecareerofgoing postaloffersarecordofthe kind0 fsymbolicviolencethrough whichaphraseor sign losesits ideologicaledge,its contact with the objectiveconditions that gaveriseto it, anditspotential to callthose conditions into question andmakethem anobject ofstruggle.Anoppositionalreadingofgoingpostal anditscareerwouldreturn power to this phraseby retracingthe path of disarticulation,alienation, andestrangement andbyreconnectingthedomainsofworkingdayandeveryday,of"productive"labor and"nonproductive" emotional labor. I shouldsayfromthe outset that I amnot overlysanguineabout our prospects for reeducatingemotion giventhe prevailingpathos oftheory(aphrasethat includesa theoretical discourse on teaching)-in other words, given the role theory and 220JAC pedagogyplay in reproducing anaffectiverelationto the world. Here my specific concern isthat the newcommitment to pedagogymay effectivelyredeploy key distinctionsthat mystifythework of decolonization-in particular,the distinctions betweenpublicandprivateandbetweenreasonandemotion aswellasthe gendered andracializedauthority ofthesedistinctions. Amoregeneralworry isthat the turn toward pedagogymayconstituteatum away fromthefamilyasalocusofcritiqueand asiteforreconstructingsocialandemotionallife.Althoughthefamilyhascompelled someofthemost important socialcriticismofthepost-WorldWarITperiod,it israrely discussed in recent pedagogical discourse, except in the feminist pedagogy of nurturance, where it isoften treated ahistorically. The argument that advanced capitalism reduces the role of the family to a minimum (and that the primary determinants of socialandpsychiclifethereforeareto befoundinformsoutsidethe family,especiallyinpopular cultureandconsumption)certainlycompelsusto look elsewhereifwearegoingto makefundamentalsocialchanges."Thedomesticsphere," asGayatri Spivakobserves,"isnot the emotion's only workplace." Still,the claims of anyformofradicalpoliticsmust bequalifiedbythe factthat women ofmost social locations arestillenlistedto take primary responsibilityfor caretakingandnurtur- ing-in isolated nuclear families, in single-mother homes, in daycare centers, in elementary and secondary schools, and, some would argue, in collegewriting classrooms. Their working dayisalsoaneverydaythat takesshapeinthe objective conditionsofemotionallabor-largely unpaid,unrecognized,yet sociallynecessary labor. The educationprovidedby women inanotherwisemale-dominatedsociety remainsthe primary pedagogyon which allsubsequentlearningismapped; and, as many feministsbeforemehaveargued,it continuesto affixthe strugglefor identity andagencytotheemotionalrepudiationofthat whichiscodedfeminineandmaternal. My question iswhether radical pedagogyiscommitted intheory and practice to alteringwhat Jon Schillercalls"the socialconditions ofpsychicmatriarchy" setup by agendered(andracialized)divisionof emotional labor (84). To developthe notion of pedagogicviolencefurther, I return to this primary pedagogyandits role inthe education of emotion inthe next sectionof this paper. Then, in the third section, I consider the way in which some versions of radical pedagogymayaetuallyworkto remystifyviolenceandmasktheir ownambivalence about the work of decolonization. In general, my effort here might be read asa reworkingofLouisAlthusser'snotionofthefamily-educationcoupleasour dominant pedagogyandtherefore asacrucialplaceto struggleforthe politicalreconstruction of our emotional lives. Schooling Emotion Psychoanalysishastaughtthat theindividual'semotionalattitudesto other people areestablishedat anunexpectedlyearlyage....Thepeopleto whom[thechild]isin this wayfixedarehisparents....His later acquaintancesare...obligedto take over akindofemotional heritage. SigmundFreud PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 221 The ideaof pedagogicviolence assumesadistinction between two sensesof pedagogy: the familiar and specialized sense of pedagogy as a philosophy (or ideology) of teaching, including classroom practices and instructional methods; and the broad senseof pedagogy aseducation in general, or what the Greeks once calledpaideia. The view of pedagogy as the general education appropriate to members of a culture receives its contemporary formulation, for example, in Althusser' s conception of ideological state apparatuses and inFoucault' snotion of discipline. Inasmuch asboth of these formulations emphasize that modern society makes state-sanctioned violence increasingly unnecessary asamode of social control, I want to begin to rework the family-education couple along the lines suggested by Bourdieu and Passeron's Reproduction inEducation, Societyand Culture, wherethe relationshipbetween pedagogy and violence receives explicit treatment. In the following discussion, I identify two kinds of pedagogic violence ortwo related domains where it operates and organizes its effects: first, the pedagogic violence authorized by and implied in education in general; and, second, the pedagogicviolence that initially organizes the emotional life of the individual, approached here through Julia Kristeva' s notion of abjection. Finally, I question whether postmodemism constitutes, in Fredric Jameson's words, "a whole new emotional ground tone" and as such represents a break with the dominant pedagogy of emotion. For Bourdieu andPasseron,pedagogy (inthe general sense, above) refers to the power held by dominant discoursesto impose the legitimate mode of conception and perception. Pedagogyrefers to the powerto impose meanings that maintain and reinforce the reigning social,economic, andpolitical arrangements aslegitimate when in fact they are entirely arbitrary. The dominant pedagogy in adisciplinary society consists of the ruling ideas of the ruling class or group-or, the framework of meanings that most thoroughly, though most indirectly and inconspicuously, ex- presses and safeguards the material and symbolic interests of the dominant group or groups (7-9). Dominant pedagogy isastructure that produces individuals and groups who arerecognized assuch becausethey have internalized the legitimatepoint of view. Pedagogy retains itsauthority preciselythrough violence, through itspower to impose the legitimate mode of conception and perception, through its powerto conceal and mystify relations of domination andexploitation. The specificgoalof pedagogicwork isthe transmission of knowledges appropriate to the position of an individual in a hierarchy of social relations that reproduces the authority of the dominant group and sustains itscontinued legitimacy. Pedagogy isan apparatus for creating, maintaining, and perpetuating the legitimacy of the interests of the dominant group across many different kinds of discourse that cultivate "the educated individual" asan ideal type of pedagogical subject who possesses the propensity to consume the legitimate products of dominant culture and ispredisposed to be used and consumed according its interests. Dominant pedagogy depends on the social misrecognition of the objective truth of pedagogic work. To ensure its success, dominant pedagogy develops a system of subordinate educational ideologies that serve to mask its truth: philosophies and practices that claim to be non-violent and non-repressive are particularly useful in 222]AC promoting misrecognition, such as pedagogies (Socratic or psychoanalytic or ludic) that focus on the erotics of teaching and learning; or pedagogies (deconstructive or collaborative) that are premised on decentered authority in the classroom; or even pedagogies that emphasize affective understanding (feminist pedagogies of maternal nurturance) that exert power through asubtle instrument of coercion, the implied threat of the withdrawal of affection. Bourdieu and Passeron argue that these pedagogies do not (and cannot) recognize the extent to which their authority is based in dominant pedagogy and contributes to its legitimacy. They also argue that blindness to the structure of domination among classesor groups makes possible and persuasive the "liberating" and "humanizing" project of "culture forthe masses"that givessubordinated groups the means of appropriating legitimate culture. It also produces and authorizes the "democratizing" and "declassing" project that gives legitimacy to the cultures of others, aproject that begins, asthey point out, with the erasure of the distinction between high culture and popular or massculture and may extend, it seemsto me, to include at least some versions of multiculturalism (12).That is, these projects serve to bind individuals and groups ever more closely to the authority of dominant pedagogy. In this context, Bourdieu andPasseron's reminder isespecially relevant: it isonethingto teach the arbitrary nature of allculture to individualswho have already been educated according to the ideas of the ruling class;it would be quite another to claim to givethe kind of education that makes an individual anative, asit were, of all cultures (23-24).Radical pedagogy, asI will suggest later, does not claim to offer the latter, but the key to itsemancipatory project and itspromise of empowerment isthe claim to teach the arbitrariness of all culture. This viewof pedagogy clarifiesthe kind of work that decolonization requires and suggeststhat the intervention neededto changeahierarchial socialorder canbe nothing lessthan aradical conversion or complete substitution of one kind of socialformation foranother. BourdieuandPasseronarguethatpeclagogicworkisnotreversible. Inother words, wecannotsimplyunleam what dominant pedagogy teaches by mapping anew regime of meaning onto an old one (31-43).Such a strategy, asI indicated above, offers an education in the arbitrariness of all culture to individuals who have already appropriated and who have been appropriated by the prevailing ideasof the ruling class. This means that the work of decolonization cannot consist simply in a struggle for the recognition and legitimacy of an alternative pedagogy in terms set by the do minant pedagogy, for such astruggle would inevitab ly neutralize the radical change promised by the alternative. Dominant pedagogy isalways ableto accommo- date (and subordinate) alternatives in away that does not seriously disrupt its own authority. The work of decolonization requiresthat wechangetheterms of recognition. Bourdieu writes, "To changethe world, one hasto changetheways of making the world, that is, the vision of the world and the practical operations by which groups are produced and reproduced" (Language137).The crucial stakesof political struggle are the categories of perception and the systems of classificationand conceptualization- in other words, the words, names, and phrases-that construct the social world, the real existing world. In this view, we must fight phrases with phrases. PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 223 The successof decolonization depends, it seemsto me, on arecognition that the primary work of pedagogy ismore fundamental than the imposition of adominant framework of meanings. Its primary work isto organize an emotional world, to inculcate patterns of feelingthat support the legitimacyof dominant interests, patterns that are especially appropriate to gender, race, and classlocations. Pedagogy locates individuals objectively in a hierarchy of power relations; but also, and more importantly, it organizes their affective relations to that location, to their own condition of subordination, and to others in that hierarchical structure. Pedagogy binds each individual to the social world through acomplex and often contradictory affective life that remains, for the most part, just beyond the horizon of semantic availability, and its success depends on a mystification or misrecognition of this primary work. In particular, pedagogy provides and limits avocabulary of emotion and, especially to those in subordinate positions, it teaches an inability to adequately apprehend, name, and interpret their affective lives. This is its primary violence. Primary pedagogic work mystifies emotion as a personal and private matter and conceals the fact that emotions are prevailing forms of social life, that personal life always takes shape in social and cultural terms (Ferguson; Rosaldo; Lyman; Bartky, Femininity 83-98;Foucault 194). Decolonization and the struggle for social change must therefore take place at the primary level of emotion. The way in which dominant pedagogy organizes emotion may be under- stood in terms of Fer gus on's notion of systems of sex/affective production. Ferguson argues that historically there are diverse ways to organize, structure, and reproduce what she calls sex/ affective energy (or emotion) as asocial energy that is bodily lived (77-99). The main task of any society is to create the social desire to cooperate and unite with others and to organize this social energy by identifying the appropriate objects, aims, and persons for emotional attachments and by prohibiting others as legitimate loci of interest. The overall task of the dominant pedagogy of a given society, then, is to coordinate and maintain a system of sex/affective production with a regime of meaning and with an economic system of production. Dominant pedagogy provides acomplex system for the production of "goods" -that is, forms of recognized and legitimate affect, meaning, and value. Furthermore, what Alison Jaggar calls outlaw emotions-women's anger or worker rage, for example-are produced by dominant pedagogy, which views them as forms of insubordination, subject to retraining, because they are clues to suppressed social relations and may become resources for political resistance and social change (145-49). Legitimate and illegitimate (or appropriate and inappropriate) objects of affective attachment, in other words, are structurally or systemically related and, in prohibiting particular objects or persons aslegitimateattachments, asociety automatically invests them with greatvalueand interest-if only for their disciplinaryvalueinreproducing or policingauthorizeddistinetions. I want to focusfor amoment on the dominant pedagogyof emotion for American middle-class society, which includes an explicit teaching about emotion-in other words, what it makes availableat the semantic levelinthe way it theorizes the category 224]AC of emotion-and the more implicit education of emotion itself. Through itsexplicit teaching, dominant pedagogy historically has held emotion in a relation of opposition to reason and has masked the fact that emotion is, in Catherine Lutz's words, "a master cultural category" in the West, fundamental to the way we organize understanding and experience (54).This pedagogy mystifies emotion as a natural category and masks its role in a system of power relations that associates emotion with the irrational, the physical, the particular, the private, the feminine, and nonwhite others.' In linking emotion to such negatively valued categories, pedagogy deploys emotion to secure the ideological subordination of women and minorities. Lutz alsoshows that the pedagogy of emotion is more complicated than this: it teaches us to define and value the concept of emotion in a contradictory way-negatively, in terms of its opposition to reason and rationality (asthe core of the true self);and positively, in terms of its opposition to estrangement and disengagement from the world (55-59).Here dominant pedago gy invests emotio n with the autho rity to ensurethe authentic engagement of the true selfover and against estrangement andto provide motivation for taking moral positions and making ethical investments (76-80). 6 Pedagogy develops more specific ideologies of emotion that conceal the ways in which it makes emotion an object of cultivation. The positivist approach to emotion, for example-or what Elizabeth Spelman calls the" dumb" view because it silences emotion-restricts emotion to the realm of the body (to sensation, physical feelings, and involuntary bodily movements) where it re- mains apurely private and internal event. Positivism makes emotion indepen- dent of any object or meaning or intention, and it directs attention to the way in which emotion disrupts rational judgment, thoughts, and perceptions. In recent years, the cognitivist theory of emotion has provided an alternative to positivism and has made emotion the explicit and legitimate object of pedagogic work. Emotion, in this view, can be educated, reeducated, or miseducated according to what pedagogy expressly establishes asappropriate, reasonable, and justifiable (Spelman; Jaggar). If emotion is to be alegitimate object of pedagogic work, it must beprovidedwith cognitivecontent-in other words, itsreasons,objects, and intentions that can be known and judged. In this way, cognitivism permits something of arapprochement to occur between reasonandemotion, though it also maintains their essentialdistinction andresubmitsemotion to the authority of reason and the body to the direction of mind. The point here isthat cognitivism works indirectly on emotion, which remains" dumb," through reason {orthrough the meaning or content to which it is attached}. Neither cogniti vism nor positivism, however, unworks that odd bit of reasoning that historically has made members of subordinate groups allegedly more emotional (and "dumb" -irrational and therefore "stupid") than mem- bers of groups that aredominant politically, socially, and economically (Spelman 264). Their increased emotionality does not need reasons; it issimply given and justified by the structure of subordination. Cognitivism nevertheless capitalizes on the fact that those in subordinate positions can and must be taught, especially PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 225 in school andworkplace, that emotional responses(suchasanger, rage,or bitterness) are always inappropriate and unjustified personal responses-forms of emotional stupidity, soto speak, if not psychopathology-rather than suppressed social responses to the objective conditions of humiliation wrought by structures of subordination and exploitation. In general, the dominant pedagogy of emotion refuses the expression of anger by subordinates. More importantly, it schools anger to turn inward so asto become silent rage or passive bitterness, where the energy for political action can be derailed in the pathos of the personal (see Spelman 266; McFall 153; Lyman 68-72). It makes it almost impossible to see that sometimes and in some contexts activebitterness might be amove away from self-deception and hence not only a moral achievement but also a form of political insight because it more accurately apprehends thetrue source of injury and disappointment. For much of the twentieth century, anger (oritsprohibition) hasbeenthe target of workplace training and the effort to inculcate aproper emotional style for work (Stearns and Stearns; Stearns, "Anger"). Forms of pedagogic violence, developed through andauthorized by industrialpsychology, havesosuccessfullydisqualifiedthe legitimacyofworker angerthat by the 1960sit wassaidthat angerhadbeen eliminated from the workplace and no longer posed aproblem to productivity. Attention then shifted to the cultivation of empathy, friendliness, and consideration (through T- groups or sensitivitytraining) asanappropriate emotional styleforthe workplace. Yet the increasing incidence of workplace violence in the last decadesuggeststhat anger was not eliminated by the 1960s,asPeter and Carol Stearns contend, but that it has been driven deeper into silencewhere it festers into rage. The result: the number of workplace homocides hastripled in the last ten years. Positivism and cognitivism are two specific pedagogies, then, that support the general way dominant pedagogy understands emotion and organizes emo- tion-work by channelling it into appropriate and legitimate objects, aims, modes of expression, and stages-all of which are socially and historically produced and organized. While the workplace remains an important site for the education of emotion, the bourgeois model of the family has been the preferred instrument for the production and organization of emotion and the production of the kind of individuals whose affective organization best supports the social order needed by capitalism. The principal work of the family, in other words, is to transmit an affective orientation to authority, an orientation that changes with changes in the economic realm. Although the family has undergone dramatic changes, especially under the pressures of advanced capitalism, the role assigned to women in most social positions has not changed: they remain the primary nurturers and caretakers of men, children, and elders. Ferguson, among other theorists, argues that what I am calling the dominant pedagogy of capitalist patriarchy is astructure of exploitation that organizes the unequal exchange of emotion-work between men and women. The gendered imbalance in the provision of emotional support (which is a form of pedagogic violence) is a significant part of the gendered division of labor. This arrangement gives men 226JAC aprivileged position in the sphere of sex/ affective production, where women are required to produce more nurturance than they receive. And they are required to engage in more nurturing labor not only in the home but also in the workplace (see Schell). Sandra Bartky extends Ferguson's analysis to argue that this structure of unequal exchange disempowers women at the same time that it binds women to a conviction that their moral worth and epistemic power consists in their greater capacity for love and nurturance (Femininity 99-119).The ideology of nurturance, in short, isa key example of the mystificatoryviolenceofdominant pedagogy. More to the point here, the nurturing labor assignedto women arguablysetsthem up to bethe first objects of pedagogic violence on which all subsequent education is mapped. Primary pedagogic violence occurs in what Kristeva calls the crisis of abjection that founds meaning, identity, and value-not only for the individual but also at the social level. Kristeva regards abj ection as a universal psychological mechanism that operates to create the distinctions through which self-con- sciousness and culture (or the social) develop, but I see it as a way of understanding how social order is organized for the patriarchal domination of women by men. In Kristeva's view, each individual undergoes the violence of abjection at the time of his or her earliest attempt to break away from the mother and to establish boundaries as an autonomous ego. Abjection, she writes, is "a violent, clumsy breaking away, with the constant risk of falling back under the sway of apower assecuring asit isstifling" (powers13).That power isthe mother, and abjection serves to situate a first, fragile sense of place, before full subjectivity and objectivity emerge, upon which the psyche is built. The psyche is built on this primordial act of violence, and it is rocked by the ambivalence of attraction and repulsion, of fascination and terror, in its struggle for separation from the mother. The first fragileposition the future subject takes, then, isdefensive. The crisisof abjection isnot, preciselyspeaking, acrisisof identity but of position and location: the decisivequestion isnot "who amI?"but "where amI?"Beforethe subject is, it is abject and atopic (7-8). Through interaction with the mother, which isitsfirst contact with authority, the future subject learnsabout itsbody inaprocessKristevacallsthe "primal mapping of the body" (72).This isessentiallyan affectivemapping, or education, inwhich the future subject learns rudimentary emotional orientations that distinguish between "inside" and "outside," "clean" and "unclean," "good" and "bad," "proper" and "improper." Abjection is,then, akind ofemotional boundary-work. It isamechanism that works affectivelyto create asense of place, orientation, and, ultimately, asense of self. Abjection knots affect and judgment together and does its boundary-work especially through what we would call emotions of self-assessment, such aspride, shame, and guilt. Abjection is aprecondition of oedipalization, or the process of repudiating the maternal andof internalizing andidentifyingwith paternal authority. Kristevaargues that abjection and the repudiation of women and maternal authority arethe precondition for socialorder, the precondition of the subject's entry into the symbolic and the acquisition of language. Abjection sets in motion aprocess that Pedagogic Violence and the Schooling of Emotion 227 oedipalization completes: the primordial estrangement that haunts the future subject. The experience of emotion will offer the thread leading back to the maternal, or to the constellation of contradictory emotions the maternal signifies in apatriarchal symbolic economy: bliss and terror, euphoria and rage, desire and disgust ("Psychoanalysis" 316-17). Abjection and oedi palization provide a particular organization and education of emotion; they describe a violent movement from aworld without shame to aworld of shame and more violence. Shame, according Thomas Scheff and Suzanne Retzinger, isthe consequence of estrangement, or the loss of social bonds, and this loss is, in their view, the major cause of destructive violence of all kinds. They argue that shame leads to violence when it goes unacknowledged, silenced, and repressed. Silenced shame produces anger and rage that are then turned inward to destroy the selfor turned outward to destroy others (alsoseeBartky, "Pedagogy"). Abjection is continually restaged in a kind of psychic drama that maintains identity; asaconsequence, the subject remains in process and on trial, soto speak, and is always in danger of falling back into indifferentiation. Dominant pedagogy works reiteratively from the foundation of this initial affective mapping to continually educate emotion. It employs a regime of meaning that affectively identifies the abject with the experience of whatever disturbs identity, system, order-with whatever does not respect borders, positions, and rules (Kristeva, Powers4). Dominant pedagogy sets up an equation, at the level of meaning or signification, among the abject, emotion, the maternal (or the feminine), and the profane-all of which are made to signify a threat to established authority and thus are made the legitimate objects of repression, control, and consumption; or denial, rationalization, and rage. Historically, this equation isthen extended to include racialized others. There isnothing necessary, of course, in the organization of emotion through aprocess that begins with and sustains itself on the pedagogic violence of abjection and the repudiation of women and the maternal. Nancy Chodorow makes an important point about the emotional heritageofwomen's mothering asit isorganized in isolated nuclear familiesand single-mother familiesand inthe context of women's social and economic inequality. Her point pertains to the organization of emotion andthe education of gender personalities through adistinction between "positional" and "personal" identification processes (173-90).Women's mothering sets up an affectiveorganization in boys that requires that they not only giveup their primary identificationwith the maternal but that they alsodenythisprimary attachment. Their emotional education stresses differentiation from others and the repudiation of relationship and nurturance-and all things feminine. Boys learn proper gender identification negativelythrough arepudiation ofthe feminine andamovement from the personal (identification with the mother) to the impersonal and positional (identification with aspectsof the masculine role, especiallyeconomic power, rather than specific attributes of the absent or remote father). Gender education through positional identification breaks the tie between affectiveprocesses and gender role learning (175). 228]AC Women's mothering andnurturing labor setsup anaffectiveorganization ingirls based on personal identification with the mother, with her general personality, behavior, andvalues. In the processof personal identification, the affectiveprocesses and gender role learning are not severed. In girls, hostility toward the mother (the affectivememoryofabjeetion) tendsto bemore personallytiedto anindividual rather than generalized to all women asit is in masculine development. I want to extend Chodorow's argument here and saythat women's mothering and nurturing labor organizes in men anidentification (andpreoccupation) with position, with "where" asan authoritative answer to the question of "who." It tends to establish in women an identification (and preoccupation) with the authority of the personal, with the affective relation of "who" and "where." These preoccupations are reiterated throughout recent discourse-for example, in] arneson's pedagogy of "cognitive mapping," which foregrounds the role oftheory inproducingasense of position; and in Adrienne Rich's "politics of location," which emphasizes the sense of personal locatedness provided in feelings and the body. I will return to these two kinds of education below. Oedipalization-or the internalization and identification with an authority figure to which one isattached emotionally-is the specificway the patriarchal and bourgeois family produces individuals whose affective orientation to authority best supports the early period of capitalist development. With the development of capitalism and the corresponding changes in the social and cultural realm that are identified with postmodernism, the process of oedipalization is disrupted and it is argued that our affective lives are organized differently. InJ arneson's view, postmodernism constitutes "a whole new emotional ground tone"; in Pfeil's view, it isanew "structure of feeling." More specifically, postmodernism produces a subject who is variously described as de-oedipalized, narcissistic, feminized, lost, fragmented, and schizophrenic. The de-oedipalized subject is deeply ambivalent because it is locked in aperpetual crisis of abjection in which it oscillates between self-exaltation and dejection, between euphoria and hostil- ity or rage. With the loss of paternal authority in home and workplace and the consequent loss of oedipal struggle to fortify ego boundaries, the postmodern subject is also narcissistic, bored and apathetic, isolated by its possessive individualism, incapable of feeling solidarity with any social or cultural group, unable to feel truly connected in love or work or to make lasting emotional commitments (Lasch). Both de-oedipalization and narcissism are said to represent the feminization of the postmodern subject, achange that is described both positively and negatively. On the positive side, de-oedipalization produces achange in the social organization of emotion allowing for what MikeFeatherstone calls"controlled de-control," orthe greater range of emotional expression for both men and women (81).It alsoloosens the bonds of male domination and allows for the expressionoftheepistemic andethicalvisionofwomen, especiallyfiguredinterms of nurturance andreciprocity (pfeil,"Postmodernism"). De-oedipalizationcoincides with, and indeed authorizes, some of the progressive social movements of the last thirty years-in addition to feminism, the environmental movement, civilrights, and PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 229 gay rights. On the negative side, feminization isthe sentimental education of the postmodern subject who, on the other sideof boredom and apathy (asthe total defeat of alldesire),feelsitspower only infeelingtoo much or infeelingforthe sakeof feeling, in the absenceof the possibility of anything more significant. "It isnot that nothing matters," Lawrence Grossberg saysof the postmodern condition, "but that it doesn't matter what matters" ("Pedagogy" 108). To the extent that postmodernism constitutes awhole new emotional ground tone or a new structure of feeling, we would expect it to constitute a new pedagogy, one that breaks with the one I have discussed thus far. Yet postmodernism as historical reality and cultural dominant is arguably not a pedagogy at all, for it produces a mutation in the disposition of the subject and in the external world that makes impossible the kind of pedagogic work I have outlined above. In other words, this pedagogy, if we can call it that, does not bind the subject to its place in the social order through the organization of emotion. If it can be said to be a pedagogy, then postmodernism is a wild pedagogy; the subject it educates, awild subject. As such, it inculcates a kind of ultimate estrangement or dissolution from the structures that traditionally have supported both self and world. More specifically, the "waning of affect" isone of the defining features of this new epoch, afeature that Jameson correlates with the condition of alienation that coincides with the extension of commodity fetishism to the human subject. The waning of affect is the liberation from the structures of recognition that bind meaning to feeling. Jameson explains, "This is not to say that the cultural products of the postmodern era are utterly devoid of feeling, but rather that such feelings ... are now free-floating and impersonal, and tend to be dominated by a peculiar kind of euphoria" (64).Jameson's view suggests that the pedagogy of postmodernism offers an extreme version of the dumb view of emotion, where emotion no longer can have any appropriate objects, aims, or interests. Indeed, postmodernism would seem to provide for the decolonization of all feeling. For Jarneson, even the term emotion has lost all relevanceand has become obsolete with thedeconstruetion of the bourgeois egoand the modernist ideology of expression. Futhermore, a whole range of cultural experiencescorresponding to suchconceptsasanxietyandestrangement areno longer appropriate to the post modern world sincethere isno longer any selfto feelanxious, estranged, or even neurotic. This mutation in the subject corresponds to changes in the external world asa consequence of the penetration of capital into hitherto uncommodified areas- specifically,nature andthe unconscious. This latestdevelopment ofcapitalismcreates an utterly alienand alienatedobject world inwhich the subject cannot recognize the results of its own activity in the world and, asaconsequence, isunable to recognize the subjectivity of the other. The inability to recognize the subjectivity of the other, asJessicaBenjaminexplains, isanother aspect of the inability to recognize one's own subjectivity ("Authority" 41). Subjectivity and agencyaredenied to the other at the sametime they aredeniedto the self. Hence, the collapseof the demarcation between human and non-human in diverse forms of explicit violence isthe final lesson in the 230jAC pedagogyof postmodernism, whose symbolic violenceleavesnothing andno one exemptfromcommodification. 8 Thelogicthat sortspeopleintotwo legitimateforms, consumer andconsumed, isascrude asit appears:"eator beeaten," "commodify or die" (alsoseeBourdieu andPasseron 34-39). This wildpostmodern spacetranscendsthe capacitiesofthe individualhuman bodyto locateitself,to organizeitsimmediatesurroundingsperceptually,andto map itsposition cognitively.Jarnesonidentifiesthiswildpostmodern spacewiththe great globalmultinational anddecenteredcommunicational network. This isthe otherin the postmodern era,orthe postmodern experienceofthesublime. Confronting"the impossibletotalityofthecontemporaryworldsystem"-confronting an0 bjeetworld that rendersthe subjectwhollyinadequatepsychically,cognitively,perceptually,and physically-the postmodern subjectexperiencesthe intensitiesof euphoria, exhila- ration, apathy, andterror. For Jameson,thesechangesinthe subjectandobjectworld are both the moment of truth of postmodernism and the "demoralizing and depressing"situation of this newglobalspace. Driven by aneed to both affirmand intervene in this situation, he calls for a radical cultural politics, a pedagogy of cognitivemappingthat would return authority andagencyto the subject. Through the pedagogyofcognitivemapping,Jamesonclaims,"wemayagainbeginto graspour positioning asindividual and collective subjects and regain acapacity to act and strugglewhich isatpresent neutralizedby our spatialaswellasour socialconfusion" (92).Cognitivemappingprovidesspecificallyfor "thepracticalreconquest ofasenseof place,andthe constructionor reconstructionofanarticulatedensemblewhichcanbe retainedinmemory" (89;emphasisadded).Inother words,it providesaninternalized authority that allowsthe individualsubjectto locatehim-or herselfinrelationtowhat isradicallyother, inrelationto what disturbsidentity, position, andrule. Asaprocess ofintemalizingacritical orientation,itworkstotransformthesubjectintoarevolutionary agentwho willonceagainbeableto actandto struggletotransformthe world. Although postmodemistn mayconstituteawholenewemotional groundtone, much of] ameson'smappingofthe postmodern conditionseemsalltoo familiar.His postmodem subjectisauniversalsubject,apparentlyunmarkedby class,gender,and race(91).Thosewho havebeenotheredarelesslikelyto recognizethemselvesinthis post modern subject, for they are lesslikely to be lost in postmodern spacebut continually locatedandorientedaffectively bythe organizationof gender,race,and class.In my view.]ameson'spostmodern subjectismost likelyade-oedipalizedbut nonethelesspatriarchalsubject,amarginalizedwhite manwho haslosthiseconomic position andcultural authority andisrelativelydissatisfiedwith (or canbemadeto feeldissatisfiedwith) amore feminizedidentityasconsumer andconsumed. Forthis subject, emotion does not offer a resource for critical positioning or coalition- buildingbecause,giventhe power ofdominant pedagogy,emotion remainsreason's other. The pedagogyof cognitivemapping repressesanddiminishesemotion asan effectof alienationandasourceofpostmodern estrangement.Fromthisperspective, the reeducation of emotion will be achievedonly indirectly through the return of substantive reason andcritical consciousnessthat aloneofferthe capacityto hold a position in relation to the only ultimate object that remains-the maternal, figured PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 231 here asthe postmodern sublime, afiguremore terrifying than ever in its ability to disturb, confuse, andneutralize asenseof selfandagency.Jameson's revolutionary project provides for are-oedipalization (andaremasculinization) of the subject's relationto the symbolic(seePfeil,"Postmodernism" 395).Through the pedagogyof cognitivemapping, the postmodern subject ismeant to internalize the authority it needsto recapture aposition fromwhich to actandstrugglein aworld it once again recognizes and reconquers asits own. In this context, multiculturalist reforms to pedagogyappear to intervene inthe postmodern situation to recognizethe other's subjectivity and agencyhut may servemore effectivelyto reclaim agency for the historically privilegedsubject (white, male)who has most recently undergone an erosion of authority and lost asenseof placeandposition. Again, the danger isthat thesereformswillcommodifydifferenceinawaythat safeguardsthe privilegeofthose historically constituted assubjects(andaslegitimateconsumers). If ours isan agebesotted with asense of loss (ofauthority and position), then wilding should be remembered asauniquely postmodern expressionof pedagogic violence, one that may bestructurally linkedto the cult ofemotional restraint that Stearnscalls"Americancool"(American). Conceivedinboredom andapathy, which isthe utter defeatof alldesire,wildingmay bethe ultimate expressionof "cool" and the consequenceofthe kind ofpostmodern alienationthat marks the absolutelimit of meaning and feeling,the limit of the human. If it isdefinedby its lackof motive, then wilding would seemto possessno content to its message-no reason to it, no justice for it. From akind of post-positivist but nonetheless dumb view, wilding is perhaps the predictable formviolencetakeswhen meaningiscut loosefrom affect: free-floatingviolence,soto speak,anditsapparent randomnessmakesit seempurely anonymous and impersonal, evenunintentional in the senseof having no proper objector aim. Inthe waythe phenomenon isrepresentedanddefined,asecond, more symbolic violenceiscommitted. In other words, much ofthe lessonofwilding can bereadinthe gestureof abstractioncommittedinthewayit istakenup into discourse andcirculated. Assymbol or figure,wildingpositsadisjuncture betweenthe realand the symbolic,suggestingthat violencegonewildachievesapure or sublimeformthat ismadeespeciallyhorrificby itsrefusalto beunderstoodor explained.The definition ofwildingmasksthe originofthe phenomenoninthe othering practicesthat wecall gender,race,class,andsexualitythat stillmapthe postmodern topography. Gender, race,class,andsexualityarethe authorizedtropes that nameandmaskthe disfigured facesof hatred, bitterness, and ragethat the definition of wilding further mystifies. The symbolic transformation of wilding into arandom and unmotivated act of violence mystifies the fact that the phenomenon itself confirms the dominant pedagogyof emotion inwhich violencealwaysfindsits"appropriate" object in any audacious and insubordinate refusalof pedagogicwork, such asawoman jogging alone at night in apublic park or aVietnamesechildin carefreeplay at last. Kristeva reminds us that those besotted with archaicconflicts are alwaysvulnerable to the paranoid rageto dominate, to transform, andto annihilatewhat threatens position andrule iPouers 4).The questionthat haunts the wildsubjectisnot "who amI?"but "where amI?" 232JAC Rethinking Pedagogy [D]ecolonization is always a violent phenomenon. At whatever level we study it ... decolonization is quite simply the replacing of a certain "species" of men by another "species" of men. Franz Fanon IntheU.S.,teachinghasbeenwomen'swork sinceatleastthelate-nineteenthcentury when agendereddivisionof labor wasestablishedto securehigher status adminis- trativepositionsfor menandto placewomeninlow-paying,labor-intensiveteaching jobs (Gorelick). This gendered division of labor is reiterated in the distinction betweenscholarshipandteaching,adistinctionthat associatesscholarshipandtheory with productivelabor andassignsit amasculinepositionandthat associatesteaching with reproductivelaborandassignsit afeminineposition(seeScholes;Watkins).This division of labor also correlates with the distinction between the two sensesof pedagogythat investsone formofpedagogywith the productivepower to organize awayoflifeandgivestheother (intheformofeducationalideologiesor instructional methods)onlyareproductiverole. Thisseriesofdistinctionslocatessomeofthekinds of questions that need to be asked of the recent pedagogical turn which, not incidentally,hasbeendriveninlargepart bymaleintellectuals.Willradicalpedagogy unwittinglysustainthegenderingofthesecategoriesbysymbolicallyremasculinizing pedagogyandmateriallyremarginalizingwomenintraditionalroles?Willit work to produce anewaffectivelifeforthecontemporaryperiodor extendthedominanceof an old one and thereby remystify pedagogicviolence? Isthe euphoriaof some of radicalpedagogy'scentral claims-to enlighten,empower, andemancipate-struc- turally related to the rageexpressedin pedagogicviolence? In other words, are euphoria inthe classroomandrageinthe streetsproducts ofthe samepedagogyand, ifso, isradicalpedagogy(orat leastsomeinstancesof it) asymptom rather than the cure for our cultural pathology? These questions, though they cannot be fully answeredhere, aremotivatedby aconcernthat radicalpedagogywilltakeaposition inthe reconstructionofpoliticallifethat willwork againstitsexplicitclaimsandgoals," To considersomeofthesequestions,Ifirstneedto maptheterritory to whichI refer. Radical pedagogy referstoanynumberofdifferent kindsofoppositional pedagogies- poststructuralist,psychoanalytic,Marxist,critical,feminist,postmodernist, andeven sub-categorieswithin eachof these-that areofferedasalternativesto the dominant pedagogy. Giventhisvariety,Iwant to quicklyorganizethe fieldwith adistinction, borrowed from Morton and Zavarzadeh, between two approaches: pedagogies alignedwith criticalculturalstudiesandpedagogiesalignedwith experientialcultural studies.to In reconceiving pedagogy in the broadest terms available, these two approacheshavemuchincommon, but the distinctionbetweenthemturns onwhat each identifies asits principal object of critique: critical cultural studies seeksto unwork the power Iknowledge relation that producesthe objectiveconditions of domination andexploitation; experientialcultural studiesfocuseson experienceas the medium through which the conditions of domination andsubordination are articulatedandresisted. Bothseekto empower the pedagogicalsubjectby creating Pedagogic Violence and the Schooling of Emotion 233 in students acritical position in relation to the authority of those objective conditions and to the authority of experience. In other words, they both emphasize and authorize the political importance of positional identification and thus may be said to be remasculinizing the pedagogical subject. For the sake of clarity, and to use the term each employs to identify itself, I will refer to the former as"postmodern" pedagogy and to the latter as "critical pedagogy" in the following very general, and all too cursory, observations. 11 Through the languageof critique and the rhetoric of empowerment, both critical pedagogy and postmodern pedagogy arguably seekto change the emotional consti- tution of the postmodern subject so asto produce either ademocratic citizen who participates fully in public life or, more radically, a revolutionary subject who is capable of the kind of political struggle that will transform the world. Yet, in both discourses, emotion isavague figure, present but alsoabsent in some substantial sense. Emotion appears asaphantom limb, soto speak, more nearly felt than precisely seen, and thus it remains undertheorized and mystified in many important respects. More to the point, its mode of existence inpedagogical discourse (asaphantom limb) isitself an effect of the phenomenon I seek to describe in this paper. That the vocabulary of emotion in pedagogical discourse might be rather limited should not be particularly surprising, but it should be read asasign that critical and postmodern pedagogies still operate within the closure set by dominant pedagogy. Critical pedagogy, unlike post modern pedagogy, develops an explicit discourse on emotion where it refashions but does not break significantly with the dominant pedagogy of emotion." Critical pedagogy approaches emotion along the lines suggested by both the cognitivist and the positivist view, though necessarily politi- cized (sort of) forthe contemporary context. Critical educators placeemotion within an economy of meaning that contrasts emotion and meaning (or reason) and emotion anddisempowerment, which arguably isthe postmodern figure for alienation and estrangement. They separate emotion from meaning, empty it of content, and relate it specifically to the body. In other words, they smuggle in a rather traditional pedagogy of emotion, though one that is more closely tuned to the postmodern situation. Their discomfort with the category of emotion and its potential reception in theoretical discourse isevident in this statement from Giroux and Simon: "[W]e are not trying to privilege the body or apolitics of affectiveinvestments over discourse somuch aswe aretrying to emphasize their absencein previous theorizing for acritical pedagogy" ("Popular" 16). Following Grossberg, critical educators distinguish between the affectiveand semantic planes of experience and discourse, where emotion pertains to the intensity or desire with which we invest the world and our relations to it with meaning ("Postmodernity"). The distinction between affect and meaning (or ideology) simply reformulates the distinction between emotion and reason, and while emotion is not negatively valued in an explicit way, it retains its subordinate status. From this perspective, the pedagogical problem in the era of the postmodern isto place emotion, which has been severedfrom meaning, at the disposal of meaning once again and thereby produce affectiveinvestments in forms of knowledge that will leadto empowerment and emancipation. If, asGrossberg says, it isnot that nothing 234JAC matters but that it does not matter what matters, then the pedagogical problem isto link emotion and meaning in a way that provides orientation and a sense of commitment to social change. In developing a discourse on emotion, critical pedagogy has focused almost exclusive attention on pleasure and desire. This focus isafunction of the attention given to popular culture and its manufacture of pleasure. It is also part of the affirmative stance that critical pedagogy takes in relation to students who "not only unwittingly consent to domination but sometimes find pleasurable the form and content through which such domination ismanifested" (Giroux and McLaren 169). With attention focused on knowledge and its relation to "the politics of pleasure, the typography of the body, and the production of desire," the discourse of critical pedagogy moves constantly from making a general claim about emotion to a specific reference to pleasure or desire, as if the emotional constitution of the student were described entirely by these two figures (also see Ebert, "Red Pedagogy"). This interest may be explained by the focus on popular culture and the everyday, but the overall effect isto seriously limit the discourse of emotion. A similar limitation occurs in the way that critical pedagogy understands the nature of what Giroux and Grossberg call affective struggle. For example, critical pedagogy sees affective struggle in terms of empowerment rather than resistance. Giroux and McLaren quote Grossbergto make the point: "Affectivestrugglescannot be conceptualized within the terms of theories of resistance, for their oppositional quality isconstituted, not in anegative dialectics, but by aproject of or struggle over empowerment, an empowerment which energizes and connects specific social moments, practices and subject positions" (170).Giroux and McLaren goon to say that resistance must be understood asaway of gaining power. Resistance, asasign of affective investment, isread positively asasign of engagement with other forms of knowledge outside school culture as well as a sign of political and social disempowerment. This viewof the affectivestrugglefor empowerment expressesthe affirmative stance of critical pedagogy, astancethat recognizes in students' resistance their affective investments in popular cultural experience and know ledges. The job of the educator isto understand this investment, evenbetter than students understand it, and to harness itspotential for engagingstudents in andempowering them through self-criticism and cultural critique. Yet this view of the nature of affective struggle isnot sufficiently nuanced, it seemsto me, and it may be reductive in two ways. First, it does not recognize, or perhaps it misrecognizes, the fact that the work of the dominant pedagogy of emotion has given affective struggle anegative moment, its moment of pure resistance and repudiation. Our earliest affectivestruggle requires that we pass through a negative moment (actually, a series of such moments) of resistance and repudiation in which resistance clears the ground, so to speak, for an initial defensiveposition from which to beginto constitute identity and existence. In ignoring this moment, critical educators misrecognize the dynamics of struggle imposed by dominant pedagogyand arelikelyto misreadtheir students' affectivelives. Without wanting to sound glib, I would suggestthat in the pedagogical relationship what sounds like "no" may in fact constitute a"no." It might alsosound like anger, PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 235 hostility, or apathy-not pleasureandinvestment inpopular cultural forms. Also noteworthy here isthe factthat the affectivestrugglefor empowerment placesthe teacherinthe rather traditional patriarchalroleasthe signofpower andthe agentof empowerment,astheonewhohasthepowerto knowstudentsbetterthantheyknow themselvesandto transform their relationto the world (seealsoGore; Weiler). Second,initsdevelopmentofanaffirmativepedagogyofempowerment, critical pedagogy does not seem to require a particularly nuanced understanding of disempowermentbeyonditsoriginandperpetuationintheideological mystifications ofrace,class,andgender. (Thisistrue ofpostmodernpedagogyaswelL)Specifically, it does not read the many different faces of disempowerment-in particular, disempowerment asboredom, apathy, bitterness, hatred, anger, rage,generosity, nostalgia,euphoria,sorrow,humiliation,guilt,andshame,orthe waystheseemotions areorgannizedandpracticeddifferentlyacrossdifferencesof race,class,gender,age, andsexuality. Beyondaconsideration of afewof the familiartropes (particularly pleasureanddesire),criticaldiscoursedoesnot apprehenditsown limitation of the discourse of emotion-that is, what it places beyond the horizon of semantic availability.Inthisrespect,criticalpedagogyfailsto besufficientlycritical;it doesnot carefullyconsider,through asubtlyarticulateddiscourseofemotion, how students havebeentaught to nametheir affectivelives,howthey might beginthe processof renamingandrephrasing.Criticalpedagogydoesnot makeemotionandaffectivelife the crucial stakes in political struggle. With its rhetoric focusedon pleasure and empowerment, critical pedagogyworks against itself to remystify not only the objectiveconditions ofhuman sufferingbut alsothe variedexperienceof suffering. From the perspective of postmodern pedagogy, critical pedagogy reduces exploitation to the experienceof exploitation andrepressesthe objectivelogicof domination by privilegingthe localsiteoftheexperienceofthe dominated. Morton and Zavarzadeh suggest that a focus on experience depoliticizes cultural work preciselyat atimewhenweneedto depersonalizeexperienceto analyzedomination asaglobalstrategy. In contrast to criticalpedagogy,postmodern pedagogypursues what it considersto be arigorous critique anddemystification of the structures of authority,includingtheauthorityofexperience.Inparticular,thispedagogyexamines dominant discourseandthe way it situatespeople at "posts of intelligibility from which the reigning economic, political, and ideological social arrangements are deemedto beuncontestablytrue"(MortonandZavarzedeh,"Preface"vii).Dominant discourseheremeansliberalhumanism,andpostmodempedagogy,atleastasMorton andZavarzadehdevelopit, focusesitseffort on the displacementof the traditional humanisticsubjectanditsposture ofunthinking 0 bedienceto authority-whether that authority isthe text, the tradition, orthe teacher (seeStrickland). Thespecificwaythisdisplacementoccursisthroughthefigureoftheteacherwho takesanadversarialroleinrelationto the student. Theconfrontational teacherseeks to depersonalize the student' sunderstanding of him- or herself andthe world by showinghowthe student's "ideasandpositionsarethe effectsoflargerdiscourses{of class,race,andgender,forexample),ratherthansimple,naturalmanifestationsofthis consicousnessor mind" (MortonandZavarzadeh,"Theory" 11-12).The goalofsuch 236JAC anadversarialrelationisto developinthe student acriticalpositionthat neverdefers obliginglyto anyauthority and,most immediately,the authority oftheteacherand other students. Practically,this maytakethe formofthe polarization ofclassroom dynamicswhere students andteacher alikewrite position papersthat argueagainst (even"attack") other positions presented inthe course (Strickland). Morton and Zavarzadehcontinue:"Havingdenaturalizedhimself,suchapartisansubjectwillsee the arbitrariness of allthe seeminglynatural meaningsandcultural organizations basedon them" (12).The ideahereisto createanalternativepedagogythat doesnot consolidateinto anewnorm becauseit isarelentlesscritiqueofauthority andinvites students into the gameof power/knowledge. What this approach doesnot fully acknowledgeisthat students havealreadylearnedthe dominant pedagogy,which radical pedagogy then suggestsispurely arbitrary. It alsodoes not consider the distinction between the demystification of authority and the dispossession (or decolonization) of its effects. Demystification operates at the levelof meaning; dispossessionor decolonization, at the levelof both meaningandaffect. Through demystification,the postmodern pedagogicalsubjectmayintellectuallyunderstand the arbitrarinessofdominant culture-for example,the arbitrarinessoftheteacher's authority or of the patriarchal or racist psyche-but intellectually graspingthe arbitrariness of away of lifedoesnot then leadnaturally or simplyto the power to changeit (seeBartky,Femininity45-62). In demandingaconfrontational andadversarialrelation betweenteacher and student, especiallyas"theonlywayto achieveanintellectually responsiblepedagogy," postmodern pedagogymaysuccessfullydemystifyauthority andgivestudentsaway to achieveapractical reconquest of asenseof placeandposition (Strickland294; emphasis added). But it alsotriangulates the pedagogicalsituation and givesthe teacherthe authoritytostagethekindofoedipalconflictthat thede-oedipalizedfamily andpostmodernsocietynolongerprovide.Theauthoritythat hasbecomedisembod- iedandabstractasaconsequenceofthe bureaucratizationofpostmodern spaceisre- embodied inthe (impersonal)figureofthe teacher. The teacher activelyconfronts the student who isrequiredto takeapositionanddefendit. Inwhat criticaltheorists havecalledaworld without fathers, postmodern pedagogyoffersthe conflict and critiqueneededfor internalizingauthority which, accordingto classicalpsychoana- lytic theory and critical theory, is the only basisfor the subsequent rejection of authority andfor politicalaction(Benjamin,"Authority"). Thisagonisticpedagogy offersare-oedipalizationofemotionthat requiresaconsciousdenialoftheexperience offearinthepresenceoftheteacherwho is,allposturingaside,stillanauthorityfigure. It requires areassertion of the dominance of emotions of self-assessment,such as pride, guilt, andshame,andit requiressubmissionto the constant examinationand assessmentofindividualadequacy. Shameisakeyinstrument ofthispedagogy,asit isinwhat I havecalleddominant pedagogy,for asthe student strugglesto articulate acriticaloppositionalpositionanddefendit, thestudentwillmeethisor her "betters" inthe figureoftheteacher,ifnot inother students(alsoseeBartky, "Pedagogy").The demoralizedpostmodern subjectis,ineffect,re-moralizedandcapableof differen- tiatingthe goodfromthe bad. In general,theturn to pedagogymight beread,at least PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 237 in part, as aform of crisis intervention and management in the postmodern age; it suggests that what isneeded isakind of psychodrama in which the radical educato r stagesan affectiverelation to the wildness of postmodernism. In my view, the recent fascination with the pedagogical, at least in some quarters, may have asmuch to do with meeting the needs of (white, male) intellectuals for a sense of position and authority aswith addressing the needs of students. Statedplainly, I readthe recent interest in pedagogy inliterary andcultural studies at least in part as an expression of a crisis of (white) masculinity that coincides with postmodernity and late capitalism. In TheHeartso/Men,Barbara Ehrenreich offers ahistory of this crisis, which begins in the 1960sand 70s with amale revolt against what has been calledthe breadwinner ethic. Shereads this revolt ambivalently (asdo I) as a childish flight from responsibility, as an effort to legitimate a consumerist personality for men, and as a libertarian movement that parallels the women's movement and other progressive social movements associated with the New Left (171). The pedagogical turn in the academic humanities may be part of this history. It may be an expression of a (white) masculinist subject's recommitment to the social order, of his effort to reconquerthesocialorder and replacethe breadwinner ethic and consumerist personality with arevolutionary ethos. And ifthis pedagogical subject reconquers a sense of place and position, the question remains whether or not the reinvestment in pedagogy will significantly alter prevailing patterns of feeling organized by gender, race, and class. In this context of crisis and management, feminist pedagogies of maternal nurturance offer no escapefrom the recolonization of the postmodern imaginary and little hope for real resistance to the process of re-oedipalization. Feminist pedagogies of nurturance, we must remember, receivetheir pedagogicauthority from adominant discourse that sets up the ideology of nurturance and its gender duality. Pedagogies of nurturancework alongside (often cheerfully) radical pedagogies of critique and confrontation to reproduce and reauthorize the affective relations typical of the middle-class nuclear family and thus constitute the latest version of the family- education couple. Here the feminist mother-teacher provides apersonal education, and the postmodern teacher triangulates the pedagogical relation to produce a positional education. This new situation, still charged with archaic conflicts, resubmits women to the disempowering effectsof nurturing and to the hostility of pedagogical subjects who are schooled to recognize the prevailing authority of position in ahighly stratified society. This view runs contrary, of course, to the claims made by feminists engaged in developing the political significanceof nurturance. In "The Politics ofN urturance," for example, Margo Culley andher coauthors join with many other feministsworking in the areas of epistemology and ethics to make broad claims forthe importance of the maternal (idealized asmetaphor and experience) not only in reconstructing the pedagogical relation inthe classroom but alsoin replacing the fundamental structures of patriarchy with a new pedagogy that protects and promotes the welfare of all. Specifically, the authors of "The Politics ofNurturance" argue that nurturance isthe topos that will alter the fundamental construction of gender in our culture, that 238]AC it will "heal" the cultural split between mother and father (or, more accurately, maternal authority and paternal authority), and that it will "heal" the existential, ethical, and epistemic fragmentation causedby capitalism and patriarchy . Women intellectuals in the academy do this important work, they argue, by virtue of their contradictory position in aculture that separates the role of nurturer from the role of intellectual and makes these roles gender-specific. They argue that the fusion of these roles in the woman intellectual produces the powerto create changes in what I have calleddominant pedagogy . Yet this ismore nearly adualism than afusion, for the pedagogic authority of women intellectuals devolves from their role as the "fathers," who are the "word-givers" and "truth-sayers," at the same time that they bring to the classroom their inscription in the symbolic as"mothers," asnurturers and caretakers. This contradictory position elicits a "highly charged" affective response from students, andwhile these authors focuson women students for whom this pedagogical relation isareturn to the pre-oedipal mother/daughter configura- tion, psychoanalytic theory suggests (and my own experience confirms) that this pedagogy can elicit an equally volatile affective response from male students. "Powerlessness, rage, and guilt conflate with longing, love, and dependency," these authors write, "just when our students are confronted by a woman professor, purveying at the sametime the maternal breast and the authoritative word" (16).The classroom becomes a transferential space for reliving pre-oedipal and oedipal emotions but, asthese authors seeit, in away that allows new patterns to emerge (17; seealsoGrumet). Furthermore, this "intrusion/infusion of emotionality" into the classroom provides the occasion for the reconstruction of knowledge and ethics through the fusion of affect and intellect. From this perspective, the feminist classroomisthe locusdesperatusfor reenacting and transforming, through the emotional labor of the feminist teacher, "threatening and joyous psychic events" and thus offers the best chance to reformulate our relationship to others, to knowledge, and to the world (17).Feminism, accordingly, must "assert that itsproject isnotto abandon thefemininestandpoint, but to insert its best qualities into history" (18;emphasis added). Again, maternal nurturance and care are considered the best qualities of this standpoint, and akey placeto insert them into history isthe feminist classroom. From my perspective, however, nurturance is, at this time, animpossible toposfor the feminist teacher, onethat simplyresubmits women intellectuals to the pedagogic authority of dominant discourses that sets up the ideology of nurturance forthe benefit of men and at the expenseof women. This kind of feminist classroom makes women responsible in their professional lives forthe emotional labor of "tending wounds and feedingegos,"to useBartky' sapt phrase for describing women's traditional role, andwe must remember that this isunpaid labor that isexpropriated from women. 13 For nurturance to operate politically toward the ends outlined above, it must be entirely reconstructed and, along with it, somust the sex/ affective system that sustains and justifies pedagogic violence of all kinds. The symbolic reconstruction of nurturance will require, at minimum, an understanding that the development of individual identity need not require (or posit) an originary oneness with the mother (or caretaker) and abjection asthe mechanism PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 239 for creating and sustaining boundaries-for defendingagainstthe overwhelming desirefor andfearof reabsorption into astateof indifferentiationassociatedwith the maternal. Neither willit focussoexclusivelyon theintrapsychicworldofthe subject and the way in which the subject incorporates and expels, identifies with and repudiatesthe caretaker-as-other,not asarealbeing,but asamental 0 bject. Nor will it privilegeautonomy, separateness,andpositionasthe principal goalsofthe psychic strugglefor identity andauthority. In TheBondsofl.ooe,JessicaBenjaminsuggestsa differentconceptualizationofthe formation of individualidentity basedon the idea ofintersubjectivityandtheprocessofmutualrecognition.Shearguesthat subjectivity emergesinaninteraction with significantothers andthrough aparadoxicalprocess of balancingthe needfor self-assertionandautonomy with the needfor connection andrecognition. In her view,theories (suchasKristeva's)that posit anoriginal state ofonenessandsymbiosisthat must beresistedandrepudiateddistort our understand- ingof individuation. Earlyinfancystudiesshowthat fromthe beginningthe child's interestinthe externalworld alternateswith absorption ininternal rhythms. Before consciousnessof difference,andbecauseofprevailingwoman-centered parenting/ caretakingstyles,the childaffictivelyassociatesthe excitement anddifferenceof the externalworldwiththefatherandthesafebut dangerousinnerworldwiththe mother who regulatesthe emotional lifeof the childby satisfyingor thwarting basicneeds. Thefatherisidealizedandhisauthority internalizedbecauseherepresentsthe external world andthewayintothat world. What the childwantsaboveallisrecognitionthat he or she is an agent who can make things happen in the external world. The recognition necessaryfor individuation canonly come from one whom the child recognizesassubjectandagent. Benjaminstressesthat mutual recognition asaform of emotional attunernent, andthe basicform of socialbonding on which allother bonding isbuilt, isagoalthat isasimportant to the formation of selfasseparation andautonomy. Ideally,theworld"recognizes"thechildassubjectandagent;thechild becomessubjectandagentinaworldthat isresponsiveto hisor her needsandactions. Whileindividuationmayideallyrequiretwo subjectsininteractionwith oneanother, therealexistingworlddoesnot offeraneconomybasedon recognitionandmutuality. Women areenlistedandexploited asnurturers in asocietythat does not recognize this labor aslabor, asthe most necessarylabor ifthe socialisto exist. Moreover, it doesnot confer onwomen andracializedothersthe statusoffullpsychic,economic, social,or politicalsubjectsandagents.Dominant pedagogyrequiresthat women seek recognitionofthemselvesassubjectsandagentsthrough emotion-work andnurtur- inglabor but inasystemthat withholds recognitionofthe necessityandvalueof this work. Maria Miescallsthis situation "superexploitation" (48).It isasystemthat calculatedto ensurethat women arethe" appropriate"targetsoffurther violence,real andsymbolic. The failureof mutual recognition-the lossof socialbonds that leadsto shame {understoodasasenseof personal inadequacy)-promotes apremature formation of adefensiveboundary between insideandoutside. It fostersanintensification of the desirefor omnipotence andof the expressionof narcissisticrage. At the social level,the failureof mutual recognitiontakesthe formofrelationsofexploitation and 240jAC domination. Ahierarchicalsocialorder isnothingmorethan anefficientarrangement for doling out what Sennett and Cobb call badges of recognition and unequally distributingtokensofhumandignity.WhenPatrickPurdy walkedontothat Stockton schoolyard at midday recess,aschoolyard he himself played on asachild, he was arguablyactingout the kind ofomnipotence andragethat resultsfromthe failureof mutual recognition and athwarted senseof agency(seeBenjamin70;Miller 30-48). Likewise,the survivingchildren alsosought to reclaimasenseof agencyby revising the event through a make-believe game that restored their power. That Purdy misrecognized the children asthe enemy, asthe source of injury to his dignity, is significant.NewsreportscomparedPurdytoRamboandremarkedthat becausemany of the children were Vietnamese, his actions should be read asan effort to settle America's political scorewith Vietnam (seealsoSchneiderman59-99).Perhaps his wasanother dementedexpressionofrugged(white)masculinityattemptingto reclaim a sense of position and agency and thereby to remasculinize the postmodern wild(er)nessandreassertdominanceoverwomen, children,andracializedothers (see Jeffords). Ifso,then surelyit must betime, asPfeilsuggests,to endacollectivesilence and"togetupthe strengthandwisdomto call[our]foremostenemyby itsright name, corporate capitalism,the enclaveofthose(largely) whitemenwho reallyown the field and call the shots" ("Sympathy" 124). Yet the odds areagainst any successhere, if for no other reasonthan that too many anonymous (white)menwant to maintain a beliefinasystemthat givesthemthe advantage.The sex!affectiveproduction system ofcorporate capitalism(orthe dominant pedagogyofemotion)ensuresthecontinued misrecognition of the enemy, the source of injury andcauseof violence. It ensures the continuedmisrecognitionofincidentsofgoingpostalasthepathologicalor purely criminal behavior of isolated and disaffectedindividuals. And yet the dramatic increaseinthe number ofincidentsofworkplaceandschoolviolenceinthe lastdecade (eveninthe lastyear) demands another explanation. The challengeforradicaleducators(feminist,critical,postmodem) isto offerthat explanation. The intersubjectivemodel givesrecent pedagogicaldiscourseawayto begin to rethink its goalsof returning agencyto the subject andof recognizing the other assubject and agent-that is, an alternative to the postmodern pedagogyfor the reconquestoftheexternalworld, orwhat isradicallyother. Without afundamental revision in our conception of subjectivity and of our affectiverelationship to the world, theradicalpotentialofrecentpedagogyto reconstituteour emotionallivesmay be re-contained, in spite of its best intentions and the euphoria of its claims, as a strategy of condescension. Bourdieu points out that condescension occurs in situations inwhich agentsoccupying ahigher symbolic position (byvirtue of race, class,gender,or education, for example)denythe social(and,Iwould say,emotional) distancebetween them andthose to whom andforwhom they speak(InOther127- 28). This distance does not ceaseto exist simply becauseit issymbolically denied through claims of identification and recognition. Rather, the purely symbolic negationofdistanceensuresthat the profitsofrecognitionanddistinctionwill confer the status of somebodiness on self-styledradical agents but without necessarily producing significant structural change inthe social conditions of those who are PedagogicViolenceand the Schoolingof Emotion 241 subordinated. If radical pedagogy operates in this manner, its condescension might be the unfortunate result of a misrecognition of the kind of work required for decolonization, or it might be symptomatic of apredictable (andperhaps historically inescapable) ambivalence toward decolonization. In any event, strategies of conde- scension always appear otherwise than asinstances of pedagogicviolence concealing the power relations that are the condition of possibility for so-called radical alternatives and fortheir alleged success." UniversityofWlSConsin,Milwaukee Milwaukee, Wzsconsin Notes 'See Time(Dec. 1989}and NewYorkTimes(9Dec. 1989}for typical reports of this incident. See also Cameron and Frazer on gender issues in mass murder. 2See Newsweek(30Jan. 1989)for a typical report of the Stockton assault. Goleman discusses Purdy, the rage that led to such violence, and the game the children created in its aftermath (200-01, 208-09). 3After the initial news report on the Central Park rape, which tended to downplay the issue of gender and race, anumber of editorials called into question the mystification around the phenomenon of wilding. See,for example, Pogrebin, Krauthammer, and Zuckerman. "Foramore global perspective on domestic violence and an illuminating discussion ofthe political economy of dowry murder in India, seeMies. 5Dyeris particularly helpful inclarifyingthe ways inwhich emotion andemotional expression have been racialized. 'Feminist work on morality and ethics often focuses on the role of emotion. N oddings, for example, basesan ethic of caring on the priority of what she callssentiment or feeling, and distinguishes natural sentiment (which isexperienced in the caring relationship established between mother-child) and ethical sentiment (which isthe memory of natural feeling and the basis for ethical action) (see79- 103). The ethical ideal driving this view is not an abstract principle or rule of right action but maintenance of the caring relation, both care forthe other and care for the self. Ethics, in her view, does not focus on the problem of justification and justified action but on the issue of our obligation to maintain caring relations. 7Interestingly, this shift to amore personal style coincides with the entrance of many more women into the labor force. Perhaps sexual harassment, which surfaced finally, asan issue, in the 1980s,should be understood in the context of this history of workplace emotion . Specifically, I am suggesting that dominant pedagogy authorizes a style of work emotion that cultivates the conditions for sexual harassment to occur with greater frequency and for harrassment to be misrecognized and tolerated by training women workers to accept amore personal and friendly style. Tothe extent that anger has been eliminated from the workp lace,the victim of sexual harassment issubject to asecondary violence that may short-circuit or censor her anger as alegitimate response to violation. 8The pervasiveness of commodification does not nullify the hierarchy that renders women, children, and people of color the preferred objects ofconsumption. Here the filmTheSilencecftbe Lambs is especially instructive as a parable of the patriarchal psyche of postmodern America and illustrates many of the issuesI deal with in this essay. Of particular interest isthe pedagogical relation established, on the one hand, between F.B.I. trainee Clarice Starling and her mentor.] ack Crawford, and on the other, between Clarice and the serial killer, Hannibal "the Cannibal" Lecter. Clarice is positioned between two fathers, the good father and the bad, both of whom feed off the emotion she is made to confess. This film is also relevant in the way it treats skin as asignifier of difference and a commodity in postmodern America. A reading of the film appears in my article "Reading Wild, Seriously." "Gore also focuses on the "overly optimistic" claims of recent pedagogical discourse, especially its claim to empower students. On the subject of violence and pedagogy, seeLewis. 10Morton and Zavarzadeh identify Jameson with critical cultural studies, and Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson with experiential cultural studies ("Theory" 23-29). They also associate Janice 242]AC Radway and Teresa de Lauretis with the experientialists. They want to suggest, through this distinction, that a focus on personal experience depoliticizes cultural work precisely at a time when we need to depersonalize experience to analyze the objective conditions of existence. Morton and Zavarzadeh say these two approaches to cultural studies and to pedagogy are necessarily in competition. My own treatment of pedagogic violence in the second section of this paper recognizes that we need both a critique of the objective conditions of domination and aphenomenology of the forms in which we live and experience domination and oppression. Merged in this manner, these two approaches to cultural analysis and pedagogy constitute what I call a political phenomenology. See Bartky (Femininity)and Lyman who also recommend apolitical phenomenology of emotion. 1"This nomenclature is bound to be confusing in light of the fact that critical pedagogy has begun to engage the discourse on postmodernism and to move away from its commitment to a modernist agenda and consequently has begun to call itself a postmodern pedagogy. See Giroux and Simon; Aronowitz and Giroux; and Giroux. 12Morton and Zavarzadeh recognize that emotion constitutes a "frame of intelligibility" on apar with ideas and texts, but they make no specific effort to develop a discourse on emotion. I see their relative inattention to emotion asa participation in the dominant tradition that continues to marginalize this category of existence and instead privileges reason. "This highly charged classroom sets women up to be the targets of violence and harassment. For example, several years ago a student offered this crude assessment of my teaching: "A good teacher but she has invisible tits." The hostility expressed in this statement, the way in which it retaliates against (perhaps even repudiates) authority through objectification, suggeststhat women teachers always labor under the obligation to provide the (maternal) breast. Nurturance, in other words, is an obligation for women who live and labor in an economy that recognizes them only as providers of an all too often sexualized nurturance. "This paper is a revised and expanded version of "Emotion and Pedagogic Violence," which appears in Discourse15.2 (1993): 119-48. Research for the earlier article was supported by a fellowship at the Center for Twentieth Century Studies, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. I thank Shelley Circle and Gary Olson fortheir careful reading of this revision. Works Cited Aronowitz, Stanley, and Henry A. Giroux. PostmodernEducation: Politics, Culture, andSocial Criticism. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1991. Bartky, Sandra. "The Pedagogy of Shame. " FeminismsandPedagogies o/Everyday Lift. Ed. 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