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Administration & Leadership
Educational Management
DOI: 10.1177/1741143206065271
2006; 34; 385 Educational Management Administration Leadership
Tristan Bunnell
Schools
Managing the Role Stress of Public Relations Practitioners in International
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385
Managing the Role Stress of Public Relations
Practitioners in International Schools
Tristan Bunnell
AB S T R ACT
This article examines the diverse role and work of public relations practitioners in the
growing body of international schools. It examines evidence of role stress in the form
of the subsets of role overload, role ambiguity, role conict and role preparedness.
Three particular aspects were identied. The role seems prone to change alongside the
sudden and unplanned development of the school. An organizational culture of an
informal, isolationist and highly individualistic nature seems to exist. The character of
personality also seems to be a factor. Possible strategies for managing role stress are
then discussed. The overall list of tasks might be cut, and some tasks delegated. A more
detailed job description within a planned framework could be produced. A
restructuring process within the school might simplify role diversication. These
strategies seem to provide a forum for research and partnership for the newly
emerging Alliance for International Education.
K E Y WOR DS alliance, contracting out, identity dynamics, restructuring, role overload
Perspectives on International Schools
Context of Growth
It has been stated that until recently international education was still a rather
odd phenomenon on the fringes of the mainstream but is now the focus of
much attention (Peel, 1998: 12). The term international education is a vague
one, and one writer recently offered the notion of cosmopolitanism as an
alternative (Gunesch, 2004a). It is often used in discussions in the eld of
comparative education (Philips and Ochs, 2004), but a different use of the term
has emerged within the context of the theory and practice of the diverse body
of international schools (Cambridge and Thompson, 2004).
This category of international education has grown enormously in number,
and arguably importance, over the last 40 years. There were only 50 such
Educational Management Administration & Leadership
ISSN 1741-1432 DOI: 10.1177/1741143206065271
SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi)
Copyright 2006 BELMAS Vol 34(3) 385409; 065271
ART I C L E
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schools in 1964 (Jonietz, 1991) but nearer 1000 30 years later (Hayden and
Thompson, 1995a). There are currently 1800 in 150 countries (Peridot Press,
2004). Almost one third of these are members of the European Council of Inter-
national Schools (ECIS), the largest regional association, founded in 1965. From
Canterfords (2003) study we can calculate that today there is potentially 99,000
teachers serving almost one million global nomads (Useem, 1976). This
equates in size with an education system the size of Swedens. These are in-
evitably very crude gures given the assertion that: for the most part the body
of international schools is a conglomeration of individual institutions which
may or may not share an underlying educational philosophy (Hayden and
Thompson, 1995b).
The development of international education has recently been well mapped
(Sylvester, 2002, 2003, 2005). The term international school has been in
continuous use since the 1860s (Sylvester, 2002) when they emerged as a by-
product of the rst era of globalization (Friedman, 2000). It is argued that the
body of international schools is now old enough to warrant being a topic for
analysis (Ellwood, 2004), and comments were made seven years ago that inter-
national education had come of age (Peel, 1998). It has been more recently
argued that international education is embarking upon a stage of inuence
(Walker, 2003). The year 1924 is usually seen as the origin of modern inter-
national education (Walker, 2000a; Phillips, 2002). They formed part of a greater
experiment in promoting what emerged in the 1930s as worldmindedness
(Wilkinson, 2002), and mushroomed during the 1950s (Heyward, 2002). The
founder of the Washington International School stated (Goodman, 1986:7) that
the aim in 1966 was for it to become the pilot school of the planet.
The enlargement of the European Union will probably lead to further growth
in the near future. A new breed of franchise international schools has recently
appeared. A second one modelled on the British private school Dulwich College
will open in Shanghai in 2005, and a further three are planned (Ellwood, 2004).
Another particular breed, under the auspices of the Yew Chung Education
Foundation, has started to appear in China, embracing both Eastern and
Western values (Chan Po King, 2004). This concept seems in line with that
of cosmopolitanism (Gunesch, 2004b). The growth of the International
Baccalaureate (IB), is also an important factor. Seven schools undertook the trial
IB exam in 1967 (Hill, 2004) yet there are currently 1771 IB World schools in
122 countries serving 200,000 students (correct as of November 2005).
Countries such as Singapore are building a unique internationally oriented
curriculum (Vivodich, 2004). The increasing internationalization of higher
education in the UK (De Vita and Case, 2003), and in countries such as Australia
(Bodycott and Walker, 2000), must also be a factor for future growth. A recent
policy document called for the enhanced internationalization of Danish
education (Danish Ministry of Education, 2004). Japan is apparently undergo-
ing a process of internal internationalization (Tsuneyoshi, 2004, 2005),
although the recent recognition of educational new imperialism (Tikly, 2004),
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and the antagonistic relationship between the West and Islam (Rizvi, 2004) may
arguably herald a threat to future growth.
It has recently been negatively implied that international education in an
Australian school context is producing a neo-liberal variant of global subjectivity
(Matthews and Sidhu, 2005). It has been stated that the interests of many inter-
national schools coincide with the interests of the transnational capitalist class
(Sklair, 2001), and that Hong Kongs elite international schools served the inter-
ests of the colonial ruling class (Chan Po King, 2004). However, it has also
recently been positively stated that internationalism is a new education vision
able to respond to the changing needs of globalization (Gacel-Avila, 2005).
This rapid growth has been largely ad hoc (Hayden, 2001). There are now at
least 80 international schools in Thailand compared to ve in 1991 (Hanchan-
lash, 2004). Frankfurt International School started in 1961 with just six expatri-
ate families but currently has 1700 students and 300 staff. Leggate and
Thompson (1997) identied this rapid growth as affecting the management of
development planning in international schools, and it also seems to be affect-
ing the marketing planning of these schools (Bunnell, 2005a).
The sudden growth also appears to have led to a growing sense of competi-
tion, as shown by Yamatos (2003) study of the Hong Kong international school
market, which in turn has arguably raised the importance of public relations
(PR) activity as an essential management activity. Despite this rapid growth, in
many respects international schools have been a well-kept secret even though
they are rapidly becoming an inuential force on a global scale (Hayden and
Thompson, 1997).
Context of Research
It is perhaps surprisingly true to say that international schools have had little
in the way of formal research. This is arguably partly the cause of their secrecy.
The dearth of written material available within the public domain has been
referred to as a striking feature (Hayden and Thompson, 1991: xii). The body
of literature is surprisingly limited in its scope and extent, given that it is
accepted that these schools suffer from a number of inherent management
problems. Until recently insufcient attention has been paid to teachers in the
international school literature (Holderness, 2001), which has tended to focus
upon the students (Fail et al., 2004) and the curriculum (Carber and Reis, 2004).
There has been much reference to the stress of school relocation for parents
and children (Foreman, 1981), while recent material has focused on the culture
shock for children moving to a school in a different country (Pyvis, 2005), and
the impact on the expatriate child who moves to a school where their parent is
employed (Zilber, 2005). It has recently stated that the teachers generally hold
internationally-minded cultural values (Jackson, 2005).
There is little material concerning the industrial sociology of international
schools, and the general subjective experience of the workers within them.
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There has been little research or comment into the nature of stress on people
within the organization and much of it is dated (Droppert and Bale, 1985).
Squire (2001) and Hardman (2001) discussed issues relating to the recruitment
and retention of teachers, whilst Morrow (1994) explored stress among teachers
in international schools and suggested that time constraints and role overload
were the main causes. It seems normal in literature on international schools to
merely refer to role overload, yet Pettegrew and Wolfe (1981) refer to role
stress as encompassing ve specic subsets. These include role ambiguity (the
absence of clear or adequate information about the role); role overload (the
absence of sufcient resources to perform the role); role conict (the presence
of two or more incompatible work demands); and role preparedness (stress due
to feelings of a lack of competency or preparation).
Both Foskett et al. (2002) and Morrow (1994) point out that the concept of
stress in an educational context is a complex and unclear one. Morrow (1994),
writing about stress in an international school context, stated that it could act
as a powerful performance stimulant and only acted as an impediment in too
great an amount. Smylie (1999) argued that seven factors are mainly respon-
sible for stress, including role conict, role ambiguity and work overload. High
levels of stress have been found in further education (FE) colleges (Male and
May, 1998; Pithers and Soden, 1998), with role overload being the main source
of stress. Kinnunen and Leskinens (1989) study identied a cyclical pattern in
the effects of role overload, contingent on the academic year. Research has
recently shown that the role of kindergarten principal involves much stress (Sai
Wong and Hing Cheuk, 2005).
The lack of formal research and discussion on role stress in the literature
on international schools seems especially surprising given the acceptance that
international schools experience a high level of turnover of teachers, students,
administrators and trustees (Cambridge, 2002; Richards, 2002). Walker (2000b)
talks of other types of schools having an advantage in not suffering from this
debilitating turnover, which has been identied as a unique characteristic of
international schools (Blandford and Shaw, 2001). It may be a unique feature
of the international educator. The concept of career development in this type
of school has been explored recently (Bunnell, 2005), but needs more attention.
However, studies have shown (Hendrix et al., 1985; Kemery et al., 1985) that
role stress can exert a direct inuence on job satisfaction and physical
symptoms, which in turn inuences turnover intentions (Sullivan and Bhaqat,
1992).
Hayden and Thompsons (1998) study showed that 40 per cent of teachers in
international schools had taught in ve or more. The Association for the
Advancement of International Educations (AAIE) website reveals an average
tenure of 3.5 years. A study of heads in international schools showed that they
only survived for an average of 2.8 years (Hawley, 1995), compared to the
more normal spell of nine or 10 years in maintained schools in England (Halpin
and Owen, 2004). The role overload of heads was a signicant factor, alongside
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micro-political tension. A follow-up to Hawleys survey (Littleford, 1999)
suggested that 80 per cent of heads are sacked. The issue of micro-politics in
international schools arguably also needs more attention, especially since
studies (Young and Brooks, 2004) have highlighted the micro-political world of
part-time teaching. Not all the sub-groups of international schools may suffer
from levels of high staff turnover, and the large United Nations schools tend to
have a more stable labour force (Cambridge, 2000).
The situation with regard to research in international schools is arguably
similar to that of educational leadership and management in general, where
there is apparently less agreement about the signicant problems that should
be addressed than there used to be (Heek and Hallinger, 2005), and a lack of
empirical rigour. This apparently is compounded by a lack of agreed priority
and range of methodologies, especially with regard to qualitative research
(Foskett et al., 2005). There appears to be some degree of disagreement (Gorard
et al., 2004) as to whether there is also a shortage of quantitative work. There
certainly appears to be a specic lack of case study research within the eld of
international schools, certainly within the public domain, and a lack of large-
scale empirical enquiry over a prolonged period.
The issue of teacher turnover has reached a new high in international schools
and there exists a view that contract breaking is on the increase. Many teachers
have a two-year contract (Cambridge, 2002), but appear to fail to full this obli-
gation. It has been argued that the problem lies with unscrupulous heads
(Frembgen, 2003). This issue has raised little attention within the literature on
managing international schools and may be a comparatively new phenomenon.
Certainly no empirical research has been undertaken into the extent to which
the subsets related to role stress might be a factor. This is apparently true of
educational literature generally where research has focused on the effects of
role stress on job satisfaction, rather than employee commitment and retention
(Conley and Woosley, 2000).
The issue of lack of written material within the public domain has become
a key potential goal of the newly emerging Alliance for International
Education (AIE). It is almost 15 years ago since the rst calls were made for
such a body (Blaney, 1991) and it is 10 years since the rst attempt was made
to set up such a body, in the form of The International Education System
Pilot Project (Thomas, 1998). The present body evolved from an article by
Hayden and Thompson (2000), which led to a conference in Geneva in 2002
and a second one in Dusseldorf in October 2004. This conference has already
been heralded as a success (Roberts, 2005). It has been stated that interest in
international education has never been as high as it is at present (Hayden et
al., 2002) and that the time is right for an alliance of bodies (Haywood, 2005).
There does seem to be genuine interest in such a move. The March 2005
conference of the Nordic Network of English Speaking Schools, started in
1997 with just ve schools, attracted a record number of delegates from 23
schools.
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The precise agenda of the new body, to be unveiled proper at a conference
in Shanghai in October 2006 hosted by a school belonging to the Yew Chung
Education Foundation (Haywood, 2005), is unclear at the time of writing this
article but is likely to involve an international school industrial sociology
research dimension. An emphasis is likely to be given to issues regarding the
subjective experience of working in an international school, such as the nature
and extent of role stress. This movement seems in line with the recent call for
educational research to make more use of relevant organizational theory, and
provide a context for understanding the organizational reality of schools
(Johnson and Fauske, 2005). It has also been recently stated that educational
research that aims to make sense of schools is as important as showing what
works (Simkins, 2005).
Informal linkages between international education institutions have been
established over recent years (Hayden and Haywood, 2003), and at a micro-
level there are many examples of international school collaboration (Coles and
Kaur, 2004). The concept of alliance building among educational institutions
generally appears to be topical. There has been a recent call for global teaching
collaboration (Stephenson, 2004). The establishment of an international
network of leadership centres has recently been recommended (Bush and
Jackson, 2005), and there have been calls for the National College for School
Leadership (NCSL) in England to adopt a learning relationship with partners
overseas (Walker and Dimmock, 2004). One recent positive scenario for the
transforming of schools proposed partnerships on an unprecedented scale
(Caldwell, 2004).
Despite the apparent growth of competition, little has been written about the
nature and extent of public relations and marketing in international schools.
Given the dearth of literature generally, this is perhaps not altogether surpris-
ing. However, Barlow (1996) argued that few international schools have either
a marketing specialist or a marketing strategy. A study was instigated to inves-
tigate the validity of this claim, and showed that it was largely apparently true
(Bunnell, 2004). Thirty-four public relations practitioners (PRPs) in 22 countries
world-wide were surveyed with regard to the extent and nature of their PR
activity. This study also revealed the extent and nature of role stress with regard
to PRPs in international schools, many of whom are also the head of school.
The ndings can be seen to have important implications for the general effec-
tive management of this type of school, while also posing an early set of chal-
lenges for the emerging AIE.
Nature of the Study of PRPs
Study Design
The study in question was undertaken during the academic years of 19971999
(Bunnell, 2003). Nearly all the 34 schools were members of ECIS although
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schools from six other regional associations were included. A random sample
of seventy schools was initially contacted. Given the likely complex nature of
the role of the PRP in these schools, the head was contacted to ascertain
relevant contact details. Fifty-two schools replied, and this was reduced to 34
after the ECIS year-book containing membership details had been used to
stratify the sample according to size, breakdown of staff and student nationali-
ties, location, and curriculum. This gave an indication of what might constitute
a representative sample of international schools according to their level of
diversity. Matthews (1989) argued that international schools are either market-
driven or ideologically driven. Hence, a mixture of American, British and
general international schools were surveyed. Sampling international schools
according to their level of ideology is more difcult and was done by examin-
ing the history and founding ethos.
The PRP in 17 of the schools was visited and interviewed. The other half,
mainly in the Americas and South East Asia, were involved by postal survey.
Nine schools were chosen where the head was also the PRP. The results from
both the visits and the postal survey were very similar in terms of the extent
and nature of PR activity. The only major differences were connected to the
size of the school. A thorough analysis of the schools PR processes was under-
taken. The eight stages PR Audit Model outlined by Devlin and Knight (1989)
was supplemented by the ve stages PR Process Model by Kotler and Fox
(1985). The information gathered was analysed using the format of Leavetts
Diamond Organizational Model (Handy, 1985), under the four headings of
people, tasks, systems and structures.
Limitations of the Study
The sample of ECIS schools equated to about 5 per cent of total membership
at the time. However, it is difcult to state with certainty that it was a repre-
sentative sample. The 436-strong ECIS body is arguably a representative sample
of a certain type of school, embodying Western capitalist values (Pearce, 2003)
and charting a liberal course toward world peace (Thomas, 1998). The notion
of international schools having a single, universal set of values is contentious.
Cambridge (2000: 181) argues that the hyperglobalist view of the spread of one
particular set of Western-liberal values is in fact a myth while Hampden-
Turner and Trompenaars (1997) refer to at least seven cultures of capitalism.
There are several serious limitations in undertaking research among inter-
national schools. Partly, this is arguably due to their lack of homogeneity
(Hayden and Thompson, 2000) although the exact nature and extent of the
population ecology needs further study. Furthermore, there is no consensus
denition of the term international school (Murphy, 2000) making it a dif-
cult body to quantify, although there have been several attempts at a categoriz-
ation (Leach, 1969; Terwilliger, 1972). This particular survey among PRPs failed
to anticipate the growth of international schools in South East Asia and China,
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and the Middle East. For instance, there are now 35 ECIS-member schools in
China. The problem of selecting schools is further compounded by the
argument that the word international may be more descriptive of the student
body than of the philosophy of the school (Richards, 2002). Seven more small
schools were added to my survey after Harding (1999) had argued that their
needs and problems were being overlooked by both research and literature.
Lastly, this survey took place before the momentous events of 9/11, which
may have had an effect on PR activity.
An Overview of the Role Stress of PRPs
People Undertaking PR Activity
Ninety per cent of the PRPs were American nationals and a further 8 per cent
British. This was arguably higher than expected, as apparently only half of all
teachers in international schools are British or American (Canterford, 2003).
Eighty per cent were female. All the heads were male which was not altogether
surprising given that two thirds of teachers in international schools are women
but only 44 per cent are administrators and only 20 per cent are in senior
management (Thearle, 1999). Several PRPs had undergone an apparently
informal appointment process and pursued an informal career path. Several
had a self-made job, and here may lay a signicant cause of role stress in the
form of role ambiguity, and role preparedness. Three of the PRPs had contacted
the school and suggested the post be created, and 40 per cent of all the posts
were not advertised or competed for.
Many PRPs had not followed what might be deemed a normal career path.
This was not too surprising given that Thearles (1999) survey of female admin-
istrators found that only one third admitted that their careers had been care-
fully planned and 25 per cent said it had been largely opportunistic. One
quarter of the PRPs were former parents at the school and 10 per cent had a
child at another international school. Six per cent had some degree of school
secretarial experience. Three quarters had worked in a school before and of
these, two-thirds were trained and experienced teachers. However, in the
schools visited, only 5 out of 17 had any teaching experience and this was in
only one other school. Half of the PRPs had been doing the job for more than
3 years. Two had done more than 15 years, and two were in their rst year. This
is a contrast to the nding by Thearle (1999) that the majority of female admin-
istrators had been doing the job for more than 10 years.
Forty per cent of the practitioners had no formal PR or marketing experience,
and fty per cent had no formal PR or marketing qualications. This arguably
may be hindering their assessment of the true extent of the job, and may be a
source of role stress. Only two persons had undergone any previous marketing
experience, both in a business context working for multinational organizations.
This was also not unexpected, as PR tends to be practised in any type of
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organization by people who are untrained and unqualied. There is few PR
degree courses recognized in the UK and it is very difcult for students to get
on these courses (Elrick, 1996).
The need for training is well accepted within the PR industry. It has been
stated that PR is the most untrained profession and practitioners tend to learn
on the job (Jefkins, 1989), and that untrained amateurs usually do PR in
schools (French, 1992). The PRP quite often has very little idea of what PR is
and is meant to do (Watts, 1977). It has been argued that there is a lack of exper-
tise in the eld of school PR (Foskett, 1992), and that PR activity is an area of
management that few heads feel trained and prepared for (Weindling and
Earley, 1987). Castle (1991) reported that heads were pressing for PR training
and skills, and White (1998) called for the mentoring system of heads set up by
the UK government to be extended to those who undertook PR.
Tasks Undertaken by the PRP
The concept of PR is a complex one to dene. Barlows (1996) article on market-
ing international schools argued that everyone has heard of it but few actually
know what it is. One of the most used denitions in educational literature
(Davies, 1988; Devlin and Knight, 1989) is the 1948 British Institute of PR
version: PR practice is the deliberate, planned and sustained effort to establish
and maintain mutual understanding between an organization and its publics.
The ambiguous and vague nature of the accepted denition of PR is arguably
likely to lead to the role stress of any practitioner.
The PRPs had a multitude of tasks and titles, which was arguably not alto-
gether surprising. Keen and Greenall (1987) made the point that the PRP in an
educational institution can operate under a plethora of different banners (they
mention ve) which can differ according to the culture and organization.
However, each person can be expected to deal with PR in the round, hence
the term PRP is still applicable. Seven different titles were recorded in inter-
national schools, such as External Relations Ofcer, and Marketing Ofcer.
In general, there appeared to be three types of PRP. There was the head that
is also in charge of PR, marketing and admissions. This appeared quite normal
in many small international schools. Almost half of all the non-head prac-
titioners were responsible for a multitude of tasks including admissions, alumni
relations, and press relations, fundraising and marketing. A further 40 per cent
were responsible for a smaller multitude of tasks alongside another linear
practitioner responsible for admissions, alumni and development (usually
fundraising). This was more the case in large international schools. The link
between the PRP and fundraising was a particular area of major tension and
concern. The PRPs in charge of admissions were worried about t neglecting
other areas of activity.
The schools themselves had generally little or no previous experience of a
PRP. Half were the rst person in their school to hold the post. They certainly
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appear to have much freedom in undergoing PR and marketing activity. Two-
thirds were free to undertake any activity within the set budget. One-third said
they were solely in charge of PR activity and 60 per cent believed felt able to
carry out any PR activity without any consultation. Seventy per cent were
accountable to the schools board, and 50 per cent to the head. Only 23 per cent
make a regular report either weekly or monthly. Unsurprisingly, the head who
is in charge of PR has a lot more freedom and is less required to undertake a
regular report.
Systems of Support
Seventy per cent of the PRPs said they have a job-description of sorts, but only
two were able to produce a written one. Four were able to produce some docu-
mentation but this contained little real detail. The rest were unable to produce
any formal job-description. Many felt they were given jobs and tasks to do
simply because no other person could do it, and that a detailed job description
might help reduce this role overspill.
Two-thirds of all the PRPs said they were involved in a formal appraisal
system, but only half said it was done on a regular basis. However, this may
not as formal a process as it is for other school staff. Altogether, this was not
surprising as most international schools have a system, but few have been able
to spend the time to develop a fully effective process . . . (Matthews, 2003: 14).
Hence, the role overload of the PRP is unlikely to have been drawn to the atten-
tion of senior management. At the same time, recent research (Brown and
Benson, 2005) has shown that performance appraisal processes can lead to a
greater feeling of work overload.
Only one-third had received any form of formal induction training, which
was again not too surprising. Unlike other international companies where
appointments are made overseas, novice teachers in international schools are
expected to come voluntarily to the job, and learn on the job. They are given
little cross-cultural training and little in the way of an induction programme
(Pearce, 1998). They are expected to have an insight into the nature of inter-
national schools, an onerous task given the accepted diversity (Hayden and
Thompson, 1998). Moreover, the concept of induction in international school
literature tends to be viewed as merely orientationthe area of management
aimed at helping new teachers undergo an immediate positive adjustment
(Smalley, 1995).
Nearly all the PRPs spent all of their time in the school. Activities such as
visiting embassies and companies were rarely undertaken, and arguably
surprisingly little contact was made with the local community (Bunnell, 2005c).
This seems to be the main opportunity cost issue relating to role overload, and
role conict. Seventy-ve per cent of the PRPs said they wanted more release
time when asked what changes they would make to their present situation to
make it more effective. There have always been calls for more help to be given
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to school-based PRPs. Jackson (1994) noted the call for the setting up in the UK
of a national centre for PR in schools, a call still to be met. At about the same
time, Devlin (1990) advised schools to establish a PR committee made up of
pupils, parents and teachers. Only one international school included in the
study had such a committee.
Organizational Structure of PR Activity
There was an incredibly complex picture in international schools with regard
to the organizational setup for PR, especially between the larger and smaller
ones. This is arguably a visible feature of their ad hoc growth. Most of the large
schools had two, even three, ofcers responsible for the loosely connected
activities of PR but they were rarely based together and seldom work together.
Sixty per cent of all the PRPs were solely responsible for all activity but this
rose to 80 per cent in schools with less than 300 students. Two-thirds had a
secretary, which was often shared. Only 20 per cent of the PRPs in the smaller
schools had any secretarial support, and this seemed a strong pointer to their
general role overload.
Seventy per cent of the large schools had a separate development ofcer
usually responsible for fund-raising and alumni relations, and sometimes
external relations. This person tended to have a separate ofce with a secretary
while being situated on a separate campus. They also tend to have their own
database with no sharing of information, which appeared to be a key source of
tension.
Only 60 per cent of the schools had a separate admissions ofcer meaning
that the PRP is quite often in charge of the subsequent time-consuming task of
showing parents around the school. This appears to be a major source of role
stress for many PRPs. One-third of all the schools had a separate alumni ofce
responsible for maintaining contact with ex-students and staff, but this gure
was much higher in the larger schools where fundraising is more prevalent.
Most PRPs complained of having very poor relations with the alumni ofce, the
main source of tension appearing to be the sharing of data. Overall, 40 per cent
of all PRPs were also responsible for the time consuming task of maintaining
relations with alumni. Almost half of all PRPs were also responsible for
fundraising. As PR is nearly always linked to press relations it was not surpris-
ing that 95 per cent of all the PRPs were also responsible for press and media
relations, skills they generally felt lacking in.
The role overload of many PRPs appears to manifest itself in lack of contact
with others. Ten percent of all the PRPs felt isolated within their school and 50
per cent wanted more contact with the staff; even most of the heads said this.
The issue of isolation from other schools was a much bigger issue with one-
third of all PRPs expressing this as a problem. The issue of isolation is an
important one given the ndings that a more inclusive workplace culture can
increase job satisfaction and well-being (Mor Barak and Levin, 2002). Even the
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most experienced PRPs said they had regular contact with only three of their
peers, mainly persons who they had met at conferences. The organizational
culture of isolation is recognized as a problem in international schools and the
reduction of professional isolation is one of the ve goals of the ECIS appraisal
process (Matthews, 2003). Forty per cent of all the PRPs also expressed a desire
to have more contact with their peers in other schools and organizations.
Management Implications of the Study
The role and tasks of a PRP in an international school seem particularly prone
to enlargement and modication as a result of the schools sudden and often
unplanned growth. Of course, most schools were presently full at the time of
the study but there is also a possibility that a contraction of student numbers
could also lead to a restructuring of tasks as posts are abolished or restructured.
Both scenarios would seem to tend for the role of the PRP to be enlarged, and
made more complicated and time-consuming. At the same time, the support
mechanisms appear to largely remain constant.
It was not entirely clear how the role overload of many of the PRPs came
about. It may arguably be a feature of the character of the practitioner, rather
than a factor of the organizations development. The role of the head of depart-
ment (HoD) has recently been stated as an evolving one, whilst the robber
baron type of HoD, who craves territorial expansion, has been found by
research to be alive and well (Kerry, 2005). Some writers (Porter, 2004) have
shown how the positive foundation of strong work ethic, especially among
American and British nationals, can become the dysfunctional extreme of
workaholism, which can result from a combination of both high job involve-
ment and an obsessive-compulsive personality (Mudrack, 2004). It has also
been claimed (Oplatka, 2004a) that principals undergo several career stages,
each with their own leadership style and tasks management. Personal charac-
teristics can apparently also partly account for teachers frequency of absence
(Rosenblatt and Shirom, 2005). The work habits and personality of PRPs in
international schools requires further investigation over a longer time frame.
The role of the PRP has been asserted to be the jewel in the crown and one
of the most senior of administrative functions (Barlow, 1996), yet many PRPs
feel they lack status and importance, and that their role in increasing student
numbers had been largely under-recognized. They also felt generally less
important than the fundraising ofcer. One-quarter of all the PRPs felt that the
senior management does not understand the role and importance of PR to the
school. Over half expressed a view that PR activity was not taken PR as seri-
ously as it ought to, or used to be. It may thus be the case that the PRPs own
striving for recognition has led to a degree of role overload. Three quarters of
all the PRPs felt that they did not have enough time to do the job properly and
admitted to neglecting certain areas of their activity. Most signicantly, 35 per
cent expressed feeling signicantly overworked.
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This study appears to reveal elements of the organizational culture of inter-
national schools, particularly with regard to the informal and highly individu-
alistic nature of appointment and activity. PR practitioners are apparently
expected to come into the job fully prepared and trained despite the fact that
the job is often foreign to them. Many schools appear to have an arguably un-
realistic and even perhaps unfair expectation of what to expect a newly
appointed PRP to know and be able to do. This seems especially ironic given
the accepted fact that PR activity is usually undertaken in all industries by
untrained amateurs.
There certainly appears to be a high level of individualism with regard to PR
activity, with the PRPs being left alone to get on with the job. This is perhaps
not altogether surprising given the statement that international schools are
intrinsically Anglo-American types of organizations (Bartlett, 1994), a type of
organization with a high level of individualism. International schools also tend
to have a Western-liberal, humanist culture (Walker, 2002) and value system
based upon the principles of democracy and individualism. The amount of
autonomy and freedom expressed by PRPs, especially the heads, certainly
seems at odds with the nature and reality of principalship in developing
countries (Oplatka, 2004b). It has been found that teachers often unintention-
ally create workload pressures by developing parallel structures to solve similar
problems (Timperley and Robinson, 2000), and this may partly explain the role
overload of PRPs.
Cross-cultural factors might partly explain the appearance of role overload.
Cambridge (2000) states that the majority of staff in international schools are
from what Hampden-Turner and Trompenaars (1997) refer to as the seven
cultures of capitalism. However, Canterford (2003) showed that over half of all
teachers are either American or British, and this appears to be true of PRPs.
Travers and Cooper (1996) showed that stress was responsible for 22 per cent
of sick leave in England, as opposed to just one per cent in France, while the
English teachers reported more problems with overwork.
Reducing the role overload and ambiguity of heads who undertake PR might
arguably help to reduce the turnover of heads. It is accepted that the adminis-
tration of international schools can be stressful and there is stark evidence
(Hawley, 1994, 1995) that this is undermining the management of these
schools. The nine head PRPs (HPRP) included in the survey certainly under-
took a large number of time-consuming activities although the exact degree
differed greatly. They did much more with regard to PR activity than literature
on educational marketing normally implies (e.g. Foskett et al., 2002), while the
James and Phillips (1995) study of heads certainly seemed to grossly under-
estimate the full reality of their PR tasks in international schools.
Southworth (1995) stated that the marketization tasks of a head have changed
considerably. It has been stated that the role of the primary head has become
more than that of a mere manager (Jones, 1999), towards that of chief
executive (McEwan and Salters, 1997). It has been stated that real world
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management preoccupations has led to greater role overload and stress (Jones,
1999), and is regarded by many heads as a distraction (Blackmore, 2004). The
negative aspects of the surprise awaiting new primary heads has been
commented upon (Draper and McMichael, 1998). This is not a British phenom-
enon. A study of secondary school principals in Australia and New Zealand also
showed that role stress had become features of a changing role (Cranston et al.,
2003); nor is it merely an issue that affects heads. Research from Australia has
shown that the role of the deputy principal in secondary schools has become
more stressful and burdensome (Cranston et al., 2004).
The role stress of heads undertaking PR tasks in some international schools
seems particularly important to consider as it may conceivably be having a
negative effect on their sense of self-efcacy (Tschannen-Moran and Gareis,
2004), which in turn could be undermining their leadership effectiveness. The
general role overload of heads has been well documented (Cooper and Kelly,
1993). Chaplains (2001) study among primary head teachers in England
revealed that half reported suffering a high level of stress, while the schools
organization and structure was identied as a signicant factor. Eighty-four per
cent of principals in the state of Maine suffer from stress due to role overload
(Harvey, 2002), as do 75 per cent of Irish primary school heads (Irish Primary
Principals Network, 2005). The general literature on teacher stress shows that
the main factors are work overload, poor pay and perceptions of how teachers
are viewed by society (Spear et al., 2000).
A theoretical link between PR activity and headship well being has been high-
lighted by Foskett et al. (2002: 421) who formulated four hypotheses. It was
suggested that The features of marketisation may enhance heads level of job
burnout, and that it may increase the levels of occupational stress in headship,
through the stimulation of contextual and organisational stressors. However,
Foskett et al. (2002) also put forward two hypotheses for a positive interaction,
arguing that marketization may promote the professional growth of school
heads and may evoke a sense of self-renewal among school heads. The concept
of professional growth was conceptualised interms of improving skills and abili-
ties, improving performance-related knowledge, and developing and extending
identity (Ruohotie, 1996). This might arguably apply to many HPRPs in inter-
national schools, who appear to have a large amount of freedomand autonomy.
The heads interviewed in my study enjoyed their PR responsibility, especi-
ally showing parents around the school. They felt that being a PRP gave them
more authority among the staff and the school board. They enjoyed the chal-
lenge of being responsible for admissions and the raising of the schools prole
and image. This sense of challenge and self-advancement seems to be central
to the concept of self-renewal (Hudson, 1991), and links up well with the
ndings of Woods (1993). It therefore seems true to state that all four hypothe-
ses put forward by Foskett et al. (2002) may be applicable, to a degree, with
regard to the effect of marketization on the psychological well being of a head
in an international school although this need much more empirical study.
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Options for Reducing Role Stress
Several options for reducing the general role stress of the PRP can be identi-
ed, although each has their own potential barrier. First, there is a strong case
for reducing the general administrative tasks of a PRP in an international
school. The survey of the 18 Dutch international schools (Edelenbos and de
Jong-Heeringa, 2003) showed that 80 per cent of parents chose the school after
consulting other parents. Only 10 per cent used formal PR tools such as the
brochure or web site. The implication that much PR activity by schools may be
of little real value has been revealed before. The Metafour study of 60 secondary
schools in England showed that 80 per cent of the PRPs believed that their
activity was not effective (Doe, 1995). The effectiveness of PR activity with
regard to its effect on parental choice in international schools requires much
further empirical inquiry, within a larger body of sample, and could prove to
be a valid source of research for an independent and objective body such as the
AIE.
Second, there is a case for allowing certain areas of PR activity, such as
showing parents around the school, to be delegated to others. This could even
be to a non-teacher or even a student. The Classroom Assistant Initiative in
Scotland apparently added an extra pair of hands (Wilson et al., 2003) although
it had not been as effective as hoped. Providing an extra pair of hands could
free up the PRP for undertaking neglected activities such as making contact
with the local community or undertaking data collection.
However, there is a problem here with regard to some PRPs. As discussed
earlier, some features of headship, such as showing parents around the school,
may actually lead to a positive sense of psychological well-being, and many
heads in international schools may be reluctant to delegate this task. Of course,
this may be partly to blame for their role overload. There is a further problem
in that research on attitudes to marketing among teaching staff in secondary
schools in England shows that most still regard it as the job for another person
(Foskett et al., 2002). Despite this, there has been an escalation of interest in
distributed leadership within the eld of educational management (Woods,
2004), and a questioning of hierachical leadership (Davies, 2003). Recent litera-
ture has highlighted the possible benecial effect of distributed leadership on
school improvement (Harris, 2004), and the effect of at leadership structure
on reducing micro-political tension (Johnson, 2004). Here may arguably be
found a fruitful area for a research partnership between the AIE and the NCSL,
given the high level of turnover of leaders in international schools.
Third, much of the blame for the role stress of the PRP in international
schools logically has to lay with the lack of a written formal job description,
and the complex nature of the written ones. The typical written job-description
for a PRP gathered for my survey included at least 40 tasks. This arguably needs
to be narrowed down and more clearly focused on the goals of the school while
it needs to be stated more clearly what the precise role of a PRP is meant to be.
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Here lies a fundamental problem. Many international schools lack any formal
development or marketing goals. Blaney (2001: 159) appears to be correct when
saying of international schools that planning is not a centrepiece of the schools
governance and leadership activities. Only 70 per cent of the PRPs expressed
the need for any form of formal, structured and rational marketing plan. A
similar number expressed to Leggate and Thompson (1997) that a development
plan was essential.
Just over half of the schools had any form of a marketing plan which seems
to vindicate the view of Barlow (1996) that few international schools have a
marketing specialist and that even fewer have effective marketing strategies
and plans. It was mainly the larger schools that had a formal marketing plan.
Only one-third of the smaller schools had one. Interestingly, and perhaps more
worryingly, 10 per cent of all schools had dispensed with a marketing plan
giving the reason that their student numbers were now high enough. Leggate
and Thompson (1997) also found most international schools rejected any type
of short-term planning. Research into good practice with regard to marketing
planning would arguably be a further fruitful line of enquiry for an indepen-
dent body such as the AIE.
Lastly, there is evidence that the nature of growth of many international
schools has led to an overly complex organizational set-up, which is arguably
partly the cause of the role stress of the PRP. Some were beginning to re-
organize for PR purposes. This was especially true of the large and medium
sized ones where there was a separate development ofcer. In fact, one-fth of
all schools were in the process of assessing the feasibility of establishing a so-
called advancement ofce but it is not known how many followed this
through. This restructuring was intended to bring the separate practitioners
under one roof with a single database and secretarial base. The smaller schools
saw it as less needy, while some PRPs expressed a fear that this might lead to
a take-over by the development ofcer rather than a genuine sharing of
resources and responsibility. However, it does appear to be a sign of a genuine
willingness by some international schools to reduce the role overload of the
PRP. The general issue of the restructuring of international schools seems
another important area of research for the AIE to consider.
The restructuring of schools for purposes such as public relations is not an
entirely new vision. Hargreaves (1994) called for a mosaic of learning, arguing
the case for the sharing of resources between schools and the contracting out
of work to other bodies. This seems to t in well with the momentum behind
the partnership forming and resource-sharing ethos of the AIE. One of the
proposed goals of the AIE is for the body to gather data on graduating students
from international schools. This would greatly reduce the alumni relation
burden of many PRPs, and considerably reduce their overall levels of role stress.
The ECIS conference in November 2002 discussed ve possible outcomes for
the emerging AIE, one of which was a ambassador model (Hayden and
Haywood, 2003). There is a possibility, certainly in the longer-term, that the
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AIE might undertake a media contact role, which would also reduce the PRPs
press relations role overload.
Alongside the probable micro-political tension that it might create, there is a
further potential problem with the restructuring of international schools for PR
purposes. Research has shown (Kyriacou and Harrison, 1993) that school
restructuring through merger can produce much inter-personal stress, mainly
due to uncertainty and lack of information. Research on the effects of downsiz-
ing on surviving managers in organizations in Hong Kong shows it can lead to
a greater amount of role overload (Leung and Chang, 2002). It is generally
accepted that workplace reorganization can lead to negative changes in mental
well-being (Pollard, 2001), and occupational stress (Swanson and Power, 2001).
Fullan and Hargreaves (1996) argued that structural reforms, such as devolved
school management, engender overload and teachers stress because they offer
a fragmented and incoherent experience. This is true of organizations in
general and research has shown (Beech and Johnson, 2005) that strategic
change can have a particularly disruptive effect on identity dynamics. Work-
related self-identies are apparently central to middle leaders work (Busher,
2005) and this may arguably be true of a school-based PRP.
At the same time, it has been shown (Oplatka, 2005) that mandated change
could promote self-renewal, especially among women. This is a pertinent point
with regard to PRPs in international schools. Furthermore, a growing body of
literature suggests that schools departments acting as cohesive bodies or
professional communities can lead to benets in terms of overall school
improvement (Visscher and Witziers, 2004), and it might be the case that an
advancement ofce, bringing together the different practitioners associated
with the disparate elements of PR, might do the same for international schools.
There is certainly a case for some international schools to consider the negative
organizational implications of their sudden and probably largely unplanned
growth over the last few years, and the related role stress implications for
certain administrative positions within the school. It might be that this applies
to more than just the person responsible for PR.
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Biographical note
TRI STAN BUNNELL is Head of Economics at the Copenhagen International School. He
was awarded a doctorate on public relations activity as an indicator of the unique
characteristic of international schools from the University of Southampton.
Correspondence to:
TRI STAN BUNNELL, Copenhagen International School. Hellerupvej 2226, 2900
Hellerup, Denmark. [email: tristanbunnell@cisdk.dk]
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