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'Architecture or revolution': taylorism, technocracy, and social change. Source: art journal, Vol. 43, No. 2, Revising Modernist history: the Architecture of the 1920s and 1930s. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page.
'Architecture or revolution': taylorism, technocracy, and social change. Source: art journal, Vol. 43, No. 2, Revising Modernist history: the Architecture of the 1920s and 1930s. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page.
'Architecture or revolution': taylorism, technocracy, and social change. Source: art journal, Vol. 43, No. 2, Revising Modernist history: the Architecture of the 1920s and 1930s. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page.
"Architecture or Revolution": Taylorism, Technocracy, and Social Change
Author(s): Mary McLeod
Source: Art Journal, Vol. 43, No. 2, Revising Modernist History: The Architecture of the 1920s and 1930s (Summer, 1983), pp. 132-147 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/776649 Accessed: 27/09/2009 20:04 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=caa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Art Journal. http://www.jstor.org 'Architecture o r Revo lutio n": Taylo rism, Techno cracy, and So cial Change By Mary McLeo d Le Co rbusier's so cial and po litical po sitio nco ntinues to beo neo f the mo st co ntro versial d imensio ns o f his ca- reer. Ontheo nehand , Po st-Mo d ernist critics and architects d eno uncehis messi- anicso cial visio n: his belief that architec- tureis a to o l fo rso cial red emptio n. Charles Jencks, fo rinstance, sarcastically d escribes LeCo rbusier's "hero ico bject o f every d ay use"as the"new, revo lutio nary d eter- gent"; theed ito rs o f Harvard Architecture Review co nd emnhis uto pianismwiththeir assertio nthat "architecturecanpro fit mo re by wo rking withwhat 'is' ratherthanwhat 'sho uld be.' "' Ontheo therhand , histo ri- ans haveo ftenbeen skeptical o f theclaim that po litics played a significant ro leinthe fo rmulatio no f Le Co rbusier's wo rk. Reyner Banhamand Co linRo wecall attentio nto theacad emicstrains inLe Co rbusier's thinking; mo rerecently, Wil- liamCurtis d ismisses po litics as irrelevant to the generatio n o f LeCo rbusier's fo rms.2 Inco ntrast to the po sitio n o f current archi- tectural po lemics, thestand ard bio graph- ical interpretatio n maintains that hewas an essentially apo litical man, go verned by aesthetic co nsid eratio ns and an all- embracing humanism.3 PeterBlake's The MasterBuild ers makes explicit this inter- pretatio n: Thefacts arethat Co rbuis to tally d isinterested in po litics; that hefind s it necessary, at times, to d eal with po liticians ino rd erto achievecertain impo rtant o bjectives o f planning and red evelo pment; and that his o wn "po litical" philo so phy has to d o with suchissues as the co ntinuity o f civi- lizatio no nearthand theneed fo r assuring such co ntinuity-co ncerns that areno t easily labeled interms o f to d ay's po litical pressuregro ups.4 Fig. 1 "If Paris beco mes Americanized ."LeCo rbusier published this newspaper clipping d iscussing PlanVo isin(1925) inL'Almanachd 'architecturemo d erne(1925). LeCo rbusierhimself wo uld haveglad ly end o rsed this assessment-at least until 1930. Thro ugho ut thetwenties hevehe- mently d enied any party affiliatio ns; he frequently cited thevario us po litical epi- thets given to him-Bo lshevist, Fascist, petit bo urgeo is-as pro o f o f his o wnneu- trality. Hewas, hed eclared , strictly a pro - fessio nal man. At the co nclusio no f Urbanisme, hestates: I amanarchitect; no o neis go ing to makea po litician o f me. Everyo ne, inhis o wnd o mainwhereheis an expert, can apply his special kno wl- ed ge and carry his so lutio ns to their lo gical co nclusio n.... [VilleCo ntempo raine] has no label, it is no t d ed icated to o ur existing Bo urgeo is-Capitalist So ciety no rto theThird Internatio nal. It is a tech- nical wo rk.... Things areno t revo lutio nized by making revo lutio ns. Thereal revo - lutio nlies intheso lutio n o f existing pro blems.5 His task, likethat o f the "healthy and virile" engineer, was to measure, analyze, and pro po se so lutio ns-a ro le, LeCo rbu- sierbelieved , remo ved fro mthe vagaries and fluctuatio ns o f parliamentary po litics. Yet this purpo rted neutrality, as Po st- Mo d ernists haveintuitively und ersto o d , d id no t imply iso latio no rd etachment fro m so ciety. LeCo rbusierwas d eeply engaged inso cial issues, altho ugh his invo lvement generally d efies party labels. Wo rd s like "technical,""lo gical,""so lutio n,"and "expert" all asso ciatehimwitha general 132 Art Jo urnal Fig. 2 A wo rksho p plan inrelief. An impo rtant co mpo nent o f Taylo rism was the o rganizatio n o f theo rd erand d irectio no f the pro d uctio npro cess. Perspective views and mo d els were frequently used to illustratethe pro d uctio n flo w o f multi-sto ry wo rksho ps. id eo lo gical po sitio n current inpo stwar Francethat was pred icated o nAmerican mo d els o f ind ustrial ratio nalizatio nand managerial refo rm. Bo thart and po litics were placed und ertherubrico f pro fessio nal expertise. Farfro m being vo id o f specific po litical and so cial implicatio ns, this visio n -inco rpo rating Taylo rism, Fo rd ism, and o thermo d els o f so -called ScientificMan- agement-frequently led to specific stances o ninternatio nal co mmerce, wo rld go vern- ment, trad eregulatio ns, pro d uctio n hier- archies, and land o wnership, all o f which heco nceived as essential co mpo nents o f a fo reseenso cial regeneratio n. This visio n linking techno lo gy and so cial change, as this essay will attempt to sho w, was fund a- mental to LeCo rbusier's architectureand theo ry d uring the po stwarperio d . Taylo rism An impo rtant d imensio no f this id eo lo gical stancewas Taylo rism, theAmericansys- temo f ScientificManagement. Likemany Euro peanpro fessio nals, LeCo rbusiersaw Taylo rism as a means o f breaking with prewarso ciety, a key to so cial renewal. Thewo rd "Taylo rism"appears inalmo st every o neo f his bo o ks fro mApres le cubisme (1918) to La Villerad ieuse(1935); Ville Co ntempo raine and PlanVo isin, premised upo nspeed , efficiency, and eco n- o my, werearchitectural visio ns o f the Americanind ustrial uto pia mad emanifest (Fig. 1). Taylo rism, po pularized inthefirst years o f the century, was a metho d o f labo rd is- cipline and plant o rganizatio n based upo n o stensibly scientificinvestigatio ns o f labo r efficiency and incentivesystems. Inthe early 1880s theAmericanengineer, Fred - erick Winslo w Taylo r, d isturbed by wo rk slo wd o wns, o rganized manufacturing plants and d evised wage scales based o n piecewo rk, to impro veefficiency and ex- pand pro d uctio n(Figs. 2 and 3). His o bjective was to maximizetheratio o f o utput to input, benefits to co st; ratio nal- ized management, hebelieved , wo uld bring o ptimal pro d uctio n. Themo st o riginal featureo f his system, ho wever, was the applicatio n o f efficiency engineering to labo rrelatio ns; Taylo rism entailed , to usethewo rd s o f its zealo us fo llo wers, "a co mplete mental revo lu- tio n." Bo thlabo rers and management, Taylo rexplained , "taketheireyes o ff o f thed ivisio no f the surplus as the impo rtant matter, and to gether turntheirattentio n to ward increasing thesizeo f thesurplus. "6 Theincreased pro d uctivity wo uld ulti- mately benefit all. With scarcity and co n- straint eliminated , therewo uld no lo nger bebitterco nfro ntatio no verthed ivisio ns subsumed by a ratio nal techno lo gy o f po lit- ical and eco no miccho ice. As thehisto rian Charles Maierhas sho wn, it was this po lit- ical and so cial implicatio n, mo rethanTay- lo rism's strictly technical features, that generated a Euro pean interest.7 Befo reWo rld WarI Taylo rism was alread y kno wninFranceby a small gro up o f technicians. Theirinterest had first been sparked at theParis Expo sitio n o f 1900, whereBethlehemSteel exhibited high- speed steel. TheFrenchind ustrialists hailed this example o f Taylo r's experiments as a great scientificinventio n, and by 1914 the metallurgist Henri LeChatelier, "lebar- num frangais d eTaylo r," had translated threeo f Taylo r's majo rwo rks: OntheArt o f Cutting Metals (La Co upe d es metaux), Sho p Management (La Directio nd es ate- liers), and ThePrinciples o f Scientific Management (Les principes d 'o rganisatio n scientifique). In1907-08 ind ustrialists in- tro d uced Taylo r's time-stud y metho d s into facto ries, but theseearly effo rts, kno wnto thewo rkers as "systematized sweating," generated a spate o f unfavo rablepublicity and end ed abruptly ina series o f vio lent strikes thro ugho ut theregio n o f Paris in 1913.8 Wo rld WarI, ho wever, co mpletely reversed this situatio n. Thed emand s fo r rapid , precisepro d uctio n, thelo ss o f man- po wer, and theintro d uctio no f new, un- skilled (and o ftenweaker) wo rkers into the labo rfo rceenco uraged interest inAmeri- canind ustrial inno vatio ns; in1916 the publicatio n o f theFrenchengineer Henri Fayo l's Ad ministratio nind ustrielleet generale ad d ed impetus to the"scientific" o rganizatio n o f war-related ind ustries. Newly ratio nalized enterprises includ ed a majo r stateplant fo rgunpo wd er manufac- ture, large secto rs o f thesteel ind ustry, the shipbuild ing yard s o f Penho et (thebuild ers o f the great Frenchliners Paris and theIle d eFrance), and a military auto mo bile repairsho p, thelast celebrated in1918 thro ugh a series o f lectures spo nso red by theSo ciety fo rtheEnco uragement o f Na- tio nal Ind ustry. Thego vernment itself was a lead erintheintro d uctio no f the precepts o f ScientificManagement. Albert Tho mas, theMinistero f Armaments, spo ke o f the waras an"eno rmo us ind ustrial revo lu- tio n"fo rFranceand plead ed withlabo r and management to intensify pro d uctio n, igno re class d ifferences, and accept Tay- lo rism. Inearly 1918 Clemenceauhimself signed a d ecreeasking that all head s o f military establishments stud y new ind us- trial techniques and pro po sed thecreatio n o f a Taylo rite"planning d epartment" in every plant.9 But it was no t o nly thed emand s o f war pro d uctio n that generated theimpulse to ward s ind ustrial inno vatio n; thefo rmi- d abletask o f reco nstructio nenco uraged explo ratio n o f mo re general applicatio ns o f mo d ern pro d uctivetechniques. By the 134 Art Jo urnal Fig. 4 Aninvad ed area nearLens inNo rtheasternFrance, No vember1918. Fig. 5 Thenew city o f Lens-Merico urt. This gard encity d evelo pment withits pitched ro o f ho uses and picturesqueplan was typical o f thereco nstructio neffo rts fo llo wing the war. Erected by therailro ad co mpany No rd , it was o neo f several to wns d esigned co mpletely by engineers. Co nstructio nbegan o neweek aftergo vernment autho rizatio n, May 9, 1919, and insix mo nths 800 ho uses wereco nstructed . war's end , thed evastatio nwas immense: inthe4,329 co mmunes that had beeno ccu- pied o revacuated , so me6,147 public build - ings-to wnhalls, scho o ls, and churches- wererazed ; 293,039 d wellings wereco m- pletely d estro yed ; ano ther435,961 ho mes severely d amaged ; and 52,734 kilo meters o f highways need ed to berebuilt. Mucho f no rtheast Francewas red uced to rubble: so me100,000 wago nlo ad s wererequired to clearthed ebris fro mthecity o f Armen- tieres alo ne(Figs. 4 and 5).10 Altho ugh afterthewarmany simply wanted to recap- turethe past and returnto "no rmalcy," therewered issid ents, amo ng them pro gres- siveind ustrialists, o fficials, and trad eunio n gro ups, who so ught to ad apt theinno va- tio ns o f warto a peacetimeeco no my. In February 1919 Lo uis Lo ucheur, theMinis- tero f Reco nstructio n, d ecreed that "there must befro mno w o no nly o nehymn o nthe lips o f every Frenchman-thehymn to pro d uctio n," and Leo nJo uhaux, Secretary- General o f the principal trad eunio nfed er- atio n, theCGT, co nd emned theto leratio n o f "thewo rst prewar metho d s and fo llies, the practices that mad eo urind ustry puny and shabby." 1 l As early as 1917, Lieuten- ant Co lo nel G. Espitallier d eclared that "reco nstructio nsho uld bea po int o f d epar- turefo r pro gress to ward a mo rescientifi- cally mo d em[fo rmo f] o rganizatio n."12 Intheavant-gard e art wo rld , LeCo rbusier (thenstill Charles-Ed o uard Jeanneret) and Amed eeOzenfant wereamo ng thefirst to anno uncetheirend o rsement o f new ind us- trial metho d s: Thewarhas end ed ; all is o rganized ; all is clearand purified ; facto ries are built; no thing is just likeit was befo re theWar; the great Struggle tested everything, it d estro yed senilemeth- o d s and replaced themwiththo se whichthebattlepro ved best. [Taylo rism] is no t a questio n o f any- thing mo rethanexpo iting intelli- gently scientificd isco veries. Instinct, gro ping, and empiricism are replaced by scientificprinciples o f analysis, o rganizatio n, and clas- sificatio n. 13 Taylo rism, a fund amental co mpo nent o f thePurists' l'esprit no uveau, no w became a pervasive call ind iscussio ns o f reco n- structio n, just as it had beenin plans fo r warpro d uctio n. As a writerinRevued es Vivantes explained , "Thewarmad ethe Taylo r metho d theo rd ero f the d ay. . ... ThenameTaylo r, whichwas barely kno wn inFranceby well-info rmed peo pleo nly a few years ago , is no w mentio ned by every- o ne: o wners, engineers and wo rkers." 14 Also impo rtant to theintro d uctio no f Taylo rism, ho wever, was a lo ng-stand ing 3 Fig. 6 (left) Ad vertisement fo ra cement-gun, L'Esprit No uveauno . 28. LeCo rbusier used the cement-gun to co verthe pressed straw walls o f the Esprit No uveau pavilio n, as well as the gard enwalls o f his ho using pro ject at Pessac. Fig. 7 (right) A page fro m L'Esprit No uveau(no . 27), current events sectio n, No vember 1924. LeCo rbusierhad previo usly published the upper series o f pho to graphs inVers une architectureto illustratetheevo lutio no f a "stand ard ."Heto o k the lo wer-right pho to graph fro mL'Illustratio n(July 12, 1924), a French picturemagazine that co vered clo sely the d evelo pments o f theauto mo bile ind ustry. id eo lo gical straininFrench po litics o f ratio nal ad ministrativerefo rm-in partic- ular, Saint-Simo nianism. Thenineteenth- century so cial thinkerHenri d eSaint-Simo n had pro po sed a system o f o rganicinequality with "pro d uctive" and "ind ustrial"ele- ments replacing useless aristo crats and land o wners; inhis 300-memberChamber o f Inventio ns so me200 places wereo ccu- pied by engineers. Americantheo ries o f refo rmwere stro ngly reminiscent o f this nineteenth-century uto pianplan intheir pro po sal o f the engineeras so cial manager, theirco nd emnatio ns o f wasteand ineffi- ciency, and theirbelief that anincreased aggregate wealthwo uld bebeneficial to all. Afterthe warSaint-Simo nianism gained a small fo llo wing withGabriel Darquet's publicatio n o f LePro d ucteur (1920-33), named afterthenineteenth- century perio d ical.15 This strict revival fo und anecho inthe general end o rsements o f pro d uctio n, mo d ernizatio n, and new techno lo gy by such pro minent figures as the po pularmayo ro f Lyo nand Rad ical lead er, Ed o uard Herrio t; Clemenceau's Ministero f Co mmerce, EtienneClementel; theed ito ro f Figaro , LucienRo mier; and theresid ent general o f Mo ro cco , Marshal Lyauty. Oneo f themo st impo rtant po pu- larizers o f theAmericanind ustrial metho d s was a wo rking mechanicand unio nlead er, HyacinthDubreuil, who setwo stud ies Stand ard s (1929) and No uveaux Stand ard s (1931) were amo ng LeCo rbusier's mo st heavily anno tated bo o ks. 16 By 1923 Taylo rismwas po pulareno ugh to bethe subject o f anelabo ratesatirepub- lished o nthefro nt page o f L'Intransigeant. Sho rtly afterward s, LeQuo tid ienserialized Henry Fo rd 's memo irs and in1925 pub- lished a Frenched itio no f My Lifeand My Wo rk. 17 Fo rd ismhad jo ined Taylo rismas a mo d el o f ratio nalizatio n; the assembly line, stand ard izatio n, and the expansio n o f a mass market thro ughhigherwages and lo wer prices gaveimpetus to thebelief that so cial pro blems co uld bealleviated within thebo und aries o f capitalism. TheFrench, liketheGermans, appeared to takethe claims o f Fo rd 's gho st-writtenbo o ks at face value, seeing themas "primitive so cialism"; Fo rd 's pro gno sticatio no f a carfo r every family was a signo f the well-being to co me. 18 Also po pular, altho ugheventually o ver- shad o wed by Americanmetho d s, was a nativeFrench theo ry o f ind ustrial ratio nal- izatio n, Fayo lism. Inco ntrast to Taylo r and Fo rd who co ncentrated o nthe o pera- tio nal levels o f ind ustry, Henri Fayo l fo - cused o nissues o f management and ad min- istrativerefo rm. His Ad ministratio nin- d ustrielleet generaleespecially attracted French emplo yers who had initially been put o ff by theexcessivetechnical d etail o f thefirst articles o n Taylo rism. 19 Le Co rbusier pro bably first became familiarwiththe principles o f Scientific Management d uring thewar years, when hestud ied extensively at the Biblio theque Natio nale. In1917 hewro teto his Swiss friend WilliamRitterthat hewas immersed in Taylo rism, but no t witho ut so meambiv- alence: hecalled it "theho rribleand in- eluctable life o f to mo rro w."20 But his d o ubts had clearly subsid ed by thetimeo f the publicatio n o f Ozenfant's and his Apres lecubismethe fo llo wing year, and thro ugh- o ut the partners' cultural review L'Esprit No uveau(1920-25) references to mass pro d uctio n and eco no micefficiency abo und (Figs. 6 and 7). Eveninits ad vertisements, "Taylo rism" is cited .21 LeCo rbusier's interest in Taylo rism, ho wever, was mo rethantheo retical. By December1914 hehad alread y d evelo ped , in respo nse to theimmensed evastatio no f thefirst mo nths o f thewar, theDo m-ino system, o neo f theearliest applicatio ns o f mass-pro d uctio ntechniques to ho using.22 Afterhis arrival inParis inFebruary 1917 heserved as anarchitectural co nsultant fo r theS.A.B.A. (So cieted 'Applicatio n d u Beto nArme), anasso ciatio no f engineers and ind ustrialists invo lved intheco nstruc- tio no f natio nal d efense pro jects. Sho rtly afterward s, healso fo und ed his o wnenter- prise, S.E.I.E. (So cieted 'Entreprises In- d ustrielles et Etud es), whichinclud ed bo th a small co ncreteblo ck facto ry and a re- searchsectio nd evo ted to the stud y o f co n- creteand refrigeratio n. LeCo rbusierd e- scribed his enthusiasmfo rthis new ind us- trial end eavo rto Ritter: Thescene magnificent: eno rmo us gas meters, fo ur hugechimneys to the east. I breathe pro ud ly o n my site: thebureaucrat, the agent, thefunc- tio nary, theeunucharchitect will be o bliterated o ne d ay, finally. I will makebeautiful prints o f my facto ry and I will beableto talk o f "my sto cks"and "my sales"likea rice o rco al merchant!23 At S.E.I.E. heco ntinued his pursuit o f prefabricated lo w-co st ho using "fo rreco n- structio ninthed evastated regio ns" and gained first-hand experience with Taylo r- isminthetasks o f ind ustrial d esign and pro d uctio n. Altho ugh the facto ry venture so o nraninto d ifficulties that culminated in bankruptcy inthe early twenties, LeCo r- busiermaintained clo seco ntact with engi- neers and ind ustrialists. Thro ugho ut thetwenties LeCo rbusier, like many o f his German co ntempo raries,24 regard ed Taylo rism and serial pro d uctio n as fund amental co mpo nents o f so cial re- newal. Whiletheaesthetic suggestio ns o f mechanisticrepetitio nand stand ard izatio n echo ed many o f his o wnfo rmal principles, the pro mise o f ind ustrial efficiency and greaterpro d uctivity allo wed himto co n- ceiveo f architectureas a so cial to o l. Only withthe applicatio n o f mo d emind ustrial Summer1983 135 techniques, LeCo rbusierbelieved , co uld architecturebepro d uced cheaply, and thus beco meavailableto all. This argument beco mes o neo f the pre- d o minant themes inhis famo us po lemic Vers unearchitecture. As Reyner Banham has d emo nstrated , thetext, co mpo sed largely o f a series o f articles published in L'Esprit No uveau, canbeinterpreted as a d ialecticbetweeno ld and new, classical and mechanical, architectureand engi- neering, whichco nclud es that architecture must inco rpo ratethelesso ns o f mass pro - d uctio no r perish.25 Altho ugh its links with the past are d eep and explicit, thebo o k stro ngly pro claims a co mmitment to an ind ustrial future. It is, infact, ina passage fo llo wing his no stalgictributeto the Acro p- o lis that LeCo rbusierintro d uces his mo st significant and o riginal argument, "Mass- Pro d uctio nHo uses". Herehe specifically ad vo cates Taylo rismand mo d emind ustrial metho d s, and at thesametimeillustrates his o wnstud ies fo rlo w-co st prefabricated ho using: Do m-ino , Mo no l, Citro han, and theImmeuble-Villas. Thesectio n o pens withtheassertio nthat Bo nnevay and Lo ucheur's reco nstructio n plan fo r500,000 lo w-co st d wellings is an "exceptio nal event,"and co ntinues with thestatement that thebuild ing ind ustry is co mpletely unequipped to meet sucha pro gram.26 Theo nly so lutio n, LeCo rbu- sierasserts, is theaband o nment o f hand - crafted pro d uctio n and the wid espread ad o ptio n o f mo d emind ustrial techniques -technical specialists, wo rksho ps, stan- d ard izatio n, mass pro d uctio n; theinno va- tio ns o f war manufacturing must be applied to ho using. Thewarhas shakenus all up. One talked o f Taylo rism. It was d o ne. Co ntracto rs have bo ught new plants -ingenio us, patient and rapid . Will the yard so o nbea facto ry? Thereis talk o f ho uses mad eina mo uld by po uring in liquid co ncretefro m abo ve, co mpleted ino ne d ay as yo u wo uld fill a bo ttle.... No thing is read y, but everything can bed o ne. Inthenext twenty years, big ind ustry will haveco -o rd inated its stand ard ized materials, co mpara- blewiththo seo f metallurgy; tech- nical achievement will havecarried heating and lighting and metho d s o f ratio nal co nstructio nfarbeyo nd any- thing weare acquainted with. Co n- tracto rs' yard s will no lo nger be spo rad icd umps inwhich everything breathes co nfusio n; financial and so cial o rganizatio n, using co ncerted and fo rceful metho d s, will beableto so lvethe ho using questio n and the yard s will beo na hugescale, runand explo ited like go vernment o ffices. Dwellings . . . will be eno rmo us and square-built and no lo ngera d is- mal co ngeries; they will inco rpo rate the principle o f mass-pro d uctio n and large-scaleind ustrializatio n.27 This visio no f thefuturemo d els ho using pro d uctio no n airplaneand auto mo bile manufacture. Just as Henry Fo rd 's assem- bly linewas to result in lo wer-priced go o d s and mo reavailableco mmo d ities fo rthe wo rker, so , to o , ind ustrialized build ing pro cesses wereto red uce ho using co sts and pro vid e a "maximumd welling"fo r all. Eventhe relatio nship betweentenant and land lo rd was to bechanged inthe "inevitableso cial evo lutio n."Lo werco sts wo uld permit a systemo f rent purchase in whichtenants wo uld takeshares inthe enterprise.28 Similarly, a mo reefficient urbanism, includ ing ratio nal transpo rtatio n systems and anincreased d ensity o f ser- vices, wo uld lead to greater eco no mies and increased land values. Oneneed no t wo rry abo ut sacrificing therichto so lve theso cial pro blems o f the po o r. Thesur- pluses, as LeCo rbusierwas laterto explain, wo uld besufficiently largeto co mpensate theo wners "up to the present valueo f their pro perty.' '29 Ad d itio nal fund s wo uld still remainfo r greaterpublicservices. Le Co rbusier's "technical so lutio n,"like Taylo r's "mental revo lutio n,"o ffered an impro ved enviro nment fo rall. Theso cial urgency o f implementatio n beco mes thefo cus o f thelast chapter o f Vers unearchitecture, written specifically fo rthebo o k's publicatio n. LeCo rbusier's analysis was based upo n the assumptio n that the physical enviro nment-namely, ho using-was themajo rso cial ill facing France. "Thebalanceo f so ciety co mes d o wnto a questio n o f build ing."30 Bo th wo rkers and intellectuals (suchappeals to a pro fessio nal elitewereco mmo nto bo th LeCo rbusierand Taylo rist ad vo cates) suf- fered serio usly fro mthelack o f appro priate d wellings: tuberculo sis, mental d emo ral- izatio n, and thed estructio no f thefamily were amo ng thed ire co nsequences; so cial upheaval was imminent in po stwarFrance. Thebo o k co nclud es withhis famo us rhet- o rical plea fo rrefo rm: So ciety is filled witha vio lent d e- sirefo r so mething whichit may o b- taino rmay no t. Everything lies in that: everything d epend s o ntheeffo rt mad eand theattentio npaid to these alarming sympto ms. Architectureo rRevo lutio n. Revo lutio ncanbeavo id ed .3' This statement o f stro ng pro test was still farless rad ical thantheco nclusio ns o f the gro wing Co mmunist Party. But altho ugh Vers unearchitecturewas a call fo rrefo rm no t vio lent revo lutio n, fo r wo rking within existing po litical and eco no micstructures ratherthan o verthro wing them, it was hard ly a retrenchment into architectureas aniso lated d iscipline. Inco ntrast to the Beaux-Arts practio ners who rarely co n- sid ered inthe prewarperio d theissueo f ho using o rnew materials, LeCo rbusier was arguing fo ran expansio n o f the very co nceptio n o f thearchitect's ro leto em- bracetheco nsid eratio no f so cial pro blems. Taylo rism and new ind ustrial metho d s were theo nly way thearchitect co uld co ntinue to berelevant ina so ciety threatened with po tential d estructio n. LeCo rbusierstated this with greater zeal and to a largerlay aud iencethand id any o f his French co ntempo raries, but he was hard ly alo neinhis perceptio n o f ho us- ing as "the pro blem o f theepo ch"and "at thero o t o f so cial unrest."32 Withtheex- ceptio n o f theCo mmunists, all sid es o f the po litical spectrum-republican, so cialist, clerical-were inacco rd . InParis, abo ut two fifths o f the po pulatio n weresaid to be d angero usly ho used ; serio us o vercro wd ing and general d eterio ratio no f living co nd i- tio ns wereco mmo n. So me16,000 d eaths, inthe1920s alo ne, wereattributed to these co nd itio ns. Theseverity o f the ho using crisis threatened to d rive trad itio nally stable mid d le-class suppo rters o f theThird Re- public into a precario us financial po sitio n as ho using co sts so ared whileinco mestag- nated .33 It was no t illo gical to seethese co nd itio ns as lead ing to so cial unrest. Like LeCo rbusier, Lo ucheursaw large-scale co nstructio no f lo w-co st ho using as o neo f the o nly means o f preserving theweak and to ttering Republic.34 No rwereo therarchi- tects co mpletely unawareo f thenecessity o f co ping withthis immense pro blem. Lo ng befo rethewarend ed , as KennethSilver has sho wn, architects argued fo ranex- pand ed co nceptio n o f the pro fessio n's so - cial ro le.35 Thearchitect Ad o lpheDervaux, fo rinstance, claimed : No w to createo rreco nstruct a city, is assured ly anissueo f natio nal eco no my, but it's also architecture! To sanitizea tightly po pulated regio n, to jo in a river's banks witha brid ge, that's architecture. To planco nveniently a lo cale, to stud y theinhabitant's so cial custo ms and need s to easetheirlabo r, their ed ucatio n, theirrest-that is, to invo lveo nself withind ivid ual and co llective psycho lo gy-that's still architecture.36 And the large exhibitio nLa CiteReco nsti- tuee, held intheTuileries gard ens in1916 and o rganized by such pro minent practi- tio ners as Agache, Jaussely, Jo urd ain, and Plumet, fo cused o nthe pro blem o f re- co nstructio nand theuseo f new ind ustrial build ing metho d s "to spread thefruitful principles o f asso ciatio n, co o peratio n, re- gro uping, whichwill co nspicuo usly facili- tatetherealizatio no f plans o f d evelo p- ment .. 37 Altho ughculturally, co nservativefac- 136 ArtJo urnal tio ns seemto haved o minatd inthe po stwar perio d -regio nalism was particularly stro ng inthe early twenties38-LeCo rbu- sier's end o rsement o f scientificmanage- ment was infact echo ed thro ugho ut large segments o f theParisianto wn-planning mo vement. Leftists suchas Henri Sellier, MaximeLero y, and Geo rges Beno it-Levy, as well as mo reco nservativespo kesmen suchas Lo uis Renault, PierreLhand e, and Lo uis Lo ucheur, all ad vo cated so mefo rm o f "municipal Taylo rism."39 They be- lieved that a mo reefficient o rganizatio n o f transpo rtatio n and services wo uld pro d uce less fatigued wo rkers and thus prevent the "d egrad atio n and d isintegratio n o f human capital."40 Fo rmo st o f theserefo rmers, gard encity to wns, lo cated clo seto ind us- try, werethemo st ratio nal so lutio n. Beno it- Levy, fo rinstance, who sewo rk La Cite- jard in(1904) LeCo rbusierhad stud ied clo sely, carried theno tio no f efficient functio nal segregatio n(so mewhat analo - go us to Taylo r's d ivisio no f labo r) to an extreme. Hed ivid ed eachnew to wninto "hamlets,"with every hamlet representing a d ifferent specialty: therewas to a hamlet fo riro nwo rkers, fo r carpenters, and fo r meno f letters.41 Also po pular was the no tio no f theho meas a mo d el o f manage- rial efficiency, anid ea anticipated by Alfred d eFo villeand o thers o f theMuseeSo cial. TheScientificManagement ad vo cateFayo l explained : Likeany o ther enterprise, theho me has to bemanaged , i.e., it need s fo resight, o rganizatio n, co mmand , co -o rd inatio n, and co ntro l.... Then o nly will theho me play the part whichbefits it inthe manage- ment training o f yo uth.42 But fo rmo st architects and urbanists the applicatio n o f ind ustrial mo d els to urban planning and ho use d esign was limited to stud ies o f efficient o rganizatio n and man- agement o f the physical plan. Mass-pro - d uctio n pro ced ures were largely igno red . Theirinterests in Taylo rism, liketho seo f mo st Frenchind ustrialists, weremo re psy- cho lo gical thentechnical, mo reco ncerned with theo ry thansubstance. Dubreuil, an eyewitness to bo thFrenchand American experiments, o bserved that Taylo rism had no t fully penetrated evenAmericanfacto - ries and was no mo rethana superficial glo ss o nthe o peratio ns o f mo st French enterprises.43 Lo ucheurand Renault, fo r instance, d espite certaininno vatio ns inwar and auto mo bile pro d uctio n, mad eno effo rt to pro po seprefabricatio n inthe ho using ind ustry itself. LeCo rbusier's techno craticstancewas mo rerad ical thanthat o f mo st architects and to wn planners inits end o rsement o f no t o nly efficiency but also mass pro d uc- tio n. Fo rd as muchas Taylo rwas his mo d el; stand ard izatio nand prefabricatio nwere pred o minant co ncerns, ho wevernaivehis actual und erstand ing o f theeco no micvari- ables o f theco nstructio nind ustry may have been. Amo ng theFrencharchitects o f the early twenties o nly Perret and Gamier, bo thillustrated in L'Esprit No uveau, shared his interest innew ind ustrial metho d s.44 Yet, ino ther respects LeCo rbusier's appro ach to so cial change resembled that o f themo reo fficial to wn-planning refo rm- ers. Eco no micratherthanpo litical mea- sures werethemeans to so cial refo rm. Big business-"a healthy and mo ral o rgan- ism"-mo re than parliament, was likely to bethe generato r o f refo rm. Business has mo d ified its habits and custo ms. . ... Ind ustry has created new to o ls. . . . Suchto o ls arecapa- bleo f ad d ing to humanwelfareand o f lightening humanto il. If these new co nd itio ns areset against the past, yo u haveRevo lutio n.45 Insho rt, LeCo rbusierenvisio ned the "Revo lutio n"o f Fo rd ismand Taylo rism as an impro ved co rpo ratecapitalism, prem- ised o n efficiency and eco no ny. Fo rthe ad vo cates o f Taylo rism, so cial justicewas a pro d uct o f technical ratio nalizatio n, no t o f material equality. The specificpo litical and so cial impli- catio ns o f this techno lo gical visio nbeco me mo reevid ent if o neco nsid ers LeCo rbu- sier's writings intheco ntext o f L'Esprit No uveauas a who le. Altho ugh thereview d ealt pred o minantly withthearts, it also examined science, ind ustry, eco no mics, so cio lo gy, and fo reignaffairs as to pics o f impo rtant co ncern. By thefo urthissue, January 1921, thesubtitle changed fro m Revueinternatio naled 'esthetiqueto Revue internatio naleillustreed el'activiteco n- tempo raine; later, infact, L'Esprit No u- veauwas to publisha L'Esprit No uveau, revueinternatio nalehebd o mad aired 'eco n- o mique.46 As theed ito rs explained inthe preface to anarticle"Wilso net l'human- isme frangais," Afew o f o urread ers were surprised that l'Esprit No uveausho wed interest ineco no micand so cio lo gical ques- tio ns. L'Esprit No uveauwants to be the great Review o f co nnectio nfo r peo ple who think, . . . who canno t but realizethat inthis d ay and ageall subjects aremo rethanevero f great relevanceand that intellectual and spiritual questio ns areclo sely related to theso cial situatio n.47 Inthe spectrum o f well-kno wnFrench cultural reviews o f the epo ch, L'Esprit No uveau appears as o neo f themo st aes- thetically and po litically pro gressive. Only Clarteand thelaterRevo lutio nSurrealiste werefurtherto theleft. At a timewhen many artistic publicatio ns werecalling fo r a resurgence o f regio nal styles and a return to la trad itio nlatine,48 L'Esprit No uveau was unequivo cal inits end o rsement o f mo d ern techno lo gy and an acco mpanying so cial change. Intheelectio ns o f 1919, the parties o f the right, gro uped intheBlo c Natio nal, wo n433 seats intheChamber, against a mere86 fo rtheRad icals and 104 fo rtheSo cialists; fo rthefirst timesince the1890s, clerical and reactio nary seg- ments d o minated . Particularly d isturbing to this co nservative public, yearning fo r stability afterthewartime upheaval, was L'Esprit No uveau's internatio nalist o rien- tatio nand its co mmitment to land refo rm. Altho ugh fo rso meFrenchind ustrialists the ad vo cacy o f new, pro d uctivemetho d s was a pro tectio nist call, a means to insure France's ind ustrial preeminence, fo rLe Co rbusier, as fo rthetechno crats invo lved inthe Pan-Euro pemo vement, it was intrin- sically tied to a bro ad erwo rld visio n.49 Taylo r's o rd erly facto ry creating o rd erly menwas eventually to lead to a mo re o rd erly wo rld . LeCo rbusier's future, like that o f theearlierSaint-Simo nians, was o neo f o rd ero na series o f evergrand er scales; ratio nalizatio nwo uld spread ineven wid er spheres, resulting eventually inthe attainment o f universal harmo ny. Interna- tio nal co o peratio nand red uced trad ere- strictio ns wereessential co mpo nents o f this pro jectio n. Just as trad itio nal class struc- tures had littlerelatio nto appro priate man- agerial hierarchies inScientific Manage- ment, so , to o , natio nal bo und aries had o nly marginal co nnectio nto issues o f ind ustrial pro d uctio nand eco no mic exchange. The architect's end o rsement o f aninternatio nal stylisticvo cabulary related d irectly to his co nceptio n o f ind ustrial efficiency and a netwo rk o f ratio nally unified enterprises. Astand ard izatio no f architectural ele- ments, LeCo rbusierstated inhis article "No s mo yens,"wo uld no t o nly result in greaterfo rmal unity, but also lead to "uni- versal co llabo ratio n"and "universal metho d s."50 Thelarger-scalepro d uctio n and wid eraccess to techno lo gical inno va- tio ns resulting fro ma bro ad ermarket wo uld lo werco sts and benefit all. LeCo rbusier cited the Barrage d eBarberine, with parts co ming fro m Germany, Switzerland , and theUnited States, as an example o f the kind o f "great wo rk" emerging fro minter- natio nal co o peratio n; it embo d ied "thesum o f man's kno wled ge."Subsequently, he suggested inUrbanismethat Paris sho uld berebuilt with fo reigncapital; German, American, Japanese, and Englishinvest- ment wo uld insurethe city against future attack.51 Insho rt, ratio nal business prac- tices meant wo rld peace. CamilleMauclair, theart critico f Figaro , was particularly sard o nicabo ut this suggestio n fo r"the internatio nalizatio n o f thecentero f Paris": This immensevalueo f thebuilt cen- tero f Paris-it wo uld be go o d fo ro ne sectio n o f it to belo ng to fo reigners. If, o f thenumero us billio ns o f gigan- tic glass to wers to beraised , a large Summer1983 137 part belo nged to Americans and Ger- mans, d o n't yo u think that they wo uld prevent theto wers fro m being d e- stro yed by lo ng-rangecano ns.... Theinteresting thing is no t to d e- cid ewhetherthis genius is reco ver- ing withthe help o f psychiatry, but whetherthis Picasso o f co ncreteis no t ratherLenin.52 LeCo rbusier, perhaps in anticipatio n o f suchattacks, was careful in L'Esprit No u- veauto sho w examples o f "Frenchratio - nalism"-Perrault's east fagad e o f the Lo uvreo rGabriel's Placed ela Co nco rd e -and to d efend the straight lineas French.53 But mo rethanmo st co ntempo rary French architects heresisted thenatio nalismthat was to characterizetheExpo sitio n d es Arts Deco ratifs o f 1925. Other aspects o f L'Esprit No uveaureiter- ated LeCo rbusier's internatio nalism. The review published numero us articles by fo r- eigners (Lo o s, Gro pius, Rathenau, and the Czecho slo vakianSiblik), cited fo reign perio d icals frequently, and d evo ted co n- sid erable space to thed iscussio no f fo reign literatureand painting. Erik Satie, inhis "Cahiers d 'unmammifere,"rid iculed the chauvinismthat permeated Frenchart cir- cles: "Hewho d o es no t lo ve Wagner d o es no t lo veFrance. "s4 Thereview inits arti- cles d evo ted to "eco no mique" and "so ci- o lo gique"and inits o neissueL'Esprit No uveau Eco no miqueunequivo cally re- jected pro tectio nist po licies infavo ro f free trad eand greaterinternatio nal exchange. Mo d ern ind ustry and co mmercewereen- visio ned as transcend ing natio nal bo und a- ries and regio nal d ifferences. R. Chenevier, thereview's po litical spo kesman, was harshly critical o f theVersailles treaty and pro claimed theLeagueo f Natio ns a symbo l o f "l'esprit no uveau."At a timewhen anti-Bo lshevist sentiment was stro ng he argued fo reco no mic rappro chement with theSo viet Unio n.55 Ona mo rehumanitar- ian plane thereview waged a campaign fo r co ntributio ns to fight thefamineinthe U.S.S.R., and afterLenin's d eathin1924 it paid tributeto themanwho "had kno cked o ut o ld Russia".s56 Leninhimself had stro ngly ad vo cated Taylo rism as a means o f d evelo ping thenew So viet state. Henri Hertz, Chenevier's successo r, also vo cally suppo rted wo rld go vernment, and intheir preface to his article"L'Acheminement vers les grand s co nseils internatio naux," Ozenfant and LeCo rbusierend o rsed his aspiratio ns: He gives a co mprehensive view o f theactual embryo nic stateo f these o rganizatio ns-news intheeco no mic and po litical histo ry o f mankind - whicharevast o rganizatio ns o f po wer, d irecting natio ns. These o rganizatio ns tend to imped e the ind ivid ual actio no f the o rganizatio n member; weare expecting fro mthe meetings a regulatio n o f internatio nal relatio ns, restraint o f ind ivid ual d e- sires, a start in thwarting ind ivid ual impulse, and therefo rethelimitatio n o f impulsived eclaratio ns o f war, the creatio no f a mo restablestateo f peace-peace being theo nly stateo f so ciety favo rableto theblo sso ming o f wo rks o f thenew spirit inall its fo rms.57 Theed ito rs ho ped that ultimately a series o f ratio nally co nceived o rganizatio ns wo uld lead to wo rld fed eratio n, bro ught to gether by theties o f multinatio nal, ratio nal, pro - d uctive planning. Altho ugh this so cial visio n represented a liberal humanismbased o n"ratio nal" analysis ratherthananything appro aching Co mmunist po licy, critics were quick to ind ict thereview's po sitio n o nfo reign affairs. Bo thCamilleMauclairand Alex- and erd e Senger, theautho ro f theinfamo us d iatribeLeCheval d etro ied ubo lshevisme, called L'Esprit No uveauBo lshevist pro pa- gand a. De Senger, particularly perturbed by thelarge numbero f Jewishco ntributo rs, cited Guillaume Apo llinaire as "a typical representative . . . a bank emplo yee who semo theris Lithuanianand who se fatheris unkno wn, and who senameis Ko stro vitsky. "58 Evenmo re threatening to existing French capitalist so ciety, altho ugh no t as wid ely ad d ressed perhaps becauseo f its o bvio us uto pianism, was L'Esprit No uveau's po si- tio no nland o wnership. LeCo rbusierstated that privatepro perty was a "serio us barri- er"to thetransfo rmatio no f ho using and theurbanenviro nment. Altho ugh hewas careful, as always, to basehis argument o n pro fessio nal, no t po litical, gro und s and to sto p sho rt o f calling fo rthe co mplete abo li- tio no f private land o wnership, heco n- d emned inheritanceand theland lo rd 's escape fro m"the ro ugh waro f co mpeti- tio n."59 Paul Lafitte's article"A pro po s d ela Grand Crise,"ho wever, was mo re specific: state o wnership o f land was the technician's so lutio nto thebarriers blo ck- ing efficient urbanplanning; it "pro vid es cities witha certain flexibility, which per- mits themto ad apt to all their changing need s, and to all the requirements o f a pro gressiveso ciety."60 Ozanfant and Le Co rbusierintro d uced Lafitteas a "subtle theo retician"with"a prud ent, clever, and reaso nableeco no mic pro gram. "61 Despite LeCo rbusier's perso nal reluc- tanceto label himself, thereview also ex- hibited leftist, tho ughhard ly so cialist, sympathies with regard to parliamentary po litics. Intheissuereleased just afterthe 1924 electio ns, bo thHenri Hertz and the artist Jean Lurgat, ina statement represent- ing ano bscureCartel d es Ind epend ants, d eclared theirend o rsement o f Ed o uard Herrio t's Cartel d es Gauches, whichco m- prised bo thRad icals and So cialists.62 To a greaterextent thanits pred ecesso r, the co nservativeBlo cNatio nale, Herrio t's new go vernment pro mised to spend fund s o n so cial refo rmand to red istributetaxes; the Rad icals o ffered , as Hertz explained in wo rd s reminiscent o f Vers unearchitec- ture, "unerevo lutio npacifique."But bo th Lurgat and Hertz vo iced stro ng qualifica- tio ns intheir suppo rt o f thegreat party built up by Gambetta: Rad icalismis thehumus o f the republic. Withinit, amo ng its many impurities, is theseed o f a po litical spirit. Theelectio ns o f May 11 arean excellent example o f this. Thepo s- sibility o f renewing and re-erecting the publicspirit rests inthis big and crass party, and resid es o nly init. A labo rio us and crud eamalgamatio n o f current life, it represents valuable plans and values, to whichit alo neis ina po sitio n to give intelligent meaning.63 Herrio t, who as mayo r o f Lyo nhad spo n- so red many o f To ny Gamier's great public wo rks, was himself a stro ng ad vo cateo f Taylo rism; inhis bo o k Creero f 1919 he called fo r a techno lo gically inspired "fo urth republic" that wo uld aband o nthe party intrigues, lo cal patro nage, and cafe- co mpto ireco mites that had d o minated pre- warFrenchpo litics.64 Despite thepro mise o f suchrheto ric, theRad ical-So cialists' po wer baseo f small-to wnand peasant interests necessarily put into questio nany ho pe fo rrefo rm. The pro gressive d imensio no f L'Esprit No uveau's ind ustrial uto pia emerges inits end o rsement o f wo rld go vernment, o f the mo d ificatio no f pro perty arrangements, and o f theelectio no f Herrio t's co alitio n. Mo re co nservativestrains, ho wever, canbe d etected inits co nceptio n o f so cial o rd er. Mo st apparent o f thesewas thepro po sed hierarchy o f po wer. Taylo rism, which purpo rted to transcend po litical d ivisio ns inits guise o f pro fessio nal neutrality, was by no means egalitarian. Casting asid e trad itio nal d eterminants o f po wer-wealth, family, and class-the system, likeSaint- Simo nianism, pred icated rank o n capacity and expertise. As LeCo rbusierhimself explained : the right manfo rthe right jo b is co ld ly selected ; labo rers, wo rkmen, fo remen, engineers, managers, ad ministrato rs-eachinhis pro per place; and themanwho is mad eo f the right stuff to bea manager will no t lo ng remaina wo rkman; the higherplaces areo pento all.65 This visio no f a hierarchy o f talent takes material fo rminVille Co ntempo raine and PlanVo isin, illustrated inthefinal issueo f L'Esprit No uveau. Engineers, ind ustrial- 138 ArtJo urnal Fig. 8 Dio rama o f Ville Co ntempo raine. At theentero f the to wn, at the cro ssing o f thetwo highways is the great transpo rtatio n center. Theto wers, lo cated o neithersid e, co ntainbusiness and co mmercial facilities. Amo ng thehills o ntheho rizo n, just beyo nd a wo o d ed "pro tected "zo ne, aretheGard enCities, ho using wo rkers. ists, financiers, and artists wo rk inthegreat skyscrapers o f thecity center, "clo thed in a d azzling mirage o f unimaginablebeauty (Fig. 8). Otheractivities, liketho sein Beno it-Levy's hamlets, arecarefully seg- regated inthesurro und ing o utskirts. The planning o f theresid ential quarters further enfo rces therigid hierarchy o f physical and so cial stratificatio n. Wo rkers and sub- o rd inates, "their d estinies . . . circum- scribed withinthenarro werbo und s o f family life,"livein gard encities; the pro - fessio nal eliteresid eclo seto thecity cen- ter.66 Theurbanplan, as ratio nally d eter- mined as theTaylo rist plant, d o es embo d y a new so cial o rd er, but inequities ininco me, habitatio n, and wo rk co nd itio ns remain. Fo rtheTaylo rists, efficiency-no t equality -was themeans to so cial renewal. L'Esprit No uveauwas unabashed ly o ri- ented to ward s LeCo rbusier's futureto wer o ccupants. Aned ito rial statement d escribed synd icalism(theFrenchtrad eunio nmo ve- ment) and Bo lshevismas being und erthetragicaspect fro mwhich o nemust no t miss seeing thepathetic attempt at a need ed re-establishment o f values, necessitated by persisting mo nstro us ano malies suchas warand thearms race. Inco ntrast, theesprit no uveauwas created by faithinthe po ssibleo rga- nizatio no f all facto rs o f pro gress; the pro d igio us intellectual effo rt o f the perio d has created aneliteo f marvelo us fecund ity; anelitewhich has yet to find a place intheso cial machinery o rinthego vernment and whichis d ying o f hunger.67 Thereview aimed , as theed ito rs reiterated o nnumero us o ccasio ns, to ad d ress these lead ers, to pro vo ke "anind ispensable co n- nectio nbetweentheelites"-an appeal they shared withtheSaint-Simo nianPro - d ucteur. Altho ughthis publicatio n d iffered fro mL'Esprit No uveauinits synd icalist o rientatio nand its aimto d estro y the"fi- nancial pluto cracy," LeCo rbusierand Ozenfant includ ed it inL'Esprit No uveau's list o f reco mmend ed publicatio ns and called it essential fo rtheirread ers.68 At least o ne o f thePro d ucteur's writers, theeco no mic theo rist Francis Delaisi, also co ntributed to L'Esprit No uveau. LeCo rbusierhad ho ped that Delaisi wo uld writethelast chapter o f Urbanisme, "Financeand Real- izatio n. '69 Co nco mitant withthis elitist o rientatio n was a preo ccupatio n withend s, no t means; anemphsis o nmaterial results, no t parlia- mentary pro ced ures. Fo rtheTaylo rists, d ecisio ns werebased o nscienceand ratio - nality; participatio n and abstract rights were irrelevant inthefaceo f expertise. Thro ugh- o ut L'Esprit No uveau, LeCo rbusieralter- nated betweennaively wishing fo r imple- mentatio nand urging autho ritarian co ntro l. Co lbert, Lo uis XIV, Napo leo nI, and Haussmannwere pro po sed as thehero es o f Paris. Theco nclud ing plate o f Urbanisme sho ws Lo uis XIV co mmand ing thebuild - ing o f theInvalid es, and thecaptio n und er- neathread s: Ho mage to a great to wnplanner. This d espo t co nceived immensepro j- ects and realized them. Overall the co untry his no blewo rks still fill us withad miratio n. Hewas capable o f saying, "Wewishit,"o r"Suchis o ur pleasure. "70 Awareo f thepo ssiblenegative co nno ta- tio ns, LeCo rbusierad d ed in parentheses "this is no t a d eclaratio no f the'Actio n Frangaise,'" thereby d isclaiming any co nnectio nto Charles Maurras' ro yalist gro up.71 Ina laterpro po sal fo ra statueina wo rking-class neighbo rho o d thearchitect reco nciled his techno craticand autho ritar- iantend encies by placing casts o f his mo narchical hero es o na ped estal co mpo sed o f vario us auto mo biles. But simultaneo usly heasserted , tho ugh no t co nvincingly to his co ntempo rary critics, that his d emand s fo r rad ical expro priatio n and ind emnificatio n were"withinthebo und o f practical po li- tics"and "po ssible und ero uro wnd emo c- racy."72 Geo rges Beno it-Levy, thePresi- d ent o f theFrenchGard enCity Asso cia- tio n, had fewerhesitatio ns abo ut express- ing theautho ritarianstrainund erlying mucho f theratio nalist d o ctrineo f the to wn-planning mo vement. Theinad equacy o f a d emo cratic regime insuchaffairs caneasily be po inted o ut. Oneregrets theabsence o f a Napo leo nIII, o rd ering theco n- servatio no f o penspaces, o f thefo rts and fo rtificatio ns, o ra Haussmann who co mmand ed fo r17 years at the Ho tel d eVille. Oneregrets theab- senceo f a Musso lini, telling the Mayo r o f Ro me: "Go verno r, infive years I will haverazed theentire heart o f theo ld city and themo d el city o f Ro me-Ostia will havebeen built. "73 Echo es o f frustratio nwiththeparliamenta- ry go vernment o f theThird Republicwere, infact, heard thro ugho ut Frenchso ciety. Inthemid -twenties therampant inflatio n and severemarket fluctuatio ns, the general legislativeparalysis, and thelingering sense that theGreat Ward emand ed pro fo und if und efined alteratio ns all co ntributed to the anti-parliamentary o verto nes manifest in theresurgent po pularity o f theActio n Frangaise. Evena rad ical sympathizer such as Hertz co mplained inhis series "Bal- butiements d e l'esprit po litique" o f the d isplacement o f "esprit po litique" with "esprit po liticien."Despite thevicto ry o f theCartel d es Gauches in1924, Hertz saw universal suffrage as anembo d iment o f po liticians' o ppo rtunism and therefo remis- trusted it.74 Almo st all po litical gro ups vo iced inso mevariatio nLeCo rbusier's d emand fo ra stro nger executive. Fo rtho se Summer1983 139 o ntheright, therewas the pro mise o f a mo re rigid ly hierarchical and stableso cial o rd er; fo rtho seo ntheleft, the po tential triumph, inMax Weber's terms, o f the ratio nalizing bureaucrat who upheld the publicgo o d o ver capitalistic ind ivid ualism. LeCo rbusiershared this id eal o f a "man o f go o d will"but also theco nservatives' stro ng yearning fo ro rd er. Acco mpanying theseautho ritarian tend - encies wereso mewhat ambivalent attitud es in L'Esprit No uveauto ward s thefamily and its impo rtance to so cial equilibrium. LeCo rbusier's pro clamatio ns o f theho use as a "machine-fo r-living," his rejectio n o f thehearthand d ining tableas fo rmal fo ci, and his cho iceinVilleCo ntempo raine to d esign thecentral business city rather thanthefamily-o riented gard encity sug- gest a d isd ainfo r, o rat least ind ifference to , theFrenchd evo tio nto family life. In his article"Mass-Pro d uctio nHo uses"Le Co rbusiermad eit clearthat serial pro d uc- tio nand Taylo risminevitably d emand ed thed estructio no f certainvalues based o n trad itio nintheinterests o f efficiency: Theho usewill no lo nger bean archaicentity, heavily ro o ted inthe so il by d eep fo und atio ns, built "firm and stro ng," theo bject o f thed evo - tio no nwhichthecult o f thefamily and theracehas so lo ng beenco n- centrated .75 This challenge to trad itio nal no tio ns o f "maiso n,""famille,"and "patrie" was exaggerated inthemind s o f LeCo rbusier's critics by L'Esprit No uveau's interest in psycho analysis and sexuality. Libertine literaturewas o ftenreviewed favo rably; And reGid e's L'Immo ralistecalled "a very beautiful bo o k filled withthemo st d iverse virtualities. "76 But LeCo rbusierd id no t reject thefamily o utright; heo nly d iscard ed so meo f its fo rms and custo ms. Infact, likemo st o f the gard encity planners, he upheld the Pro ud ho nnianid eal o f the family as the primary structural unit and as a mo d el fo r o therso cial relatio nships.77 Part o f Le Co rbusier's argument fo r stand ard ized architecture, parad o xically, was based o n the preservatio n o f this d imensio no f the status quo : his to wn, his street, his ho useo rhis flat. . . hind erhim[man] fro mfo l- lo wing inhis leisuretheo rganic d evelo pment o f his existence, which is to createa family and to live, like every animal o nthis earthand like all meno f all ages, an o rganized family life. Inthis way, so ciety is helping fo rward thed estructio no f the family, whileshesees withterro r that this will beherruin.78 As withLeCo rbusier's po lemical juxta- po sitio n o f thePartheno nand theauto mo - bile, his d iscussio no f so cial structure Fig. 9 A page fro mL'Almanachd 'architecturemo d erne (1925), the catalo gue o f the Esprit No uveau pavilio n. co mbined pro gressive and trad itio nal view- po ints. Hewas at o ncewilling to upro o t the"firmand stro ng" Frenchfamily trad i- tio ns while upho ld ing thebenevo lent pater- nalism lo ng characteristico f theFrench ho using-refo rm mo vement. Thetechno - lo gically inno vativeVilleCo ntempo raine channeled so cial interactio nto fit patterns o f so cial hierarchy and family structure. Any changes inso cial o rd erresulted pri- marily inbenefits fo rthe pro gressive cad re o f mo d ernind ustrual so ciety. Lacking in his techno craticwo rld view was any co n- cept o f impro ving theco nd itio no f the po o rest secto rs o f so ciety per se. As in many o f theAmericanist visio ns o f so cial refo rm, thereis inLeCo rbusier's view a blurring o f d istinctio ns between right and left. Hed enied theexistenceo f class struggle and simultaneo usly d e- mand ed majo r transfo rmatio ns ininterna- tio nal po licy and pro perty o wnership. It was a po sitio n that purpo rted to transcend po litical catego ries; yet, inco ntrast to the apo litical cast o f Beaux-Arts acad emicism (invo lving the passive end o rsement o f the status quo ), it was d eeply engaged inso cial and po litical issues. Fo rLeCo rbusier, as 140 Art Jo urnal fo rHertz, therewas a d istinctio nbetween esprit po liticien and esprit po litique. The architect's pro fessio nal ro lemight exclud e thefo rmer, but no t thelatter. Appel aux ind ustriels LeCo rbusier's effo rts to implement his techno craticvisio nwerenaiveand scattered at best. Believing pro fo und ly intheratio - nality and universality o f bo thhis architec- tural and so cial id eas, heassumed that d emo nstratio no f his pro gram wo uld in itself generatewid e-scaleacceptance and realizatio n. LikeHenry Fo rd , he might haved eclared : I am quite certainthat it is thenatural co d eand I want to d emo nstrateit so tho ro ughly that it will be accepted , no t as a new id ea, but as a natural co d e.79 Mo st o f LeCo rbusier's writings, theo reti- cal pro jects, and exhibitio ns inthetwenties wered evo ted to just sucha d emo nstratio n, but unlikeFo rd , hehad at that timeno facto ry o rind ustrial enterprise to pro ve the eco no mico rtechnical feasibility o f his premises. As the Esprit No uveau pavilio n so clearly reveals, his maiso ntypes were po lemical statements, no t actual realiza- tio ns o f mass-pro d uctio npro ced ures. The mo d ularsto rageunits, streamlined bicycle stair, and facto ry-type wind o ws wereall custo mmanufactured . Perhaps mo st iro nic werethe specially mad e co pies o f Maples's leatherclub chairs: themarket mo d els were to o large fo rLeCo rbusier's new "stan- d ard "d o o rs.80 Beyo nd theParisianartisticmilieu, mo st o f LeCo rbusier's so cial and pro fessio nal co ntacts werewithind ustrialists and inno - vato rs inthebusiness wo rld . Afterthe co llapse o f his o wnsho rt-lived ind ustrial end eavo rs, heenvisio ned himself as a d e- tached "technical"ad viso r. His "appel aux ind ustriels,"the slo gan o f L'Almanach d 'architecturemo d erne(1925) (Fig. 9), was a mixtureo f flattery, d emand , and simpleexample. His letterto theglass- manufacturing co mpany Saint-Go bain, afterits failureto realizehis pro ject fo r wo rkers' ho using neartheir facto ry at Tho uro tte, is typical o f this presumptuo us appro ach: I am send ing yo ua co py o f No . 13 o f the magazineL'Esprit No uveau whichco ntains an impo rtant article o n mass-pro d uced ho using, und er my pseud o nym, Le Co rbusier-Saugnier. WhenI d id a pro ject at yo urrequest, fo rTho uro tte, I was so rry that the pro gram whichwas givento med id no t permit meto put fo rward id eas similarto tho seco ntained inthis arti- cle. Tho seid eas appear subversive to d ay and yet they will becurrent practice to mo rro w.81 In particular, LeCo rbusierco urted auto - mo bilemanufacturers, who mhesaw as mo st likely to besympathetic to stand ard - izatio nand mass pro d uctio n. Henamed the pro to type Citro han-ho use(1920-22) aftertheauto mo bilemanufacturerAnd re Citro en,82 and in1925 heho no red Gabriel Vo isinwiththenameo f his plan fo rParis, after Peugeo t and Citro enhad rejected his requests fo rfinancial suppo rt.83 Earlier, in theseco nd issueo f L'Esprit No uveau, he had praised the prefabricated "Maiso n Vo isin"as "light, flexible, and stro ng"; its resid ent as "animated by 'l'esprit no u- veau.' "84 TheVo isinfirmd o nated 25,000 francs to ward s theco nstructio no f the Esprit No uveaupavilio n, and bo thVo isin and Mo ngemo n, thed irecto ro f Aero planes Vo isin, attend ed theo pening ceremo ny o f the pavilio n. Eventhead vertisements in L'Esprit No uveaufo rind ustrial pro d ucts -Ingerso ll-Rand cement guns o rRo neo metal d o o rs-o ften d esigned by LeCo r- busier, served as "appels aux ind ustriels." Only o nceinthetwenties, ho wever, was LeCo rbusierableto persuad e anind ustri- alist to build stand ard ized lo w-inco me ho using; thesugar manufacturerHenri Fruges co mmissio ned himto d esign 135 wo rkers' resid ences at Pessac, a small to wn o utsid eBo rd eaux (Fig. 10). There, Le Co rbusierwas ableto co nstruct a few o f his pro to typed esigns and useso meo f the pro d ucts and techniques, if with o nly o c- casio nal success, ad vo cated by L'Esprit No uveau.85 LeCo rbusier's appeals fo rmass pro d uc- tio n, reflecting theAmericantend encies o f the perio d , wered irected pred o minantly to privateind ustrialists, no t public o fficials. Hehad co ntacts withbo thAnato led e Mo nzie, Herrio t's Ministero f PublicEd u- catio nand theArts, and Lo uis Lo ucheur, who had beco mePo incare's Ministero f Co mmerceinhis reshuffled cabinet o f March1924. DeMo nzie suppo rted theco n- structio no f the Esprit No uveau pavilio n, and his mo therwas o neo f the o riginal clients o f thevilla at Garches. Lo ucheurhad helped so lveso meo f thelegal pro blems surro und ing Pessac. But the go vernment hard ly appeared to LeCo rbusieras a so urce o f inno vatio n. Heco nsid ered theH.B.M. (Habitatio ns a bo nmarche) co mplexes, built o f maso nry co nstructio nwithtrad i- tio nal apartment plans, to be"slums."86 Furthermo re, theChambero f Deputies had no t succeed ed in passing any majo rho using legislatio n until 1928. Inco ntrast, Michelin et Cie., o neo f thefirst French co mpanies to intro d uceScientificManagement, had co nstructed by 1925 a large-scale wo rkers' ho using co mplex at Clermo nt-Ferrand , using metho d s o f Taylo rism and mass pro - d uctio n.87 TheVo isin plant d evelo ped the transpo rtable Maiso nVo isin, using airplane techno lo gy, and Lo uis Renault, tho ugh mo reco nservativeinhis co nstructio ntech- niques, spo nso red a co nsid erableamo unt o f wo rking-class ho using.88 Red ressement Fran;ais Oneo f LeCo rbusier's mo st impo rtant ind ustrial co ntacts was withErnest Mercier and his o rganizatio n Red ressement Frangais, and his participatio n withthis o rganizatio nperhaps best exemplifies his techno craticstanced uring thenineteen- twenties. Fo rLeCo rbusier, Mercier, the managing d irecto ro f France's lead ing util- ities co mpany and later presid ent o f the Co mpagnieFrangais d es Petro les, was representative o f thenew elitethat heenvi- sio ned lead ing France, a man "capital et general."89 Inthemid st o f thecritical financial crisis o f 1925, Mercierd ecid ed to initiatea mo vement fo r general refo rm that wo uld enlist the"d irecting classes" o f thenatio n. Called theRed ressement Frangais, it so ught to o verhaul theThird Republicalo ng techno craticlines thro ugh a d ynamiceco no my premised o nmass pro d uctio n and a go vernment head ed by experts. Mercierhad just visited theUnited States and was co nvinced that thefutureo f Franced epend ed o nfo llo wing theAmeri- Fig. 10 Le Co rbusier, Quartiers Mo d emes Fruges, Bo rd eaux-Pessac, 1924. Inthelater ed itio ns o f Vers unearchitectureLeCo rbusierinclud es thePessac pro ject as an illustratio no f "Mass-Pro d uctio nHo uses."Thefirst ed itio no f thebo o k, LeCo rbusier claims, inspired Henri Fruges to co mmissio nhimto co nstruct wo rkers' ho using. Summer1983 141 Fi. 11 and 2 Le Co rbusier, Po urbtir: stand ard iserettaylo riser Supplement auBulletin d u Red ressement Franais, May 1, 1928. Figs. 11 and 12 LeCo rbusier, Po ur baitir: stand ard iseret taylo riser, Supplement auBulletind uRed ressement Frangais, May 1, 1928. caneco no micmo d el. The appo intment o f Ho o veras Secretary o f Co mmercehad ad d ed po tency to that natio n's imageas the bearero f stand ard izatio n and theeliminato r o f waste. Mercierembraced the Taylo rist belief in enlightened ind ustrial pro d uctio n as a weapo nagainst so cial injusticeand ind eed ho ped fo rthe victo ry o f "Fo rd o ver Marx."TheRed ressement's slo ganwas "Eno ughpo litics. Wewant results. "90 The o rganizatio nquickly gained a siz- able fo llo wing, and in1926 it beganpub- lishing a mo nthly Bulletin. Ontheco ver was a symbo l o f natio nal regeneratio n, a wo und ed Gaul rising fro mtheearthto rejo inthebattle. Insid ewerearticles ana- lyzing current events and repo rting o n o rganizatio nal news. So me25,000 to 30,000 co pis o f the perio d ical wered is- tributed witho ut chargeto France's ruling elite. TheRed ressement enlisted vario us "meno f actio n"-jo urnalists, lecturers, pro fessio nals-to co ntributeto theBulletin o rto participate inits stud y co mmittees, which pro d uced a series o f repo rts, the Cahiers. Amo ng its mo st d istinguished members wereMarshal Fo ch, Etienne Clemental, the synd icalist spo kesman Hubert Lagard elle, theexecutiveEd mo nd Giscard d 'Estaing, and theCo nseil d 'Etat member Raphael Alibert.91 LeCo rbusierwas enlisted to participate o nanurban stud y co mmittee.92 Fro mits inceptio n theRed ressement maintained that ho using was themajo r pro blemo f the Parisian wo rking class. LucienRo mier, themo vement's primary spo kesmanand a patro n o f C.I.A.M., feared that themiser- abled welling co nd itio ns mad e many resi- d ents ripe fo rCo mmunist pro pagand a. In thefirst series o f theCahiers, published in 1927, Jean Levequeand J.-H. Ricard wro te o n ho using and Henri Pro st and Gasto n Mo nsarrat o nurban planning.93 LeCo rbusierco ntributed two pamphlets, whichwere published as supplements to the February and May 1928 Bulletin: Vers leParis d e l'iepo que machinisteand Po ur bd tir: stand ard iseret taylo riser.94 As their titles suggest, these repo rts were amo ng LeCo rbusier's mo st explicit espo usals o f techno craticd o ctrine. Thefirst repo rt elabo rates theid eas o f PlanVo isin. Inco ntrast to his earlier pub- licatio ns, ho wever, thereareneither pho to - graphs no r d rawings: o nly functio nal and eco no mic arguments-withlimited quan- titative suppo rt-fo rthereco nstructio no f Paris and the d evelo pment o f mass-pro - d uced ho using in gard encities. LeCo rbu- siercriticizes a recent pro po sal fo ra new transpo rtatio nro ute extend ing theGrand Vo ie alo ng theaxis o f the Champs Elysees becauseit end ed ina cul d esac, theTuiler- ies Gard en. Any effectiveso lutio nto mo d - emtrafficco nd itio ns, he argues, requires mo re significant transfo rmatio n; he pro - po ses instead a majo rnew cro ss artery furtherno rth, as in EugeneHenard 's schemeo f 1904 and his o wnPlanVo isin. Hereiterates his argument fo r quad rupling the d ensity o f central Paris, while reserving 85-95 per cent o f theland fo r vegetatio n. Inthis d o cument fo r technicians, hemakes no referenceto theaesthetic po ssibilities o f thenew business quarters; theind ustri- alizatio no f co nstructio n, no t classical tra- d itio no rPlato nic purity, beco mes theso le justificatio nfo raestheticd ecisio ns: Theco nso lid atio no f blo cks reintro - d uces an o rtho go nal system and per- mits the applicatio n o f stand ard iza- tio n, ind ustrializatio n, and Taylo r- izatio nto build ing.95 Thesameto necharacterizes thearchi- tect's critique o f the picturesquegard en cities, suchas Suresnes and Stains, that were being built aro und Paris. The "mys- tique"surro und ing "la petitemaiso n,"he claims, is a majo r inhibitio nto ind ustrial- izatio n: "theeffect is to establishvehement o ppo sitio n to all attempts to change the co ncept o f bo ththeo verall o rganizatio n and thed etails o f gard en cities and wo rkers' ho uses."One's mo d el fo remulatio nin- stead sho uld beErnst May's 4,000 d well- ings inFrankfurt, whichweretheresult o f a "remarkableind ustrial pro cess. "96 This ad vo cacy o f NeueSachlichkeit is given furtherfo rce, and also anauto cratic slant, by theinclusio nintheBulletino f specificlegal reco mmend atio ns. Amo ng themwerea law giving thestateunre- stricted eminent d o mainwiththe pur- chasing price fixed at current market value and a d ictate establishing a new "autho r- ity" with po wers surpassing trad itio nal 142 Art Jo urnal ministerial jurisd ictio n to implement the urbanpro gram. This autho rity, a mo d ern Co lbert, wo uld stand apart fro m parlia- mentary po litics "to wo rk o ut thefuture." "Thebread tho f his visio nwo uld bethe greatness o f the co untry.' "97 Intheseco nd pamphlet LeCo rbusier d emo nstrates theresults o f stand ard izatio n and Taylo rizatio n with pho to graphs and d rawings o f his pro jects at Stuttgart and Pessac(Figs. 12 and 13). Withthe excep- tio no f the tempo rary Esprit No uveau pavil- io n, thesetwo pro jects werehis o nly exe- cuted d esigns fo r pro to typical ho using. This Bulletinsupplement is again much mo re specific inits technical d etails than wereLeCo rbusier's earlierco ntributio ns to L'Esprit No uveau. Unlikehis articleo f 1921, "Maiso ns enserie", whichinclud ed o nly d iagramaticplans and ro ughperspec- tivesketches, Po urbatir: stand ard iseret taylo riserd emo nstrates vario us assem- blages o f ro o munit types and gives d imen- sio ns o f structural co mpo nents. It co nclud es witha d emand fo ractio n: Ino rd erto BUILD: STANDARD- IZE to beableto INDUSTRIALIZE AND TAYLORIZE .. That is themo st urgent pro gram o f to wn planning. Onemust beginat the beginning!98 At this po int LeCo rbusier, likemo st o f themembers o f Red ressement Frangais was still co nfid ent that this pro gram co uld o ccur withintheframewo rk o f theThird Repub- lic. Ind eed , the victo ry o f theUnio nNa- tio nalein April 1928, to whichtheRe- d ressement had stro ngly co ntributed , and the passageo f theLo ucheurLaw laterthat summer gave, fo rthemo ment, so me gro und s fo rthis o ptimism. The ho using bill, whichtheRed ressement claimed as "the pure and simpleapplicatio no f o ur id eas,"pro vid ed publicaid fo rtheco n- structio no f 200,000 lo w-priced and 60,000 med ium-priced d wellings and was suc- cessful in instigating an unpreced ented build ing bo o mall o verFrance.99 LeCo r- busierhimself pro bably againsaw anally inLo ucheur, who as a lead ero f theGauche Rad icale party becamethe parliamentary flo o r spo keman o f theRed ressement. Inan articlefo rtheRevued es Vivants, August 1928, LeCo rbusier expressed his o ptimism abo ut thenew law: This certainly had to happen o ned ay! TheLo ucheurLaw (whichwas sug- gested fo rthefirst timein1922) places the co untry inthefaceo f a gigantic, magnificent, and sensitive pro blem, if the spirit wo uld seizeit, enlightenit, and stirit to giveFrance a histo ricreno wn, intheway that the wo rks achieved by theMid d le Ages, by Lo uis XIV, by Napo leo n, by Haussmannhavebeco mehisto ric. lo 00 1930, Architectureand Revo lutio n During thenext two years, ho wever, Le Co rbusierlo st his faithinthecapacity o f theThird Republic to rejuvenateitself. TheLo ucheur plan had no t so lved theso cial crisis: no ratio nal urban plan o rco mmit- ment to ind ustrialized pro d uctio n had emerged . Rather, as Alexand erWerth, the Paris co rrespo nd ent fo rtheManchester Guard iano bserved , it "transfo rmed much o f the co untry ro und Paris into a mass-an inco herent mass-o f ugly red -ro o fed sub- urbanho uses and villas."101 Aftermo re thana d ecad eo f researchand pro selytizing, LeCo rbusierbecameco nvinced that his earlieranswerto "Architectureo rRevo lu- tio n"had beeninco rrect. Iro nically, the reassessment o f his stancewas theresult o f thesame pro fessio nal attitud e: By a strictly pro fessio nal ro uteI arriveat revo lutio nary co nclusio ns. SinceI ama pro fessio nal man, I make plans acco rd ing to my pro fes- sio nal co ncepts; this is where my jud gment is go o d . If everyo ne d id thesame thing and the plans were co o rd inated by an autho rity in charge o f the publicinterest, theresult wo uld , o f co urse, bea Five-Year Plan, impo ssible to implement. Impo ssible becauseo f o ur present so cial system! So no w what? No w what? Dilemma. The present so cial systempreserves thestatus quo , o ppo ses any actio n, eliminates o r rejects pro po sals bo th pressing and necessary inthe public interest.... Let's change thesystem. Suchanact wo uld becalled revo - lutio nary. Therearetho sewho wo uld make the wo rd "revo lutio nary" mean"d estructive." Untrue; it is a co mpletely co n- structivepo int o f view. 102 No w, his plea was "Architectureand Revo lutio n."103 Amo reactivist stance, o nethat wo uld so o nlead to his participatio n inthe Regio nal Synd icalist mo vement, was required . 104 This mo vement, emphasizing regio nal gro upings and natural hierarchies based upo nclimate, to po graphy, and race, enco uraged a mo relimited end o rsement o f techno lo gy. Instead o f stand ard izatio nand unifo rmity, these latter-d ay synd icalists stressed regio nal d iversity and lo cal trad i- tio ns. Likewise, LeCo rbusierinhis o wn d esigns, particularly fo rthesmall ho uses Errazuris, Mand ro t, and Mathes, began to emplo y lo cal build ing materials and tech- niques. Just as theratio nal, geo metric fo rms o f thetwenties werea manifestatio n o f his faithin techno lo gy and American systems o f Scientific Management, the rustic, mo re primitive wo rks o f thethirties werea rejectio n o f the supremacy o f this selfsame viewpo int. TheAmericansto ck market crashwas a crushing blo w to LeCo rbusier's techno - craticid eals. In1931, und era pho to graph o f Wall Street he placed thecaptio n'All is parad o x, d iso rd er; the liberty d estro ying co llective liberty. Lack o f d iscipline." 105 Bo thfo rmal d isarray and financial d isaster resulted fro mthelack o f a co llectivesensi- bility. Theco nd itio ns o f the Depressio n had und ermined thefaitho f many French intellectuals intheAmericanind ustrial uto pia. Fo rd ismand Taylo rismno lo nger seemed suchcertainmeans fo r o bviating class tensio ns o ncethe pro spects o f abun- d ancewereind o ubt; and withHo o ver, the Great Engineer, impo tent inthefaceo f natio nal d isaster, the mystique o f themana- gerial elitewas shattered . Thed isillusio n- ment with techno cracy had almo st imme- d iate repercussio ns o nFrencheco no mic and po litical life. Tard ieu, theSaint- Simo nianhero , failed to o btaina parlia- mentary majo rity fo rhis five-yearpro gram fo reco no micmo d ernizatio nand techno - cratic streamlining, and heso o n repud iated his asso ciatio nwiththe"leftist"Re- d ressement.106 Themo vement itself had lo st its d ynamism. WithFrance's o wn ensuing d epressio n, therenaissanceo f Saint-Simo ncameto its end . Incertain respects thereactio nto the crashand the subsequent d isillusio nment with Taylo rismand Fo rd ismreflected the superficial ho ld that thetechno craticvisio n had had o nFrench so ciety. The repeated calls fo r Taylo rismhad led to little practical co mmitment. Herrio t's pleas in1919 fo ra techno lo gically ad vanced "fo urth repub- lic"and Clementel's effo rts to fo rmulatea mo d el fo rind ustrial ad ministratio nina Fed eratio nd es Synd icats enco untered re- sistancefro mpo liticians and businessmen who wanted to returnto the security o f their prewarpractices.107 Thecall fo ra techno craticelite premised o n pro d uctio n, altho ugh it had a preced ent inthetwo Napo leo niceras, was threatening to the trad itio nal Euro peanclasses-the aristo c- racy, clergy, army, acad emicians, and even civil serviceperso nnel-who wereco n- cerned o nly with self-preservatio nand the maintenanceo f theirfo ssilized institutio ns. As Gramsci argued inhis essay o n"Amer- icanism,"ratio nalizatio no f pro d uctio n was essentially irreco ncilablewithEuro - pean "trad itio n"and "civilizatio n," whichhesaw as intrinsically linked to the existenceo f a parasiticclass withessen- tially no functio nin pro d uctio n. Despite its pervasiveness, Americanismwas inthe faceo f France's lo ng-stand ing histo rical and artisticstructure"as strid ent and jarring as the make-up o nthefaceo f an aging femme d umo nd e."108 LeCo rbusier's o wnfatewas sympto - matico f the d eep resistanceto theactual implementatio no f ratio nal pro d uctive metho d s. TheFrench go vernment had igno red his urban plans and pro po sals fo r land refo rm; privateind ustry failed to d e- velo p stand ard ized co nstructio n practices; Summer1983 143 Pessac, his o ne mass-ho using pro ject, sto o d empty fo rfiveyears as lo cal o fficials re- fused to grant an o ccupancy permit; and finally, the jury o f the League o f Natio ns co mpetitio naward ed theco mmissio nto fo uracad emicarchitects, who enshro ud ed LeCo rbusier's o wn pro po sal in maso nry co nstructio nand histo ricist d etails. Leand re Vaillat's co mments o nthe Esprit No uveau pavilio nweretypical o f the suspicio n that many Frenchmenhad o f LeCo rbusier's ad vo cacy o f themass-pro d uced d welling, the"ho use-to o l": If this pavilio n is intheautho r's in- tentio na d emo nstratio nto teachthe public, whichhas fo rgo ttenit, the supremacy o f co nstructio no vero rna- ment, thenI appro ve o f it, withthe reservatio nthat no neo f this is so new that o newishes it affirmed fo r us; but if heintend s to persuad eus, witha fo rcefulness that has no thing persuasiveabo ut it, that a ho useis a "machinefo r living,"no . Aho use is no t a facto ry whereo newo rks and where, ino rd erto earna little paper mo ney, o ne perfo rms a few mechan- ical gestures, always thesame. A ho use, to besure, must beanswerable to lo gic, reaso n, and go o d sense, and wefind , thank Go d ! eno ugh o f these qualities ino urnatio nal and regio nal trad itio ns, witho ut seeking theminGerman-Swiss ratio nalism.109 Critics, fo reverawareo f Germany's in- d ustrial superio rity, o ftenco nd emned ef- fo rts to implement Scientific Management as no t French. Ind eed , WalterRathenau, Germany's Ministero f Reco nstructio nand o neo f Euro pe's mo st significant thinkers o nind ustrial o rganizatio n, had co ntributed anarticleinthemid st o f reparatio ns anxiety to L'Esprit No uveau "Critique d e L'Esprit Allemand . "110 The Figaro writerMau- clair, elabo rating o nd e Senger's argument, related the ano nymity and regularity o f Le Co rbusier's mass-pro d uced architectureto the o bjectives o f Bo lshevism. Bo thwanted to d estro y man's spiritual co re: to red ucethe Frenchmanto an"animal g6o metrique. " 1l To so meextent, ho wever, LeCo rbu- sier's failureto attaina mass-pro d uced architecturewas his o wn. LikeMercier, he hard ly cho sethemo st effectivemeans o f exerting his influence. His ho pe to influ- ence po licy d ecisio ns while maintaining ind epend ence fro m po litics was naive. Technicians and architects had beeneffec- tive functio ning as o fficials o rad viso rs withinthe go vernment-fo rinstance, Ernst May inFrankfurt o rHenri SellierinParis and Suresnes-but LeCo rbusier naively believed that heco uld shapego vernment po licy simply by o ffering unso licited ad - vice. The lead ership o f the Republic, re- spo nd ing to a much largerco nstituency and o nethat was o ftenho stileto inno va- tio n, had littlereaso nto initiateeitherLe 144 Art Jo urnal Co rbusier's o rtheRed ressement's refo rms. Mercierad mitted his failure, but attributed it, in languagereminiscent o f his co lleague, to the public's insensitivity to "wisd o m, mo d eratio n, prud ence, and d isinterested - ness."As Kuisel po ints o ut, Albert Thi- baud et gaveano thermo re co nvincing ex- planatio n fo rthetechno crats' failureto achieverefo rm: Neo -Saint-Simo nianism, heclaimed , had allied itself to o stro ngly withthed efenseo f eco no micinterests to speak with autho rity as a bro ad id eo lo gical mo vement. 112 Fo rLeCo rbusieras anarchitect, the d etachment fro m party po litics was perhaps a special temptatio n. Visio ns o f ind ustrial uto pia, unlikeMarxism, o ffered bo ththe pro mise o f so cial red emptio n and a means by whichto co ntinueto practiceo ne's art. Altho ughby 1930 LeCo rbusier's faithin America's mo d el o f ind ustrial pro d uctivity was shaken, thesearchfo rthis d ual go al was to persist. Thenew id eo lo gy o f pro - d uctio nhad changed thearchitect's co n- ceptio n o f his so cial ro le; ho using, urban planning, and mo d emco nstructio nmeth- o d s arein part the legacy o f the perished ho pes o f the1920s. No tes I sho uld liketo ackno wled ge my appreciatio n to theSo cial ScienceResearchCo uncil and the Alliance FrangaiseFribo urg Fo und atio n (Ful- bright-Hayes) fo r pro vid ing fund ing fo rmy researchinParis 1976-1977. Also I sho uld like to thank thestaff o f theFo nd atio n LeCo rbusier fo rtheirassistance, as well as SusanBall, Eleano r Gregh, KennethSilver, Francesco Pas- santi, and Antho ny Vid ler, who seco nversatio ns and writings havebeen especially helpful to the fo rmulatio n o f many o f thearticle's id eas. Alan Co lquho un, MarcTreib, Ro binEvans, and Richard Po mmer havemo st genero usly reviewed and co mmented o n my d raft. 1 "Beyo nd theMo d emMo vement,"The Harvard ArchitectureReview no . 1 (Spring 1980) 6; Charles Jencks, TheLanguageo f Po st-Mo d ernArchitecture, 3rd ed ., New Yo rk, Rizzo li, 1981, p. 37. Thesecritiques ared irected at theMo d emMo vement as a who le. 2 ReynerBanham, Theo ry and Designinthe First MachineAge, 2nd ed ., New Yo rk, Praeger Publishers, 1960; Co linRo we, "The Mathematics o f theId eal Villa,"TheMathe- matics o f theId eal Villa and OtherEssays, Cambrid ge, Mass., MIT Press, 1976, pp. 1-27; WilliamCurtis, "Id eas o f Structure and theStructure o f Id eas: LeCo rbusier's Pavillo nSuisse, 1930-1931,"Jo urnal o f theSo ciety o f Architectural Histo rians 40, no . 4 (December1981), pp. 295-310. 3 Seein particular MaximilienGauthier Le Co rbusiero ul'architectureauserviced e l'ho mme, Paris, Ed itio ns Deno el, 1944; StephenGard ner, LeCo rbusier, New Yo rk, Viking Press, 1974; PeterBlake, TheMaster Build ers, New Yo rk, Alfred A. Kno pf, 1960. Henry-Russell Hitchco ck's Architecture: Nineteenthand TwentiethCenturies, Balti- mo re, Penguin, 1971, and Sigfried Gied io n's Space, Time, and Architecture, Cambrid ge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1967, largely igno rethepo litical implicatio ns o f LeCo rbusier's wo rk. Charles Jencks's bio g- raphy, LeCo rbusierand theTragicView o f Architecture, Cambrid ge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1973, aftera brief recapit- ulatio no f LeCo rbusier's co ntrad icto ry po lit- ical po sitio ns, d ismisses his "quasi-fascism" o nthe gro und s o f artisticpurity. Inrecent years, ho wever, several scho lars havebegun to explo remo reextensively LeCo rbusier's po litical co nnectio ns. See especially Ro bert Fishman, UrbanUto pias intheTwentieth Century: Ebenezer Ho ward , Frank Llo yd Wright, and LeCo rbusier, New Yo rk, Basic Bo o ks, 1977; JeanLo uis Co hen, "LeCo r- busierand the Mystique o f theU.S.S.R.," Oppo sitio ns no . 23 (Winter1981), pp. 85- 121; Gio rgio Ciucci, "ARo meco nBo ttai," Rassegna 2, no . 3 (July 1980), pp. 66-71; Thilo Hilpert, DieFunktio nelleStad t Le Co rbusier's Stad tvisio n-Bed ingungen, Mo tive, Hintergrund e, Brunswick, Vieweg, 1978. 4 Blake, MasterBuild ers, p. 109. 5 LeCo rbusier, Urbanisme, Paris, Ed itio ns Cres, 1925; reprinted inParis, Vincent, Freal, 1966. Translated into Englishby Fred erick Etchells inLeCo rbusier, TheCity o f To mo rro w and Its Planning, Lo nd o n, Jo hnRo d ker, 1929; reprinted inCambrid ge, Mass., 1971, p. 301. 6 Jud ithA. Merkle, Management and Id eo l- o gy, Berkeley, University o f Califo rnia Press, 1980, pp. 14-15. 7 An impo rtant so urcefo rthis acco unt o f Tay- lo rismand , in particular, its id eo lo gical im- plicatio ns in Euro peis Charles S. Maier's excellent article, "Between Taylo rismand Techno cracy: Euro peanId eo lo gies and the Visio n o f Ind ustrial Pro d uctivity in the 1920s," Jo urnal o f Co ntempo rary Histo ry 5, no . 2 (1970), pp. 27-61. 8 Henri LeChatelier, Le Taylo risme, 2nd ed ., Paris, Duno d , 1934, p. 2. 9 Paul Devinat, ScientificManagement in Euro pe, Geneva, Internatio nal Labo rOffice, 1927, pp. 233-37; Richard K. Kuisel, Capi- talismand theState inMo d ernFrance, Cambrid ge, Cambrid ge University Press, 1981, pp. 31-35. 10 These statistics, prepared by the French Ministry o f theLiberated Regio ns, arefro m WilliamMacDo nald , Reco nstructio nin France, New Yo rk, MacMillan, 1922, pp. 24,28,93. 11 Kuisel, Capitalism, pp. 54, 61. 12 Lt. Co l. G. Espitallier, Po urrebd tirno s maiso ns d etruites, Paris, 1917, p. 3, cited by KennethSilver, "Esprit d e Co rps: The Great Warand FrenchArt, 1914-1925," d issertatio n, YaleUniversity, 1981, pp. 207-8. 13 Charles-Ed o uard Jeanneret and Amed ee Ozenfant, Apres lecubisme, Paris, Co m- mentaires, No vember15, 1918, pp. 11,26. 14 Charles Faro ux, "L'exemple ind ustriel d es Etats-Unis,"Revued es vivantes 1, no . 9 (Octo ber1927), p. 443. 15 MarcBo urbo nnais, LeNeo -Saint-Simo nian- ismd ans la vieso ciale d 'aujo urd -hui, Paris, Les Press Universitaires d eFrance, 1923. 16 LeCo rbusiero wned six bo o ks by Dubreuil, several o f whichwerewarmly d ed icated to theautho r. Dubreuil was anad junct secretary o f theFrenchlabo runio nC.G.T. (Co nfed - eratio nGeneraled uTravail). His best seller Stand ard s, Co mment uno uvrierfrancais a vuletravail americain, Paris, Gro sset, 1929, d escribes his largely po sitivereactio ns to wo rkers' co nd itio ns und er Taylo rism, mad e aftera trip to theUnited States. Fo rDubreuil, theessential d ifferencebetween assembly linewo rk and o rd inary wo rk was that inthe fo rmerall the implements necessary fo rthe wo rker lay at hand at the right mo ment, and that d iso rd erasso ciated withcertainmanu- facturing pro cesses was abo lished . LeCo rbusieralso had pro fessio nal co ntact withMarshal Lyauty and LucienRo mier. Lyauty attempted to publicizeScientific Management intheFrenchco lo nial army. In his Sketchbo o ks, vo l. 1, Cambrid ge, Mass., MIT Press, 1981, p. 21, LeCo rbusier praised Lyauty's sensitivemo d ernizatio no f Mo ro c- co . LucienRo mierwas the primary spo kes- mano f Red ressement Frangais, an o rgan- izatio ninwhichLeCo rbusierwas also invo lved . Seethed iscussio n, laterinthis article. Le Co rbusier's library includ ed Ro mier's wo rk Esquisse d es co nsequences d u pro gres, Paris, 1929. 17 HerveLauwick, "Taylo risatio ns,"L'In- transigeant, April 16, 1923, p. 1; Henry Fo rd , Ma vieet mo no euvre, Paris, Payo t, 1925. 18 Geo rges Bricard , L'Organisatio nscientifique d utravail, Paris, Armand Co lin, 1927, p. 201; Merkle, Management and Id eo lo gy, p. 154. 19 SeeDevinat, ScientificManagement; Henri Fayo l, General and Ind ustrial Management, trans. Co nstanceSto rrs, New Yo rk, Pitman, 1949. 20 Charles E. Jeanneret to WilliamRitter, December25, 1917, cited inBrianBrace Taylo r, "LeCo rbusier's Pro to typeMass Ho using, 1914-28,"d issertatio n, Harvard University, 1974, p. 51. 21 L'Esprit No uveau, no . 20. 22 Fo ranexcellent acco unt o f theDo m-ino pro ject and LeCo rbusier's activities d uring thewaryears, seeEleano rGregh, "The Do m-ino Id ea," Oppo sitio ns no . 15/16 (Winter/Spring 1979), pp. 60-87. 23 Charles E. Jeanneret to WilliamRitter, Octo - ber1917, cited inBrianBrace Taylo r, Le Co rbusierat Pessac, Exh. cat., Harvard University, Cambrid ge, Mass. (inco llabo - ratio nwiththeFo nd atio nLeCo rbusier, Paris), Octo ber-No vember1972, p. 6. 24 Sinceits fo rmatio nin1907, theDeutsche Werkbund had enco uraged co llabo ratio n between pro gressiveind ustries suchas AEG and architects, includ ing HermannMuthe- sius, PeterBehrens, and Walter Gro pius. Themessianic ho peinind ustrial metho d s is perhaps mo st clearly (and naively) expressed by Mies vand erRo heinthethird ed itio no f G (June10, 1924): "I seeinind ustrializatio n thecentral pro blem o f build ing ino urtime. If wesucceed in carrying o ut this ind ustrial- izatio n, theso cial, eco no mic, technical, and also artistic pro blems will be read ily so lved . " ("Ind ustrial Build ing," Pro grams and Manifesto es o n Twentieth-Century Archi- tecture, ed . UlrichCo nrad s, Cambrid ge, Mass. MIT Press, 1970, p. 81). 25 Banham, Theo ry and DesignintheFirst MachineAge, pp. 220-46. 26 LeCo rbusier, Vers unearchitecture, Paris, Ed itio ns Cres, 1923; reprinted inParis, Ed i- tio ns Arthaud , 1977. Translated into English by Fred erick Etchells inLeCo rbusier, To ward s a New Architecture, Lo nd o n, Jo hn Ro d ker, 1927; reprinted inNew Yo rk, Praeger, 1960, p. 211. Thechapter"Mass- Pro d uctio nHo uses"was o riginally pub- lished in L'Esprit No uveauno . 13. Lo ucheur(1872-1931) camefro mno rth- easternFrance, wherehehad substantial ho ld ings intherailro ad s serving themining regio ns. Immed iately fo llo wing thewar, he served as Ministero f theLiberated Zo nes and led reco nstructio neffo rts intheno rth. In 1920, he pro po sed with Bo nnevay a law fo r theco nstructio no f 500,000 units o f lo w- co st ho using. Altho ughrejected at thetime, the pro po sal laterbecamethebasis o f the 1928 Lo ucheurLaw, whichcreated the Habitatio ns a lo yermo d ere(H.L.M.). 27 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, pp. 215-18. I have includ ed thereferenceto Taylo rismfro mthe Frenched itio n (p. 193), whichEtchells o mits fro mhis translatio n. Etchells, perhaps given the general lack o f kno wled geabo ut Scien- tific Management inBritain, so metimes o mits passages referring to Taylo rism. 28 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, p. 231. 29 LeCo rbusier, City, p. 301. 30 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, p. 247. 31 Ibid ., pp. 268-69. 32 Ibid ., pp. 247,250. 33 In1926, twenty-fivepercent o f theParisians lived in apartments averaging two resid ents perro o m; 318,000 peo ple lived en garni, co mpared to 222,000 in1912; and thetuber- culo sis mo rtality ratevaried fro m83 per 100,000 inthe8earro nd isement to 1,247 per100,000 in parts o f the4earro nd isement (and to 4,263 per100,000 infurnished ho - tels). During thetwenties, nearly 1,000,000 peo ple mo ved into thestill semi-rusticsub- urbs, wheresquattersettlements witho ut sewage o rservicefacilities pro liferated . The instability o f theho me mo rtgagemarket and co nstructio n ind ustry exacerbated theho us- ing pro blem. SeeLo uis Lo ucheur, LeCarnet secret, 1908-1932, Brussels, Brepo ls, 1962, p. 145; Peggy A. Phillips, "New-Co rpo ratist Praxis in Paris,"Jo urnal o f Urban Histo ry (August 1978), pp. 413-14. 34 Lo ucheur, LeCarnet secret; Phillips, "New Co rpo ratist Praxis." 35 Silver, "Esprit d e Co rps,"pp. 206-9. 36 Ad o lpheDervaux, "LeBeau, levrai, l'utile et la reo rganisatio n d ela cite,"La Grand Revue90, no . 584 (April 1916), p. 36. 37 La CiteReco nstituee, May-July 1916, cited in Gregh, "TheDo m-ino Id ea,"p. 83. As Greghpo ints o ut, theexhibitio n's emphasis o n winning public favo rfo rind ustrialized build ing metho d s, ino rd erthat reco nstruc- tio nco uld pro ceed rapid ly, eco no mically, and o na largescale, is extremely similarto LeCo rbusier's o wn po sitio n. 38 LeCo rbusier specifically attacks the perva- sive "r-e-g-i-o -n-a-l-i-s-m-e!" inhis chapter "Maiso nenSerie,"Vers, pp. 189-92 (again ina passage o mitted by Etchells). Many o f his articles laterreprinted inL'Art d eco ratif d 'aujo urd 'hui, Paris, Ed itio ns Cres, 1925; reprinted inParis, Vincent, Freal, 1959, are also aimed at co untering this pervasive trend . Fo ra general d iscussio no f regio nalism, see Gerard Mo nnier, "UnReto ura l'o rd re: architecture, geo metrie, so ciete,"inUni- versited eSaint-Etienne, LeReto ura l'o rd re, Paris, Spad em, 1975, pp. 45-54. 39 This termis used by Maxime Lero y inhis bo o k La Villefranqaise, Paris, Riviere, 1927, p. 37. Lero y, a university pro fesso rand fo rmer synd icalist, gavetheo retical fo rma- tio nto the neo -co rpo ratist to wn-planning mo vement. He so ught a reestablishment o f "co mmunity"inFrenchcities, and saw co rpo ratio ns as thenew "guild s"o f French so ciety. Henri Sellier, a synd icalist-so cialist, was themo st activemembero f theParisian ho using-refo rmmo vement. Inthetwenties, hewas mayo ro f thenew mid d le-class suburb Suresnes and acted as natio nal secretary o f theo ffices d 'H.B.M. (Habitatio na bo n marche). During thePo pularFro nt, heserved as Ministero f PublicHealth. Geo rges Beno it- Levy, the presid ent o f theFrenchGard en City Asso ciatio n, was o neo f thefirst to intro d ucetheBritishgard en city mo vement to theFrench. Lo uis Renault, theauto mo bile manufacturer, was a natio nal trusteeinthe H.B.M. pro gramand built a significant amo unt o f thewo rkers' ho using und erthis pro gramand laterund erH.L.M. Hesaw ho using as ananswerto atheismand co m- munism. Laterhewas invo lved inthepro - d uctio no f armaments fo rtheNazis. Pierre Lhand ewas o neo f thechief spo kesmeno f so cial Catho licisminFranceand spo nso red several "Catho lic"gard encities. Heco n- sid ered these pro jects to bea way to "co mbat the sco urgeo f ho vels"and to "civilizeand christianize"the wo rking class. Phillips's "New-Co rpo ratist Praxis" gives a brief acco unt o f eacho f thesefigures and their neo -co rpo ratist o rientatio n. Fo ra mo re extensived iscussio no f Henri Sellierand the Parisian public-ho using mo vement, see GinetteBaty-To mikian, Architectureet Summer1983 145 So cial Demo cratie: Unpro jet urbainid eal typique: agglo meratio nparisienne1919- 1939, Paris, Institut d 'Etud es et d eRe- cherches Architecturales et Urbaines, Min- istered l'Enviro nment et d uCad red eVie, C.O.R.D.A., 77 73 028 00 202 7501, n.d . 40 Geo rges Beno it-Levy, La Fo rmatio nd ela race, Vichy, n.d ., cited inPhillips, "New- Co rpo ratist Praxis,"p. 406. 41 Beno it-Levy, Paris s'entend u, Nice, So ciete Generaled 'Imprimerie, 1927, pp. 42-43; id em, La Cite-jard in, Paris, Jo uve, 1904. La Cite-jard inpred ates thewid espread in- tro d uctio no f Taylo risminFrance, but it relates d irectly to id eas o f ratio nalizatio no f pro d uctio n. Beno it-Levy o pened thetext witha quo tatio nfro mtheLePlay's Saint- Simo niantext, L'Organisatio nd utravail. Heargued fo rtheneed fo r"villemo d eles" to acco mpany "ateliers mo d els." Fo r Beno it-Levy's influenceo nLeCo rbusier, seePaul V. Turner, "TheEd ucatio no f Le Co rbusier: A Stud y o f theDevelo pment o f LeCo rbusier's Tho ught, 1900-1920,"d is- sertatio n, Harvard University, 1971, pp. 129-33. 42 Fayo l, Management, p. 96. During thewar, LeCo rbusierstud ied at theBiblio theque Natio naleAlfred d eFo ville's L'Enquetesur les co nd itio ns d el'habitatio nenFrance, Les Maiso ns Types, Paris, 1894. Thebo o k, uti- lizing Fo ville's researchwiththeSectio nd es Sciences Eco no miques et So ciales d uCo mit6 d es Travaux Histo riques et Scientifiques o f theMuseeSo cial, is anearly illustratio no f so cial engineering. Inco ntrast to earlier acad emicstud ies suchas Charles Gamier's L'Habitatio nhumaine, thebo o k pro po ses a new scientificand statistical appro achto d esign; implicit is a no tio no f po tential so cial refo rm. SeeGregh, "TheDo m-ino Id ea," p. 82; Taylo r, Pessac, p. 1. 43 Devinat, ScientificManagement, p. 78; Dubreuil, Stand ard s, pp. 10-11. 44 LeCo rbusierpublished Perret's d rawings fo ra co ncreteho usein"Maiso nenSerie" and Gamier's Cit6 Ind ustrielle"in"Tro is rappels a MM. les Architectes,"Esprit No uveauno . 4. Perret's d rawings, ho wever, wereo mitted inVers unearchitecture. 45 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, pp. 263-64. 46 L'Esprit No uveau, revue internatio nale hebd o mad aire d 'eco no mique no . 1 (January 1921). This was theo nly issueo f this review d ed icated to thed iscussio no f "Eco no mie po litique, Eco no mienatio nale, Eco no mie internatio nale, Scienceet Ind ustrie, Meth- o d o lo gie." Fo ra d iscussio no f L'Esprit No uveau, seeRo bert Gabetti and Carlo Olmo , LeCo rbusiere l'Esprit No uveau, Turin, Giulio Einaud i, 1975; Frango ise Will-Levaillant, "No rmeet fo rmea travers L'Esprit No uveau,"Universit6 d eSaint- Etienne, Reto ura l'o rd re, pp. 241-76. An ad equateanalysis o f theso cial and po litical id eas o f thereview remains to bed o ne. 47 N.D.L.R., no teto R. Chenevier, "Wilso n et l'humanisme franqais,"L'Esprit No uveau no . 11/12, p. 1223. 48 Thepo stwar"call to o rd er"is evid ent in bo ththepo litical and cultural spheres. Fo ra d iscussio no f theco nservativereactio no n thecultural sphere, seeUniversit6 d eSaint- Etienne, Reto ura l'o rd re, and especially Silver's excellent article, "Purism: Straight- ening Up aftertheGreat War,"Artfo rm15, no . 7 (March1977), pp. 56-63; also his d issertatio n, "Esprit d eCo rps." 49 Many o f thestro ngest ad vo cates o f Euro pean eco no micintegratio nweread vo cates o f in- d ustrial mo d ernizatio n. Lo ucheurserved as presid ent o f theFrenchPan-Euro peco mmit- tee, and was fo llo wed upo nhis d eathin1931 by Mercier. Bo thwereasso ciates o f LeCo r- busier, as was theinternatio nalist Paul Otlet, LeCo rbusier's client fo rtheMund aneam. ThePan-Euro pemo vement was fo und ed afterWo rld WarI by Co unt Co ud enho ve- Kalegi, a Euro peanno blemano f internatio nal ancestry. SeeRichard F. Kuisel, Ernest Mercier, FrenchTechno crat, Berkeley, University o f Califo rnia Press, 1967, p. 73. Fo rthebro ad erwo rld visio no f FrenchTay- lo rists, seeMerkle, Managment and Id eo l- o gy, p. 137. 50 LeCo rbusier, "No s mo yens,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 27, inLeCo rbusier, City, p. 140. 51 Ibid ., pp. 147-48,296. 52 CamilleMauclair, L'Architectureva-t-elle mo urir? La crised u"panbeto nnismeinte- gral,"Paris, No uvelleRevueCritique, 1933, p. 38. 53 Theasso ciatio no f fo rms withnatio nal id en- tity o r patrio ticallegiancewas mo st co mmo n thro ugho ut Wo rld WarI and the1920s. Ozenfant inhis articleinL'Esprit No uveau o nVilla Schwo b (1916) ad d ressed this issue: "evennatio nalismhas beco memixed up withit and certainfinespirits haved ecreed that thestraight lineis German(witness the Pantheo n, theEgyptiantemples, and palaces o f Gabriel). Thestraight lineis o neo f the rights o f man."(JulienCaro n[pseud o nym fo rOzenfant], "UneVilla d eLeCo rbu- sier,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 6, pp. 679-704; JulienCaro n, "Villa o f LeCo rbusier," trans. Jo anOchman, Oppo sitio ns no . 15/16 [Winter/Spring 1979] p. 187-97.) Later, in Urbanisme, Le Co rbusieralso d isputes claims that thestraight lineis German, Le Co rbusier, City, p. 23. SeeSilver, "Esprit d e co rps," fo ranextend ed and perceptive d iscussio no f art and natio nal id entity d uring this perio d . 54 Erik Satie, "Cahiers d 'unmammifere," L'Esprit No uveauno . 7, p. 833. 55 R. Chenevier, "La Vie frangaise,"L'Esprit No uveau, no . 6, pp. 705-14; id em, "Wilso n et l'humanisme frangais,"ibid ., no . 11/12, pp. 1223-30; id em"Oumemela po litique anti-so vietique,"ibid ., no . 9, pp. 1045-51. 56 L'Esprit No uveau, no . 16, p. 1969; Henri Hertz, "Lenine,"ibid ., no . 21. 57 L'Esprit No uveau, no . 15, p. 1727. Seealso Hertz, "Wilso n,"ibid ., no . 22. 58 Alexand erd eSenger, LeCheval d etro ied u bo lchevisme, Bienne, Ed itio ns d uChand e- lier, 1931. Thebest d iscussio no f d eSenger's text, as well as o f Mauclair's L'Architectureva-t- ellemo urir?, is still Gauthier's LeCo rbu- sier. Seealso Jacques Gubler, Natio nalisme et internatio nalismed ans l'architecture mo d emed ela Suisse, Lausanne, L'Age d 'ho mme, 1975. 59 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, p. 261. 60 Paul Lafitte, "A pro po s d ela Grand Crise," L'Esprit No uveauno . 16, p. 1900. 61 Ibid ., p. 1889. 62 Hertz, "Balbutiements d e l'esprit po litique III,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 24; Jean Lurgat, "LeCartel d es Ind 6pend ants," ibid . 63 Hertz, L'Esprit No uveauno . 24. 64 Maier, "BetweenTaylo rism and Techno c- racy,"p. 38. 65 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, p. 254. 66 LeCo rbusier, "La Grand Ville,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 23, inLeCo rbusier, City, p. 102. 67 La Directio n, "Ce que no us avo ns fait, ce que no us fero ns,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 11/12, pp. 1212, 1213. 68 L'Esprit No uveauno . 11/12, p. 1372; ibid . no . 10, p. 1202. 69 Francis Delaisi, "Faut-il emettre150 mil- liard s d ebillets d ebanque?"L'Esprit No u- veauno . 8, pp. 927-934; seealso n. 43 abo ve. LeCo rbusierwro teinUrbanisme, p. 277, that hehad ho ped to give the chapter "Chiffres"to Francis Delaisi to write. 70 LeCo rbusier, City, pp. 251-72, 302. 71 LeCo rbusier, Urbanisme, p. 285. This phrase d o es no t appear inEtchell's translatio n. 72 LeCo rbusier, La Villerad ieuse, Paris, L'Architecture d 'Aujo urd 'hui, 1935. Trans- lated into Englishby Pamela Knight, Eleano r Levieux, and Derek Co ltman, inLeCo rbu- sier, TheRad iant City, New Yo rk, Orio n Press, 1964, p. 120; id em, City, p. 256. 73 Beno it-Levy, Paris s'entend u, pp. 22-23. Thetranslatio nis fro mPhillips, "New- Co rpo ratist Praxis,"p. 405. 74 Henri Hertz, "Balbutiements d el'esprit po litique,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 21; "Bal- butiements II,"ibid . no . 22; "Balbutiements III,"ibid . no . 24. Altho ugh Hertz fo und "impuretes" inthe Rad ical Party, hebelieved that it was the o nly ho pe fo ra renewal o f "I'esprit pub- lique. "LaterHertz wro tefo rtheco mmunist review Euro pe. 75 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, pp. 219, 245. 76 Paul Dermee, "And r6 Gid e,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 25. 77 The impo rtance o f Pro ud ho nto theL'Esprit No uveaugro up is expressed inR. Chene- 146 ArtJo urnal vier's article"L'Esthetiqued ePro ud ho n," L'Esprit No uveauno . 4, pp. 444 48. 78 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, p. 268. 79 Henry Fo rd , My Lifeand Wo rk, New Yo rk, Arno Press, 1973, p. 3. 80 LeCo rbusier, L'Almanachd 'Architecture Mo d erne, Paris, Les Ed itio ns Cres, 1925, p. 145. 81 Taylo r, Pessac, p. 7. 82 LeCo rbusier, To ward s, p. 222. 83 LeCo rbusier, City, pp. 275-76. 84 L[e] C[o rbusier] S[augnier], "Les Maiso ns 'Vo isin,'" L'Esprit No uveauno . 2, pp. 211-15. 85 Fo ra d etailed acco unt o f thed evelo pment o f this pro ject, seeTaylo r, Pessac. 86 LeCo rbusier, Rad iant, p. 13. 87 LeCo rbusiero wned a co py o f a bro chure published by Michelinet Cie. in1925, co n- cerning theirsuccessful effo rts to Taylo rize theco nstructio no f a co mpany ho using co m- plex built at Clermo nt-Ferrand . LeCo rbusier and PierreJeanneret aresaid to havevisited this co mplex (Taylo r, Pessac, p. 24). 88 Lo uis Renault, likemany o f theind ustrialists, d id wo rk in co njunctio nwiththego vernment. Mucho f theho using that hespo nso red was built und ertheH.B.M. pro gram. But, as with many so cial refo rms inthetwenties, the initiatio ncamefro mtheprivatesecto r. 89 LeCo rbusierto Bruya, Octo ber11, 1932, Fo nd atio nLeCo rbusier. LeCo rbusierex- pressed his ad miratio no f Ernest Mercierin his prefacepageto the1963 publicatio no f TheRad iant City: Mo bilizatio no f theland fo rtheco m- mo n go o d (theRed ressement Francais has published this thesis). ThePresid ent o f theRed ressement Francais was Ernest Mercier, Presi- d ent o f Est-Lumiere(1928). He wanted to facehis co untry witha crucial d ecisio n: to explo it theland o f thenatio n. Thirty-fiveyears have passed !!! At theco nclusio no f his wo rk Precisio ns sur unetat present d el'architectureet d el'ur- banisme, Paris, Ed itio ns Cres, 1930; reprint ed . Paris, Vincent Freal, 1960, p. 249. Le Co rbusier, und erthetitle"UnInstitut d e Franced e l'epo quemachiniste,"published excerpts o f a letterto LucienRo mier, after Mercier, themo st impo rtant figure inthe Red ressement. Theletter, writtenin February 1928, expresses LeCo rbusier's ho peinthis o rganizatio nco mpo sed o f "capitaines d 'in- d ustrie."Fo ro therreferences inPrecisio ns to theRed ressement, seepp. 144, 176-77, 187, 190. 90 Theacco unt o f Ernest Mercierand theRe- d ressement Frangais is d rawnfro mKuisel's Ernest Mercier. 91 The Esprit No uveauco ntributo rFrancis Delaisi wo rked o no neo f thefirst Cahiers series, Echanges co mmerciaux. 92 LeCo rbusier, inhis article"R6flexio ns a pro po s d ela lo i Lo ucheur,"Revued es Vivantes annee2, no . 8 (August 1928), pp. 239-45, expressed many o f theid eas result- ing fro mhis wo rk withRed ressement Fran- gais. Ina fo o tno te, p. 243, hereferred to the urbanismstud y co mmitteeand its pro po sal o f a law o nthe"recuperatio no f surplus value."Seealso his interview withCharles Kunstler, "Po urra-t-o nbiento t se lo ger? Une enquete surla lo i Lo ucheur,"Septem- ber27, 1928 (no reference, Fo nd atio nLe Co rbusier). 93 Bulletin, June19, 1928, cited inKuisel, p. 86; H. Pro st and G. Mo nsarrat, L' Urbanisme, Paris, Ed itio ns d ela S.A.P.E., n.d . 94 LeCo rbusier, Vers leParis d el'epo que machiniste, Rappo rt pro viso ire, Supplement auBulletind uRed ressement Francais, Feb- ruary 15, 1928, 14 pp., id em, Po urbd tir: stand ard iseret taylo riser, Supplement d u Bulletind uRed ressement Francais, May 1, 1928, 8pp. 95 LeCo rbusier, Vers leParis, p. 6. 96 Ibid ., p. 11. 97 Ibid ., p. 14. 98 LeCo rbusier, Po urbd tir, p. 8. 99 Kuisel, Ernest Mercier, p. 86. 100 LeCo rbusier, "R6flexio ns a pro po s d ela lo i Lo ucheur,"p. 239. 101 Alexand erWerth, TheTwilight o f France 1933-1940, ed . D.W. Bro gan, New Yo rk, Harperand Bro thers, 1942, p. 4. 102 LeCo rbusier, TheRad iant City, p. 8. 103 LeCo rbusier, "L'Autho rit6 d evant les taches co ntempo raines,"L'Architecture d 'Aujo urd 'hui (September1935), pp. 22-23; reprinted inL'Architectured 'Aujo urd 'hui no . 158 (May 1971), 87. 104 Fo ra d iscussio no f LeCo rbusier's partici- patio n inthis mo vement, seeFishman, Uto pias, pp. 213-42; Mary McLeo d , "Le Co rbusierand Algiers,""Plans: Biblio g- raphy,"Oppo sitio ns no . 19/20 (Winter/ Spring 1980), pp. 55-85, 185-89. 105 LeCo rbusier, "Descartes est-il ameri- cain?"Plans no . 7 (July 1931); translated into English inLeCo rbusier, TheRad iant City, p. 129. 106 Kuisel, Ernest Mercier, p. 87. 107 Maier, "Between Taylo rism,"p. 38. 108 This phrase o f Luigi Pirand ello (1929) is quo ted by Anto nio Gramsci inhis essay "Americanismand Fo rd ism,"inSelectio ns fro mthePriso nNo tebo o ks, ed . and trans. QuintinHo areand Geo ffrey No well Smith, New Yo rk, Internatio nal Publishers, 1971, pp. 279-322. Inthis co ntempo rary analysis, Gramsci argued that Americanismand Fo rd ismin Euro ped id no t co nstitutethe beginning o f a "new histo rical epo ch"and that littlehad been actually changed inthe "charctero f the relatio nships betweenfun- d amental gro ups." 109 Leand reVaillat, "La Tend anceinterna- tio nalea l'expo sitio n d es arts d eco ratifs," L'Illustratio nno . 4313 (Octo ber31, 1925), pp. 459. 110 WalterRathenau, "Critique d e L'Esprit Allemand ,"L'Esprit No uveauno . 9, pp. 1093-1106. This issuecameo ut in July 1921, just fo llo wing thefirst Wiesbad en co nferencebetweenLo uis Lo ucheurand WalterRathenau. Lo ucheurand Rathenau attempted to wo rk o ut an agreement by whichGermany wo uld meet its reparatio n payments inGerman go o d s and wo rkman- ship. Twenty-fivetho usand ho uses mad e in Germany wereto beerected inthed evas- tated regio n. Theplans called fo ra stan- d ard ized ho use plan withco ncrete plaster d o ublewalls, theintervening space filled with co mpressed peat. Thero o fs, o f slate o rtile, wereto bemad elo cally; all o ther materials wereto be pro vid ed by Germany. Altho ughRathenau's essay, writtenin1918, makes no referenceto this agreement, the publicatio n o f thearticleinthemid st o f a lively d iscussio nintheFrench press and in parliament canbe interpreted as anend o rse- ment by Ozenfant and LeCo rbusiero f the pro po sal. Many feared that payment in kind , as o ppo sed to mo ney, was co ntrary to theVersailles treaty, and that theinflux o f Germango o d s and wo rkmenwo uld result ina German"co lo nizatio n"o f a regio n that theGermanarmies had o nly recently ravaged (MacDo nald , Reco nstructio nin France, p. 253). 111 Mauclair, L'Architecture, especially pp. 35-45. 112 Albert Thibaud et, Les Id ees po litiques d e la France, Paris, Sto ck, Delamainet Bo utelleau, 1932, pp. 66-68; Bulletind u Red ressement Francais, July 1932, p. 11, as cited by Kuisel, Ernest Mercier, p. 38. Kuisel's critiqueo f Mercierwas a so urce fo rmy analysis o f LeCo rbusier's po litical ineffectiveness inthetwenties. Mary McLeo d teaches archtectural histo ry and d esignat theGrad uateScho o l o f Architectureand Planning, Co lumbia University. Summer1983 147