Meaning-Making in Cultural Sociology: Broadening Our Agenda

Author(s): Michele Lamont

Source: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Jul., 2000), pp. 602-607
Published by: American Sociological Association
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602 Symposia 602 Symposia
Meaning-Making in Cultural Sociology: Broadening Our Agenda*
MICHELE LAMONT
Princeton University
Meaning-Making in Cultural Sociology: Broadening Our Agenda*
MICHELE LAMONT
Princeton University
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by Lawrence Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula
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Sociology of Culture." Contemporary Sociology 28
(5): 499-507.
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Berkeley: University of California Press.
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and Calendars in Social Life. Chicago: University of
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When I was asked to write an essay on where the
study of the "social construction of meaning"
should go in the twenty-first century, images of
the developments in cultural sociology in the
last two decades came to mind. Since I arrived in
the United States in 1983, I have, with sociolo-
gists of my generation, witnessed an explosion of
interest in cultural analysis, paralleling develop-
ments in other disciplines. In the early 1990s
particularly, there was a terrific and exciting
sense of momentum. All of the top departments
of sociology in the United States came to feel
that they needed a "culture person," in strong
contrast with the situation in the 1970s. As the
field of cultural sociology grew, one could also
* Special thanks to Bethany Bryson, Laura ]. Miller,
Bess Rothenberg, and the editors of Contemporary
Sociology for their very helpful comments.
When I was asked to write an essay on where the
study of the "social construction of meaning"
should go in the twenty-first century, images of
the developments in cultural sociology in the
last two decades came to mind. Since I arrived in
the United States in 1983, I have, with sociolo-
gists of my generation, witnessed an explosion of
interest in cultural analysis, paralleling develop-
ments in other disciplines. In the early 1990s
particularly, there was a terrific and exciting
sense of momentum. All of the top departments
of sociology in the United States came to feel
that they needed a "culture person," in strong
contrast with the situation in the 1970s. As the
field of cultural sociology grew, one could also
* Special thanks to Bethany Bryson, Laura ]. Miller,
Bess Rothenberg, and the editors of Contemporary
Sociology for their very helpful comments.
detect increased enthusiasm for things cultural
in subfields traditionally less concerned with the
topic, such as organizations, social movements,
and network analysis.1 In 1994, the year I
chaired the Culture Section of the ASA, well
over 100 people attended the section's business
meeting, at a time when other areas and sections
were clearly losing steam and had problems
attracting younger generations. Of course, "cul-
tural analysis" came to mean different things to
different people: Is it explanatory and/or inter-
pretative? Should it be systematically empirical?
What place should it give to political issues?
Nevertheless, many found their place under this
huge umbrella.
l For organization, see Dobbin (1994); for social
movements, see Jasper ( 1997); for network analy-
sis, see Emirbayer and Goodwin (1994).
detect increased enthusiasm for things cultural
in subfields traditionally less concerned with the
topic, such as organizations, social movements,
and network analysis.1 In 1994, the year I
chaired the Culture Section of the ASA, well
over 100 people attended the section's business
meeting, at a time when other areas and sections
were clearly losing steam and had problems
attracting younger generations. Of course, "cul-
tural analysis" came to mean different things to
different people: Is it explanatory and/or inter-
pretative? Should it be systematically empirical?
What place should it give to political issues?
Nevertheless, many found their place under this
huge umbrella.
l For organization, see Dobbin (1994); for social
movements, see Jasper ( 1997); for network analy-
sis, see Emirbayer and Goodwin (1994).
This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Mon, 7 Apr 2014 18:27:37 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Symposia 603
believe that some of the most promising research
agendas for cultural sociology in the early twenty-
first century will emerge where they are least
expected in our encounter with the historical-
ly most structural fields of sociology, including
demography and social stratification. These
emerging agendas will derive from a confluence
of interest between cultural sociology "insiders,"
culturally sensitive practitioners in other fields,
and newcomers. To describe them, I focus on
four research areas: race/ethnicity and immigra-
tion, inequality, comparative sociology, and the
sociology of knowledge and science. Due to
space constraints, I focus largely on interview-
based and ethnographic work. I conclude with a
reflection on our possible dialogues with nearby
disciplines.
Race, Ethnicity, and Immigration
The subjective experience of race, ethnicity,
and immigration is hardly a new topic. The
assimilation debate alone, with its normative
implications, is still very much alive (Alba and
Nee 1997). Recently, scholars in these fields
have come to focus on racial and ethnic identi-
ty construction (Cornell and Hartmann 1997),
creating conditions for a convergence with cul-
tural sociologists interested in identity (Cerulo
1997). Several books right off the presses, or
forthcoming shortly, are defining this trend.
Mary Waters's Black Identities (2000) examines
the repertoires of cultures and identity that West
Indian immigrants bring to the United States as
well as their strategies of self-presentation and
the ethnic and racial boundaries they find most
salient (p. 12). This book helps us move beyond
the simple "politicized dichotomies of structure
and culture" (Waters 1999) that characterized
the "culture of poverty" debate as well as tradi-
tional Marxist and network-analytic frame-
works. It also unveils meaning-making processes
that are at work in all aspects of immigration
and race relations. The same can be said of
Mitchell Duneier's Sidewalk ( 1999), Mary
Pattillo-McCoy's Black Picket Fences (1999), and
Alford Young, Jr.'s (1999) work on the under-
standings of mobility and racial constraints
developed by "rags-to-riches" young black men.
These studies dissect the "mental maps" and
"models for" living (to use Geertz's [1973:
93-94, 220] expression) found in various corners
of American society. They are often informed by
the analytic tools central to cultural sociologists,
such as "repertoires of strategies of action,"
"symbolic boundaries," "cognitive classifica-
Now things are settling down. We have a
canon, more or less, as suggested by the collec-
tion of syllabi for courses in the sociology of cul-
ture assembled by Diana Crane and Magali
Sarfatti Larson for the ASA Teaching Services
in 1995. Several key concepts have come to
form the deep intellectual structures of the field
(Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of"field" and "cul-
tural capital," Ann Swidler's "cultural tool-kits"
and "repertoires," Wendy Griswold's "cultural
diamond," Michael Schudson's "cultural reso-
nance," Gary Alan Fine's "idioculture," and
Robert Wuthnow, John R. Hall, and William
Sewell, Jr.'s various "cultural structures" come to
mind.) A fresh wave of readers and anthologies
of the "new cultural sociology" is appearing
(Smith 1998; Spillman forthcoming). Over the
last few years, a relatively large number of tal-
ented (generationally) "younger" cultural sociol-
ogists have published influential articles (e.g.,
Mustafa Emirbayer, Anne Kane, Ronald Jacobs,
and John Mohr) while others have published
well-received books and become certified mem
bers of the guild (Victoria Alexander, Penny
Becker, Nicola Beisel, Mabel Berezin, Sarah
Corse, Nina Eliasoph, Wendy Espeland, Josh
Gamson, Eva Illouz, Sharon Hays, Paul
Lichterman, Francie Ostrower, and Andrea
Press, to name only a few). Hence, this is a pro-
pitious moment for speculating about the future.
Several predictable but unnecessary dualistic
debates may be ahead of us: between those who
stress the autonomy of culture and those who
stress the embeddedness of meanings in net-
works; between those concerned with meaning-
making and those concerned with institutions;
and between those who privilege cognition and
those who privilege emotions. The spirit of col-
legiality that has characterized the field in the
booming '90s will, I hope, continue to facilitate
the coexistence of a multiplicity of perspectives
and research topics. With this in mind, I
describe research agendas in formation that I
see, or would like to see, as emerging in the next
decade (I dare not speculate about the century as
a whole).
The last 15 years has been a period of institu-
tionalization and, predictably, of autonomiza-
tion of cultural sociology. We frequently talked
among ourselves about self-referential theoreti-
cal and empirical issues. It is important for the
future vitality of our field that we build bridges
to subfields that have not been particularly cul-
tural to date as well as to nearby disciplines. I
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604 Syrnposia
tion," and "scripts of personhood." They herald
what our field has to contribute to the study of
race, ethnicity, and immigration: new analytical
frames and concepts that can identify neglected
questions and broaden these fields' intellectual
agendas. My edited volume The Cultural
Territories of Race was conceived with these goals
in mind, as is my forthcoming The Dignity of
Working Men: Morality and the Boundaries of
Race, Class, and Immigraiion. This book exam-
ines workers' conceptions of what makes people
worthy and whom they include as "part of us." It
also explains these conceptions by the cultural
repertoires made available to workers and the
structural contexts in which they live. It points
to different models of cultural membership, just
as Soysal (2000), Favell ( 1997), Kastoryano
(forthcoming), and others study models of social
membership, claim making, or constructions of
the nation through immigration and immigra-
tion policy.
A focus on meaning-making is also likely to
enrich the study of racism and antiracism.
Whereas available studies of racism tend to focus
on racism per se (e.g., Feagin and Vera 1995 ), we
need to gain purchase on the broad cultural
frameworks that facilitate it, and on those used
to respond to it. For instance, we need to know
more about the roles of particularism and uni-
versalism in shaping racism and antiracism alike.
Do middle-class, working-class, and poor
African Americans presume that particularism
makes the world go around? If so, what is the
impact on the strategies they use to rebut racism
and demonstrate or acquire equality? Anderson
(forthcoming) is moving toward finding
responses to these questions, as are Molnar and
Lamont (forthcoming) in their study of the role
of consumption in providing social membership
to African Americans. DiTomaso (2000) also
sheds new light on white opposition to affirma-
tion action by looking at how middle-class and
working-class whites construct their experiences
in the labor market, and particularly how they
and their children receive or do not receive-
help in finding jobs. Karyn Lacy (2000) studies
how middle-class African Americans manage
their racial identity as they move between the
black and white worlds. This work is important
because it gives us empirical tools for discussing
racial differences while avoiding the essentialist
fallacy. Finally, in a more historical vein,
Steinmetz (2000) focuses on the construction of
racial categories through comparative imperial-
ism, while Beisel (1999) studies how race is
depicted in nineteenth- and twentieth-century
narratives about white people and abortion.
I should also mention the pervasive emphasis
on boundaries of identities in the field of immi-
gration. The lasting influence of Fredrik Barth
and closure theory translates today into a
renewed interest in the construction and main-
tenance of national boundaries (see, for
instance, Brubaker 1992; Baubeck 1992; and
Zolberg and Woon 1999). The recent debate
between Loveman (1999) and Bonilla-Silva
(1999) also suggests that a focus on boundaries is
becoming more salient in the study of racism
and racial boundaries (see also Lieberson, forth-
coming). The time is ripe for theoretical work
linking these emerging literatures with the grow-
ing body of work by cultural sociologists on sym-
bolic boundaries (see Lamont, forthcoming b).
Inequality
The intersection between culture and
inequality has been one of the fastest-growing
subfields of cultural sociology over the last 15
years. Pierre Bourdieu's contributions have giv-
en the impetus, and sociologists as diverse as
Bethany Bryson, Paul DiMaggio, Bonnie
Erickson, John Hall, David Halle, and Richard
Peterson have followed with important theoret-
ical and substantive developments. Much is left
to explore. Indeed, while much of the available
work on cultural practices has focused on class
differences, gender and racial and ethnic varia-
tions remain largely unexplored. Even less is
known about how inequality shapes the self.
Katherine Newman's No Shame in My Game
(1999) reveals in poignant terms how the work-
ing poor construct selves that go beyond the lim-
its of their immediate environment while
hanging on to minimum-wage jobs. Similarly,
Waller and McLanahan (1999) analyze how
unmarried poor men understand their role as
fathers, and the emotional and material contri-
butions they make to the lives of their children.
Annette Lareau (2000) shows important differ-
ences in childhood socialization across social
classes, with upper middle-class parents being
involved in "concerted cultivation" of the self
whereas working-class people encourage "natur-
al growth." Finally, Kefalas (forthcoming) ana-
lyzes how white working-class people define and
defend themselves in what they perceive to be
an imperiled world, through the care with which
they keep their home clean, cultivate their gar-
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Symposia 605
dens, maintain their property, defend their
neighborhoods, and celebrate the nation.
These four studies illustrate how meaning-
making is an essential dimension of inequality
and hint at a vast research area that remains
largely unexplored. As Grusky and Sorensen
(1998) imply, if the concept of class is to be sal-
vaged through occupational location, for
instance it will happen because sociologists
heed the identity and lifestyle dimensions of
inequality, as well as its structural dimensions.
Hence, analysis of structural mobility should be
followed by a systematic empirically based
research program centering on the cultural
dimensions of inequality. In particular, we need
to understand better the cultural frameworks
that accompany neoliberalism and lead us
toward a reduction of welfare programs and nar-
rower definitions of our symbolic community.2
Comparative Sociology
In the eyes of many sociologists, the compar-
ative study of national cultures remains mired in
functionalism. Nevertheless, in the wake of an
ever more powerful movement toward globaliza-
tion, this is one of the topics that will surely be
revisited. The tools of cultural sociology, such as
that of "cultural repertoire," may help us go
beyond the limitations of the "national charac-
ter" literature by focusing on the tools for acting
and thinking that are unequally available to
individuals across national contexts (Lamont
and Thevenot, forthcoming). Several recent
books point in this direction, including those by
Corse (1997) on the American and Canadian
national identity and their literary canons,
Spillman (1997) onthecelebrationofbicenten-
nials in Australia and the United States,
Griswold (2000) on the worlds of the Nigerian
novel in England and Nigeria, and Saguy (forth-
coming) on the meanings of sexual harassment
in France and the United States. This new liter-
ature could complement the very influential,
phenomenologically inspired comparative
research on the rationalization of the world-sys-
tem done by John Meyer, John Boli, Francisco
Ramirez, David Strang, and others.
Sociology of Knowledge and Science
Another area where the study of meaning-
making should flower in the next century is the
sociology of knowledge and science. Science
2 Boltanski and Chiapello (2000) and Block and
Somers (2000) are working in this direction.
studies has been an extraordinarily active and
dynamic field over the last 20 years, as it was
revolutionized from the inside by the construc-
tivist paradigm represented by the work of Karin
Knorr Cetina, Bruno Latour, and others (for a
review, see Shapin 1995). Unfortunately, the
sociology of knowledge (defined here as the
study of humanistic and interpretive knowledge)
has not followed suit. While the work of
Mannheim, Elias, and Merton is widely
acknowledged to make up the canon of the field,
the rest of the literature has yet to gel around
clearly defined themes. This is not because
nothing important is happening in the era. To
the contrary, as suggested by the publication of
the mighty Sociology of Philosophies by Collins
(1998) and by the ongoing work of sociologists
as diverse as Andrew Abbott, Steven Brint,
Charles Camic, Harvey Goldman, Neil
McLaughlin, Margaret Somers, Arpad Szakol-
czai, Peter Wagner, and Robert Wuthnow.
Perhaps because it sits between science studies
and cultural sociology, the field is not engaging
in systematic canon formation. Even the excel-
lent review by Swidler and Arditi (1994) could
be viewed as focusing more on cultural sociolo-
gy broadly defined than on the sociology of
knowledge per se. I propose that the time is now
ripe for this new phase, and that the study of
meaning-making in humanistic and interpretive
disciplines should be part of a renewed agenda.
In particular, whereas researchers associated
with the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge have
asked of the natural sciences "what counts as a
fact or a discovery, . . . what is regarded as ratio-
nal or proper conduct [in science], how obJec-
tivity is recognized, and how credibility of claims
is assessed" (Shapin 1995: 300), we need to ask
of the humanities and social sciences how the
significance or importance of a study is estab-
lished; how its usefulness for the development of
the field is assessed; what counts as a finding or
theoretical innovation; what is regarded as a
competent or legitimate style of presentation;
how originality, elegance, obJectivity, and
sophistication are defined; and which other cri-
teria (e.g., political relevance) are factored into
evaluations. For this area as for those mentioned
above, the tools of cultural sociology may prove
invaluable in identifying taken-for-granted cul-
tural understandings that deserve scrutiny.
These changes may require greater dialogue
with scholars in neighboring fields who are toil-
ing on related topics. At times, some cultural
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606 Symposia
sociologists have been accused of isolationism
because of their lack of engagement with
antipositivist currents perhaps because they
practice a pragmatic "provincial positivism" (to
borrow Griswold's [1990] term). While there are
important diSerences in how cultural analysis is
practiced within cultural sociology, and among
cultural sociology, cultural anthropology, and
literary cultural studies, these may be differences
largely in emphasis, style, and method due to
variations in disciplinary traditions. A clearly
shared focus on meaning-making may be enough
to counter tendencies toward disciplinary
boundary policing by all parties involved. This is
particularly important when the putatively com-
monsense premises of rational choice theory
about utility maximization are gaining influence
across the social sciences. We need to join forces
to express loudly and clearly that the rise of one
distinctive worldview through social science dis-
course cannot account for the diversity of
human orientations and experiences. The study
of meaning-making in these fields should play a
pivotal role in demonstrating this diversity and
in unveiling hidden universalistic assumptions
about utility maximization wherever they are
shaping social science research at large.
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