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Migrations in Anatolian Narrative Traditions


Mary R. Bachvarova

Abstract
I present evidence for how Anatolians viewed their origins and their relationship with the
Greeks, showing that East-West relations were first framed using inherited Near Eastern models,
then the models changed into Greek-oriented migration stories in which Carians and Lycians,
like the Greeks, were considered to have arrived in Anatolia from Crete or the Aegean islands.
While the sources are all in Greek, it is possible to see Anatolian responses within the Greek
stories, especially with regard to the early history of Miletus. And, while Homer studiously
ignores the Greek migrations, preferring relationships created by dynastic marriages, as with
Bellerophon, we can see that a conversation has already started about the migration, especially
with regard to Glaucus and Sarpedon, possibly within the context of a Greco-Lycian epic
tradition. Sarpedon presents an unusually complex case. I argue that his name means 'high place'
in Carian, and could be applied to both geographic features and people. That fortuitous
coincidence spurred the connection between a Lycian hero and a founding hero of the Carian city
of Miletus.*

My paper is one of the papers from the "Nostoi" conference that focuses on constructions of the
past, rather than the "reality" of events in Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Anatolia.
1

Specifically, I look at how the indigenous peoples of Early Iron Age Anatolia framed their
origins. Up to now, nearly all the attention of scholars has been on how Greeks created a sense of
a shared ethnicity by opposing themselves to the barbarians in Anatolia, in part through legends
of migrations to Anatolia,
2
once assumed to be factual, then called into question, and now in the
process of being re-analyzed in the light of new archaeological evidence that promises a new
way forward, some of which is discussed by other contributors to this volume. Even the most
informative studies of the matter ignore entirely even the possibility that the Anatolians with
2
whom the Greeks came into contact also constructed a discourse about later Greek migration and
colonization, developing a narrative about their past as part of an identity-making process of
their own. In this paper I present evidence for the Anatolian point of view and how it changed
over time, contrasting how East-West relations were framed in the Iliad with the Greek
migration stories involving Carians and Lycians arriving in Anatolia from Crete or the Aegean
islands in the era of Minos and Anatolian responses to them. I will show how the Greco-
Anatolian construction of the past shifted from one based on narrative models derived from an
inherited Anatolian narrative tradition to one in which migration narratives dominated. I focus
primarily here on the founding of Miletus and the different stories attached to the three Lycian
heroes, Bellerophon, Glaucus, and Sarpedon. Sarpedon, a Lycian hero with a Carian name,
presents the most complex case, and in the process of explaining his legends, I discuss possible
changes in the scope of application of the term "Lycian," and how changes in the narrative of the
Trojan War can be linked to the diminishing status of the Carians over time.
I freely admit that there are some important methodological problems: First of all, all our first-
millennium sources are in Greek, focused through a Greek point of view. Secondly, they are all
relatively late and filtered through the legend of the Trojan War that became the master narrative
framing the history of Greco-Anatolian relations. However, we are fortunate enough to have
second-millennium sources for early epic traditions and legends from Hattusa, the capital of the
Late Bronze Age Hittites, in Hittite, Hurrian, and Akkadian, and it is possible to use them to
trace the development of Anatolian attitudes towards interactions with the "other," to see how
they changed over time. We can see in Hurro-Hittite narrative song a fascination with long-
distance interaction and cross-cultural contact, and the Near Eastern motifs that relate to these
motifs found in Homeric epic must derive from an oral epic tradition very similar to that
preserved at Hattusa. In fact, the branch of the manifold Near Eastern epic tradition that is closest
to Greek epic is the Hurro-Hittite tradition of narrative song primarily found in the Hittite capital,
as I have discussed elsewhere.
3
Indeed, Hurro-Hittite narrative song provides a single source for
3
the parallels in plot and characters we see in Near Eastern narrative poetry and the various types
of Greek hexametric poetry (by which I mean the poems attributed Homer and Hesiod, and the
Homeric Hymns).
The bilingual oral-derived genre preserved for us by Hittite scribes, in which songs were
composed in Hurrian and/or Hittite, included the Kumarbi cycle, the Song of Gilgamesh, which
focused on his exploits in northern Syria, and the Song of Release, the story of the destruction of
the north Syrian town of Ebla because its assembly refused to release certain captives. These
texts have obvious similarities with Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, and Hesiod's Theogony and
Works and Days.
4
The Song of Release, in particular, tells a precursor to the story of the
destruction of Troy because its assembly refused to release Helen. In it, we learn that the Storm-
god, in Hurrian Teshshub, in Hittite Tarhunna, destroyed the north Syrian city Ebla because its
assembly, swayed by the words of its best speaker, Zazalla, refused the god's demands, conveyed
to them by their king Meki, to free the captive people of Ikinkalis.
5

Key to my argument is the Song of Gilgamesh, and in my forthcoming book, From Hittite to
Homer: The Anatolian Background of Greek Religion and Literature, I discuss in some detail the
evidence that it was not just a translation of an imported written Babylonian text, but exhibits in
its Hurrian and Hittite versions the kind of variation and expanding and compressing that one
expects of a flexible oral tradition, and that it shares meter, formulas, characters, themes, and
motifs with other members of the genre of Hurro-Hittite song. Gilgamesh was noted for his
journeys to the edge of the world where he met Utnapishtim, the Mesopotamian Noah, to gain
access to his antediluvian knowledge, and to the Cedar Forest, where he defeated its monstrous
guardian Huwawa and cut down its enormous cedar trees to build monumental structures in
Uruk. In the Akkadian epic the Cedar Forest was situated in north Syria, within the ambit of the
Hittite empire, and the Hittite court found this episode particularly fascinating. The Hittite
version expands this episode at the expense of the rest of the story; in addition, a tablet of a
4
Hurrian song had the colophon "Fourth tablet of Huwawa, not finished,"
6
which implies that the
long text's sole focus was this part of the story.
7
I contend that the source of Gilamesh motifs in
Greek epic was not a Neo-Assurian written text, but a descendant of the Anatolian oral tradition,
an offshoot of which has been found in Hattusa.
Finally, a small fragment of a Hurrian song mentions the third-millennium Akkadian ruler
Sargon the Great,
8
famed both for uniting Mesopotamia into a single empire and for his voyages
to the edge of the civilized world, in particular Anatolia, where, according to legend, he
conquered local rulers and plundered the land of its natural resources. This fragment allows us to
postulate another strand of world history memorialized in epic that Greek-speakers would have
encountered when they arrived in Anatolia. Both Sargon and his grandson Naram-Sin were
popular subjects in Hittite scribal circles, for their legends allowed the Hittite kingdom to situate
itself in the wider sweep of world history, whether Anatolia was a place to be visited by Sargon
or contributed members to the fabled coalition of rebellious vassals that Naram-Sin had to
subdue.
9
Although Naram-Sin so far has not appeared in any extant Hurro-Hittite song, unlike
his grandfather, he does appear next to Sargon and other members of the Sargonic dynasty in a
Hurrian ritual in which legendary kings and characters from other Hurro-Hittite songs, such as
Teshshub, Hedammu, and Silver (the half-human son of Kumarbi), are invoked.
10
Thus, it is not
too speculative to suggest that legends associated with him were also performed by Hurro-Hittite
bards, and the first-millennium descendants of an offshoot of the same tradition that is found at
second-millennium Hattusa would have been the route by which the story told in the Cuthean
Legend of Naram-Sin would have made it into the Homeric tradition, where it is attached to the
Trojan prince Hector in the Iliad. In the Cuthean Legend, the Gutian hordes attack Akkade, and
Naram-Sin, although well-meaning, refuses to accept the omens of the gods and goes outside his
city walls to face the barbaric enemy, nearly destroying his city. This matches the action in Book
12 of the Iliad, in which Hector, led on by a false brontoscopic omen sent by Zeus and denying
his augur Poulydamas' interpretation of a bird omen, refuses to retreat inside the walls of Troy,
5
instead encamping his army before the Achaean camp, a decision that almost leads to total
disaster for the Trojans.
11

While our sources for Hurro-Hittite narrative song are almost entirely from Hattusa, I suggest
that an offshoot of the same narrative tradition that appeared there also made its way farther west
in the Late Bronze Age as part of peer polity interactions among the western Anatolian courts of
the region modern scholars call greater Arzawa (including Troy), who maintained an uneasy
quasi-vassaldom relationship with Hattusa, cemented by dynastic marriages between the Hittite
court and local rulers,
12
that is, by a similar process by which Hurro-Hittite song reached
Hattusa, on the one hand involving relations within eastern Anatolia following the Old Assyrian
trade routes along which gods and verbal art moved, and on the other coming through the
annexation of Cilician Kizzuwatna into the Hittite empire.
13
The narrative tradition could also
have spread west in the population movements that occurred at the close of the Bronze Age.
Thus, Greek epic, through oral poets bilingual in Greek and an Anatolian language, was able to
draw on a pool of traditions derived from Anatolian epic and legends that used the motifs of
exploration (connected especially to Gilgamesh and Sargon the Great) and war to construct
relations between neighboring cultures, which we can see more or less clearly in the Odyssey and
Iliad. In fact, in the Iliad Homer incorporates two traditional storylines of attacks on cities, one
sympathetic to the Greek point of view and the other sympathetic to the Trojans, meant to appeal
to a mixed audience with allegiances to both sides. Thus, the story told in the Song of Release,
which itself draws on motifs first attested in the Sumerian Gilgamesh and Akka, is used to
explain why the Achaeans are attacking the Trojans, while Hector's story, which, as James
Redfield has shown, is as important to the narrative of the Iliad as Achilles',
14
and presents the
besieged Trojans with remarkable compassion, goes back to the stories attached to Naram-Sin
presenting him as unable to protect Akkade from enemy attack.
15
Thus, in the time of Homer, the
way in which Greeks and Anatolians framed their common past, one in which they were opposed
6
to each other, but still shared in a common heroic culture centered on winning undying glory
through individual prowess in battle, was based on narratives ultimately provided by the
Anatolians, not the Greeks.
The situation had changed, however, by the time of Herodotus. As the Greeks became more
dominant, even the autochthonous Lycians and Carians wanted to give themselves a prestigious
immigrant past. We turn now to the Lycian and Carian migration legends. I begin by discussing
the term "Lycian," then I turn to the "reality" of Carian and Lycian immigrations within Anatolia.
I then discuss the legends, showing that we can see Anatolian perspectives in the Greek material.
I close this section by adding some new interpretations of how the migration stories of both
Greeks and Anatolians refract "historical" events.
The name of Lycia incontestably goes back to the Bronze Age, but I should note that when I
speak of those peoples labeled Lycians by the Greeks, the issue is not whether they called
themselves Lycians, that is, people of the Bronze Age land called Lukka by the Hittites, or
whether they all spoke Lycian; we know in fact that the first-millennium Lycians used other
more fine-grained ethnic designations for themselves. As we will see, it is possible, in fact, that
the use of the term narrowed in scope over time. Trevor Bryce has suggested that Lukka
"sometimes referred in a generic sense to all Luwian-speaking peoples of western Anatolia."
16

He is thinking of the Hittite designation here and is working with the assumption that Luwian
was in fact the primary language spoken in western Anatolia, although the linguistic situation has
been shown to be somewhat more complex by Ilya Yakubovich, who correctly insists that
Arzawans do not speak Luwian in Hittite texts, and therefore it may be that they were speaking
another language.
17
(At the very least, it is improbable that a single language was spoken in so
large an area, with so many different cachement areas, in the second millennium BCE.) Still,
Bryce's suggestion has some merit. Certainly, the Greek terminology was acknowledged by
Strabo to be inexact, and he notes the Greek poets confused Lycians and Carians.
18

7
Modern scholars discuss the possibility of Lycian and Carian migrations within Anatolia. Bryce,
for example, argues for a Lycian migration southeast based on the fact that the Lycians are
described in the Iliad as having two different homelands, one "in Zeleia under the lowest foot of
Mt. Ida" (2.824), and the other in "far-away Lycia" (2.877) in the Xanthus valley. This was
already suggested by Strabo (12.8.4), who was surely not the first. Although Yakubovich argues
for one in the opposite direction, I would interpret the data he presents as indicating movement to
the southeast, for he shows that Lycian B (Milyan) shares innovations with Lycian A on the one
hand and Carian on the other,
19
a fact best explained by postulating that it was spoken by a
people originally located to the north and west of Lycia, in Caria, who then merged with the
Lycians. Or, it may be that the intrusion of Carians into Caria from a more northerly Late Bronze
Age land of Karkisa split apart a people who were identified as Lycian by the Greeks.
20

However, the discussion provided by David Hawkins in his 1998 article on the political
geography of western Anatolia with regard to the difficulties in placing Karkisa on the map still
for the most part stands, thus making any judgment about possible population movements at the
end of the Late Bronze Age difficult to support.
21
The recently published Hieroglyphic Luwian
inscription from Suratkaya in Be!parmak on the ancient road to Miletus naming "Kupaya, great
member of the royal house" (MAGNUS.FILIUS REX), may provide some new evidence for a
southern boundary of the land of Mira, the northern boundary of which was fixed by the
Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of King Tarkasnawa at the Karabel pass.
22
If this were the
southern boundary, then there certainly could be room to place Karkisa between Lukka (starting
roughly at one edge of later Lycia) and Mira, although we cannot be sure that Karkisa would
have extended to the coast, as there is no mention of boats setting out from it in the relevant
Hittite texts. However, we in fact have no means to specify the western boundary of Lukka;
Lukka certainly extended further north into Lycaonia.
23
In addition, the set of Suratkaya
inscriptions resembles more nearly graffiti than the relatively elaborate boundary markers
8
between lands we find elsewhere, which generally have an image of a warrior or other
anthropomorphic figure, as at the Karabel pass.
24

This is not the place to review all of west Anatolian political geography, which is discussed in
other contributions to this volume, but more decisive, in my opinion, is the mention of Karkisa as
a place into which king Manapatarhunta crossed when fleeing the Seha River Land, which was
centered on either the Hermus or the Caecus River.
25
In addition, Hittite texts frequently group
Karkisa with Masa, which is surely not the later Lydia, which basically corresponds to the Seha
River Land. Given its geographical associations, Masa must be inland and north of Mira-
Kuwaliya, north of Pitassa and probably north of Hapalla, thus in later northern Pisidia or
southern Phrygia,
26
pushing Karkisa further west. Therefore, Karkisa is unlikely to have been
located on the coast, like the later land of Caria, although how far inland it was can be debated.
Finally, in this volume Zsolt Simon shows that there is no regular derivational process by which
to link Kari! with Karki"a/Karkiya. However, given that the various forms he discusses appear
in several different languages, we are not required to demand perfect regularity, and eliminating
any connection between the two place names in my opinion is just as problematic as explaining
away the changes through irregular derivational processes, ad hoc as the explanations are.
If the Late Bronze Age Karkisans were indeed the predecessors of the Carians, then we can
suggest that some parts of their identity were in place already at the end of the first millennium,
but there are difficulties in archaeologically defining "Carian-ness," although Alexander Herda
has at least shown that Carian women had a distinctive manner of dress that appears in depictions
from the sixth century.
27
Although Herda presents logical arguments to assume that Carians did
occupy Miletus (where it has now been shown there was no break in settlement after the end of
the Bronze Age) and the surrounding area after the end of the Bronze Age,
28
without evidence
9
from material culture, we are thrown back on the testimony of Homer, problematic as that may
be, for the earliest attested location of the Carians:
Nastes in turn led the barbarian-speaking Carians, who occupied Miletus and the
mountain of Phthires, whose top is covered in leaves, and the streams of the Maeander,
and the high peaks of Mycale.
29

In any case, the legends told in the time after Homer, which are first explained for us in
Herodotus, while Strabo and Pausanias and other learned scholars preserve even earlier
references, are not interested in the "real" migrations of Carians and Lycians. Rather, the issue is
whether they are autochthonous or not and whether they are related to the Greeks. Thus, we can
see a shift after Homer to a new way of framing origins, that in part drew on cultural memories
of actual migrations going back as far as the Middle Bronze Age, and in part utilized Greek
modes of connecting here to there, although the Anatolians did not passively accept the Greek
versions of events but responded to them. Among the ways migration stories could be used by
Anatolians was to position themselves in the wider Greek-centric history of west-east migrations,
but placing their own migration earlier than that of the Greeks. But, presenting a competing
migration was only one way in which to articulate an independent point of view responding to
that of the Greeks: they could insist on autochthonous settlement or insist that the Greek
settlement was arrogant and excessively violent. We will see that all three modes were at work in
framing stories about the early history of Anatolia.
I begin with the Carians. Herodotus (1.171) tells us that the Cretans claimed that in the time of
Minos, the Carians, who he says used to be called Leleges,
30
lived in the islands under his rule,
engaging in naval expeditions for him. "Since Minos had conquered much land and had good
fortune in war, the Carian race (ethnos) as well was by far the most respected of all the races at
that time" (1.171.3). According to the Cretans, Herodotus says, the Carians were eventually
10
driven from the islands to the Anatolian mainland by the arrival of the Dorians and Ionians.
However, the Carians themselves presented a rather different story, insisting that they were
autochthonous mainlanders, and had always had the name of Carians.
31
So, Herodotus is
opposing two stories here: one from the Cretans, one from the Carians. But, the Cretan version
acknowledges the naval prowess of the Carians, and it appears to be trying to assume some of the
credit for it. That is, the Cretans were pushing back against a Carian-oriented narrative of the
past. The Carians contemporary to Herodotus are at that point more concerned with defining
themselves as autochthonous presumably to frame the Greeks as less legitimate occupiers of
their land.
The Carians' proof was the ancient shrine of Carian Zeus at Mylasa. They insisted as well on
their kinship with the Mysians and Lydians, the only other peoples allowed into the shrine, "for,
they say, Lydus, Mysus, and Carus were brothers," a genealogical connection of the type set to
verse in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. Like the Ionians, then, who used the shared rites of
the Apatouria and the Panionium to give themselves a shared identity,
32
by the time of
Herodotus, Anatolians also used religious cult as a tool to assert membership in a supralocal
identity unifying several barbarian ethn# in opposition to Hellenes and justifying possession of a
territory. The very fact, though, that they formed this larger group made up of several different
groups speaking mutually unintelligible languages, suggests that they had accepted the group
identity of barbaros imposed by the Greeks, one which the Persians in fact exploited, as related
by Herodotus, when they took the side of the barbarians, claiming that the start of the division
between Europe and Asia, Hellenes and barbarians, was the kidnapping of Helen.
33

Legends of interaction between Cretans and Carians had their focus especially on the early
history of Miletus. Christianne Sourvinou-Inwood presents a full discussion of foundation
legends of Miletus, so I will not discuss all of the textual material available, focusing instead on
11
those that help us to understand the Anatolian viewpoint, and arguing against some of her
claims.
34

The earliest source is Herodorus, a scholar from Heraclea in the Pontus dating to the second half
of the sixth century BCE. Among other details, Herodorus says that the Anatolian town was
named after a man named Miletus who left Crete because Minos resented him:
Miletus, from whom is also (named) the city Miletus, son of Euxantius of Minos; others
say that he was the son of Apollo and Areia, daughter of Cleochus. Others say that
Miletus was founded by Sarpedon, son of Zeus, and was named after the one in Crete.
They say that it was first named Pithyoussa (some say Asteria), then Anactorius, then
Miletus. (Miletus), being driven out because he was envied by Minos, moved to
Samos, which is why there is also a place there called Miletus; and from Samos,
transferring to Caria, he founded a city named Miletus after him. Herodorus is the witness
for this.
35

Herodorus must be referring to the Cretan town mentioned by Homer (Il. 2.647), which Strabo
(10.4.14) notes no longer existed in his time.
Pausanias (7.2.5-6) also tells us the Milesians say that the name of the town came from an early
invader from Crete who was fleeing Minos. According to him, this early set of Aegean arrivals
combined with the indigenous Carian population, a peaceful assimilation in stark contrast to the
violent incursion of Ionians under Neileus, who killed all the men and married the women, an
event that supposedly left such a mark, according to Herodotus (1.146.2-147.1), that Milesian
women still refused to eat with or address their husbands by name. Herodotus' story speaks to a
collective memory on the part of people who self-identified as Carians focused on keeping alive
12
their differences with the "newcomer" Greeks, which, as Herda has shown, is supported by the
distinctive clothing of Carian women.
We have other glimpses of the conversation about the Ionian migration, in which it was debated
whether the Greeks were just in taking over previously occupied land. The late seventh-century
poet Mimnermus of Colophon speaks of the colonizers as "having overweaning force, leaders of
harsh hybris,"
36
while a (surely ex post facto) Delphic oracle claims the Carians got what they
deserved, being "an unjust race."
37
Sourvinou-Inwood sees the conversation as conducted solely
among Greeks, with no input from the colonized.
38
I see it as presenting to us indirectly the
voices of Carians. I also think that we have one more glimpse of what some Carians argued in
the Eklog# Histori$n, in which the founder Miletus is described as autochthonous.
39
Sourvinou-
Inwood, noting that this is hapax, argues that it is "thus unlikely to be expressing common
perceptions."
40
I would rephrase that as "unlikely to be expressing a perception commonly held
among Greeks."
Sourvinou-Inwood, because she specifically associates the legends of settlements from Crete
with the Middle Bronze Age settlement of Miletus, finds it necessary to explain why the
Mycenaean migration, which she considers should be articulated by a myth set in the heroic age
that ended with the Trojan War, is ignored, with a Carian occupation inserted before the arrival
of the Ionians, arguing that the Greeks deleted the Mycenaean occupation and possibly added the
Carian occupation in order to create a narrative in which the barbarian Carians were justly
subdued by the Greeks.
41
I will agree at least with the last part of her argument, that the Greeks
felt the need to justify their occupation of Miletus, but, I repeat, not just to themselves, but to the
Anatolians. As we discussed, Herda has argued that the Carian occupation in fact occurred.
In addition, I have serious reservations concerning other parts of Sourvinou-Inwood's discussion
of the Milesian foundation stories. Greek legend divides Greco-Anatolian contact into episodes
13
in several different time periods, at least some of which can be matched with our modern
periodization of migrations. Thus, dim memories of an earlier period of contact across the
Aegean in the Bronze Age appear to be in part the basis for the stories of Minos. A second layer
corresponds to the time of Heracles, then there was time of the epigonoi, the sons of the men
who died in the first Theban war, then the Trojan War itself, then the nostoi after the Trojan War,
and finally the Aeolic, Ionian, and Dorian migrations. The arrivals in Minos' time are usually
explained as refractions of Minoan colonization in the Middle Bronze Age.
42
But, the legends of
immigrants from Minoan Crete could also reflect a perception (which may or may not have been
based on fact) of an ethnic and/or linguistic link between a group of pre-Greeks and early Indo-
European Anatolians.
43
Indeed, the name Millawatta or Millawanda, the Hittite version of the
name of Miletus, shows this link, for it contains the Anatolian suffix anda, which has been
found in geographic names in Greece and Anatolia.
44

In addition, it is just as likely that at least in some cases stories about Minos and Cretan
migrations refer to Mycenaean-era arrivals, or to the diaspora of Aegean peoples at the end of the
Bronze Age, which has been associated on the one hand with the Sea Peoples mentioned in
Egyptian accounts and on the other with the appearance of LH IIIC-style wares in Cilicia and
Cyprus.
45
These legendary Cretans could be a way of explaining the presence of immigrants still
exhibiting "Greek" cultural traits, but no longer speaking Greek (if they ever did). We must
consider how a Protogeometric Greek immigrant to Anatolia would classify a person or group of
people he encountered there whose ancestors had likewise immigrated from a Greek-speaking
area, but did not speak Greek, and whether/how quickly Greek immigrants before the Iron Age
migrations shifted to the local language. Because our evidence for Mycenaean contact and
settlement, which we associate with the men of Ahhiyawa mentioned by the Hittites, is
archaeological, it cannot tell us what languages the people we call Mycenaeans or the Hittites
called Ahhiyawans spoke. Thus, while we can see from the use of Mycenaean-style tombs, such
as the one at at Colophon, a possible interest in Mycenaean eschatology and/or an interest in
14
identifying with the outsider Ahhiyawans rather than the local culture,
46
we have no idea whether
the occupants spoke only or primarily Greek. At Troy, we see that at some point Greek-speakers
married into the royal family, since the Hittite king Muwatalli II made a treaty with king
Alaksandu (Gr. Alexandros),
47
but I do not think that anyone would argue that Greek was (the
main language) spoken there, nor does the king's Greek name tell us whether he spoke Greek,
only that it was important to maintain a link with Ahhiyawan-ness. The men of Ahhiyawa
communicated in writing with the Hittites in Hittite without any apparent issues, and they could
not have been engaged in the various disruptive activities that the Hittites complained about if
they did not speak a local language. At "Mycenaean" Miletus we have a ruler with a non-Greek
name Atpa,
48
and there is no reason to believe (or to argue against the claim) that Greek was the
dominant language in Miletus at any time. Thus, even if Miletus suffered no gap in settlement at
the end of the Late Bronze Age, we cannot assume that the Protogeometric Greeks using
Athenian-style pottery who settled there encountered Greek-speakers descended from earlier
immigrants.
49
As Herda discusses, what we can see here speaks to a blended culture.
50
In the end,
therefore, we cannot be absolutely sure that the association with Minos and Crete refracts solely
Middle Bronze Age settlement of Miletus, rather than conflating several episodes of settlement.
I illustrate my point with one example supposedly relating to the early history of Caria.
Pausanias (7.3.1-2) tells us:
The Colophonians think that the shrine at Clarus and the oracle is from most ancient
times; they say that, while the Carians still held the land, the Cretans came into it as the
first of the Hellenic world (tou Hell#nikou), Rhacius and however many other people
followed Rhacius holding the area along the shore because they were powerful in their
ships; but, the Carians still occupied most of the land. After Thersander, son of
Polyneices, and the Argives seized Thebes, both the other war captives and Manto
(daughter of Teiresias) were brought to Delphi, to Apollo. When the god had sent them
15
on a colonizing expedition, they crossed with ships to Asia, and when they were at
Clarus, the Cretans went against them with weapons and took them to Rhacius; but he
for he learned from Manto who they were among men and for what reason they had come
took Manto as wife and made them also settlers with him. But, Mopsus, son of Rhacius
and Manto, threw the Carians completely out of the land.
According to Pausanias Clarus was founded by Rhacius from Crete before the Trojan War, and
his son Mopsus eventually expelled the Cretans, but it is most likely that the story Pausanias tells
us refers to movements at the end of the Late Bronze Age, for the characters of Mopsus at least
and possibly Rhacius refract some actual events, since in a bilingual Hieroglyphic Luwian-
Phoenician inscription from ineky a man using the dynastic name War"kas (in Hieroglyphic
Luwian) or U[rikki] (in Phoenician), which can be seen as a Greek name, either Rhacius or
Rhoecus, describes himself as a descendant of Mopsus and a Hiyawan man.
51
Hiyawa
corresponds to Hittite Ahhiyawa with regular Luwian aphaeresis,
52
and the Hiyawans are likely
to be some of the LH III C-style-using settlers to whom I previously referred.
53
While they left
few other obvious traces in Cilicia, at some point before the eighth century Greek-speakers did
arrive, as shown by a small number of terms and names that appears in Cilician inscriptions and
cuneiform tablets from Tarsus.
54
Of course it remains an open question, in which era they
arrived, and therefore whether they were the same as the Hiyawan settlers.
I turn now to exploring the role of Sarpedon in the migration legends of Miletus.
55
Our earliest
source after Herodorus mentioning his involvement is Ephorus of Cyme (400-330 BCE):
The founding was Cretan, built overlooking the sea, where now the ancient Miletus is,
since Sarpedon led from the Cretan Miletus colonizers and established the name for the
city after that of the city he left behind, whereas the Leleges were occupying the area
first; but, the ones accompanying Neileus built the city which now exists.
56

16
Apollodorus (first cent. CE?, Bib. 3.1.2) presents us with a more detailed version of Sarpedon's
arrival, some parts of which are older than Ephorus:
Zeus desired (Europa) , having become a tame bull, he brought her on his back through
the sea into Crete. And Zeus having slept with her there, she bore Minos, Sarpedon, and
Rhadamanthys; but according to Homer Sarpedon was from Zeus and Laodameia,
daughter of Bellerophon. And Asterius, the Cretan king, married Europa and raised
her children. They, when they reached maturity, fell into strife with one another, for they
felt desire for the boy named Miletus; he was the son of Apollo and Areia, daughter of
Cleochus. But, because the boy preferred Sarpedon, Minos went to war and bested them.
And they fled, and Miletus, landing in Caria, there established Miletus named after
himself, but Sarpedon, allying himself with Cilix, who was in a war with the Lycians, on
condition of receiving a share of the land, became king of the Lycians. And Zeus gave to
him to live unto three generations. But, some say that they desired Atymnius, son of Zeus
and Cassiopea, and because of him they fell into strife.
Apolloadorus' story apparently draws on the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, in which Sarpedon
is merged into Io's family tree. In the Catalogue Io's lineage systematically wove together all
parts of the eastern Mediterranean into a coherent genealogy: Io's great-grandson, Agenor, borne
by Libya from intercourse with Poseidon (2.1.4), went to Phoenicia and produced Europa (whom
"some," including Homer Il. 14.321-2, called the daughter of Phoenix), Cadmus, Phoenix, and
Cilix. Secondly, Apollodorus insists on Sarpedon's connection with Lycia, rather than Caria.
Both Homer and Apollodorus agree that Europa, through intercourse with Zeus, who carried her
off to Crete in the form of a bull, produced Minos and Rhadamanthus. But, Apollodorus, like the
Catalogue (Fr. 89 Most) and explicitly against Homer, has Europa as the mother of Sarpedon as
17
well, while Homer puts him in a later generation, as a son of Laodameia and Zeus (6.198-9) and
therefore grandson of Bellerophon and first cousin of Glaucus:
Hesiod:
Zeus Europa
________________|________________
| | |
Minos Rhadamanthys Sarpedon
Homer:
Sisyphus
|
Glaucus
|
Bellerophon Lycian princess
_________________|_____________
| | |
Isandrus Laodameia Zeus Hippolochus
| |
Sarpedon Glaucus

Apollodorus's solution to the intractable problem of Sarpedon's position in the family tree is his
statement, "And Zeus gave to him to live unto three generations," also reconstructed in the
Catalogue.
57

Herodotus (1.173), following Hesiod's genealogy, offers a variation on the story Apollodorus
tells, but with no mention of Miletus. He claims that Sarpedon led a group from Crete to join the
18
people who would in the future be called Lycians, once their eponym arrived with the Ionian
migration:
After Sarpedon and Minos, the children of Europa, came into conflict over the kingship
in Crete, when Minos was the victor in the civil war, he expelled Sarpedon himself and
those who sided with him; they, having been forced out, arrived into the Milyan land of
Asia; for now the Lycians reside there. This was in the old days Milyas, but the Milyans
were then called Solymi. As long as Sarpedon ruled them, they were called the same
name they had carried there, and still now the Lycians are called by their neighbors
Termilae; but when Lycus, son of Andion was expelled from Athens by his brother
Aigeus, he arrived among the Termilae to Sarpedon, and in this way the Lycians were
called after a time after the eponym of Lycus.
The ethnic names Milyan, Solymi, and Termilae Herodotus mentions are genuine autochthonous
appellations, and they show us that the Greek (and our) view of a unitary Lycian people is an
over-simplification.
58
Indeed, we could interpret Herodotus' story as acknowledging that Lycian
is a term applied by outsiders, which might help to explain why Sarpedon is both Lycian and
connected to the Carian phase of the city, a point to which I will return in the concluding section
of this paper.
The question is when Sarpedon was connected to the foundation of Miletus. Bryce, grouping
together the myths of Sarpedon's role in founding Miletus and a migration to Lycia, as
Apollodorus does, says, "the tradition that Lycia was settled by emigrants from Crete or their
descendants gains some credibility from the fact that the name of these emigrants, Termilae, is
clearly reflected in the Lycians' indigenous name Trmmili. All in all, it is possible that first-
millennium Lycia had within its population an ethnic group who had links with Miletus and
whose ancestral roots lay in Crete."
59
Another way to look at it is that the Termilae wished to
19
distinguish themselves from the rest of the peoples grouped by the Greeks under the heading
"Lycian," and assigned themselves an origin in Crete, as the Caunians did in contrast to the
Carians, whereas Herodotus (1.172) suspected they were actually autochthonous.
60
Therefore, we
may see here an attempt to maintain an opposition with an otherwise closely related group.
We can in fact see three competing stories connecting Lycia with Greece: the first involves a
connection to the mainland by dynastic marriage via Bellerophon, following what I consider to
be the archaic pattern. In the Iliad, while the focus is on one traditional way of framing "us" and
"them," as an inimical confrontation in war, a more peaceful network of long-distance relations
of equal partners, cemented through interdynastic marriages going in both directions, is taken for
granted. Thus, Homer (Il. 2.100-8) assumes that his audience knows that Agamemnon's family
can be traced back to the Anatolian immigrant Pelops, and Bellerophon's journey to Lycia,
narrated by his Lycian descendant Glaucus, is predicated on the prior family connection to the
Argive king Proetus, created when the Lycian king's sister came to Argos to marry him (Il.
6.155-95). Homer chose to highlight Bellerophon's story, which after all fit with his larger point
that ties of guest-friendship were disrupted by the cataclysmic conflict between Greeks and
Anatolians over the return of Helen, illustrated by the fact that his descendant Glaucus
encountered on the battlefield his family's guest-friend Diomedes fighting on the other side
(6.212-33), an meeting which precipitated the narrative about Bellerophon. The other two stories
involved Sarpedon and Glaucus. We now turn to Homer to explore more carefully what
migration legends he might have known,

in order to understand the implications of the choices he
made against the backdrop of what was available to him, which will allow us to dip into the
viewpoint of Anatolians, as opposed to Greeks, once again, as well as to further examine how
Sarpedon became connected to the founding of Miletus.
The Iliad is set before the Greek migrations, and it may be that the post-Bronze Age migrations
could only be referenced if they were part of Anatolian legend, not Greek. Homer (2.653-70)
20
does mention that Tlepolemus, son of Heracles (having been moved forward a generation or
two), has settled in Rhodes. In Book 5 Sarpedon slays Tlepolemus and is nearly slain himself
61

and it has been suggested that this episode draws on native Lycian legends of confrontations
between Rhodians and Lycians.
62
I see the episode as part of a larger Greco-Lycian project
explaining a common Greco-Lycian past, because I think we also need to take into account the
many Near Eastern connections with the stories of Bellerophon and Sarpedon, that I have
suggested come from a bilingual Greco-Lycian epic tradition.
63
Bellerophon's name means
snake-killer, referring to a wide-spread and important Syro-Anatolian myth, found in Baal's
battle with Yam, the Hurrian Storm-god Teshshub's battle with Hedammu, and the Hittite Storm-
god Tarhunna's battle with Illuyanka;
64
his winged horse Pegasus, who ends up the carrier of
Zeus' thunderbolt, bears the name of the Luwian storm-god Pihassassi, 'of thunder';
65
and, his
opponent the Chimera draws on the artistic conventions of Neo-Hittite monsters.
66
Sarpedon's
death parallels the death of Gilgamesh's companion Enkidu, and a rare Anatolian term is used for
his death ritual, the verb tarkhu- ('make strong, overcome', cf. the Storm-god's name, derived
from the verb). Sarpedon was worshipped as a hero among the Lycians after Homer, and
probably he was already heroized before him, since at his death in the Iliad he was immediately
returned to Lycia where he could receive heroic honors,
67
Zeus directing, "Send him to be borne
by swift escorts, the twins Sleep and Death, who will swiftly place him in the rich country of
broad Lycia, where his relatives and in-laws will honor (tarkhusousi) him with tomb and stele;
for this is the prize for those who die" (Il. 16.671-5). Thus, the story of Tlepolemus' migration,
although not obviously "Near Eastern," may belong to the Greco-Lycian epic tradition as well.
Although Homer otherwise ignores the Greek migrations, his timeline of Miletus' history
matches that of later historians who speak of a settlement in the time of Minos from Crete,
followed by a time in which Miletus was in possession of Carians, who in turn were replaced by
Ionians. Homer names the Cretan Miletus explicitly in the Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.647).
Therefore, it is far from impossible that he knew a story of people migrating from Crete to found
21
the Anatolian city, which is what we would expect given the historical situation, whether one
follows Sourvinou-Inwood's hypothesis that the story of Cretan Miletus as founder was a Late
Bronze Age myth with Minoan roots re-articulated by the Mycenaeans who came to live in the
city, or the less specific assumptions by other scholars that it refracts Minoan settlement, or my
suggestion that it could amalgamate the Minoan and Mycenean settlement and other Greek
settlers before the Early Protogeometric into one phase. In addition, in his catalogue of Trojan
allies Homer explicitly mentions Miletus as occupied by barbarian-speaking (barbaroph$noi)
Carians this despite the fact that he gives their two leaders the Greek names Amphimachus
('battle on both sides') and Nastes ('inhabitant').
68
Of course, it would add unnecessary
complications to the Trojan alliance to consider Miletus to be a Cretan settlement, but Nastes'
speaking name, "inhabitant," is important. It underlines the assertion that in the heroic age it was
Carians who held the city, not Greeks, and shows that the conversation about the Greek take-
over of the city was already underway in the time of Homer. That is, Homer, although he
studiously avoids mentioning the Early Iron Age migrations and is our main source for the first
stage of the conversations about their past shared by Greeks and Anatolians, can also show us the
second stage, the products of which are the legends that we find in Herodotus.
Although the Anatolian Miletus is only mentioned once in the Iliad, Douglas Frame has argued
that the Neleid rulers of the cities of the Panionium sponsored the first textualization of our Iliad
to be performed during their festival, with Miletus as the leader in the endeavor.
69
While some
parts of his argument are quite speculative, I find persuasive the suggestion that the prominent
role played by Nestor in both the Iliad and the Odyssey was meant to appeal to an audience,
some of which saw themselves as related to the Neleids. Moreover, the story of descendants of
Nestor settling in Anatolia after the Trojan War is earlier than that of the Ionian migration; their
honorary membership among the Ionian people only makes sense if the story about their
settlement in Anatolia had precedence to the story about the Ionian settlement,
70
and it is only in
part justified by routing the journey of the Neleids via Athens, by means of Codrus and
22
Melanthus.
71
Thus, Miletus' importance in the conversation about Greek immigration to Anatolia
is not necessarily contingent on the formation of an Ionian identity, but could precede it.
72

In addition, I think the implications of assigning Miletus to the Carians in the catalogue of Trojan
allies need to be assessed in light of the fact that the catalogue of allies seems to introduce a
version of the Iliad in which the Carians played a more important role than in ours, one taken in
our Iliad by the Lycians.
73
While the Lycians Glaucus and Sarpedon are briefly referred to at the
very end of the catalogue (2.876-7), the Carian contingent receives a particularly elaborate
introduction immediately prior. It is Nastes (probably), we are told, who "went into battle like a
girl wearing gold, foolish one (n#pios), not at all did it fend off dire death, but he was laid low at
the hands of the swift-footed descendant of Aeaces in the river, and battle-minded Achilles
carried off the gold" (Il. 2.871-5). The synopsis is of a story that the audience may have known
well, but it is never followed up in the later parts of the story we have.
Both Pericles Georges and Sourvinou-Inwood see Homer's portrayal of the Carians here as
negative. Nastes is certainly compared to a girl (kour#).
74
In addition, the adjective n#pios
'childish' means literally "unable to speak" (compare Latin infans). It typically appears in the
collocation n#pia tekna 'children (too) young (to speak)', filling the slot in the dactylic hexameter
line after the bucolic diaeresis,
75
but it also can refer to childish lack of foresight and reasoning
on the part of a warrior, often placed emphatically at the beginning of the line, as here. This
adjective may both comment on the stupidity of Nastes and be a second oblique reference to the
fact that Carians do not speak Greek. Moreover, Herda suggests that the name of Carians'
mountain home, oros Phtheir$n, which, as he notes, is easily etymologized as "mountain of pine
nuts" (nut-bearing pines were particularly abundant in the region), also could be seen by Homer
as having a pejorative implication, since phthires are 'lice'.
76
I myself discount the claim that
Carians were viewed with complete contempt, although the description of Nastes does fit the
later valuation of barbarians as feminized, luxurious and gold-loving, because I think we should
23
not read Homer's characterization through the lens of the later strongly negative characterization
of "Orientals" by Greeks. Indeed, Nastes was killed by the greatest of the Achaean warriors, a
sign of the Carian warror's own importance.
On the other hand, although the negative attitude on the part of the Greeks towards the
barbarians did increase over time,
77
the image of Nastes is certainly not entirely positive, and it
suggests that the Iliad for which the catalogue of Trojan allies was composed presented the foes
of the Achaeans in a less sympathetic light than the one we have, a proposal that was already
made by William Merritt Sale, who has shown that formulas for Trojan warriors involve newer
linguistic forms and are uncommon, as with formulas referring to movements into or inside the
city of Troy. He explains this by suggesting that "Homer" has altered the tradition he received
about the Trojan War to make it more sympathetic to the Trojans, deleting pejorative epithets for
the Trojans and developing scenes within the walls of Troy that humanized the foes of the
Achaeans.
78
I have built on Sale's idea by suggesting Homer needed to appeal to an audience
with mixed allegiances, and arguing that the incorporation of Hector's story, which is based on
the same narrative structure as the Cuthean Legend of Naram-Sin, was another element in the
reworking of the epic tradition about the Trojan War that increased its appeal to those in the
audience who identified with the Trojans.
79
The increased importance of the Lycians in Homer's
Iliad catered to this same agenda, because they are presented in an entirely positive light and
with a sensitivity to Lycian customs.
This is certainly true for the characterization of Glaucus, who has only one purpose in the Iliad,
to demonstrate the shared cultural values of a supralocal elite encompassing both Achaeans and
Anatolians: it is his family's connection to that of Diomedes that allows the audience to focus for
a moment on the tragic rending of the web of reciprocal guest-host relations that had bound the
two sides of the Aegean together, and it is to him that Sarpedon presents the most stirring
encomium of the values of the Homeric warrior (Il. 12.309-12).
80
His name, which means 'sea-
24
blue', is obviously Greek, and he exhibits no obvious "Lycian" features. In addition, his
genealogy allows for an ultimately Greek origin for the Lycian Glaucid kings that, according to
Herodotus (1.147), were accepted by the Greeks as their new rulers when they arrived in
Anatolia:
Some of (the Ionians) made Lycians their kings, who had been born from Glaucus, son of
Hippolochus, others made Caucones their kings, Pylians from Codrus, son of Melanthus,
others also men from both. But they cling most to the name (Ionian), quite a bit more
than the other Ionians; therefore, let them be the pure-bred Ionians. All are Ionian who
are from Athens and celebrate the Apatouria festival.
Coinage from Miletus and Erythrae and mention of a Glaucid in an inscription from Magnesia
show Herodotus' story was consistent with local legends.
81
This story adds a detail to the Neleid
settlement of Ionia that Frame has neglected in his otherwise exhaustive treatment of the role of
the Neleids' legends in shaping the Iliad. Bryce, referring to Herodotus, suggests, "the Iliad's
composer may have been influenced by wealthy aristocratic patrons of his own day. Could this
account for the prominence he gives to the Lycians? [I]t may be that local rulers who claimed
a Lycian ancestry influenced Homer into assigning a high profile to their alleged ancestors."
82
I
myself suggest that in Herodotus' story we can detect a way of framing the arrival of the Greeks
that is not one in which they vanquish or displace the local inhabitants essentially different from
themselves, but are willing to subordinate themselves to them, perhaps because they were seen as
sharing for the most part a common culture, and that the story was in circulation earlier than the
storyline of violent conquest, which had already to become part of the conversation with regard
to Miletus by the time of Homer. I suggest, in addition, that the insistence on a Greek origin for
Glaucus in the Iliad could be a Greek response to a story along the lines of the one given to us by
Herodotus, one also possibly appearing in the Greco-Lycian epic tradition.
83

25
Therefore, besides the story of Bellerophon, Homer probably knew an origin story involving
Bellerophon. Let us now turn to Sarpedon, whom Jenny Strauss Clay describes as "the
paradigmatic hero."
84
His death scene in the Iliad, in which he is immediately whirled back to
Lycia to receive heroic honors, shows that he was already an important hero in the Greco-Lycian
tradition, pulled willy-nilly into the Trojan War, although he belonged to an earlier generation, as
shown by the fact that the sons of Amisodarus, raiser of the Chimera slain by Bellerophon, are
his coevals, according to Iliad (16.317-29).
(Of) the sons of Nestor, one, Antilochus, wounded Atymnius with a sharp shaft; he drove
the bronze spear through his side, and he fell in front of him. But Maris rushed with his
spear on Antilochus for close fighting, angered because of his brother, standing before
the corpse, but god-like Thrasymedes anticipated him, reaching out before he wounded
him, and he did not miss. So the two, defeated by two brothers, went to the Shady
Place, noble companions of Sarpedon, spear-men, sons of Amisodarus, who raised the
invincible Chimaera, an evil for many men.
As Richard Janko notes in his commentary on this passage, the fifth-century
historian/mythographer Xenomedes of Ceos names a Carian king Amisodarus as father-in-law of
Bellerophon.
85
This fits in time, if not in place, with Homer's mention of his role raising the
Chimera, whom Bellerophon had to slay in order to marry his daughter, but not with Homer's
genealogy of Sarpedon. Also suspicious are the two Glaucuses in Homer's genealogy, separated
by three generations. The inconsistencies show that Homer is following a tradition which
reworked Sarpedon's position in world history, putting all the famous "Lycian" heroes into a
single lineage and moving Sarpedon forward in time to subordinate him to Bellerophon and to
pair him with Glaucus, who, as we have already discussed, was perhaps claimed as an ancestor
by some members of Homer's east Greek audience.
26
In addition, Homer either implicitly denies or does not know the claim that was (probably) made
in the Catalogue of Women not too long after the Iliad was written down, that Sarpedon came
from Crete to Lycia.
86
Yet, Janko is surely right to underline the genealogy of their slayers; they
were Neleids, like those who eventually settled Miletus in the legendary second phase of
colonization from the west.
87
Thus, we have several elements of later attested stories about the
founding of Miletus juxtaposed here, and we are one step away from the story of Sarpedon
arriving from Crete to settle in Anatolia. Homer, therefore, seems to take pleasure in hinting
coyly at a role for Sarpedon its audience have known.
Now, in some versions of Miletus' foundation, the beloved of Sarpedon is named Atymnius, as
Apollodorus (3.1.2) briefly notes. Although he does not say so, I think it can be assumed that
Apollodorus was aware that some also attributed to him the founding of the city. Although the
name Atymnius appears to be Anatolian and is wide-spread in Anatolia, like that of his brother,
whose name Maris means "spear" in Hittite, the name or names very similar to it are also found
in Cretan mythology. And indeed, later references involving a character bearing a name similar
to Atymnius share features with the story about the founding of Miletus. For example, Branchus,
who founded the oracle at Didyma, was the son of Tymnaeus.
88
On the one hand, Janko,
connecting this episode to the putative Lycian narrative tradition I discussed earlier, assumes that
Atymnius was already considered Sarpedon's beloved. "The notion of Sarpedon's beloved dying
in battle, which helps provoke his intervention, anticipates the effect of Patroklos' death on
Akhilleus."
89
Homer, however, does not imply an especially intimate relationship between
Atymnius in particular and Sarpedon. Sarpedon is moved to fight only at 16.419, and because of
the devastating effects of Patroclus on his forces, not because of Antilochus. On the other hand,
Friedrich Prinz, who thinks that Sarpedon is necessarily connected to the myth of the foundation
of Miletus, says that the association with Crete is caused by chance homophony between the
Cretan city Milatus and Anatolian Miletus (and that the Homeric genealogy of Sarpedon is
earlier than the Hesiodic).
90
Finally, Sourvinou-Inwood, who sees the association of Sarpedon
27
with Miletus' foundation as secondary, suggests that Atymnius, because he is a character with
both Cretan and Anatolian ties, provides the impetus for the absorption of Sarpedon into the
story.
It is therefore possible to see the myth involving Sarpedon and Atymnios as a
transformation, resulting from the interaction of the Sarpedon and Atymnios nexus with
the myth in which Minos pursues Miletos erotically and Miletos flees the pursuit, that is
as a transformation resulting from the interaction between on the one hand the myth
reflected in the Iliad, in which Atymnios was one of Sarpedon's companions, and on the
other a myth of the homoerotic pursuit of a boy, in the form in which Miletos is pursued
by Minos.
91

She further argues, "this passage already reflects [the] interchangeability between Lycians and
Karians; in this passage a Karian mythological figure, Atymnios, has taken on the identity of
a Lycian."
92
I suggest that Atymnius' change in ethnicity could have been in part the result of the
larger reworking of the Iliad away from one in which the Carians were the primary ally of the
Trojans into one in which the Lycians are.
How, then, was Sarpedon connected to Miletus? The etymology of his name Sarp#don(t)- is
disputed, but I agree with S. P. D. Durnford, who sees it as Anatolian and meaning 'of a high
place'.
93
He sees it as a title turned into a name, but it certainly could be used as a geographic
term, which explains why several cliffs or peaks bore the name, not only in Cilicia, but also in
Thrace.
94
His name, then, is just as banal as Glaucus'. Indeed, it is attested twice in Linear B as a
geographical term: sa-ra-pe-da (PY Un 718.1); sa-ra-pe-do[ (PY Er 880.2).
95
I think that early
suggestions were right that the association between the hero and Miletus originated from his
name being used for a nearby geographic feature. O. Immisch, for example, refers to Ephorus'
statement that the Cretan foundation of Miletus was built on a promontory overlooking the sea,
28
"where now the ancient Miletus is."
96
This fortuitous circumstance of the word referring both to
a geographical feature and serving as a name allowed for the association, exploited in the
ongoing conversation about the Greek occupation of the Anatolian coast.
There is one important issue that remains: the name in fact appears to be Carian, rather than
Lycian.
97
In the Milyan section of the Xanthus stele the name may appear, rendered
zrppedu(n?),
98
but in Lycian the adverb equivalent to Luwian "arri would be rendered hri, as in
hriqla 'acropolis', Milyan (Lycian B) zrigali. The attested Lycian version of the name therefore
cannot be inherited; it is rendered in Greek as Serpodis.
99
In Carian the adverb is "ar/"r, rendered
in Greek as sar, while the second element appears in the Greek versions of Carian place names
as p#da, pida, or peda. Sarp#don thus is a good match for the expected Carian form. If the name
was indeed attached to a promontary near Miletus, then it would not be surprising that it is of
Carian origin. The question then becomes, how was it attached to a Lycian hero?
There are several possible solutions. We have discussed the possibility that the scope of the
Greek term "Lycian" at first included Carians, then narrowed over time, as the Carians developed
a clearer identity in the eyes of the Greeks. Or, it may be that the Carians were once the
dominant indigenous group in the area, and the name was borrowed into other Anatolian
languages, possibly as a dynastic name, as befits its etymology. An early dominance on the part
of the Carians seems to be refracted in the stories of a Carian thalassocracy, overcome by
Minos,
100
and we can compare the Lydian royal name Gyges, which must be of Carian origin; in
Lydian we would expect the loss of the initial laryngeal, as in "Arzawan" names with U%%a-
'grandfather', Hittite %u%%a-.
101
If this supposition is correct, then we can further suggest that the
reworking of the Iliad away from one in which the Carians played an important role was one by-
product of the diminishing status of the Carians over time, and in addition, that legends in which
a Lycian hero is made responsible for the founding of a Carian city resulted from the incomplete
reworking of earlier versions in which a different Sarpedon featured, who was considered by the
29
Greeks to be Carian.
Department of Classical Studies
Willamette University
900 State St.
Salem OR 97317
mbachvar@willamette.edu

30
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Teko$lu, R. and A. Lemaire. 2000. "La bilingue royale louvito-phnicienne de inekoy." CRAI:
961-1000.
van de Mieroop, M. 2000. "Sargon of Agade and his Successors in Anatolia." SMEA 42: 133-59.
Watkins, C. 1987. "Questions linguistiques palates et louvites cuneiformes." Hethitica 8: 423-6.
. 1994a. "The Language of the Trojans." In Calvert Watkins: Selected Writings, edited by L.
Oliver, 700-17. Innsbrucker Beitrge zur Sprachwissenschaft 80. Innsbruck: Institut fr
Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck. Originally published in M. Mellink, ed., Troy and
the Trojan War (Bryn Mawr, Pa.: Bryn Mawr College, 1986).
. 1994b. "Two Anatolian Forms: Palaic a"um!uwa-, Cuneiform Luvian wa-a-ar-"a." In
Calvert Watkins: Selected Writings, edited by L. Oliver, 399-404. Innsbrucker Beitrge zur
Sprachwissenschaft 80. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
Originally published in G. Cardona and N. Zide (eds.), Festschrift for Henry Hoenigswald on the
Occasion of His 70th Birthday (Tbingen: Gunther Narr Verlag, 1987).
. 1995a. How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
47
. 1995b. "Some Anatolian Words and Forms: Hitt. nega-, negna-, Luv.
*
niya-, nni-." In
Verba et structurae: Festschrift fr Klaus Strunk zum 65. Geburtstag, edited by H. Hettrich.
Innsbrucker Beitrge zur Sprachwissenschaft 83. 357-61. Innsbruck: Institut fr
Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck.
West, M. L. 1997. The East Face of Helicon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Westenholz, J. G. 1997. Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts. Mesopotamian Civilizations
7. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.
Wilhelm, G. 1997. "Die Knige von Ebla nach der hurritisch-hethitischen Serie "Freilassung"."
Altorientalische Forschungen 24: 277-93.
. 2003. "Knig Silber und Knig !idam." In Hittite Studies in Honour of Harry A. Hoffner,
Jr.: On the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by G. M. Beckman, R. H. Beal and J. G.
McMahon. 393-5. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.
. 2008. "Hurrians in the Kltepe Texts." In Anatolia and the Jazira during the Old Assyrian
Period, edited by J. G. Dercksen. Publications de l'Institut Historique-archlogique nerlandais
de Stamboul 111. Uitgaven: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.
Yakubovich, I. 2010. Sociolinguistics of the Luvian Language. Leiden and Boston: Brill.
Zgusta, L. 1964. Kleinasiatische Personennamen. Prague: Verlag der Tschechoslowakischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Zumthor, P. 1987. La lettre et la voix de la <<littrature>> mdivale. Paris: ditions du Seuil.
48
. 1992. Toward a Medieval Poetics. trans. by P. Bennett. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press.
49


* I thank Dr. Alexander Herda for providing me with copies of his articles and for pointing out some
essential bibliographic references.
1
I use the following abbreviations: CHD = Gterbock, H. G., H. A. Hoffner, Jr., and T. P. J. van den Hout
(1989-) The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago: The Oriental Institute
of the University of Chicago). CTH = Laroche, E. (1971) Catalogue des textes hittites (Paris: ditions Klincksieck),
continued by the online database Konkordanz der hethitischen Keilschrifttafeln: http://www.hethport.uni-
wuerzburg.de/hetkonk/, where references to editions and discussions of the Hittite texts cited here can be found.
FGrH = Jacoby, F. (ed.) (1923-58) Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker (Weidmann, Brill: Berlin, Leipzig). KBo
= Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazki (J. C. Hinrichs, Mann: Leipzig, Berlin). KUB = Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazki
(Akademie Verlag: Berlin). I also make use of H. Cancik et al. (2002-) Brill's New Pauly: Encyclopedia of the
Ancient World (Brill: Leiden and Boston).
2
E. Hall 1989, especially 3-13; Georges 1994, 13-18; J. M. Hall 2002, 90-1; Ross 2005, 301-2, with earlier
references; Herda 2006, 76; Mitchell 2007.
3
Bachvarova 2005a, 149-50; forthcoming. It is disputed whether the various songs in Hurrian and Hittite
constitute a distinct genre (Wilhelm 1997, 277-8, note 1). The meter in the Hittite versions has been analyzed by
McNeill 1963; Durnford 1971; Melchert 1998. Some shared formulas have been discussed by McNeill 1963; Neu
1993a.
4
The group of songs labeled the Kumarbi cycle by modern scholars consists of CTH 344: Song of Birth,
formerly called the Song of Kumarbi or Song of Kingship, on the correct title see Corti 2007; CTH 348: Song of
Hedammu; CTH 345: Song of Ullikummi. For translations see Haas 2006, 130-76; Hoffner 1998a, 60-4. For the
Hurrian versions see Salvini and Wegner 2004, 17-22, 38-51. On the parallels between the Iliad and Odyssey and the
legend of Gilgamesh, see West 1997, 402-16; on the parallels between Hesiod's Theogony and the Kumarbi cycle
see West 1997, 276-305. On the parallels between the Hesiod's Works and Days and the Song of Release see
Bachvarova 2010. On Hurro-Hittite song see Watkins 1995a, 247-8; Neu 1996, 7; Hoffner 1998a, 66-7; 1998b, 180.
On variation between versions, which indicates oral derivation (see Zumthor 1987, 160-72; 1992, 46-9, on medieval
manuscripts of oral-derived troubador poetry), see Giorgieri 2001; Gterbock 1951, 143; 1952, 10-11. For further
discussion of oral features see Archi 2009. Lorenz and Rieken (2010) see the purpose of the songs as scribal
training, rather than oral performance. On the possibility of a Luwian "Wilusiad," which would belong to an entirely
different genre, see Watkins (1994a), who bases his suggestion on an incipit from Festival of Istanuwa: CTH 772.1
= KBo 4.11 obv. 46 (translit. Starke 1985, 341), while Neumann (1999, 21, note 20); Starke (1997, 437, note 78)
dispute his interpretation, Watkins (1987; 1994b; 1995b, 144-51, with note 19) defends some elements of it.
5
Bachvarova 2005a. The people are war captives and not debt slaves, as thought by Neu (1993b); Hoffner
(1998a, 180-3); see Otto 2001; Bachvarova 2005b, 47-8, with earlier references. In the Iliad there is brief mention of
the fact that the Trojan assembly was bribed by Paris to reject the Achaean ambassadors' request to return Helen (Il.
11.122-42). This same plot structure is repeated in a nutshell in the opening conflict between Agamemnon and
Achilles over the return of Agamemnon's concubine Chryseis to her father, which causes Achilles to refuse to fight
and nearly leads to the defeat of the Achaeans.
6
CTH 341. II. 2 = KUB 8.61 + KBo 8.144 left edge, see Salvini and Wegner (2004, 16) on the content.
Also see Beckman 2003, 42; Salvini 1988, 159.
7
For a translation of the Hittite version (CTH 341.III) see Haas 2006, 273-7; Beckman 2001a. For the
Hurrian version, see the fragments collected in Salvini and Wegner 2004, 16-17, 31-7. For discussion of the versions
of the Gilgamesh legend in Akkadian, Hurrian, and Hittite at Hattusa see del Monte 1992, with an Italian translation;
Beckman 2003; Klinger 2005; Archi 2007, 186-8. On variation in the Hittite Song of Gilgamesh, see del Monte
1992, 288-9; Archi 2007, 187.
8
Hurrian Mythological-Historical Fragments: CTH 775.D.2 = KUB 31.3 (Salvini and Wegner 2004, 37-8,
discussion 17).
9
For translations of the relevant Sargon and Naram-Sin texts see Westenholz 1997; Haas 2006, 67-76. On
the Anatolian reception of Sargonic legend, see Gterbock 1964; van de Mieroop 2000; Beckman 2001b. Sargon
already appears in a text from the Old Assyrian merchant colony of Kanesh (see most recently Alster and Oshima
2007).
50

10
On CTH 364: Song of Silver, see the translations of Haas 2006: 147-51; Hoffner 1998: 48-50. On the
ritual invocation of the legendary kings (Hurrian Mythological-Historical Fragments: CTH 775.D.1 = KUB 27.38,
translit. Haas and Wegner 1988, 384-90, discussion 25-6), see de Martino 1993; Wilhelm 2003.
11
For a comparison of Naram-Sin's story and that of Hector, see Bachvarova 2008.
12
Hector descends into tragic delusion first in Book 8, when he takes confidence in Zeus's false omen. In
12.200-42 the final stage is reached. Dynastic marriage in western Anatolia with the Hittite royal family:
Mashuiluwa, king of Mira, married Muwatti, sister of Mursili II (Treaty of Mursili II with Kupanta-Kurunta of
Mira-Kuwaliya: CTH 68.B = KBo 4.7 i 6-7, E = KUB 6.44 i 6-7, translit. Friedrich 1926, 110; trans. Beckman 1999,
74). Masduri, king of Seha River Land, married Massanuzzi, sister of Hattusili III, see Bryce 2003, 121-2; 2005,
254. I discuss the interactions in western Anatolia that would have facilitated the transfer of an offshoot of the same
tradition we see at Hattusa in Chapter Two of my forthcoming book.
13
On Hurrrians in the ambit of the Old Assyrian merchant colonies as a possible source for Hurro-Hittite
song, see Wilhelm 2008. On the importation of the Hurrianized Teshshub of Aleppo in the Old Hittite period, which
I have connected to the spread of Hurro-Hittite song, see Singer 1994, Schwemer 2001, 494-502; 2008, 153; Richter
2002, 306-10; Bachvarova 2009, 34-5; forthcoming, Chapter Seven. On the increased Hurrian influence once
Hurrian royalty from Kizzuwatna began to intermarry with the Hittite dynasty in the Middle Hittite period, see
Hoffner 1998b, 175-84; Richter 2002, 197-9; Bryce 2005, 70-80.
14
Redfield 1994.
15
The Sumerian Curse of Agade tells a similar story to that of the Akkadian Cuthean Legend, but is not at
all sympathetic to the Akkadian ruler and blames him for the destruction of Akkade. See discussion in Bachvarova
2008.
16
Bryce 2006, 149. Also see Bryce (2003, 76), referring to the Alaksandu Treaty (see below): "the term
Lukka is used broadly of the Luwian regions of western Anatolia in general rather than of a specific region in the far
south."
17
However, this may be caused by a different redactional history for this set of texts.
18
Strabo 14.3.3, 5.16; E. Hall 1989, 131.
19
Yakubovich 2010, 135-6.
20
This is roughly Bryce's suggestion. Note, however, that he originally assumed the Milawatta was in
Lukka (Bryce 1986, 25-9). In later work he expunges that suggestion, rather seeing a "genuine southward sea
immigration [from an unspecified location] by a group of marauders from the north" (Bryce 2006, 149).
21
Hawkins 1998, 29-30; also see Melchert (2003, 7) on the difficulties.
22
On the Suratkaya inscription see Peschlow-Bindokat 2001a; b; Ehringhaus 2005, 91-4. On the Karabel
inscription see Hawkins 1998.
23
Bryce 1992.
24
Herda (2009b) relies on this marker in his discussion of the placement of the Late Bronze Age Karkisa,
also arguing that there is a link between Lukka and Karkisa in the Hittite documents. Note that not all of the Hittite
evidence linking Karkisa with Lukka he cites is definitive. In Annals of Tudhaliya I/II: CTH 142.2.A = KUB 23.11 ii
14-19 (translit. and trans. Carruba 2008, 36-7), which lists the 22 members of the west Anatolian Assuwa
confederation, [L]uqqa has been reconstructed, in which case it would appear with Karkisa (and Masa, Wilusiya and
Taruisa), but Artuqqa appears in another Middle Hittite text with Arzawa and Masa (Annals of Arnuwanda I: CTH
143.1 = KUB 23.21 ii 18' and 23', translit. and trans. Carruba 2008, 68-9), and thus it is best to reconstruct [Art]uqqa
here. See Starke (1997, 456 and note 91) for further references, but note that he cites the Hittite passage incorrectly
and is attempting to argue that Assuwa corresponds to the later Assos. Also see Carruba (2008, 38, note 16), who
agrees with Starke in the reconstruction. The Treaty of Muwatalli II and Alaksandu of Wilusa (CTH 76.B = KUB
21.1 iii 29-31 with parallel texts, translit. Friedrich 1930, 4; trans. Beckman 1999, 90) lists Karkisa, Masa, Lukka,
and Warsiyalla as places, on campaign to which, if they rebel, Alaksandu is obligated to join the Hittite king. It may
be that Lukka is included here as a place that the sea-faring Wilusans could access from the coast while the Hittites
attacked by land. CTH 577: Combined Oracle Report I.SU, KIN, and MU'EN = KUB 49.79 does not mention Masa.
It only mentions KUR
URU
Karkiy[a] (i 14') in a section asking about a campaign route. The only other places
preserved in the oracle report are Hatti and Iyalanta (i 23', 25'). The Egyptian mention of the people of Karkisa along
with people of Lukka among the allies of the Hittites during the Battle of Qadesh does not provide any geographical
information.
25
parra[nda pait] (Treaty of Mursili II with Manapatarhunta of Seha River Land: CTH 69.A = KUB 19.49
i 7, translit. Friedrich 1930, 4). On parranda indicating movement across, see CHD P: 135-7. On the location of the
Seha River Land, see Heinhold-Krahmer 1977, 341-5; F. Starke, "S1"a," in Brill's New Pauly 13.205-6.
51

26
While many see an etymological relation between the names Masa and Maeonia, typically it is seen as
further north than Lydia (Beekes 2003, 10-13; Bryce 2003, 33; 2006, 143). Masa is mentioned with Wiyanawanda,
Tamina, Lukka, and Ikuna in the SDBURG inscription (1, 4, transliteration and translation Hawkins 1995, 22-3).
"They are probably all to be regarded as Lukka lands in the wider sense" (Hawkins 1995, 29). Poetto 1998, in a
study of the KIZILDA2 inscription, suggests that the people of Masa were mobile over a fairly large area (4 2c,
transliteration, translation and discussion Hawkins 2000, 438, 441). On the location of Masa and Karkisa, and the
issues involved, also see briefly Melchert 2003, 7; Bachvarova forthcoming, Appendix One.
27
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 274; Herda 2009b, 36-7; 2009a, 67-77. J. M. Hall (2002, 101-2) argues that
onomastics show both intermarriage and maintenance of a Carian identity.
28
Herda 2009b, 43-60; Niemeier 2009, 21-4.
29
Il. 2.867-9.
30
For discussions (often sharply disagreeing) of who the Leleges were, see Descat 2001; Carstens and
Flensted-Jensen 2004; Bresson 2009; Rumschied 2009; F. Gschnitzer, "Leleges," in Brill's New Pauly 7.380-1.
31
Pherecydes, as quoted by Strabo, tells a version of the same story told by Asius of Samos: "Earlier the
Carians occupied Miletus and Myus and places around Mycale and Ephesus, and the Leleges occupied the coast as
far as Phocaea and Chios and Samos, which Ancaeus ruled. Both of them were thrown out by the Ionians, and were
driven out into the remaining parts of Caria" (Strabo 14.1.3 = FGrH 3 Fr. 155, Paus. 7.4.1 = Asius Fr. 7 Bernab).
32
Hdt. 1.171.6; 1.143.3.
33
Hdt. 1.4.3-5.1. See Haubold (2007) on the Persian use of the story of the Trojan War.
34
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 268-309. Also see Gorman (2001, 14-43); Herda 2009b.
35
FGrH 31 F 45 = schol. ad Apoll. Argon. 1.185/8a. See Sourvinou-Inwood (2005, 269-70, n. 149, 282-3)
for a full discussion defending the attribution to Herodorus (against Prinz 1979, 109-10) and the priority of this myth
as opposed to the one involving Sarpedon (although I do not agree with all her argument).
36
!"#$ %&'( )*+,- ./+01,2 345- +1'625"$ 7"8592 :4;/2 2/-4<2 =>1?6"@%./ A$ B A8%592
C,+,>D2% E;/2 !'F8,'+,2 GH,25"$ IJ6"@ =8K%+F/$ LE81,$ MK"62"$. "When leaving Pylos, the Neleian city,
we came to lovely Asia with ships, into beautiful Colophon, having overweaning force, we settled, leaders of harsh
hybris" (Fr. 9 West = Strabo 14.1.4).
37
Reply to Neleus' proposal to found a city: ./+"N, >8OJ"-, P'Q$ =B;?Q2 C%8D2 KF2,$ =2B8D2/
AR"+O4%$, S++/2%$ TQ2O$ 5 AK?%5%2O44U$. "Neleus, figure out how, having driven off the race of unjust Carian
men, you will lead Hellenes and Ionians there" (Parke and Wormell 1956, II. No. 301). See Malkin 1987, 51.
38
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 305-7. Also see J. M. Hall 2002, 97-100.
39
Cramer 1967, 193.29-30.
40
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 281, also see 271.
41
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 300-9.
42
Thus Bryce (2006, 147) on the settlement of Miletus.
43
This could also apply to the Greek discussions of the origins of the Leleges and Caucones, sometimes
placed in Anatolia, other times in Greece. See notes 30 and 81 here. Homer speaks of the mixture of languages
spoken on Crete: Achaeans, Eteocretans, Cudones, Dorians, and Pelasgians (Od. 19.172-7). On prehistoric
Anatolian immigrants to Crete and the rest of Greece, see Finkelberg 2005, 9-11; Yakubovich 2010, 9-11
44
Adiego 2007, 341-2.
45
Killebrew 2005, 30.
46
Georgiadis 2003, 110; 2009; Hamilakis 1998, 122; Carstens 2008, 59-70.
47
CTH 76.
48
On Atpa, see Bryce 2005, 224.
49
Kerschner 2003, 246.
50
Herda 2009b, 102.
51
On the Phoenician mentions of (A)hhiyawa in eighth century inscriptions from Karatepe and ineky,
corresponding to Hieroglyphic Luwian Adana, as well as the House of Mopsus (in Phoenician)/ Muksus (in
Hieroglyphic Luwian) as corroborating the report of Herodotus (7.91) of Hypachaei settling in Cilicia and of Strabo
(13.4.6, 14.5.16) of people leaving Troy led by Mopsus and Antilochus, see Lpez-Ruiz 2009, with earlier
references; 2010, 38-43, 68-9. Lane Fox (2009, 218) resists the equation of Ahhiyawa and Hiyawa.
52
Singer 2006. In the Karatepe inscription Azatiwata, the ruler of Karatepe, refers to his king Awarikkas,
of the House of Mopsus, of Adana (Hieroglyphic Luwian: !-wa/i+ra/i-ku-sa-wa/i, Karatepe Hu 4b XXI, 112-13,
translit. and trans. Hawkins 2000, 51; Phoenician: "wrk, Ph A I 16, translit. and trans. ambel 1999, 50-1). An
Urikki of Que (= Hiyawa) is known from Assyrian texts from the time of Tiglath-Pileser. In the ineky inscription,
52

a little earlier than the Karatepe inscription, the king's name is spelled wa/i+ra/i-i-ka-s (HL), w[r(y)k] (Phoen.). In
the trilingual (Phoen., HL, Assyrian) Incirli inscription (ca. 750 BCE) his name is preserved in Phoenician as "wrk,
and he is named as king of the Danunites or of Que (HL, Assyrian) see Kaufman 2007. In addition an Urikki (wryk)
appears in the Phoenician Cebelireis Da$ inscription (ed. and trans. Mosca and Russell 1987). Lipi%ski (2004, 116-
23) interprets this man's name ("Awarku") as Ewarkhos, and the "Wariyka" in the other inscriptions as Rhoikos.
53
For fuller discussions of possible migrations of Aegean peoples to Cilicia in the light of the Karatepe and
ineky inscriptions see Forlanini 1996; Teko$lu and Lemaire 2000; Lebrun and De Vos 2006; Jasink and Marino
2007; Lanfranchi 2009.
54
Schmitz 2009; 2010. I find his discussion of Phoenician krntry" at Karatepe as representing Greek
korun#t#rios 'man of the mace', an epithet of the Sorm-god particularly convincing. The mace was a characteristic
weapon of the Storm-god of Aleppo (Schmitz 2010; Bachvarova forthcoming, Chapter Seven).
55
On Sarpedon generally, see Keen 1998, 208-10; Benda-Weber 2005, 246-60.
56
FGrH 70 F 127 = Strabo 14.1.6.
57
G. Most reconstructs this phrase at Cat. Fr. 90.20 Most; Bryce 1986, 21; 2006, 147. Also see Diodorus
Siculus (5.78.1-79.4), who says that Minos, Rhadamanthus, and Sarpedon were the sons of Zeus and Europa.
Rhadamanthus is credited with taking over many islands and much of the coast of Asia. Sarpedon conquered Lycia,
and his son married the daughter of Bellerophon, and their son was the Sarpedon at Troy.
58
Bryce's (1986, 19-23) discussion of various groups subsumed under the later scholarly designation shows
that it is an over-simplification. Frei (1993b) untangles the history of the various terms, arguing that only outsiders,
including the Hittites, used the term "Lycian" until quite late in their history, and that the scope of the term narrowed
over time. Also see Keen (1998, 86) on the use of the term Trmmili.
59
Bryce 2006, 147. Bryce (2003, 110-15) discusses the early legends of the Lycians.
60
According to Strabo (14.1.6) "it is said" that the Caunians came from Crete.
61
See Lateiner 2002, 56-7.
62
Kirk 1990, 122.
63
Frei (1993a, 41-2) has suggested that the story of Bellerophon comes from Greek poets performing at the
Lycian court at Xanthus. On Bellerophon see Bryce 1986, 14-20. See Chapters Four and Fifteen of Bachvarova
forthcoming.
64
Name: Katz 1998; battle: West 1997, 300-4.
65
Hutter 1995
66
Burkert 1983, 52; Frei 1993a, 47-8.
67
On the parallels with the death of Enkidu see West (1997, 343-4); on the verb tarkhu and the possible
heroization of Sarpedon, see Nagy 1983, 195-8, 205-6; also Lateiner (2002) on hero-cult for Sarpedon.
68
On the significance of the name Nastes and that of his father Nomion (Il. 2.871), cf. nomos 'pasture,
district', see Brgger, Stoevesandt and Visser 2003, 284. On the history of scholarship on the term barbaroph$nos,
see J. M. Hall 2002, 111-12; Brgger, Stoevesandt and Visser 2003, 284-5.
69
Frame 2009.
70
On the heterogeneous origins of the Greeks involved in the "Ionian migration," see Herda 2006, 76-9,
with earlier references. On the Neleids in the Ionian migration, see Frame 2009, 29-35, 515-33.
71
Hdt. 5.65.
72
The earliest historian to attribute the re-founding of Miletus to the Neleids was Hellanicus (FGrH 4 F
23).
73
Kirk 1985, 263 notes some of the inconsistencies between the catalogue and the rest of the story.
74
Georges 1994, 14-15, Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 269. Brgger, Stoevesandt and Visser (2003, 284-5)
argue effectively against this interpretation.
75
In the Iliad the adjective is most often used to refer to young children. It is used in dialogue to refer to a
warrior who mis-estimates what lies before him. There seems to be no preference for Anatolians over Achaeans.
76
Herda 2006, 73, note 170; 2009b, 46, 68, note 222.
77
Long 1986, 131-3; Brun (2007, 22-32) on the hostility of Athenians towards the Carians.
78
Sale 1987; 1989; 1994.
79
Bachvarova 2008.
80
On which see Clay 2009. On Glaucus see Benda-Weber 2005, 255, 257
81
Carlier 1984, 432-3. The Caucones served among the allies of the Trojans, along with the Pelasgians and
Leleges, according to Il. 10.429, and like the Leleges their origins were disputed. Hecataeus (FGrH 1 F 119) did not
53

consider them to be Greek, but other sources, including Od. 3.366, place them in the Peloponnese. See Y. Lafond,
"Caucones," in Brill's New Pauly 3.38.
82
Bryce 2006, 146
83
Bryce 1986, 15. Compare the Lydian royal genealogy connecting them to the Greeks via Heracles and to
the Assyrians via Ninus (Burkert 2001).
84
As Clay (2009, 38) describes him, he is the "last son of Zeus, both powerful king and warrior and
[his] personal accomplishments coincide with his inherited status."
85
Janko 1992, 358, 371-2. ,V5,$ C%8;%$ B-2O45/$, ,V 592 @-K%5F8% GK/" W"++"8,>625/$, X$
Y"2,0B/$ G>/."(About Amisodarus): This is a ruler of Caria, whose daughter Bellerophon married, as Xenomedes
says" (Xenomedes of Ceos, 5th cent. BCE FGrH 442 F 3 = schol. ad Il. 16.328).
86
Most reconstructs the land over which he rules, but the passage continues on to mention his activities in
the Trojan War (Fr. 90.16-32 Most).
87
Janko 1992, 358-9.
88
Clement Homilies 5.15. Sourvinou-Inwood (2005, 45-6, 285-9); Janko (1992, 358-9) discuss the citations
fully. Sourvinou-Inwood argues that the name is particularly associated with "Oriental" characters. On mari" see the
CHD ad loc.
89
Janko 1992, 259.
90
Prinz 1979, 98-111.
91
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 289.
92
Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 46.
93
Durnford 2008, with earlier references. Brker-Klhn (1993, 56) connects to Hitt.
GI'
"arpa- 'throne'. For
further discussions of the etymology of his name see Keen 1996, 230, note 6; Yakubovich 2010, 138-9.
94
Janko 1992, 372; Benda-Weber 2005, 256-7.
95
Aura Jorro (1985, 1993, 2.282-3) discounts any conenction with Sarpedon.
96
In Roscher 1909-1915, 4.396.
97
Durnford (2008) does not discuss the relevant Carian forms. Yakubovich (2010, 138) suggests the name
is Carian.
98
Neumann 2007, 438; Durnford 2008, 111-12. See Melchert (2004) for Milyan citations.
99
Zgusta 1964, 462.
100
See Hdt. 1.171, quoted above. Thucydides (1.4) in his synopsis of the earliest history of the Greeks tells
us that Minos, establisher of the first fleet, drove out the Carians from the Cyclades and set up his sons as rulers in
the various islands, a story corroborated somewhat by the Anatolian names of the Dodecanese islands and cities; see
Bresson 2009, 113-14.
101
See Adiego 2007, 334-5; Yakubovich 2010, 91, 93.