A historical perspective on music production, distribution and

consumption in the Indian film industry

Contents

INTRODUCTION 1

GLOBAL TERMS 2

A MUSICAL NARRATIVE 3

CREATIVE PROCESSES IN THE MODERN FILM INDUSTRY 9

IDEOSCAPES AND THE IMAGES OF MEDIASCAPES 12

INFLUENCE ACROSS THE BORDERS 13

TRANSNATIONAL DISTRIBUTION 15

CONCLUSION 17

BIBLIOGRAFI 19
Bibliografi

Introduction

In this paper I intend to look at two thing: Firstly, how the Indian film

industry, or more specifically, the music production processes has

changed with the onset of different technologies, and secondly how these

technologies have influenced the distribution and consumption of the

films. I will attempt to place this discussion in a wider (global) cultural

framework using the concepts provided in Arjun Appadurai’s “Modernity at

Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization”. The complexity of India, both

1
internally, with many ethnic groups and migration patterns, and as a

transnational force, with the Indian Diaspora, and its import technology

and export of cultural products makes it a good subject to apply some of

Appadurai’s terms. And showcase a few of the complex relationships that

mediate the cultural flows in relation to Indian film and film music.

India is a vast and diverse country, much more so than most countries,

and this should be kept in mind when talking about the film industry, the

country’s output of film is enormous and varied, and films have been

produced in 51 different languages since 1951. And since 1979 the output

of the three southern linguistic models have actually outnumbered the

total number of films produced in Mumbai1, which is the centre of what is

most commonly referred to as Bollywood, producing Hindi films. I will

attempt here to reflect a slightly wider perspective than that of the

Mumbai.

Global terms

Arjun Appadurai launched the idea of his –scapes, in recognition of the

complex world we live in. He states that the cultural flow across national

borders is not a new phenomenon, however it is moving at an

unprecedented pace. This movement has been facilitated through

advances in technology; important factors are transportation,

communication, consumption, both in commercial product sense, but also

in a cultural consumption sense. The first term we will look at is

ethnoscape; this deals with migration, both in a immigrant/refugee sense

of migration, but also temporary movement in the form of tourism.

Technoscapes deal with the flow of technology through the world, he

2
stresses that there is no even distribution, and the flow of this information

(and mechanical technology) is to an extent at the mercy of “money flows,

political possibilities, and the availability of both un- and highly skilled

labour”.2 The labour is obviously connected to wages among other things,

which Appadurai negotiates by using the term financescapes; this is in

essence the flow of money in the global world. The movement of money is

very hard to follow through the currencies, transnational trade, stock

exchange etc. In addition to these three concepts, Appadurai coins the

terms mediascapes and ideoscapes. The mediascapes “refer both to the

distribution of the electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate

information”3 as well as “…the images in the world created by these

media”. In essence this becomes how the media output is produced, the

distribution of the media and the actual output “images”, in a sense the

product of the media. These “images” can be seen as narratives that

contribute to creating imagined identities, which we will return to later.

The final term is ideoscape, this is a collection of images that, more often

than not, relate to ideologies or counter ideologies. They are present and

contribute in our understanding of a cultural text. These are the terms I

will attempt to demonstrate in the setting of Indian film industry,

specifically the musical dimensions.

A musical narrative

Much of the early music was to a large extent simply taken from the stage

and inserted straight into the films; this music could be diverse in the

sense that it did not reflect a particular ethnic group. This was in part

because the musicians came from backgrounds such as the theatre, film

3
was a new medium, and the filmatic clichés were not established, artists

simply drew on what they already knew, which was mostly traditional

music of India. Allison Arnold argues4 that after the first “talkie” film, Alam

Ara became a success the producers recognized that there could be

benefits to incorporating and in this sense, continuing the ancient

narrative traditions of India, combining song, dance and drama. It could

also be significant to note that this was in the 1930s, before India became

independent. This independence has also paradoxically hindered the

Indian movie industry in keeping up with the West technology wise, as we

will come back to.

The first significant technological advance was the ability to record the

image and the sound separately, this opened up for the “playback” system

that has become so common for Indian films. The actors could simply

mime the songs, not only did it improve the sound quality, but it gave the

music producers a chance to create more elaborate arrangements and

record more instruments. The recording process remained fairly basic still

with the mixing was done mostly through repositioning musicians and

microphone. Another significant consequence of the ability to record the

music separate was that one had, in addition film music, the possibility for

releasing the music as a commercial record. These soundtracks became

the most popular records in India5 and thus provided a significant source

of revenue associated with the film production. Peter Manuel attributes

this interest for film music in part to the fact that it was cheaper for most

people in India to go to the movies to see films or hear music6, rather than

buying a radio or another device that could play back music, this

combined with the fact that the Indian cultures already have plays that
4
incorporate music in an “unrealistic” way. According to Manuel the public

simply did not find it unnatural that musical scenes suddenly appear in the

middle of the drama.

The composers were given the possibility to record their music in a studio

with better sound quality. These “composers” had the title “music

directors”(MD), some of these MDs had very little knowledge when it came

to instruments and music theory, rather than composing, they oversaw

the entire music production process: there was recording, and planning

out the film together with a director. The MDs could perhaps be more

likened with a manager for the music production. Everything circled

around the directors, and they delegated a lot of the tasks. They could

have assistant for just about every aspect of the production, someone to

write the musical ideas in notation, an assistant to arrange they music,

recording engineers, someone to hire and pay the musicians, the list goes

on and on. The MDs were central to the production process for two

reasons, firstly they were the ones who had some form of system in the

very chaotic and short sighted world of film production in India, but

perhaps more importantly, a well known MD was a star in himself, and his

name could function in the same way as hiring star actor. They made it far

more likely that the film would become a hit with the Indian public.

Background music, that is, music that functions as non diegetic “mood

music” was usually produced after filming, making it possible to tailor

specific music to specific scenes, for instance to add romance, suspense

and drama. The practice of background music in India started in the

1940s7 but there were however significant limitations on the production

5
because of the technology used, post-recording editing was only possible

in the major breaks of the music. Another problem was that the power

supplies in India were subject to voltage fluctuations, if one wanted to add

a vocal to a pre recorded arrangement there would be a problem that the

pitch would suddenly change in the recorded music or the new recording.

This meant that all recording had to be done together in one take which in

turn placed a fair amount of pressure on the musicians not to make any

mistake, especially in the big orchestras recording in some of the studios.8

If a piece was recorded in the early on in the day, it could for instance be

recorded in A, when you wanted to meld it together with a take in the

evening (when so many Indians had come home from work and turned on

all their gadgets) the power situation would be such that one first had to

establish what pitch or key the morning recording was in and the retune

the instruments before attempting to record anything that could be mixed

together somehow. It was not until the early 1990s that multi-track

recording was possible for the Indian studios. This has of course opened

up for new creative possibilities. These studios were not vulnerable to

voltage fluctuations as the old studios were, effectively opening up for

multi track recording in without the pitch alterations that were an issue

before.

Perhaps the biggest change in the industry is the synthesizer technology

and the possibilities it represents. Since the eighties keyboards have been

trickling into India, at first very slowly due to import taxes and a general

protectionism attitude among Indian authorities, but they have had a

major impact on how the recording studios operate. Initially they were

used in the compositional process and the fact that one could add rhythms
6
and other instruments made them very good for arranging as well. When

the studios had managed to stabilize their power supply by the end of the

eighties, mostly through having their own diesel generators during

recording sessions, the issue of tuning tracks was no longer a problem.

This paved the way for a technique that together with the keyboards and

the technology they represented, proved to be the final blow to most of

the large studios: punching. Punching basically means that you record a

section of the music again, without having to record the entire piece. As a

consequence it was no longer necessary to record the entire orchestra at

the same time in one take. Meaning it was no possible to record the

various sections or instruments one at the time and mix them together. As

the midi quality has improved steadily the last 20 years a lot of the

instruments have become replaced by midi keyboards. It is simply more

efficient for an industry such as Bollywood, it saves time and it saves

having to hire as many musicians. This is a winning combination in an

industry where producing music fast is very important. Avinash Oak has

worked in studios for almost three decades, he describes the how the

process has changed in the following way: “…they do all the programming

and things at home. Now they come with a Nuendo session, open up the

session here, and edit it. Or they come here and record all the acoustic

instruments; then they go home with the files and mix at home. So there’s

an integration of the home studios and the professional studios, but it’s

causing the studios to go also for Nuendo.”9 The general notion seems to

be that the composing and recording processes in Bollywood is becoming

very similar to how they are in the West. This is perhaps echoed in some

extent by an interview given by A.R. Rahman. The interview is given in

7
connection with him scoring the film Slumdog Millionaire, the film is not a

Bollywood film, it is directed by Danny Boyle. This interview10 is found on

the Apple (promotional) website. But when he lists his gear and working

method, one sees that the technology used is the same as what is used in

Hollywood.

India has since its independence hindered the Bollywood industry’s desire

for new technology through very high toll policies. Leading to innovation

and creative handy work, Booth cites several musicians who had to make

their own instruments because they could not afford to buy them in and

bring them into India. Leslie Godinho built his own drums and Ramesh

Iyer had to build his own electric guitar.11 Another example of this could

be the different practices of recording is the fact that by 1975 most of the

studios had the possibility to record more than 10 tracks. It is however

interesting to note that the studios all achieved this through various

technical solutions.12 Kersi Lord says the following about the recording

process: “…they just put me in the middle of all the mics, so the sound

was going into this mic and that mic. It made a good effect. So they were

always experimenting with the sound and the recording…”13. Lord is

describing the recording process when they were recording a film in 1958,

and does makes the point that the recording engineers did not necessarily

accept the limitations of the technology, they tried to get as much as

possible from the equipment. The Indian industry was not in any way

intellectually isolated from the technical innovations in the West, they

knew what was going on in recording studios in London. Since they could

not get a hold of the new equipment they tried to create similar effects in

8
Indian recording studios, resorting to tweaking their equipment or

recording in a way that had not been done before.

This short summary of how technological advances have shaped the ways

music is produced for the film industry demonstrates some of the traits of

the term technoscape. A number of these technologies have trickled into

India much later than other parts of the world, multi-track recording for

instance had been around for years before it became standard in India.

There are several reasons for this but it does illustrate the point that the

flow of technology is unevenly distributed; Firstly there are political

reasons for this, both ideological (ideoscapes), perhaps even more so

when dealing with the politics of a former colony relating to its former

colonial masters. Appadurai states that there are situations where “there

are radical disjunctures between ideoscapes and technoscapes”14.

Western ideas are sometimes meet with suspicion, they could be seen as

in conflict with what are perceived as Indian values, thus colliding with the

ideological system of Indian politics and society. Secondly the

financescapes, the flow of money; there are issues of currency, importing

the technologies (in the form of mixers and instruments) toll barriers set

up by the Indian government as a result of a protectionist approach to

trade. The ethnoscapes also play into the technology, according to Booth15

several musicians in the Bombay are managed to get hold of foreign

instruments and recording equipment because relatives that lived abroad

could send it to them. The technoscapes are in this way affected by the

Indian Diaspora (ethnoscape) and the movement of people directly have

an impact on the technology.

9
Film music production in today’s India

Joseph Getter and B. Balasubrahmaniyan describe16 how some of the

music directors work. These music directors represent the Tamil film

industry, not the stereotypical Bollywood of Mumbai, but it does however

provide an interesting perspective. They describe the music for a typical

film as comprised of both Indian and Western. By this they mean both

acoustic instruments and digitally synthesized instruments. The use of

loops has become common and they describe how music directors browse

through different loops on their hard drives, trying to find just the right

loop for the scene. A.R. Rahman is one of the top Tamil MDs, he is known

for being an innovative music director, mostly because of his new

approach to the recording process. He has built his own home studio,

Panchathan Record Inn allowing him to operate from his studio rather than

the typical rented facilities, he is known to work alone, often recording the

artists one at the time, rather than larger ensembles. Rahman records

basic rhythms and harmony tracks himself, presumably on keyboards or

programming them, he then records solo performances and mixes them

together. His studio is apparently one of the best equipped in India and he

has two well-known sound engineers working there to assist him, even

though he himself also is competent with the technical equipment. The

skills that are highlighted as important for the music directors are that

they are skilled in more than one genre of music, for instance knowledge

of Western music in addition to an Indian genre, that they can create

music quickly and that they have leadership and organizational skills.

Getter and Balasubrahmaniyan describe17 the process of creating the

music for the Tamil films in the following way. After discussing the overall
10
style of the film the music director and the producer agree on the overall

style for the movie. The next session could be a presentation of song or

score suggestions that the music director has composed. After this a

lyricist may attend and start working on the lyrics, the music will be

recorded with fuller instrumentation and the temporary vocals be added.

These vocals will serve as guidelines for the when the singers (usually

celebrities) record the final vocals. The process of recording the final

vocals consists of first trying to record as much of the song as possible

and after that re-recording specific sections or words, editing the it all

together to a “perfect” take, a very different approach to the old ways of

attempting to record everything flawlessly in one take and serves as a

good example of just how much of a change the industry has gone

through because of the benefits and limitations of technology.

The next stage of the process is the “picturization” process, which is

simply the shooting of the scenes where the song is used, this is done in

the same fashion as may music videos are made; by playing the song in

the background and have the actors mime to the song. The playback

system is also used for shooting scenes with dance (or both dance and

singing) with the music playing whilst filming. The final part of the process

is recording the background score. This is done afterwards and is designed

in such a way that it is music that reinforces the narrative, for instance in

dramatic scenes or action scenes. This is done by loading the edited films

into a computer program such as Nuendo or Soundtrack Pro where the

sections that require music are marked out by the music producer,

afterwards, the MD and producer agrees on what kind of music is required.

The MD or assistants then record the music, often using mostly

11
synthesized instruments, vocals and eventually acoustic instruments to

”…add the beauty and quality of realistic sounds.”18. These acoustic

recordings are only used on films with bigger budgets, having more time

to “re-record” time in the studio. This could perhaps be saying something

about the attitudes toward acoustic instruments in that it is used if

possible, but smaller films simply record everything on synthesizers. A lot

of the music from Indian films have been criticized for simply being mass-

produced, and the fact that acoustic instruments are preferred could

suggest that the MDs would rather record acoustically if possible. But the

nature of the film production world of India is based on financial concerns,

hiring studios costs money, they quicker the recording process is the more

money is saved on the music. This could be seen as an example of the

financescapes mediates quality versus commercial interests. This could of

course be said about Hollywood as well, but the public of India have never

become accustomed to “good” sound quality music in the past, there

music seems to be so strong together with the lyrics and dances that it

trumps any issues with the quality of music. The financescapes are

influencing the mediascapes (actual films) but perhaps, given the

ideoscapes of India, in that song and dance traditions are coming from a

strong tradition that existed before films, the films are not required to

have the same “hi-fi” quality that might be required in other parts of the

world?

Tamil films typically record all dialogue separately in a studio after

shooting the scenes. This is because of uncontrollable noise levels on the

set but also it is practical if a voice actor is used rather than the voice of

the actor playing the character. Another reason for doing this is that it is
12
easier to dub the film to different languages later, dialogue, diegetic

sounds and music all have to be mixed together on one track before the

film is ready. The task of mixing and paning all this together is done by

sound engineers. It is an individual process depending of the music

director, some transcribe everything and work alone while others delegate

a lot of the work and simply hum the melodies to their assistants. It should

also be mentioned that a lot of these tasks are delegated, for example, the

music director may not be present himself when recording in the studio

but he or she will have a representative to check that the recordings are

good enough.

This description of how the process of composing and synchronizing the

music shows that the way of working is similar to the way one might work

with scoring in the West. The flow of technology has come further in that a

lot of the equipment and instruments that were common in the West have

become available in India. This technology is used to influence the

mediascapes in the form of producing films with the technology. This is of

course facilitated through financescapes and ethnoscapes (having skilled

engineers for instance) as well.

Ideoscapes and the images of mediascapes

The films appeal across the ethnic groups of India is interesting given the

sheer size of the country, both in a geographic sense and in a cultural

sense. A possible reason for the appeal of the films could be connected to

building national sentiments, perhaps especially in the period before and

after the Indian independence, the syncretic character of the music is

mentioned both by Manuel and Booth, and some of the appeal could
13
therefore be that Indians that do not speak the Hindi or Tamil languages

can enjoy the music. So even though the ideoscapes of the “local” ethnic

group does not coincide with the mediascapes because of different

languages and references, they still fall under a wider national Indian

ideoscape that the different groups can relate too, in a sense justifying the

independence from the British Crown for instance. This could also create a

conflict with local ideologies, both religious or cultural value systems; for

instance the urban (immoral) lifestyle of Mumbai compared to the rural

ways of life, as well as more overtly political agendas such as fighting for,

or attempting to politically justify local independence, or, they could be

used as an argument for the unity of India, demonstrating Appadurai’s

point that the images of the mediascapes are interpreted based on the

dominant ideoscapes of the reader (interpreter). A rural peasant could see

a Bollywood film and read it as an example of the immorality of big city

life, whereas a an urban Indian can see it as a tribute of progress, how far

India has come compared to the “peasant” life outside the big cities. The

same image produced by the mediascapes is read on two different

dominant ideoscapes.

This syncretic quality allows for a Tamil watching a Hindi film to derive

enjoyment from it the same way as people who ethnic Indians in the

Caribbean watch Bollywood films without understanding them. The ethnic

diversity of India could in this way somehow be mediated through the

song and dance, the meaning becomes less important and the song and

dance serves as something that could be typically Indian.

14
Influence across the borders

The more modern advances have helped the Indian films break out of

India as well as weakening their position in their native country. This has

in part threatened the models of production, now people have the

possibility to watch MTV through satellite television, which as effectively

raised the bar when it comes to production and sound quality. It has also

made large segments of the Indian market aware of the narrative ideas

that the Bollywood film industry has reworked or in some cases copied.

But this also presents a conflict in the sense that the mediascapes that

MTV and other (Western) transnational television channels (or

transnational media in general) represents can undermine the existing

ideoscapes of India, some of the Western programmes convey what could

be seen in India as immoral for the ideoscapes of India. Indian film has

over the years created cinematic solutions to deal with, for instance, how

to present erotic scenes in the form of alluding to sex, rather than

portraying it.

Booth argues that: “in the scores of New Bollywood, the electric bass, for

the first time, regularly provides the rhythmic and harmonic foundation in

ways familiar to Western popular-music listeners”19. Though the

observation is made about New Bollywood, the trend of copying, or maybe

making parodies of Western music is not new. Anna Morcom states that

Bollywood has borrowed quite a compositional techniques and

instrumentations from Hollywood. This has been happening since the

1950s when it became easier to record large ensemble, event though

some instrumentation may still have very different functions in Indian film

music, the use of for instance the sitar. Although Kathryn Kalinak’s
15
“Settling the score” is primarily about the scoring practices in Hollywood

she does mention in passing that music is a “culturally specific system”20.

Even though some of the same instruments are used as signifiers, some

scoring situations, for instance the use of particular Indian instruments still

have different meanings in the Indian film world, in ways that they do not

have in Hollywood. Some of the clichés used in Hollywood have been

adopted in Bollywood; large symphonic orchestras with Western

instruments as well as the use of compositional techniques that may not

be traditionally Indian such as chromaticism, tremolo and the use of

“stingers” are examples of this. Morcom does argue that there are several

issues at work here, rather than to assume a standard semiotic

“language” for all music. Some of the reasons these techniques resonate

with the Indian public could be that the Indian raga system is based on a

similar logic as the diatonic system. If you break the scale or raga system

by adding foreign notes to the scale, or remove notes that should be there

you might achieve a more “unsettling” sound. The use of stingers, which is

the practice of using sudden, loud chords, may have a simpler

psychological reasoning than musical. The fact that humans may react

differently to sudden and unexpected stimuli, this probably comes more

down to traits that have ensured the human race survival in the face of

danger in earlier times rather than some universal musical meaning.

Here we see that musical ideas from Hollywood has been flowing and

some of it was picked up on in India, there were however limitations such

as lacking technology (technoscapes) in that not all the instruments and

recording techniques were available. This is of course again tied in with

financescapes, in that significant funds may be required for instruments

16
etc. Some of the music could also be seen as to “Westernized”, and it also

follows Western music theory rather than Indian systems. In this sense it

could be seen as in conflict with the dominant “ideoscapes” of India. After

some time the clichés that are borrowed from the West become

established in Bollywood films and become incorporated into the

ideoscapes of India, at least through the mediascapes.

Transnational distribution

Peter Manuel21 describes how ethnic Indian community in the Caribbean

rely on Bollywood films as a link to their “home land”. The notion that the

films are perceived as a link to India trumps the fact that the plots usually

are escapist in a very specific Indian setting or in some other sense are

entirely unrealistic, these movies are shown on the television channels

without subtitles and since most of the Indian community do not speak the

languages of India anymore, they simply enjoy the song and dance and

fetishes them as cultural links to their own people. It becomes “…nostalgia

without memory…”22. Manuel describes how the Indio-Caribbean

community tries to recreate the songs and dances of Bollywood films

through performing them themselves. This resonates well with

Appadurai’s ideas of a “new condition of neighbourliness”, that is enabled

and driven by “fantasies (or nightmares) of electronic propinquity”23. The

distribution technology is in making it possible for the Indian community to

partake in these fantasies where they see themselves as somehow

becoming more “Indian” through various the activities mentioned above.

In the words of Appadurai: “the imagination is now central to all forms of

agency, is itself a social fact. Meaning that imagination itself has become a

17
social practice. The Indo-Caribbean population is imagining the mythic

homeland, based on the impression they are getting from the films.

Through the re enactment of dances they are socially imagining their

Indian roots. Appadurai also states that: “deterritorialization creates new

markets or film companies, art impresarios, and travel agencies, which

thrive on the need of the deterritorialized population for contact with its

homeland”24. The Indo-Caribbean market could provide an example of a

place where new markets are established due to the Diaspora, something

Appadurai also addresses.

This can be seen as an example of what the complex relationship between

the different “scapes”. Firstly the Diaspora (ethnoscapes) has facilitated

for consumption of Indian films in the Caribbean. This is done primarily

through the mediascapes of television; Hindu films are showed regularly

on Trinidadian television. This has contributed to an imagined “Indian-

ness” in the population, which to some extent threatens the political

balance in these countries. Not in a revolutionary sense, but Manuel cites

situations where spokesmen for the Indo-Caribbean population demand

more equal treatment of Indian culture, rather than favouring the Creole

cultural identity. Thus contributing to create some kind of conflict between

the “Indians” and the dominant ideoscapes, facilitated to some extent

through the mediascapes, in that they are contributing to creating new

ideas, or simply sustain different ideoscapes, in the form of maintaining or

preserving “Indian” cultural heritage This is also a good example because

it can be taken one step further in demonstrating the complexities of

culture transfers across the world. The Bollywood films have in the

Caribbean been accused of being a vessel for spreading American music

18
because songs used in Hindi film music are often Indianized versions of

Western songs, or rely heavily on Western genres such as disco.25 One

could therefore argue that on some level, the consumption of Indian films

in the Caribbean, are contributing to a “Westernization” of the music.

Conclusion

In this paper I have attempted to give a summary of how the process of

composing and recording music for films has changed in India over the

last 80 years as well as provided an idea as to how Indian composers work

today. In addition to this I have given an introduction to the framework

Appadurai outlines in order to deal with the complicated globalized world

we live in. We have seen how the notions of “scapes” can be used to

identify the different factors that contribute the flow of technology.

How the technoscapes are mediated by the other “scapes”, the

unevenness of the flow of technology into India due to complex issues of

the political situation. How the independence made it harder to import the

equipment from the West, despite the fact that Indian musicians knew

about the technology, some of them travelled to London to record and saw

the equipment there, this movement of labour (ethnoscape) inspired some

of the to try to imitate the effects they heard when travelling abroad.

Demonstrating how the movement of people contributed to the flow of

technology. The high toll barriers India set up was in part to protect its

own industries, such financial concerns could be seen as an aspect of the

financescapes. The conflict between importing and protecting the interests

of India is not only seen in actual technology, but also in importing aspects

of the music in the sense of making more “Westernized” music. Some of

19
this music could be seen as in conflict with the ideoscapes of Indian

morality, and music tradition, possibly leading to polarized attitudes such

as nationalistic or international. Appadurai cites China as an example of a

country where ideas such as “democracy” is conflict with the current

ideoscapes (at least in the political system), the same kind of conflict

could perhaps be seen in India’s meeting with the ideoscapes of the

Western satellite channels, it may not be as obvious because there is not

as clearly defined opposition as in China’s outspoken political statements

about the West. But there is never the less a balancing between opening

up the India to the foreign impulses and trying to maintain what is seen as

Indian.

This idea of interpreting the images that are produced by the media (-

scapes) has been demonstrated, both in within India, as well as how these

cultural images are interpreted and imagined in the Caribbean. The

dominant ideoscapes affect what we deem important in the cultural texts,

a rural Indian, and urban Indian and an Indo-Caribbean will see the same

film in different ways, depending on the dominant ideoscapes, the

ethnoscapes, the emigrants will imagine India in a different way to the

native Indians, who again will imagine the different classes and localities

of India in different ways depending on their background.

I have also tried to demonstrate the complicated relationships that form

when this (Western inspired) Indian music is distributed abroad, in this

case to an ethnic Indian population located in the Caribbean. Here there

are issues of technology (technoscapes) that for the actual distribution

and consumption, the population has moved from India, creating a

20
demand in the region (ethnoscape). And to some extent, how the

consumption of these cultural goods works against the dominant

ideoscapes, specifically through the mediascapes.

Bibliografi
Appadurai, A. (1996). Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Economy. I
Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis,
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21
1 Booth, 2008, page 85, That Bollywood Sound

2 Appadurai, 1996, page 34

3 Appadurai, 1996, page 35

4 Arnold, 1992

5 Booth, 2008,Behind the Curtain, page 43

6 Manuel, 1993, page 48

7 Morcom, 2001

8 Booth, 2008, page 95

9 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain, page 84

10 Apple Logic Studio Website, last viewed 5, march 2009:

http://www.apple.com/logicstudio/action/arrahman/

11 Booth, 2008, Behind the curtain, page 60

12 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain, page 70

13 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain, page 61

14 Appadurai, 196, page 40

15 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain

16 Getter and Balasubrahmiyan, 2008

17 Getter and Balasubrahmiyan, 2008, page 129

18 Getter and Balasubrahmiyan, 2008, page 134

19 Booth, 2008, page 109

20 Kalinak, 1992, page 5

21 Manuel, 1997

22 Appadurai, 1996, page 30

23 Appadurai, 1996, page 29

24 Appadurai, 1996, page 38

25 Manuel, 1997, page 24