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This document provides an overview and syllabus for a course titled "China and the World". The course will examine China's global engagement and changing foreign policy since opening up in 1978. It will combine lectures and seminars to cover material from required readings. The instructor, Thomas Fingar, is an expert on China who has held high-level intelligence and foreign policy positions. The syllabus outlines topics to be covered each class, including China's relations with the US, Russia, and countries in Northeast Asia like Japan. It provides background on the instructor and lists required books and other readings for the course.
This document provides an overview and syllabus for a course titled "China and the World". The course will examine China's global engagement and changing foreign policy since opening up in 1978. It will combine lectures and seminars to cover material from required readings. The instructor, Thomas Fingar, is an expert on China who has held high-level intelligence and foreign policy positions. The syllabus outlines topics to be covered each class, including China's relations with the US, Russia, and countries in Northeast Asia like Japan. It provides background on the instructor and lists required books and other readings for the course.
This document provides an overview and syllabus for a course titled "China and the World". The course will examine China's global engagement and changing foreign policy since opening up in 1978. It will combine lectures and seminars to cover material from required readings. The instructor, Thomas Fingar, is an expert on China who has held high-level intelligence and foreign policy positions. The syllabus outlines topics to be covered each class, including China's relations with the US, Russia, and countries in Northeast Asia like Japan. It provides background on the instructor and lists required books and other readings for the course.
Description and Objectives: Chinas reemergence as a global player is transforming both China and the international system. Other nations view Chinas rise with a mixture of admiration, anxiety, and opportunism. Some welcome Chinas rise as a potential counterweight to US preeminence; others fear the potential consequences of Sino- American rivalry and erosion of the US-led international system that has fostered unprecedented peace and prosperity. There is a natural temptation to hedge but doing so entails significant risks. This course provides an overview of Chinas engagement with countries in all regions and on a wide range of issues since it launched the policy of opening and reform in 1978. The goal is to provide a broad overview and systematic comparisons across regions and issues, and to examine how Chinas global engagement has changed over time.
The course will combine lectures and seminar formats with the goal of covering a great deal of material in a short time without imposing impossibly heavy reading requirements. The course can be taken for either 4 or 5 units. Grading will be based on the midterm and final exams (both of which are take-home). Those taking the course for 5 units will also write one 10-page research paper on a mutually agreed topic.
The Instructor: Thomas Fingar began his career as a China specialist and published dozens of monographs and articles on China before leaving Stanford to head the China Division of the State Department in 1986. He continued to follow Chinas global engagement as Director of the State Departments Office of Analysis for East Asia and the Pacific (1989-94). Between 1994 and 2008 he held several positions, including Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research, Deputy Director of National Intelligence for Analysis, and Chairman of the National Intelligence Council, in all of which he had analytic responsibility for all countries and all issues.
Required Books: Bates Gill, Rising Star: Chinas New Security Diplomacy (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2007) Aaron L Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy (New York: W.W. Norton, 2011) Henry Kissinger, On China (New York: Penguin, 2011) Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations: Power and Policy Since the Cold War, Second Edition (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010)
Other Reading Assignment: Most of the other assignments listed in the syllabus have been posted to the Materials section of the Coursework site (indicated by an asterisk [*] after citation). Additional readings may be assigned during the quarter.
2 1/10 Course Overview and Introduction: Thinking about China and the World. After dealing with essential housekeeping chores with respect to course organization, reading assignments, class participation, etc., this class will set the stage by explaining the instructors policy implications approach (e.g., what various players seek to accomplish and what implications specific forms of engagement have for US, Chinese, and third country policy decisions); and summarizing conventional wisdom about the implications of Chinas rise.
Readings: Henry Kissinger, The Singularity of China, On China, pp. 5-32 Aaron Friedberg, The Propensity of Things, and Hide our Capabilities and Bide Our Time, A Contest for Supremacy, pp. 120-155 Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 1-37 Wang Jisi, Chinas Search for a Grand Strategy, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 90, No. 2 (Mar/Apr 2011), pp. 68-79* Additional Readings: Alastair Iain Johnston, Is China a Status Quo Power? International Security Vol 27, No. 4 (Spring 2003), pp. 5-56* Aaron L. Friedberg, The Future of US-China Relations, International Security, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Fall 2005), pp. 7-45* Thomas J. Christensen, Fostering Stability or Creating a Monster? International Security, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Summer 2006), pp. 81-126*
1/12 No ClassUse time to get ahead on readings.
1/17 Chinese Foreign Policy Before 1979. This session will provide a brief overview of Chinese foreign policy during the first three decades of the Peoples Republic in order to establish a baseline against which to evaluate changes in approach and policy since 1979. Many who project how China will behave in the future refer back to goals and patterns of behavior dating from this earlier period and this session will attempt to illustrate reasons underlying their projections and concerns.
Readings: Kissinger, A Decade of Crisis. pp. 181-201 Thomas W. Robinson, Chinese Foreign Policy from the 1940s to the 1990s, Thomas W. Robinson and David Shambaugh, Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 555-602* John W. Garver, The Foreign Relations of the Peoples Republic of China (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993), pp. 133-178*
1/19 Logic and Dynamics of Deng Xiaopings Strategy of Reform and Opening. Propaganda to the contrary notwithstanding, Chinese domestic and foreign policy had failed miserably during the first 30 years of the Peoples Republic. The gap between China and the countries to which it wished to be compared was 3 widening, the country remained extremely poor, and Beijing had little international influence. The solution was a dramatic break with the past with two interconnected pillars: closer relations with the United States and the capitalist world, and gradual reform of domestic and foreign policy to promote rapid modernization. Once launched, reform acquired a dynamic unanticipated by Deng and other Chinese leaders.
Readings: Edward S. Steinfeld, Playing Our Game: Why Chinas Rise Doesnt Threaten the West (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 1-19, and 48-69* Barry Naughton, The Foreign Policy Implications of Chinas Economic Development Strategy, Thomas W. Robinson and David Shambaugh, Chinese Foreign Policy, pp. 47-69* John W. Garver, The Opening to the Outside World, John W. Garver, The Foreign Relations of the Peoples Republic of China, pp. 193-209*
Additional Readings: Avery Goldstein, The Diplomatic Face of Chinas Grand Strategy: A Rising Powers Emerging Choice, China Quarterly No. 168 (Dec 2001), pp. 835-864*
1/24 China and the United States I: Mutual Interests and Different Goals. The US and China began to normalize relations because of mutual concerns about the Soviet Union but by late 1978 Deng saw better relations with the US and access to the US-led international community as essential for Chinas modernization, security, and perpetuation of Communist Party rule. The US saw engagement as a way to increase Chinas stake in the global order and to transform Chinas political system. China anticipated greater independence; the US envisioned growing Chinese dependence on the West in general and the US in particular. Neither anticipated the degree of interdependence that ensued.
Readings: Kissinger, The Road to Reconciliation, pp. 202-235 Friedberg, From Containment to Alignment, and Congagement, pp. 58-119 Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 131-151
Additional Readings: Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship: The United States and China Since 1972 (Washington, DC: Brookings, 1992), pp. 67-106* David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing US-China Relations 1989-2000 (Berkeley, CA: University of California, 2001), pp. 15-63*
4 1/26 The Strategic Triangle: China, the United States, and Russia. Chinas relationships with its former allies were shaped by desire to counter and check US influence and continued espousal of socialist goals and Leninist methods while adopting temporary expedients to facilitate modernization. Using the Soviet Union to hedge its new relationship with the US-dominated capitalist world became impossible after the collapse of the USSR and regimes in Eastern Europe. The collapse and transformation of these regimes provided lessons that China used to adjust its own approach to reform.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 269-285 Bobo Lo, Axis of Convenience: Moscow, Beijing, and the New Geopolitics (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2008), pp. 38-132* Chenghong Li, Limited Defensive Strategic Partnership: Sino-Russian Rapprochement and the Driving Forces, Journal of Contemporary China (August 2007), 16(52), pp. 477-497*
Additional Readings: Feng Yujun, Prospects for Sino-Russian Relations and Chinas National Interests in the Next Decade, Contemporary International Relations, Jul/Aug 2008, pp. 25-50* Elizabeth Wishnick, Why a Strategic Partnership? The View from China, James Bellacqua, Editor, The Future of China-Russia Relations (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 2010), pp. 56-80* Chien-peng Chung, The Shanghai Co-operation Organization: Chinas Changing Influence in Central Asia, China Quarterly, No. 180 (Dec 2004), pp. 989-1009*
1/31 Chinas Relations with Northeast Asia I: Japan. Chinas relationships with its Northeast Asian neighbors are shaped and complicated by security concerns (Japan and the ROK are allied with the US and China has a long- standing special relationship with the DPRK), economic opportunities and rivalries, and a great deal of historical baggage. This is the region China should know best and where it has unique opportunities and obligations. It is also the one in which Chinas rise has the most immediate impact.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 173-192 Akio Takahara, A Japanese Perspective on Chinas Rise and the East Asian Order, Robert S. Ross and Zhu Feng, Editors, Chinas Ascent, pp. 218-237* Peter Hays Gries, Chinas New Thinking on Japan, China Quarterly, No. 184 (Dec 2005), pp. 831-850* Tomonori Sasaki, China Eyes the Japanese Military: Chinas Threat Perceptions of Japan Since the 1980s, The China Quarterly No. 203 (Sep 2010), pp. 560-580* 5 Kent E. Calder, China and Japans Simmering Rivalry, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 3 (Mar/Apr 2006), pp. 129-139*
2/2 Chinas Relations with Northeast Asia II: ROK and DPRK. China arguably has closer relations and more influence with the DPRK than any other country but it has failed to persuade Pyongyang to adopt Chinas reform and opening policies or to surrender its nuclear weapons. China-ROK relations are deep and broad but complicated by the US-ROK alliance and Beijings support for the DPRK.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 192-208 Christopher Twomey, Explaining Chinese Foreign Policy toward North Korea: Navigating Between the Scylla and Charybdis of Proliferation and Instability, Journal of Contemporary China (2008), 17(56), August, pp. 401-423* Scott Snyder, DPRK Provocations Test Chinas Regional Role, Comparative Connections Jan 2011 at http://csis.org/files/publication/1004qchina_korea.pdf* Bonnie S. Glaser and Wang Liang, North Korea: The Beginning of a China-US Partnership? The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3 (2008), pp. 165-180* Heungkyu Kim, From a Buffer Zone to a strategic Burden: Evolving Sino-North Korea Relations During the Hu Jintao Era, The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Mar 2010), pp. 57-74*
2/7 Europe: Advantages and Perils of Economic Opportunism. China and European nations have few security concerns about one another and China welcomed efforts by Europe to lessen dependence on the United States. This created opportunities for profit and technology transfers but restricted development of political or security relationships to buffer European unhappiness with Chinas human rights and environmental policies and job losses attributed to Chinese exports.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 285-296 Bates Gill and Melissa Murphy, China-Europe Relations: Implications and Policy Responses for the United States (Washington, DC: CSIS, 2008) at http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/080507-gill- chinaeuroperelations-web.pdf, pp. 1-29* Jian Junbo, A Clash of Civilization? Norms and Sino-E Relations, International Review, 2008, No. 4, pp. 53-84* Jonathan Holslag, The Strategic Dissonance Between Europe and China, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 3, No. 3 (2010), pp. 325-345* 6 John Fox and Francois Godement, A Power Audit of EU-China Relations (London: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2009), pp. 1-18, 32- 51* at http://ecfr.3cdn.net/532cd91d0b5c9699ad_ozm6b9bz4.pdf
2/9 China and South Asia I: Pakistan. Long shaped by the enemy of my enemy is my friend thinking, Chinas relationships with Pakistan (nuclear technologies, missiles, and conventional arms) and India (friend of Chinas adversaries), have become much more complicated as a consequence of perceived opportunities, Chinas growing engagement and stake in the international system, and concerns about terrorism and nuclear proliferation.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 241-254 Jian Yang and Rashid Ahmed Siddiqi, About an All-Weather Relationship: Security Foundations of Sino-Pakistan Relations Since 9/11, Journal of Contemporary China September 2011, pp. 563-579* Mathieu Duchatel, The Terrorist Risk and Chinas Policy Toward Pakistan, Journal of Contemporary China, September 2011, pp. 543- 561* Mathias Hartpence, The Economic Dimensions of Sino-Pakistani Relations, Journal of Contemporary China, September 2011, pp. 581- 599*
Additional Readings: William Burr, Editor, China, Pakistan, and the Bomb, The National Security Archives at http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB114/index.htm* Lutfullah Mangi, Pakistan and China: An Excellent Model for Relations Between Neighboring Countries, Contemporary International Relations, 2010, No. 6, pp. 106-122*
2/14 China and South Asia II: India. Relations between India and China have been marked by competition between the worlds largest democracy and the worlds largest (in population) socialist state, military conflict, alignment with different Cold War rivals, competition for leadership of the non-aligned world, and competition for foreign direct investment in the era of the BRICs. This session will look at this complex and important relationship.
Readings: Jonathan Holslag, China and India: Prospects for Peace (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), pp. 1-64* Sujit Dutta, Managing and Engaging Rising China: Indias Evolving Posture, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 2, 2011, pp. 127-144* Jing-dong Yuan, The Dragon and the Elephant: Chinese-Indian Relations in the 21 st Century, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2007, pp. 131-144* 7 Gillian Goh Hui Lynn, China and India: Towards Greater Cooperation and Exchange, China: An International Journal, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Sep 2006), pp. 23-284 M. Taylor Fravel, China Views Indias Rise: Deepening Cooperation, Managing Differences, in Ashley J. Tellis, Travis Tanner, and Jessica Keough, Editors, Asia Responds to Its Rising Powers (Seattle: National Bureau of Asian Research, 2011), pp. 65-98*
Midterm Exam Distributed; Due Back By Start of Class on February 21.
2/16 China and Southeast Asia: Relations with Former Tributary States. China used diplomacy, trade and investment, and displays of military force to change fundamentally its relationships with SEA nations but some of its efforts may be becoming counterproductive.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 209-232 Robert Sutter, The United States and China in Southeast Asia, Southeast Asian Affairs 2010, pp. 44-59* Evelyn Goh, Great Powers and Hierarchical Order in Southeast Asia, International Security, Vol. 32, No. 3 (Winter 2007/08), pp. 113-157* Rizal Sukma, Indonesia-China Relations: The Politics of Re- engagement, Asian Survey, Vol. 49, No. 4 (2009), pp. 591-608* Bronson Percival, The Dragon Looks South: China and Southeast Asia in the New Century (Westport, CN: Praeger, 2007), pp. 5-19, and 75-110* Michael A. Glosny, Heading Toward a Win-Win Future? Recent Developments in Chinas Policy Toward Southeast Asia, Asian Security 2:1 (2006), pp. 24-57*
2/21 China and the Middle East: Arms, Energy, and Geopolitics. China once saw the Middle East largely as an arena in which its primary interest was to limit the influence of Washington and Moscow but that changed dramatically during the reform era as it turned to Israel for military technology, became a major supplier of conventional arms during the Iran-Iraq war, sold missiles to Saudi Arabia and Iran, nuclear technology to Iran, and became increasingly dependent on energy from the Gulf. Its own self-interests now sometimes clash with its international responsibilities as a member of the P5.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 297-310 Jon B. Alterman and John W. Graver, The Vital Triangle (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2008), pp. 1-92* Jon B. Alterman, The Vital Triangle, Center for Strategic and International Studies, July 12, 2010* 8 Richard L. Russell, Chinas WMD Foot in the Middle Easts Door, Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Sep 2005), pp. 108-124* Steve A. Yetiv and Chunlong Lu, China, Global Energy, and the Middle East, Middle East Journal, Vol. 61, No. 2 (Spring 2007), pp. 199-218* Erica S. Downs, The Chinese Energy Security Debate, China Quarterly, No 177 (Mar 2004), pp. 21-41* John W. Garver, China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2006), pp. 281-301*
2/23 China, Transnational Issues, and International Control Regimes China once maintained that it would not be bound by international agreements and control regimes that it had not helped to draft but it abandoned this posture and gradually accepted and enforced treaty commitments. Along the way, however, it assisted missile and nuclear programs in a number of countries.
Readings: Bates Gill, Rising Star: Chinas New Security Diplomacy (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2007) Stefan Stahle, Chinas Shifting Attitude Toward United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, China Quarterly No. 195 (Sep 2008), pp. 631- 656* Yeshi Choedon, Chinas Stand on UN Peacekeeping Operations: Changing Priorities of Foreign Policy, China Report 2005, 41:39, pp., 39-57*
2/28 China and Africa: Rhetoric, Resources, and Reality. Chinas worldwide quest for energy, minerals, and investment opportunities has made it a big and controversial player in Africa. Its attempts to apply a model of mutual benefit and non-interference have had mixed success. Chinese have rediscovered the meaning of in for a penny, in for a pound, and that corrupt regimes are no less corrupt when they deal with Chinese interests.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 310-323 Robert I. Rotberg, Chinas Quest for Resources, Opportunities, and Influence in Africa, Robert I. Rotberg, Editor, China Into Africa: Trade, Aid, and Influence (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2008), pp. 1-20* Li Anshan, Chinas New Policy Toward Africa, Robert I. Rotberg, Editor, China Into Africa, pp. 21-49* Chris Alden and Christopher R. Hughes, Harmony and Discord in Chinas Africa Strategy: Some Implications for Foreign Policy, China Quarterly No. 199 (Sep 2009), pp. 563-584* Barry Sautman and Yan Hairong, African Perspectives on China-Africa Links, The China Quarterly, No. 199 (Sep 2009), pp. 728-759* 9 Li Anshan, China and Africa: Policy and Challenges, China Security, Vol. 3, No. 3 (Summer 2007), pp. 69-93* Linda Jakobson, Chinas Diplomacy Toward Africa: Drivers and Constraints, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, Vol. 9 (2009), pp. 403-433* Wenran Jiang, Fuelling the Dragon: Chinas Rise and Its Energy and Resources Extraction in Africa, The China Quarterly, No. 199 (Sep 2009), pp. 585-609*
3/1 China and Latin America. China has been increasingly active in Latin America but has demonstrated caution about encroaching on US interests. Some Latin nations are more interested in poking Uncle Sam in the eye than is China. This section looks at why.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 323-334 Riorden Roett and Guadalupe Paz, Assessing the Implications of Chinas Growing Presence in the Western Hemisphere, in Roett and Paz, Editors, Chinas Expansion into the Western Hemisphere (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2008), pp. 1-23* Juan Gabriel Tokatlian, A View from Latin America, in Roett and Paz, pp. 59-89* Francisco E. Gonzalez, Latin America in the Economic Equation Winners and Losers: What Can Losers Do? in Roett and Paz, pp. 148- 169* Maite J. Iturre and Carmen Amado Mendes, Regional Implications of Chinas Quest for Energy in Latin America, East Asia, (2010) No. 27, pp. 127-143*
3/6 China and the United States II: Interdependence and Mutual Suspicion. Chinas skill in taking advantage of the US-maintained global order has facilitated its extraordinary achievements over the past three decades and US-China relations are more stable than ever. But growing interdependence has not quelled suspicions about ultimate intentions and both sides feel compelled to hedge in ways that fuel the suspicions that make hedging an appropriate strategy. This class will examine why both are suspicious and what might be done to alleviate such concerns.
Readings: Aaron Friedberg, The Balance of Influence, The Balance of Power, and Alternative Strategies, pp. 182-263 Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 131-152 Henry Kissinger, A Roller Coaster Ride Toward Another Reconciliation: The Jiang Zemin Era, and The New Millennium, pp. 447-513 Banning Garrett, US-China Relations in the Era of Globalization and Terror: A Framework for Analysis, Journal of Contemporary China (August 2006) 15(48), pp. 389-415* 10
Additional Readings: David M. Lampton, Power Constrained: Sources of Mutual Strategic Suspicion in US-China Relations (National Bureau of Asian Research, June 2010), pp. 5-25* Thomas Fingar, Worrying About Washington: Chinas Views on the US Nuclear Posture Review, The Nonproliferation Review 18:1 (March 2011), 51-68* Evan S. Medeiros, Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 1, Winter 2005, pp. 145-167* Thomas J. Christensen, Shaping the Choices of a Rising China: Recent Lessons for the Obama Administration, The Washington Quarterly 32:3, pp. 89-104* Jia Qingguo, Learning to Live with the Hegemon: evolution of Chinas policy toward the US since the end of the Cold War, Journal of Contemporary China, Aug 2005*
3/8 China on the World Stage. Chinas increasing engagement on the world stage is changing the international system but engagement has changed China more than it has changed the international system. However, China is not just another country and the scale and character of its global activities, especially in conjunction with the rise of India, Brazil, and others, makes it unlikely that the institutional order that has facilitated their rise and has served the world so well for more than 60 years can endure much longer. China must be part of any effort to remake the global system.
Readings: Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 99-109 Margaret M. Pearson, The Case of Chinas Accession to GATT/WTO, in David M. Lampton, The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), pp. 337-370* Zhu Feng, Chinas Rise will be Peaceful: How Unipolarity Matters, in Robert S. Ross and Zhu Feng, Chinas Ascent, pp. 34-54* Joseph S. Nye, American and Chinese Power after the Financial Crisis, The Washington Quarterly (2010) 33:4, pp. 143-153* Robert J. Art, The United States and the Rise of China, Ross and Zhu, Chinas Ascent, pp. 260-290*
Final Exam Distributed, Due Mar 15 Research Papers from those taking the course for 5 units are due on Mar 13.
3/13 Assessing and Anticipating Chinas Impact on the Global System. 11 This session will employ a mixture of lecture and discussion to construct a net assessment of Chinas international behavior and how its policies and actions both shape and are shaped by the international system. It will also address policy implications for China and the United States.
Readings: Aaron Friedberg, To Win Without Fighting, pp. 156-181 G. John Ikenberry, The Rise of China: Power, Institutions, and the Western Order, Ross and Zhu, Chinas Ascent, pp. 89-114* Randall L. Schweller and Xiaoyu Pu, After Unipolarity: Chinas Visions of International Order in an Era of US Decline, International Security, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Summer 2011), pp. 41-72* Scott L. Kastner, Buying Influence? Assessing the Political Effects of Chinas International Economic Ties, paper prepared for Stanford China Seminar, January 27, 2011 at Courseworks.* Ely Ratner, The Emergent Security Threats Reshaping Chinas Rise, The Washington Quarterly 34:1 Winter 2011, pp. 29-44* Thomas J. Christensen, The Advantages of an Assertive China: Responding to Beijings Abrasive Diplomacy, Foreign Affairs Mar/Apr 2011, pp. 54-67*