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Settlement morphology is primarily concerned with the lay-out, plan and internal structure of the
settlements. It not only views settled area in terms of physical space but identifies its various
components in respect of socio-economic space which has its direct bearing in controlling the
arrangement of buildings, patterns of streets and fields and functional characteristics of settlements
in general.
In an old settled country like India it assumes considerable importance, for it helps in understanding
the socio-cultural structure of the villages, their economic and sanitary conditions as well as their re-
sponse to new innovations (Tiwari, R.C. 1984, p. 90).
The morphology of settlement has two main components-(a) ground plan, and (b) built-up area. The
ground plan mainly includes street patterns, arrangement of buildings and cultural artifacts like
temple, fort, residence of village head-man and market place etc. Here the process of change is
comparatively slow. On the contrary, built-up area undergoes frequent changes. Doxiadis has identi-
fied four main parts within the morphological structure of a settlement. These include : (a)
homogeneous part consisting of fields, grazing land etc., (b) circulatory part consisting of village
roads, streets and lanes etc, (c) central part provided by the built- up area of the village, and (d)
special part marked with temple, school, Panchayat ghar, Morung, etc.
Indian village, though defined as the smallest re venue-cum-administrative unit, generally consists of
aggregates of residences, the inhabitants of which have certain relations, and some kind of union or
bond of common government (Baden Powell, 1892, p. 97). The built-up area consisting of clusters of
houses is surrounded by cultivated fields and linked with kachcha and pucka roads or village
footpaths.
At times there are more than one inhabited sites within the territorial limits of one revenue village
interspersed with cultivated fields, pastures and village groves, etc. The main site, generally
occupying the central location and inhabited by early village settlers (mostly belonging to the upper
castes and zamindars), forms the nucleus of the village and is known as 'Khas Gaon'. Others around
it are small hamlets named after the dominant castes residing therein (mostly low castes, land-less
labourers, village artisans or emigrants from the main village) and are called ('purwa', 'pura', 'tola',
'toli', nagala', 'patti', etc. The main village and its outlying hamlets, though physically detached from
each other, function as an integrated unit under the old jajmani system.
The general pattern of land use includes multi- cropped best soil zone (Gauhan or Goind) around the
inhabited site followed by less fertile and low irrigated single cropped zone (Manjha or Har) in the
periphery. In ancient days the inter-village transition area was occupied by the forests, pasture lands
and barren areas but owing to the growth of population it has now been largely brought under
cultivation. Similarly, early inhabited sites consisted of compact houses with less development of
lanes and streets, etc, but some are now being replaced by open residential sites with lanes and
narrow winding streets.
The built-up area, forming the nucleus of the settlement, attracts maximum concentration of socio-
economic activities and transport movements. It is, therefore, pertinent to analyse how this core area
interacts with the surrounding territory and what constitutes the functional parts of this terrestrial
space? This could be analysed through the study of village-farm distance, field pattern, land
ownership and socio-spatial structure.
(1) Socio-Spatial Structure
Besides physical characteristics social conditions specially the caste system play dominant role in
affecting the internal morphological structure of the Indian villages. Generally the economic prosper-
ity, social status and functional attributes are very much linked with the centuries old caste hierarchy
which gives a distinct size, shape and layout to the rural dwellings. High ranking castes like
Brahmans, Rajputs, Kayasths, etc, possess pretentious houses with large courtyard and separate
apartment for each young female, while low ranking castes specially untouchables have single room
hut/house shared by all members of the family and at times by cattle as well without much open
space, courtyard and lanes, etc. Ahir, Lodh, Kachhi, Kurmi, etc, together with many service castes
like Lohar, Kahar, Kohar, Barhai, etc., occupy median position between two extremes and are
gaining gradually in their economic prospects during recent years due to their hard work, reservation
policy of the government and extravagant habits of higher castes, especially erstwhile zamindars and
landlords who still depend upon labourers to get their farm-work done.
The nucleus of the village is usually occupied by high castes, while subordinate castes have pe-
ripheral locations. Untouchables like Chamar, Pasi, Jatav, Musahars, Mehtars, Dhanuk, etc., build
their houses far away from the high castes on the periphery interspersed by village-grove, cultivated
fields, water bodies, usar lands etc. At times caste based hamlets emerge within the village territory
using various epithets like Chamarauti, Chamartola, Lodhian, Ahiran, Kurmiyan, Thakuran,
Babhanauti, Babhantola, Kaithan, etc.
These hamlets together with their inhabitants are closely linked with the main site under the jajmani
system and act like a single functional unit. These two concepts of social space and functional
integration have much relevance in understanding the socio-spatial structure of the Indian villages
and have been neatly displayed by K.N. Singh (1972) through his religion-ritual and secular
dominance models.
(2) Religion-Ritual Model
Hindu social organisation based on caste system leads to the maximization of social distance due to
socio-ritual notions like purity-pollution, untouchability, etc. It envisages a Brahman-untouchable
ritual continuum in which all other caste groups occupy different niches according to their social
status. The practice leads to the development of twin settlements of caste Hindus and out-castes
which are separated from each other more by social space than by any appreciable barriers. Brah-
mans, being the priestly castes and performers of rituals and ceremonies, find place in almost all
villages and so is the case with untouchables whose labour and services make the foundation of
village economy.
The segregation was much pronounced during the past favouring the outgrowth of helmeted
structure of villages , In case of compact settlements out-castes generally lived on the outer parts of
the built-up area in a direction (south, south-east and north etc.) less conducive for wind movement,
for even air gets polluted after coming in contact with a Shudra 's body. How and why these
traditions came into being is a matter of debate amongst scholars, but the author believes these
untouchables to be the remnant of the pre-Aryan tribes who were always despised by the Aryans and
later Rajput settlers.
(3) Secular-Dominance Model
Contrary to the religion-ritual model of distance maximisation secular dominance model brings
different caste-groups closer to each other, so as to function as complementary unit under old
jajmani system. Land holders (mostly higher castes) for their agricultural work and services while
landless low castes for earning their livelihood have to depend upon each other for their survival.
This reduces the distance between these two social groups making the settlement compact and
unified. There are instances when land-owning dominant castes invited various service castes to
settle within the village territory for carrying out the functions of jajmani system. Rajputs, being the
principal land holders in the Ganga Plain, have exercised this secular power in the colonization of
many villages while in some other cases castes like Brahmans, Kayasths, Banias, etc, also held this
privileged position. This functional interdependence is seen even in case of certain Muslim villages
as remnants of old decayed tradition prevailing amongst the converts.
Either of the two models is not capable of explaining the present socio-spatial structure of the
villages independently. It is their joint pull which gives distinct pattern to the village morphology and
under the stresses of new socio-economic orders the old system is gradually losing its importance.
Jajmani system is now a decayed institution and the rigidity of the caste system is fading out. The
rise in the socio-economic conditions of the Dalits due to improvement in their education level has
made them conscious about their rights as a result of which the traditional barrier is breaking down.
(4) Sample Study: Sangawall Village
Sangawali (area 218 hectares and population 1118 in 1979) village in Etawah district of Uttar Pradesh
has been taken as a case study to analyse socio-spatial structure. The village has been named after
'Singh' or lion abounding in the forested tracts during early days (Singawali or Sangawali = the row
or flock of lions) and its hamlet, about a kilometre in the north, is called Khera or Mohkamnagar
(after Mohkam Singh, the Raja of Partabner). The village falls under the joint ownership of Brahman
(population 266 in 1979) and Rajput (population 269 in 1979) castes that together retain 76.17 per
cent of the total village area.
The hamlet Khera seems to be an earlier site under the possession of the Mortise. Some 500-600
years ago Hinnari Brahmans under the pressure of famine conditions in Central India migrated to
Khera and neighbouring villages (Bhogipura, Bhataura, Jagsaura, etc). They were often troubled by
the Meos for whose extirpation they invited Bhadauria Rajput Thakur Jairam Singh from Bijaipura
village (hardly 2 km in the south) and granted him gift of the eastern half of the village territory. A
new settlement was founded to which Brahmans also joined leaving out Khera to be settled by Lodh,
Ahir, Khatik, Nai and Mehtar, etc. who mainly came to perform various services under the jajmani
system.
A Brahman family still occupies the old site testifying the validity of the above statement. Other
Brahmans (Joshi, Chaturvedi, Mishra, Pathak, etc.) and Rajputs (Tomar, Baghel and Kachhawaha)
came as relatives to the early settlers and their descendants.
Village Sangawali has a compact and complex socio-spatial structure. Here Brahman and Rajput
dwellings, without any apparent segregation occupy the central and eastern parts of the village-area.
Service castes like Dhobi, Barhai, Kumhar, Kachhi, etc have built their houses in the north while
untouchables like Dhanuk, Jatav and Muslim reside in the western periphery of the inhabited area.
It appears that initially there were wide gaps between the houses of upper and lower castes but with
the growth of population and changing socio-economic norms this intervening space is gradually
shrinking. But remnants of old notions are still persisting and one hardly Finds such instances in
which front doors of a caste Hindu and the out-caste are facing each other and children of
untouchables are allowed to mix-up freely with those of high castes.
It is mainly due to the fact that these socially degraded castes still lack economic power which is a
prerequisite for gaining social status and prestige. On perusal of land records it has been found that
Dhanuk, Jatav and Muslim, who together constitute about 20 percent of the village population, own
only 2.71 per cent of the village cropped land and others like Kori, Khatik, Barhai and Mehtar, etc.,
do not possess any land at all.
Their conditions have been worsened in the recent years due to a number of faulty decisions taken by
the government which not only aggravated caste consciousness (which was otherwise disappearing)
but deprived their main source of livelihood (by working as agricultural labourers and share
croppers) without giving them alternative means of sustenance.

Settlement patterns in Gujarat
Roughly three-fifths of the residents of Gujarat are rural. The main concentration of population is in
the eastern part of the state, in the plains surrounding the cities
of Ahmadabad,Kheda, Vadodara, Surat, and Valsad; the region is both agriculturally productive and
highly industrialized. Other concentrations of population occur on the Kathiawar Peninsula,
particularly on the southern coast between the cities of Mangrol and Mahuva, in the interior
around Rajkot, and on the Gulf of Kachchh around Jamnagar. The distribution of population
gradually decreases toward the Kachchh district in the northwest and toward the hilly regions of
eastern Gujarat.

Most of the major cities are found in the more fertile regions, and many of themsuch
as Rajkot,Junagadh, Porbandar, Bhavnagar (Bhaunagar), and Jamnagar, all on the peninsulawere once the
capitals of small states. The most urbanized area of Gujarat is the Ahmadabad-Vadodara (Baroda) industrial
belt in the east-central region. Since the late 20th century, this area has become just one segment of an ever-
expanding urban agglomeration along the highway that links the northern and southern parts of the state.
Economy
Agriculture
Although unfavourable climatic conditions, salinity of soil and water, and rocky terrain have hampered
Gujarats agricultural activities, the sector has remained a major component of the states economy, employing
about half of the workforce. Wheat, millet, rice, and sorghum are the primary food crops, with rice production
being concentrated in the wetter areas. Principal cash crops includecotton, oilseeds (especially peanuts
[groundnuts]), tobacco, and sugarcane. Commercial dairying is also important.
Resources and power
Gujarat is rich in minerals, including limestone, manganese, gypsum, calcite, and bauxite. The state also has
deposits of lignite, quartz sand, agate, and feldspar. The fine building stones of Porbandar, on the Kathiawar
Peninsula, are among Gujarats most valuable products, and the states output of soda ash and salt amounts to a
significant portion of the national yield. In addition, Gujarat produces petroleum and natural gas.
The state draws its electricity from a variety of sources. The bulk of Gujarats power is supplied by coal- and
gas-fueled thermal plants, followed by hydroelectric generators. There also are a number of wind farms
scattered across the state.
Manufacturing and labour
Gujarat occupies a leading place in Indias manufacturing sector, especially in the production of chemicals,
pharmaceuticals, and polyester textiles. The states major industrial belt exists in its southern sector. There is a
large oil refinery at Koyali (near Vadodara), which supports a nearbypetrochemical industry. Pharmaceutical
production is concentrated at Vadodara, Ahmadabad, andValsad. Small-scale, largely agriculture-based
manufacturing is located in the Kathiawar Peninsula. Vegetable oil, cotton textiles, and cement are among the
products of these industries.
Favourable investments, the availability of resources and power, solid management, and labour efficiency have
been the basis of the states industrial development. Moreover, the Gandhianapproach to labour problems
strict reliance on the truth, nonviolence, settlement by arbitration, minimal demands, and the use of the strike
only as a last resorthas had a great impact in the field of industrial relations in Gujarat, which has remained
relatively free from labour unrest.
Transportation
Gujarats towns and cities are well connectedto each other and to the rest of Indiaby road and rail. Coastal
shipping routes link the states many ports. Kandla is a major international shipping terminal. There is air
service both within the state and to major Indian cities outside Gujarat.
Government and society
Constitutional framework
The governmental structure of Gujarat, like that of most Indian states, is defined by the national constitution of
1950. The governor is the chief executive and is appointed by the president of India. The Council of Ministers,
led by the chief minister, aids and advises the governor. Gujarats Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha) is an
elected unicameral body. The High Court is the highest judicial authority in the state. Various lower courts
including the city courts, the courts of district and sessions judges, and the courts of civil judgesoperate
within each administrative district.
The state is divided into more than two dozen administrative districts. The revenue and general administration
of each district is overseen by the district collector, who also functions as the district magistrate for the
maintenance of law and order. With a view toward involving the people in local government, elected
governing councils (panchayats) were introduced at the village level in 1963.
Health and welfare
Health and medical services in Gujarat include programs to control malaria, tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS, and other
communicable diseases; to prevent blindness; and to eradicate leprosy and polio. Other services focus on
reproductive and family health and on health education. Primary health centres offer medical services
throughout the state. Public and private hospitals as well as medical colleges offer more-specialized services,
primarily in the larger urban areas. Various state institutions address the welfare needs of children, women,
people with disabilities, and senior citizens. Special programs also are available to assist those who belong to
communities that, by tradition, have been socially, economically, and educationally disadvantaged.
Education
Primary schooling for all children between the ages of 7 and 11 is available in most villages with 500 or more
inhabitants. Special schools serve children in the rural tribal regions. Secondary schools are spread throughout
the state in larger villages, towns, and urban areas.
Gujarat has a number of important institutions of higher education. Among the states most notable universities
are Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda (1949) in Vadodara and Gujarat University (1949) in
Ahmadabad. Major research institutions include the Physical Research Laboratory (1947; a unit of the national
Department of Space) in Ahmadabad, the Ahmadabad Textile Industrys Research Association (1949), the
Central Salt and Marine Chemicals Research Institute (1959) at Bhavnagar, and the National Institute of
Design (1961) and the Sardar Patel Institute of Economic and Social Research (1965), both in Ahmadabad. In
addition to its universities and research centres, Gujarat has numerous smaller tertiary institutions
(e.g., engineering colleges and technical schools) with specialized curricula.