Trotsky - in - New York - Intrigue PDF

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HIDDEN AGENDAS: SPIES, LIES AND
INTRIGUE SURROUNDING TROTSKYS
AMERICAN VISIT OF JANUARYAPRIL
1917
Richard B. Spence
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To cite this article: Richard B. Spence (2008): HIDDEN AGENDAS: SPIES, LIES AND INTRIGUE
SURROUNDING TROTSKYS AMERICAN VISIT OF JANUARYAPRIL 1917, Revolutionary Russia, 21:1,
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2008 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09546540802085511
Revolutionary Russia, Vol 21, No. 1, June 2008, pp. 3355
Richard B. Spence
HIDDEN AGENDAS: SPIES, LIES
AND INTRIGUE SURROUNDING
TROTSKYS AMERICAN VISIT OF
JANUARYAPRIL 1917
Taylor and Francis FRVR_A_308717.sgm 10.1080/09546540802085511 Revolutionary Russia 0954-6545 (print)/1743-7873 (online) Original Article 2008 Taylor & Francis 21 1000000June 2008 RichardSpence rspence@uidaho.edu
Trotskys short stay in the USA in early 1917, and his subsequent detention in Canada, has
spawned many stories and left lingering questions. This article is basically a sequel to the
authors Interrupted Journey: British Intelligence and the Arrest of Leon Trotskii, April
1917, which appeared in this journal in 2000.
1
What follows substantially expands the
scope of the earlier article and presents much new information drawn from recent releases by
MI5, as well as new American, French and Russian sources. It shows that Trotsky was
surrounded by a web of intrigue and agents of various stripes throughout, and even before,
his American stay. He became a pawn, knowingly or not, in assorted plots. Above all, the
article strengthens the conclusion that Trotsky was the target of a scheme by elements of the
British intelligence services to secure his cooperation in revolutionary Russia.
In early May 1917, Leon Trotsky landed in Christiania (now Oslo), Norway. He had left
New York at the end of March bound for Russia. However, his progress had been
delayed for a month by British authorities who took him and several companions off the
SS Kristianiafjord in Halifax, Nova Scotia and put them in an internment camp. They did
so in response to charges from other British officials that Trotsky had received money
from German sources and was returning to overthrow the new regime in Russia. Given
this delay, Trotsky was anxious to let persons in Petrograd know that he was almost
there. One of these was not a revolutionary comrade but a businessman and private
banker, Abram Lvovich Zhivotovskii.
2
Why Trotsky contacted this man and the nature
of their connection is but one of the mysteries explored in this article.
Trotskys later reminiscences about his brief American stay were less than forth-
coming and in some cases plainly misleading. The following will show that during this
period Trotsky was the recipient of mysterious financial assistance and was a person of
keen interest to German, Russian and British agents. At the very least, there was more
to his brief stay in the United States than has been recognized heretofore.
In my original article, I mostly focused on the reasons behind Trotskys intern-
ment and his subsequent release. A key question was why the local British intelligence
chief, Sir William Wiseman, gave him a green light to leave New York in the first place.
My conclusion was that while there was no clear evidence that Trotsky had received
money from German sources, he may have been caught up in a gambit by Wiseman
to use him for British purposes. That latter conclusion remains the same, but newly
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REVOL UTI ONARY RUSSI A 34
available materials provide corroborating details and raise additional questions. These
new sources include Trotskys declassified MI5 dossier, recently discovered French
intelligence documents and ongoing investigations in Russia. What follows will present
new facts about the persons with whom Trotsky came in contact during this period and
will expose a web of connections and hidden intrigues among those persons. Among
those involved were the revolutionary arch-conspirator Alexander Helphand-Parvus,
Madrid-based migr Ernst Bark, American socialist Julius Hammer, international
confidence-trickster Sidney Reilly and even the British occultist Aleister Crowley.
Some of their connections are revealing, others, simply bewildering. In the end, the
article may raise as many questions as it answers, but it will shed new light on a brief,
but not insignificant, episode in Trotskys career.
***
Trotskys journey to America really begins with his deportation from France to Spain in
September 1916. He had come under French suspicion as early as July 1915, when the
Sret pegged him as a Russian journalist of revolutionary stripe and socialistic tenden-
cies who has association with suspect persons.
3
That information soon found its way
into British intelligence files. In Paris, Trotsky edited a radical, Russian-language news-
paper, Nashe slovo (subsequently Nachalo). The French authorities regarded the publica-
tion as obviously Germanophile and its revolutionary, defeatist message became more
worrisome once Russian troops arrived on the Western front in 1916.
4
Trotsky attrib-
uted his resulting troubles to a conspiracy hatched in the Russian Embassy in Paris which
enlisted as its tools French President Aristide Briand and his socialist Minister of the
Interior Louis-Jean Malvy.
5
It was Malvy who, on 14 September 1916, signed the order
for Trotskys expulsion to Spain as an undesirable. However, Briand promptly
granted Trotsky a months grace, subsequently extended by another fortnight, during
which period Trotsky frantically attempted to secure a visa for Switzerland. That, he
claimed, was blocked by more conspiratorial machinations. Likewise, the British cate-
gorically refused to grant him passage to the Netherlands or Scandinavia.
6
This lack of
co-operation stands in stark contrast to the attitude of British officials in New York a
few months later.
On 30 October 1916, two plainclothes policemen escorted Trotsky across the
Spanish frontier at Irun. Temporarily left behind in France were his spouse, Natalia
Sedova, and their two young sons, Leon (Lev) and Sergei. Trotsky was convinced that
Malvy et al. pushed him into Spain in the hope that Madrids conservative authorities
would ship him off to South America, where he would cease to be any bother to the
Allied war effort. Trotsky initially expected that he would not be allowed to sail to New
York, where, as he put it, I can do harm to the Ally [sic] propaganda.
7
After some
10 days in Spain, Madrid police picked up Trotsky and jailed him as a dangerous terror-
ist agitator.
8
Behind this too, Trotsky saw the long arm of his tormentors. However,
he spent only three and a half days in a rather humane lock-up where one could pay for
better accommodations and liberties. Moreover, if Trotsky had enemies, he also had
friends, whether he realized it or not. A mysterious benefactor arranged Trotskys
release from the Madrid jail and his transfer, under police supervision, to the southern
port of Cadiz. There he waited for another month and a half. On 24 November, Trotsky
wrote a long and revealing letter to his comrade Moisei Uritskii in Copenhagen.
9
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TROTSKY S AMERI CAN VI SI T OF 1 9 1 7 35
At Cadiz, wrote Trotsky, they wanted to put me straight on a steamer bound for
Havana, of course in steerage, with a wolfs passport [that is, one bearing a black mark
against the holder] handed to the captain. Trotsky protested to anyone who would listen
and then there came from Madrid permission for me to be left at Cadiz until the first
steamer sailed for New York. At the moment, he wrote to Uritskii, he was waiting for
a New York bound ship scheduled to leave Cadiz on 30 November. For reasons unex-
plained, that did not come to pass and he remained in Cadiz for another month. In the
meantime, Trotsky claims that he persisted in efforts to secure passage to Switzerland,
again without success. However, the simple fact was that Trotsky lacked the personal
financial means to travel anywhere. He confessed to Uritskii that when he arrived in
Cadiz I had only about 40 francs left.
10
In Copenhagen Uritskii was closely associated
with another revolutionary plotter, Alexander Israel Helphand-Parvus. He assisted
Parvus by managing a clandestine courier service.
11
That, of course, was an excellent
means to discreetly transfer messages and money to Spain.
Trotsky and Parvus had a relationship that dated back to 1904. In fact, for several
years they were the closest of comrades and intellectual partners.
12
Ideological
differences eventually intruded, and in 1915 Trotsky published an Epitaph in Nashe
slovo in which he proclaimed Parvus politically dead.
13
The reason for this denuncia-
tion was Parvuss blatant pro-Germanism. Simply put, Parvus argued that in the
current war the best interests of international Socialism would be served by the victory
of the nation with the most advanced proletariat; and that, to his mind, was
Germany.
14
He put himself at the disposal of Berlin and persuaded the Kaisers men to
give him millions of marks to mount a subversive offensive against Russia. How
successful he was in this endeavor is a matter of debate, but there is no doubt that he
gave it his best effort. Yet, Trotsky preserved a certain affection for his old friend and
it is fair to ask whether his private feelings were the same as his public ones. Did
Trotskys denunciation, which stopped short of calling Parvus a German agent, mask a
secret, ongoing collaboration? Also, even if Trotsky was through with Parvus, it did
not necessarily follow that Parvus was through with him. Despite Trotskys and Nashe
slovos outwardly hostile attitude, Parvus channeled German funds to the paper to abet
its defeatist work.
15
An important detail about the TrotskyUritskii letter is that it somehow ended up
in the hands of Britains MI5. It would seem that British intelligence had its eyes on
Trotsky. In that regard, it is worth noting that British spying in Spain was under
the control of the Admiraltys Naval Intelligence Division (NID), headed by Admiral
William Reginald Blinker Hall. Hall and NID will pop up again later in the story.
Towards the end of December, Trotsky suddenly learned that he was booked to sail
for America, not from Cadiz, but from distant Barcelona. There he was re-united with
Natalia and his sons, and the happy family even had time to go sightseeing before depart-
ing. The vessel that Trotsky and family boarded in Barcelona was the SS Montserrat.
Trotsky remembered that they boarded on Christmas Day, which might have been so,
but the ship did not sail until 28 December. He described the Montserrat as an old
tub little suited for ocean voyages.
16
The liner had certainly seen better days and, at a
mere 4,000 tons, it must have provided a lively ride in the rough weather ahead. Never-
theless, the ship had successfully navigated the Atlantic crossing for three decades and
would continue to do so for several years to come. Trotsky also complained about the
exorbitant fares charged by the Spanish operators and the bad accommodations and
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even worse food.
17
Of course, he was not paying for any of it. Moreover, even if the
Montserrat did not offer top-of-the-range amenities, the Trotskys had the best that it
could offer. The ship could haul more than a thousand passengers, but on this winter
crossing she carried fewer than 350. The Trotskys were among the few score first-class
passengers.
18
Four first-cabin passages, even with a discount for the minors, would
have cost at least 50.00 and possibly more than 80.00 (in 1917 prices). In either case,
this was far beyond the resources of a man who last claimed 40 francs to his name.
Moreover, information collected by American immigration showed that the fares had
been purchased for him not by him.
This brings us back to the question of who was helping Trotsky in Spain. The
mystery is solved, in part, by a late 1917 French intelligence report from Barcelona.
This reveals Trotskys benefactor as Ernst (also Ernest or Ernesto) Bark or Bark-Soukh,
a Russian migr and cosmopolitan revolutionary.
19
According to the report, it was he
who provided Trotsky with the money necessary to pay his passage to America.
20
The
report also noted that Bark arranged Trotskys release from the Madrid lock-up. It is
also likely, therefore, that it was Bark who kept him safely in Cadiz and off a slow boat
to Cuba. The Bark connection may also explain Trotskys last-minute detour from
Cadiz to Barcelona. This would have taken him through Madrid, Barks home. The jour-
ney otherwise makes no sense because the Montserrats first stop upon leaving Barcelona
was Cadiz. Trotsky could simply have stayed put and rendezvoused with his family when
it dropped anchor there on 30 December.
The bigger question, though, is whether Bark provided this help on his own initia-
tive, or was acting for someone else someone like Parvus. Bark was a respected
member of Spains radical-bohemian community. He came from a Baltic German noble
family in what is today Estonia and attended German universities. This left him with
personal ties in Germany and a deep admiration of its culture, something he shared with
Parvus. Bark also championed the liberation of his Baltic homeland from tsarist rule.
That not only meshed with Parvuss support of separatist causes but also may have linked
Bark to another pro-German, Estonian revolutionary, Aleksander Keskla.
21
While
Keskla worked his own angles with Berlin, he had contact with Parvus and Uritskii and
could have served as an intermediary between them and Bark. Barks French dossier also
indicates that his association with Trotsky may have continued after the establishment of
the Soviet regime: a notation dated 25 January 1919 describes Bark as an Agent bolche-
viste. Last, but by no means least, Ernst Bark was the first cousin of the last Minister
of Finance of Imperial Russia, Petr Lvovich Bark. To all outward appearances, Petr
Bark was a loyal servant of Nicholas II, but that did not prevent him from engaging Olaf
Aschberg, a Swedish financier with socialist sympathies and German connections, to act
as his financial agent, most notably in New York. Aschberg and his Stockholm-based
Nya Banken were also tied to Parvuss network.
22
It seems fair to conclude, then, that Bark was Parvuss cats-paw in Spain. But why
would Parvus have wanted to dispatch Trotsky to America? The answer is found in his
comments to his masters in Berlin that the USA, with its enormous number of Jews and
Slavs, offered a very receptive element for anti-Tsarist agitation.
23
A celebrated
Russian-Jewish socialist and veteran propagandist like Trotsky was the ideal man to lead
such an effort. A report reaching US Military Intelligence from Copenhagen in early
1918 declared that Trotsky was bought by the Germans and that he had arranged [the]
Bolshevik movement together with [Parvus].
24
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The American scene also offered rich new avenues for fund-raising. An early 1917
report to the Okhrana from its man in New York, George Patrick, claimed that Trotsky
had come to America with the specific aim of securing funds to support Nachalo and
other revolutionary activities in Europe.
25
Trotsky would allegedly confess as much to
one of his traveling companions on the Montserrat.
Aboard the liner, Trotsky found himself among a collection of outcasts he described
as not very attractive in its variety.
26
Actually, the Trotskys had some very interesting
traveling companions. Directly following them on the passenger manifest were three
other first-class travelers, a mother and son, Sarah and Moise Raiss, and their friend
Isaak Japka. The former pair were Romanian Jews, late of Paris. They apparently came
to Barcelona to meet up with their friend Japka. The latter, like Trotsky, was from
Ukraine. Japka, who described himself as a merchant, had been living in Barcelona and,
prior to that, Paris. So, had he or the Raisses encountered Trotsky before? And did Japka
have ties to Bark?
A detail which hints that Trotskys proximity to the Raisses was more than coinci-
dence is that the pair indicated their contact in New York as David Raiss, Moises
brother. David Raisss address was 324, East 9
th
St.
27
That building lay on the opposite
side of the same East Village block that contained 77, St Marks Place, home of Novyi mir,
the radical newspaper for which Trotsky would soon be working. So, Trotsky and the
Raisses where not only bound for the same city, but also had connections on the same
block of that sprawling metropolis an improbable coincidence to say the least.
One of the few passengers Trotsky deigned to note in his memoirs was a boxer who
is also a novelist and cousin of Oscar Wildes.
28
Actually, the fellow was a poet and
Wildes nephew. He was a boxer, though: in fact, he was a former amateur champion
of France at light-heavyweight class. He was traveling to New York under the name of
Avenarius F. Lloyd, but his real name was Fabian Lloyd, although he is best known to
posterity as Arthur Cravan, a founding member of the Dadaist fraternity and all-round
cultural subversive. An Englishman raised in Switzerland, Cravan had a habit of assum-
ing identities, a contempt for convention and a taste for adventure. These factors would
have made him an excellent spy, but if so, whose? He had been hanging out in Barcelona
with a gaggle of pacifist artists among whom were one or more suspected German
agents.
29
If Cravan was doing any spying, he likely was doing it for the British, the same
people who were reading Trotskys mail. For months Cravan had talked of going to
America but had never mustered the will or money to do so. A little encouragement and
cash from the local British consulate would have been enough to get him on his way. By
design or accident, the French-speaking Cravan chatted up Trotsky. It was Cravan who
reportedly recalled that Trotsky confessed that he was heading to the States in search of
money.
30
In New York, Cravan could have reported this and any other useful tidbits to
William Wiseman.
***
The Montserrat left Cadiz on 1 January 1917 and arrived in New York Harbor very late
on the night of 13 January. (Trotsky was therefore a bit off on the length of the actually
crossing, which took 12 days, not the 17 he mentions in his memoirs.) Disembarkation
took place the following morning. The passenger manifest prepared for US immigration
reveals several interesting details.
31
Trotsky listed his occupation as Author and
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declared himself to be neither an anarchist nor a polygamist. More interesting, he is
noted as carrying at least $500. That would be the equivalent of roughly $10,000 today.
This belies Trotskys implication and the statement of his German socialist friend
Ludwig Lore that the Great Exile arrived in New York practically penniless.
32
Barks, or someones, generosity obviously did not stop at buying tickets. Another
detail in the same vein is that Trotsky indicated his initial place of stay as the swanky
Hotel Astor near Times Square. Not only was this one of the more expensive hostelries
in the city, it also had the reputation as the gathering place of the social elite. All in all,
it seems a strange place for a revolutionary socialist to take his rest. Of course, given
that Trotsky had no acquaintance with New York and its amenities, someone must have
made the reservation for him. The question, as usual, is who.
According to Lore, when Trotsky landed here his name was known only to his
countrymen and to a handful of German Socialists.
33
However, his arrival was not
unheralded. Novyi mir announced his forthcoming arrival on 6 December. The editors
had been tipped off by a wire from Trotsky himself, who was still anticipating a depar-
ture at the end of November. Information reaching the Okhrana indicated that the
majority of Russian and Jewish socialists in New York eagerly anticipated his arrival and
welcomed him with a grand reception that attracted delegates from other cities.
34
If this was Parvuss design, things were off to an excellent start.
Ludwig Lore, who was to become one of Trotskys key American collaborators,
recollects a reception at Cooper Union Hall on the day following Trotskys arrival.
35
It was hosted by the American Socialist Party and Lore later wondered whether anyone
has ever had a more characteristic reception. The conclave was chaired by Sergius
Ingerman, leader of the Russian Socialists in this country and an ardent Menshevik.
Ingerman apparently believed Trotsky to be of the same ilk, but ideological differences
soon surfaced and instead of a demonstration of welcome [the meeting] became a
fierce, though outwardly polite, battle of conflicting opinions.
36
It was the first step in
Trotskys rapid disillusionment with American socialism.
However, the Trotskys had not been without an immediate welcome of sorts when
they stepped off the Montserrat. Someone had tipped off the press and the New York Times
sent a reporter to the scene. According to the article (which ran on 15 January),
Trotsky, the Pacifist editor and socialist who had been expelled from four lands, was
met on the rain-swept pier by Arthur Concors of the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant
Aid Society.
37
Concors acted as Trotskys translator in the brief interview with the
Times, which included details at odds with otherwise established facts. For instance,
Trotsky is quoted as having been in Berlin editing a Jewish paper, not Vienna, when
the war began. Also, in this version, following his release from the Madrid jail, he went
to Seville and only reached Cadiz when taken there by Spanish police and forcibly put
aboard the Montserrat. There was absolutely no mention of Barcelona or leisurely sight-
seeing with his family. Perhaps the fault lies with Concorss translation or the reporters
recording of it. Or, was Trotsky deliberately distorting the story and, if so, to what
purpose?
The Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society was a charitable organization
dedicated to helping Jewish arrivals with food, shelter and jobs. It also sniffed out unde-
sirables, promoted Americanization and encouraged newcomers to seek work outside
the major urban areas. Trotsky and his family were not the usual sort of travelers the
Society aided, nor were they interested in such services. Nor was Arthur Concors a
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simple staffer. He was, in fact, superintendent of the Society and a member of its board
of directors.
38
Someone got Concors out of bed to welcome the wandering revolution-
ary, a revolutionary supposedly unknown outside a narrow political sphere. Who might
that have been? The answer must lie among the men Concors answered to. The
Societys advisory board contained several luminaries of the American Jewish establish-
ment, among them Julian Mack, Louis Marshall, Oscar Strauss and Dr Stephen Wise.
Arguably the most important of the lot, and a main financial backer, was Jacob Henry
Schiff, head of the investment banking House of Kuhn, Loeb & Co.
39
Rightly or
wrongly, to this day, Jacob Schiff is widely cited as the man who supplied Trotsky with
cash and sent him back to Petrograd to topple the Provisional Government.
40
Beyond
this, Schiff often features as part of the vast Jewish conspiracy and has been alleged to
have instigated and financed the Bolshevik regime.
41
Here we come perilously close
to the slippery slope that descends into the toxic realm of the Elders of Zion and the
Illuminati. We must be careful not to allow speculation to get out of hand and we must
proceed cautiously. The basic fact is that, despite all the accusations, there is no demon-
strable direct link between Trotsky and Schiff, monetary or otherwise. That said, if
Schiff did provide any such assistance, he would not have signed any cheques or left a
neat record in any ledger.
While replete with exaggeration, disinformation and outright fabrication, allega-
tions of a SchiffTrotsky tie are, as we shall see, not wholly imaginary. In fact, Schiff
later voiced strong displeasure with the Bolsheviks and even offered to work against
them.
42
However, in early 1917, the situation was very different: the tsar was still on
the throne, the United States was a neutral country, and Trotsky was not a Bolshevik.
Jacob Schiff was, and long had been, a bitter enemy of the tsarist regime. His opposition
stemmed from the Russian governments mistreatment of its millions of Jewish
subjects, although he had never experienced this himself nor even set foot in Russia. In
pursuit of his campaign against tsarism, Schiff bankrolled the American activities of the
Friends of Russian Freedom, a London-based organization that offered aid and encour-
agement to all enemies of Nicholas II. Also, during the Russo-Japanese War Schiff had
arranged the loans that financed Tokyos war effort and even financed the printing and
dissemination of revolutionary propaganda among Russian POWs.
43
More recently, he
had refused to participate in any Allied loan efforts that might benefit Russia.
A factor usually overlooked by those obsessing over Schiffs Jewishness was his
Germanness. He was German born and retained strong familial and financial ties to the
country. His two brothers, Ludwig and Phillip Schiff, were bankers in Germany with
ties to the Kaisers court. The same went for Schiffs friend and key business partner
Max Warburg, a personal friend of Wilhelm II and a financial mainstay of the German
war effort. A report reaching the hands of William Wiseman named Max Warburg as
the chief German agent in Russia.
44
Another Warburg brother, Fritz, was Berlins
commercial representative in Stockholm, and under that cover he conducted secret
peace talks with Russian representatives in 1916. He also had contact with Parvus.
45
Schiff employed two more of Maxs brothers at his firm, Felix and Paul. They, too,
allegedly had their hands in pro-German intrigues.
46
Information collected by American intelligence showed that as early as 1915 Jacob
Schiff had contact with a Baron Rapp who interested [him] in [a] propaganda move-
ment to overthrow the Czar of Russia to free the Russian Jews.
47
As a result, Jacob
Schiff sent several millions of dollars to Berlin for this purpose and several men, well
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known to the U.S. Secret Service agent, were connected with this matter.
48
Even some
of Schiffs Jewish associates in New York were critical of his German connections. One
was Columbia University professor and Zionist activist Richard Gottheil, who insisted
that Schiffs money supported pro-German efforts including using East-Side societies
to spread pacifist propaganda.
49
This much, then, is certain: Schiff was anti-tsarist and
pro-German and had a track record of financing revolutionaries. All or some of his
Warburg associates were involved in Berlin-backed, subversive activities against Russia,
activities that dovetailed with those of Parvus. Thus, Schiff had good reason to take an
interest in Trotsky and offer him support. Moreover, if there was a link between Schiff
and Trotsky, British spymaster Wiseman would surely have been aware of it. The
above-mentioned Professor Gottheil was one of Wisemans stable of informants and he
shared his reservations about Schiff and others. Most importantly, Wiseman had a spy
right in the board room of Schiffs House of Kuhn, Loeb & Co: Otto H. Kahn, a man
Wisemans adjutant Major Norman Thwaites later praised as whole-heartedly pro-
Allied and especially pro-British.
50
Any connection between Schiff and Trotsky would have necessitated the utilization
of one or more discreet intermediaries (or cut-outs in espionage terms). Concors is an
obvious candidate. Perhaps it was he, on Schiffs instructions, who steered Trotsky to
the Hotel Astor. Interestingly, among its residents was one Otto Schwarzschild, who
had recently returned from a trip to German-occupied Poland, a journey that took him
through Berlin. Schwarzschild ostensibly worked for the Committee for the East, a
relief organization established to aid Jews in war-torn Poland. However, it also dissem-
inated pro-German propaganda among the Jews.
51
Among its main backers was Jacob
Schiff. US officials labeled Schwarzschild as a German spy and also noted that he had
visited Jacob Schiff a number of times during 191617.
52
Just more coincidence?
If not, then Trotskys presence at the Astor may have been for the purpose of meeting
Schwarzschild, who was acting as a cut-out for Schiff and/or German intelligence.
If Trotsky checked into the Astor, he did not stay long. Other helping hands magi-
cally appeared to help him find a three-room (plus kitchen and bathroom) apartment in
the Bronx for a very reasonable $18 per month. Natalia paid three months rent in
advance, which belies Lores claim that the question of meeting expenses was a serious
problem.
53
Since the apartment came unfurnished, they purchased the necessary
furnishings, some $200 worth, on hire purchase. That required no significant outlay,
but it did require a guarantor.
Trotsky later insisted that his only job in New York was that of revolutionary
socialist and brushed aside claims that he earned extra money as a film extra or cod-fish
cleaner.
54
Lore also denies such fantastic stories.
55
Fantastic they probably are, but
there are legitimate questions about the amount of money Trotsky received and where
it originated.
After Trotskys name burst into the headlines, New York Deputy Attorney General
Alfred Becker made an investigation of just what he had been doing in New York,
including his sources of income.
56
Beckers agents discovered that Trotskys main
employer, Novyi mir, paid him $20 a week which amounted to a total of some $200.
Oddly, Ludwig Lore recollected the pay as being a mere $7 per week.
57
Was the salary
padded out after the fact to disguise another source of income? Public lectures brought
in another $280 to $350 and articles penned for Lores Volkszeitung reaped $150 to $200
more. Finally, a collection taken at Trotskys farewell party at the Hudson River Casino
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the night before his sailing netted $226. However, Trotsky recollected that the collec-
tion was $310 and claimed that he distributed every cent of it to his cash-strapped
companions.
58
Clearly, an exact determination is impossible, but at minimum Trotsky visibly
earned a bit more than $700 and no more than $1,000. Of course, this did not take into
account the $500 he had to start with, something of which he carefully made no
mention. Even with that, minus living expenses he would have been hard pressed to
afford the $1,394.50 he later handed over for 16 second-class and one first-class passages
on the Norwegian lines Kristianiafjord.
59
But Trotsky had not been paying his own way
since Spain, and there is no reason to suppose he was doing so now.
In the end, Becker was forced to declare that I have been unable to verify any indi-
cation of Trotzky [sic] receiving money from any German sources. The radical New York
Call hailed this as prima facie proof that the German libel was false.
60
Of course, clan-
destine financiers do not give receipts, and, if need be, a small bundle of cash is a simple
enough thing to conceal or slip to another passenger.
Trotsky described his Bronx neighbourhood as a workers district, but it was no
tenement-filled slum. Thanks to the recent extension of the New York transit system,
much of the Bronx had become a subway suburb. Years later, Trotsky still marveled
at the wonders of this modest home: a telephone, electric lights, a refrigerator, a gas
range and even an elevator amenities some might be tempted to describe as bourgeois.
However, these do not explain why Trotsky chose to live miles away from his place of
work in the East Village. Surely he could have found some suitable apartment in the
vicinity. Who or what drew him to the Bronx?
A simple question which defies a simple answer is exactly where Trotskys Bronx
apartment was. Trotsky recollected that we lived on 164th Street, if I am not
mistaken.
61
Once more, he was. Lore and Beckers investigation agree that the apart-
ment was on Vyse Avenue. The specific address seems to have been 1,522, Vyse at 172nd
St.
62
The weight of evidence argues that this address is the right one, but to add a further
twist, a report to the Paris Okhrana in February 1917 states that Trotsky and family
were living at 265, Prospect Avenue.
63
The problem is, there was no 265, Prospect
Avenue. The nearest thing is 1,265 Prospect, which lay between 167th and 168th
Streets. All these locales lay within a relatively small radius, but none was so close that
they would be easily confused. Nothing indicates that the Trotskys changed addresses.
Did he simply forget where he lived, or did he have some other reason to obscure the
details?
To unravel this, we must return to the intra-party intrigues that followed
Trotskys reception. Immediately following the Cooper Union reception, Lore recalls
a meeting in a private home in Brooklyn. There Trotsky addressed a more intimate
gathering of fellow Russians and other left-wing Socialists, Lore included. Trotsky
roused them to action against the mainstream Socialist Party, which he dismissed as an
organization fit only for successful dentists.
64
An interesting array of Bolsheviks
and future Bolsheviks were present, including Nikolai Bukharin, Grigorii Chudnovskii,
V. Volodarskii and Alexandra Kollontai. All were connected with Novyi mir and on the
same day, 15 January, Trotsky formally joined the staff.
British intelligence later singled out Chudnovskii as Trotskys right-hand man at
Novyi mir.
65
Equally interesting is that Chudnovskii earlier had worked beside Parvus in
Switzerland and Copenhagen.
66
Thus, in Trotskys closest collaborator in New York we
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find yet another Parvus man. Trotskys association with Kollontai also may have had an
added significance. According to Lore, she came to the USA on a secret mission under
the direction of Lenin to collect funds for Russian revolutionary purposes.
67
It was this
money, Lore continued, contributed by well-to-do Russian-Americans, that aided the
Bolshevik wing to organize its forces in Russia in preparation for the imminent over-
throw of the Tsar. Trotsky mentions that Kollontai was in contact with Lenin and kept
him informed of all doings in New York, my own activities included.
68
Up to this
point, Parvus had little or nothing to show for his attempts to woo Lenin and he would
have been at least curious about Kollontais activities. While there is no indication of any
TrotskyParvus communication in this period, it is not inconceivable that the former
quietly passed on information about Kollontai through Chudnovskii or some other
intermediary.
Lores comments about Kollontais clandestine fundraising are echoed by two
other Russians in New York, Nikolai Volgar and Pavel Perov. Both were connected to
the Russian wartime purchasing and diplomatic apparatus in the USA, Volgar as secre-
tary-treasurer of the RussianAmericanAsiatic Corporation and Perov as onetime
secretary to Ambassador Boris Bakhmetev. In early November 1917, just before the
Bolshevik coup, the pair approached American intelligence. Volgar claimed that he
could produce in court, proof of the source through which German funds were paid to
Leon Trotsky which funds financed Trotskys mission to Russia.
69
In a related
memorandum, Volgar and Perov noted that Trotsky, along with the Estonian socialist
Boegelmann/Pogelmann (a Bark tie?), anarchist Bill Shatoff and others received
through a certain artist-writer and socialist Bolshevik type, M-me Malmberg, $20,000
here and other large sums were transferred through the Swedish and Finnish Banks to
M-me Kolonty [sic] in Petrograd.
70
The Swedish bank in question was undoubtedly
Aschbergs. The Malmberg referred to was Aino Malmberg, a Finnish socialist who
made various trips between New York and Scandinavia during the war. She most
recently returned from Stockholm in early October 1916 and was in New York during
all or most of Trotskys visit. Kollontai, too, did her share of traveling. She had last been
in Stockholm in August 1916 where she had dealings with Lenins local agent Aleksandr
Shliapnikov.
71
Lore claims that Trotskys main preoccupation in the ensuing weeks, besides lectur-
ing and writing, was forging a true revolutionary, anti-war party out of the left wing of
the American Socialists. Most of his following came from the partys Russian and German
Federations, and among those jumping on the Trotsky bandwagon were Lore, Louis
Fraina and Julius Hammer. According to Lore, Trotsky was convinced that the
United States was ripe for the overthrow of the capitalist system.
72
He urged the calling
of general strikes against war as a means of undermining the proud structure of our decay-
ing civilization.
73
On 4 March, the Times recorded that Trotsky attended a local Socialist
gathering where he introduced a motion calling upon the comrades to foment strikes and
resist the draft in event of war.
74
This is exactly what Parvus and Berlin would have
ordered.
Among Trotskys American followers was Julius Hammer, a veteran of the old
Socialist Labor Party and a future founder of the American Communist movement.
Also of Russian-Jewish background, Hammer, who was five years Trotskys elder, was
one of those not-so-rare creatures, a radical Marxist cum wealthy entrepreneur. He
was a successful physician and primary owner of the Allied Drug & Chemical Co.
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The resources of the profitable firm strained to support both Hammers opulent life-
style and his generous support of radical causes. Lenin later hailed Comrade Hammer as
an American millionaire, which may only have been a slight exaggeration.
75
He was,
without doubt, one of the well-to-do Russian Americans who provided Kollontai with
funds. Did his role as financial angel also extend to Trotsky? The answer, to one degree
or another, is yes. Julius Hammer lived in the Bronx, at 1,488, Washington Avenue,
less than a mile and an easy drive from Trotskys place on Vyse Avenue. In his memoirs,
Trotsky cryptically mentions a Dr. M, a Bronx neighbour who, along with his wife,
befriended the Trotskys and gave Natalia and the boys rides in his chauffeured car.
76
Oddly, the doctor is one of the few persons Trotsky does not bother to name. Lore also
recalls the doctor and describes him as an acquaintance of the Trotskys who took them
on sightseeing trips.
77
Bronx historian Lloyd Ultan has skillfully assembled various clues to the identity
of this man. First, he had to live somewhere nearby. To converse with Trotsky he
would need to have been fluent in Russian and/or German. Most importantly, he
must have shared Trotskys political faith. Considering Trotskys contempt for well-
to-do dentists and their ilk, this well-to-do doctor would have had to have been a
man after his own heart. Ultan rightly concludes that only one man could be defined
by all these clues. He was Dr Julius Hammer.
78
And Hammer had a car and driver
among his household staff. So, Hammers was almost certainly the helping hand that
guided Trotsky to the Bronx and situated him in a home only blocks from his own.
Hammers hand, too, was probably the one that co-signed for the Trotskys furni-
ture. Doubtless Hammer would have been willing to provide other help as needed.
He might easily have come up with the $10,000 Trotsky was supposed have on him
when he left New York. The question, as ever, is whether Hammer did such things
out of the kindness of his socialist heart, or at the behest of Parvus or Schiff or some-
one else.
Today, Julius Hammers historical role is eclipsed by the flamboyant and devious
career of his eldest son, Armand. Along with amassing fame, fortune and influence, the
younger Hammer, faithful to his fathers ideals, was a lifelong servant of Soviet inter-
ests.
79
Indeed, when Trotskys My Life appeared in 1930, Armand was busily involved
in Soviet schemes schemes which probably would have been jeopardized by any
reminder that the elder Hammer had once been an admirer of Stalins arch-enemy. By
disguising Julius as Dr. M, Trotsky may have been repaying an old debt, and just
maybe masking an ongoing association.
Armand got his introduction to clandestine affairs in 1921 when Julius, then serving
time in Sing-Sing for manslaughter, dispatched his son to Russia on a business trip. The
background to this trip yields another clue. Armands journey to Russia required a pass-
port and the application for that included a letter from one Henry Kuntz. Kuntz, a
minor partner in Allied Drug & Chemical, averred that he had known father and son for
15 years.
80
Kuntz is of no importance himself, but he leads us to another man, one of
his business partners in New York and Russia during the First World War. This was
Sidney G. Reilly. Russian-Jewish despite his assumed Irish name, like Hammer, Parvus
and Trotsky, Reilly had an early connection to Odessa. He would go on to earn some
notoriety, mostly undeserved, as a British Ace of Spies.
81
American naval intelligence
probably came closer to the mark when it described him and his shady pals as interna-
tional confidence men of the highest class.
82
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In Russia, Reilly was widely believed to be a German agent and he certainly associ-
ated with persons who were. Nevertheless, he had friends in high places and ran in a
crowd of equally dubious wheeler-dealers. In New York, he was a director of the Allied
Machinery Company, a firm American investigators linked to secret trade with
Germany via Sweden. That definitely entailed a connection to Aschberg and, maybe,
Parvus.
83
It also is interesting that Allied Machinery engaged in a lively business with
Spain and had an office in Barcelona. Reilly came to the USA in 1915 to acquire arms
and munitions contacts for the Russian military. His nominal employer in this venture
was Abram Zhivotovskii, the same fellow Trotsky would feel such an urgent need to
contact when he reached Norway. In my original article, I noted stories claiming that
Zhivotovskii was Trotskys uncle, cousin or brother-in-law, which I dismissed as prob-
ably untrue. I was wrong. Zhivotovskii was Trotskys maternal uncle.
84
Actually, he
was one of at least four brothers of Trotskys mother, each of whom was a successful
businessman by the time of the First World War.
85
Abram Zhivotovskii was associated
with various Russian banks and had numerous friends in financial and governmental
spheres. The latter included Petr Bark. But perhaps more important are threads linking
Zhivotovskii to Stockholm and Aschberg.
86
In March 1915, Zhivotovskii came under investigation in Russia on suspicion of
trading with the enemy.
87
Police searched his offices in Petrograd and he spent time in
custody. Thanks to his connections, however, by early 1916 Zhivotovskii was out and
back in business bigger than ever. US authorities listed him as a grafter of bad
reputation and a known associate of German agents.
88
Information in the hands of
the US State Department later described Zhivotovskii as a man who was outwardly
very anti-Bolshevik but who in fact had laundered large sums for the benefit of the
Bolsheviks and other revolutionary organizations.
89
A similar report from December
1918 listed him as a Bolshevist and uncle of Leon Trotzky [who was] an important
purchasing agent for the allies under the Empire [and now] on [a] Bolshevik mission
in Stockholm.
90
Another, from 1917 or early 1918, identified Abraham Jivotovoski
as the man who had inaugurated Bolshevist propaganda in Japan.
91
Everything
suggests that, besides blood, Trotsky and uncle Abram shared politics.
During the war, Zhivotovskii maintained an office and large bank accounts in
Yokohama under the supervision of another nephew (and Trotskys cousin) Iosif
Timofeiovich Zhivotovskii.
92
The latter was at one point Reillys secretary. It may be
significant that in October 1916, more or less simultaneous with Trotskys appearance
in Spain, Reilly made a quick trip to Japan. He was back in New York just about the time
or immediately after Trotskys arrival. Reillys jaunt would have provided a secure
means to carry messages or even money from Zhivotovskii to Trotsky. It may also mean
something that among Zhivotovskiis business intimates we find another Chudnovskii,
M.P. Chudnovskii, a possible relation of Trotskys loyal comrade at Novyi mir.
93
Coincidence or conspiracy, the connections just keep coming. Reillys two most
intimate cronies in New York were Alexander Weinstein (Vainshtein) and Antony
Jehalski. Weinstein had been Zhivotovskiis man in London, but joined forces with
Reilly in the summer of 1916. Like Zhivotovskii, he made a public show of loyalty
to Nicholas II, but other sources showed that he was clearly identified with the
Bolsheviki.
94
An American businessman reported that Weinstein gave a dinner party
soon after the Revolution in celebration of the Czars downfall, and a number of
Russians and Socialists were guests at the dinner.
95
Perhaps Trotsky was one of them.
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The odds on that are increased by the fact that Alexander Weinsteins brother was
Gregory Weinstein, revolutionary and business manager of Novyi mir. American intel-
ligence reports name Gregory Weinstein as closely associated with Trotzky while the
latter was in this country.
96
Antony Jechalski was reputedly a most dangerous German spy and simultaneously
a confidant of officials in the Russian Consulate and the related Supply Committee.
97
In
the autumn of 1916, he was hanging around Havana on some vague business and rushed
back to New York a week before Trotskys arrival. Among other things, Jehalski acted
as a middleman between pro-German Polish groups and the American pacifist Dr Judah
Magnes.
98
Magnes was a friend and collaborator of none other that Jacob Schiff and
another of those whom Professor Gottheil considered heart and soul with the German
cause.
99
Last but not least, another of Reilly and Weinsteins familiars was Benny
(Veniamin) Sverdlov, a minor Russian arms broker who was a brother of Lenins future
right-hand man, Iakov Sverdlov.
100
All this fits with the notion of a German connection for Trotsky, but Reilly &
Companys clandestine links also ran in another and contradictory, direction to British
intelligence. Wiseman and his deputy, Norman Thwaites, oversaw compartmentalized
networks, one of which included double agents and persons who have special facilities
for getting into the confidence of German agents.
101
Reilly and his pals were part of
this. Wiseman and Thwaites carefully concealed their dealings with these men not only
from the Germans, but also from the Americans and even from other British services.
After the war, Wiseman did business with Reilly and cheerfully acknowledged him as
an old chum, while Thwaites praised Reilly and Weinstein for their excellent intelli-
gence work and valuable services to the Allies.
102
In mid-April 1917, while Trotsky was still a prisoner in Canada, an interesting
meeting took place in Manhattan between one of Wisemans operatives (probably
Thwaites) and a trio of Russians. One of these was Evgenii Kuzmin. He had first come
to the USA in late 1915 aboard the same vessel that carried Alexandra Kollontai.
Kuzmin worked for the Russian Armys counter-intelligence and he had been tracking
the activities of German agents and revolutionary exiles in Scandinavia. At the April
meeting, he revealed himself to Wiseman as an agent of the Russian General Staff and
Chief of the Russian Secret Police in the USA.
103
The gathering took place in the
office of Ivan Narodny, a Russian businessman, writer and revolutionary activist. The
third Russian present was Nikolai Kuznetsov, an engineer. He was a most intimate
friend and business associate of Alexander Weinstein and Sidney Reilly and a close
friend of Russian-American lawyer Nicholas Alienikoff.
104
Alienikoff, in turn,
described himself as an intimate of Trotsky and Chudnovskii and was one of those
then agitating for Trotskys release from British captivity.
105
Just what this odd cabal
discussed is not recorded, but it is hard to believe that Trotskys name did not figure in
some way.
The host, Ivan Narodny, was the close collaborator of another Russian radical, Ivan
Okuntsov, publisher of the anti-tsarist but non-sectarian Russkii golos.
106
Okuntsov and
Narodny cordially hated and were hated by the Novyi mir crowd, each side accusing the
other of malfeasance and consorting with German agents.
107
Narodny and Okuntsov
presented themselves as loyal adherents of the new Provisional Government and were
part of the same circle that included the above-mentioned Perov and Volgar. Like that
pair, Narodny later swore to Alexander Kerensky that he could prove that Trotzky
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and other Socialists who went from here to Russia got money from German agents.
108
Okuntsov would vouch the same.
109
The KuzminNarodnyOkuntsov axis hints at a plot cooked up by rival radicals,
perhaps acting with the encouragement of persons in Petrograd, to smear Trotsky with
the German libel. If nothing else, they may have been trying to compound or exploit
his difficulty.
One thing that Alienikoff and Narodny had in common is that both passed informa-
tion to William Wiseman. So, of course, did Weinstein, Reilly and others. Thus,
Sir William was positioned to gather information on Trotsky from many different
angles. In Trotskys MI5 dossier there is a tantalizing reference to a C (SIS) Report on
Russian Revolutionaries in New York Activities & Movements of Trotzki, Leon.
110
The report is missing from the dossier, but it shows that Wiseman was engaged in
active surveillance of his activities activities that someone in London wanted to know
about.
Another man who may have played a witting or unwitting part in Wisemans
Trotsky intelligence-gathering was Irish-American writer Frank Harris. As editor of the
anti-war Pearsons Magazine, Harris was one of the few Americans to entice Trotsky into
an interview. Someone who may have abetted this was George Raffalovitch, who was
employed by Harris in some vague capacity. Raffalovitch was the son or nephew of
Artur Raffalovitch (Rafalovich), the longtime agent of the Russian Finance Ministry in
France. Another of Georges kin was Nikolai Raffalovitch, a man later denounced to
Wiseman as mixed-up in pro-German intrigues in Paris.
111
Nikolai was also closely
associated with the Russo-Asiatic Bank. So was Abram Zhivotovskii. According to other
reports reaching Wiseman and the US Justice Department, George Raffalovitch was not
only involved with Russian revolutionary circles but was also a paymaster of German
agents.
112
In the month of February [1917], said one, he paid out about $18,000.
Thus, Raffalovitch was yet another potential conduit for clandestine funds.
Raffalovitch insisted that his real loyalty lay with the Ukrainian nationalist cause.
In that he was aligned with the so-called League for the Liberation of the Ukraine.
Interestingly, this was one of the German-sponsored groups subsidized by none other
than Alexander Helphand-Parvus.
113
If nothing more, it is another curious set of
coincidences.
Another significant thing about Harris and Raffalovitch is their common tie to the
flamboyant occultist Aleister Crowley. He was an old friend of both and in 1917 still an
active confidant of Harris. While Crowley publicly acted the part of an anti-British
propagandist and freely associated with Germans and pro-Germans, he was a secret
employee of the British Government who supplied information to the men at 44,
Whitehall.
114
Crowley shared many haunts and acquaintances with the aforementioned
Arthur Cravan. He had many contacts among in the radical-bohemian community,
among them was Ivan Narodny.
But, arguably, Wisemans most important Russian source where Trotsky was
concerned was an ex-Scotland Yard and Okhrana informant, Casimir Pilenas. In the
years before the war, Pilenas, a Lithuanian, kept both agencies abreast of Russian revo-
lutionary intrigues in London.
115
As a British S.S. agent of the Scotland Yard detach-
ment he now did the same for Wiseman, reporting directly to Thwaites and naval
attach Guy Gaunt.
116
Wiseman allegedly expressed absolute confidence in Pilenas and
was certain that he worked for no other person but [me].
117
Pilenas was the source for
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Wisemans 22 March telegram that Trotskys return was being backed by Jewish funds
behind which are possibly German.
118
***
Meanwhile in Petrograd, an escalating wave of strikes, riots and mutinies culminated in
the abdication of Nicholas II on 15 March 1917. Trotsky seemed to know about this
almost at once. That very evening, he was interviews at Novyi mir by the New York Times
and expressed his belief that the new Provisional Government would probably be
short-lived.
119
The regime, he proclaimed, did not represent the interests or the aims
of the revolutionists. It would soon fall to other men, he added, to carry forward the
democratization of Russia. However, he was quick to add that the revolutionists or
his sort of revolutionists, in any case stood absolutely opposed to a separate peace with
Germany.
The Provisional Government promptly issued a general amnesty of political prison-
ers on 16 March 1917 and called on all expatriates to come home. Still, it was not until
25 March that Trotsky got round to presenting himself at the Russian Consulate to
obtain a new passport. His treatment by the confused officials was cool but correct. Lore
recollects that Trotsky made a fuss by refusing a passport that still bore the Imperial
Eagle and finally obtained a document on plain stationery that certified his right to enter
Russia.
120
That same day, Trotsky called on the British Consulate at 44, Whitehall St.
Under the rules of the British blockade of Germany, passengers bound for Scandinavia
had to pass inspection at either Halifax, Nova Scotia or the Orkney Islands. Thus,
persons passing through those ports needed the appropriate visa. The Passport Control
Section of the Consulate handled this work, and it was under the direct supervision of
Wisemans deputy Thwaites. In an article written soon after his arrival in Petrograd,
Trotsky admitted the helpful attitude of the British consular officials. They assured him
that they would put no obstacle in the way of my return to Russia, and even allowed
him to phone the Russian Consulate to attest that all the necessary paperwork was
done.
121
It should be kept in mind that this was three days after Wiseman had received
and passed on Pilenass warning.
One thing Beckers investigation noted but did not pay much attention to was the
man from whom Trotsky purchased his return tickets. He was Henry C. Zaro, a steam-
ship agent operating at 1, 3rd Avenue. Zaros office was only a couple of blocks away
from the Novyi mir offices, which could mean that Trotsky picked him out of pure conve-
nience. However, Zaro also was a radical Polish activist who had written an anti-Russian
tract about his recent travels in war-torn Poland, travels which paralleled those of afore-
mentioned German spy Schwarzschild.
122
In fact, Zaro had returned to the USA in
late 1916 on the same ship as Schwarzschild. Moreover, in New York Zaro was part of
the same pro-German Polish circle as Wisemans double agent Antony Jechalski. So,
Zaro had threads leading back towards Schiff and British intelligence. A tangled web,
indeed.
On 27 March, Trotsky, family and companions boarded the SS Kristianiafjord at the
South Brooklyn docks. Despite rain falling in torrents, some three hundred well-
wishers, carrying red flags and flowers, showed-up to bid farewell.
123
According to
Lore, when Trotsky arrived he was lifted to the shoulders of his admirers and with
beaming face and happy smile he bade a last farewell to the comrades.
124
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Just as with the trip to New York, some of Trotskys fellow passengers on the
voyage back to Europe merit attention. Beckers investigation found that in addition to
the bunch who followed Trotsky to Zaros office, the Kristianiafjord carried a dozen or
so other Russians. Two of these, Leiba Fisheleff (Fishelev) and Nikita Muchin (Mukhin),
were also linked to Trotsky and among the five to be arrested with him in Halifax. Three
others, all traveling together in first class, are more interesting. The first, Robert
Jivotovsky (Zhivotovskii) looks to be yet another of Trotskys cousins. The second
was Israel J. Fundaminsky, a man Trotsky accused of helping the British in gathering
information about him and other passengers.
125
The last, and arguably most interest-
ing, of the bunch was a former tsarist diplomat/army officer, Andrei Kalpaschnikoff
(Kolpashnikov). As noted in my earlier article, Kalpaschnikoff later claimed that he had
acted as translator in the British questioning of Trotsky. Kalpaschnikoff was part of a
familiar crowd in New York. Among his close friends was Vladimir Rogovine, who
simultaneously was a crony of Weinstein and Reilly. Other common links were Russian
Vice Consul Peter Rutskii and John MacGregor Grant, a friend and business partner not
only of Reilly but also of Olaf Aschberg.
126
One must suspect that Kalpaschnikoffs
presence on the Kristianiafjord, and as Trotskys mouthpiece, was no accident. Just
whose interests he was looking out for, however, remains uncertain.
On 28 March, with the Kristianiafjord at sea, someone at 44, Whitehall sent a second
coded wire addressed to Admiral Hall (the aforementioned chief of NID) and to MI5.
This read that Trotsky is reliably reported to have $10,000 subscribed by socialists and
Germans.
127
The same message added that I am notifying Halifax to hold [Trotsky and
associates] until they receive your instructions. According to Willert and others, the
sender was Wiseman. On closer examination, this is not clear. The telegram lacks
Wisemans usual signature of W.W. Also, Admiral Halls actual order for Trotskys
arrest, dated 29 March, credited naval attach Guy Gaunt as the source.
128
As described
in my earlier article, Gaunt nursed deep resentment against Wiseman. Given that he
also was privy to Pilenass information, Gaunt might have wired London on his initiative
with the hidden aim of embarrassing or discrediting Wiseman.
129
However, it seems
more probable that Gaunt forwarded the information with Wisemans knowledge and
approval.
All this raises two critical questions. Why would Wiseman place such faith in
Pilenass rather vague information? And why did he hesitate in acting upon it? One of
Pilenass main stools was a German-American named John Lang. The latter was a
familiar of German socialist circles including Lores.
130
Lang is a good bet as the original
source for Pilenass accusations, but from whom he may have gleaned it remains an open
question, along with its basic accuracy.
One person who claimed to smell a rat in Pilenas or, more precisely, an agent
provocateur used by the old Russian Secret Police, was MI5 officer Claude Dansey.
131
Pilenas indeed had been an agent of the Okhrana, but his Russian police file shows that
they had severed all relations with him before the war, in large part because they
deemed him too close to the British. Moreover, there is nothing to indicate any connec-
tion between Pilenas and the Okhranas New York resident George Patrick.
Dansey learned of Trotskys arrest on 29 March when he was working for MI5s
port intelligence branch.
132
He later claimed that he immediately wired Wiseman
asking for more information but did not get any. In mid-April, Dansey arrived in New
York by way of Halifax, where he made it his business to get to the bottom of the
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Trotsky matter. He quizzed British officials and may have interviewed Trotsky himself
in the Amherst internment camp. Dansey later insisted that he was unconvinced of suffi-
cient cause to hold the Russian. Unless [British authorities] were very certain of the
source of information against him, he wrote, it would be much better to let [Trotsky]
go before he got angry.
133
Did he mean that Trotsky, in custody for several days, was
not angry already?
When Dansey landed in New York, he nominally came as Wisemans boss. As such,
he supposedly advised Sir William that Pilenas had better be discharged at once, and
Wiseman assured him that he was going to do so.
134
In fact, he did nothing of the
sort and Pilenas remained on the British payroll until 15 October 1917.
135
Even then,
Wiseman did not leave him in the lurch. Rather, he gave Pilenas a sterling recommen-
dation which landed the Lithuanian a job with American military intelligence. Even
then, Pilenas continued to channel information to Wiseman and the duo would maintain
a secret collaboration for decades to come.
136
In my original article, I speculated that Wisemans peculiar behavior towards
Trotsky was driven by his desire to enlist the exile in a secret scheme to guide the
storm in revolutionary Russia and, above all, to keep Russia in the war.
137
The more
recent information, I believe, supports this theory, if it also provides some additional
twists. The justification for Wisemans above-mentioned scheme was his conviction that
German agents have already been at work in the United States, and are sending
Russian-Jewish Socialists back to Petrograd who are either knowingly or unknowingly
working in the German cause.
138
Wisemans answer was to dispatch selected agents
from the USA to exert counter-influence in Russia, especially in revolutionary circles.
These agents included international socialists and notorious nihilists.
139
The two
absolutely essential things were that they have no perceptible links to British or French
interests (then highly suspect in Russia), and that they oppose any move towards a separate
peace. As noted, Trotsky had proclaimed his opposition to that shortly before he left
New York. That made him exactly the sort Wiseman was looking for.
At the heart of my original article was the suggestion that Trotskys subsequent
arrest was basically a stunt designed to inoculate him against suspicions of pro-British
connections and sympathies. At the same time, it could have served as added leverage
to obtain his co-operation. The bottom line was that he was not going to get back to
Russia soon or even at all without British co-operation. Their options, by the way,
were not limited to holding him in Amherst or letting him proceed. A third option was
shipping him back to New York and handing him over to the tender mercies of the
American authorities. The USA had entered the war on 6 April 1917, and Trotskys
earlier fire-breathing about strikes and draft obstruction would have put him in a precar-
ious position and might even have landed him in jail.
From Wisemans perspective, it did not matter if Trotsky had been in contact with
German agents or even if he had taken their money. If so, Wiseman knew about it, and
if he was able to document such collaboration it gave him even more leverage. In this
regard, the shifting attitude of Jacob Schiff may be significant. First, with America
entering the war, the banker had to abandon his pro-German position out of practical
necessity. Beyond this, Schiffs real Russian aim, unseating Nicholas II, had been
accomplished. He promptly voiced his opposition to any Russian move towards a sepa-
rate peace.
140
In fact, Wiseman soon enlisted Schiff in his secret propaganda campaign
in Russia.
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It could be that Pilenass denunciation was cooked up by Wiseman to provide a
pretext for Trotskys arrest. It also may have been that Wiseman and Dansey really were
working in tandem, perhaps doing a kind of good cop, bad cop act to bring the Russian
into line.
Finally, we come full circle to Trotskys urgent desire to communicate with Abram
Zhivotovskii upon reaching Christiania. Of course, through Reilly, Weinstein, Robert
Jivotovsky and probably others, Trotsky had long had the means for indirect contact
with his uncle. Was Zhivotovskiis the ultimate helping hand that had guided the Great
Exile in his recent travels? If so, was this driven by a sense of familial obligation or by a
shared political agenda?
The full truth about this episode in Trotskys career may never be known, and that
truth may be different than the theories sketched above. Nevertheless, the preceding has
demonstrated that even before he reached America, and throughout his time there,
Trotsky was surrounded by spies and informants of one sort or another. Some of these
provided him with money and other assistance and others may have done the same. The
key questions are: How aware was Trotsky of these agents and their intrigues, and to
what degree did he cooperate with them? A veteran of the revolutionary underground,
he was not naive when it came to such things. His reaction to expulsion from France and
difficulties in Spain show that he was quick to sense conspiratorial currents. Trotsky was
also enough of a pragmatist to accept that any money, even tainted money, was better
than none at all. Likewise, there was no practical reason to reject the assistance of impe-
rialist agents, even competing ones, when they could abet his own interests. Trotsky
might even have convinced himself that he was really exploiting them. Finally, if
Trotsky was persuaded to accept a helping hand from the British, and the obligations
that entailed, is there any evidence that he lived up to the bargain? To explore that will
require another article.
Notes
1. Spence, Interrupted Journey.
2. Ostrovskii, O rodstevennikakh L.D. Trotskogo, 105106, quoting Rossiiskii gosu-
darstvennyi arkhiv sotsialno-politicheskoi istorii (RGASPI), f. 4, op. 3, d. 39, l. 14.
I offer special thanks to Elena Nikolaevna Chavchavadze, Director of Presidential
Programs for the Russian Cultural Foundation (RFK), for bringing this and other
materials to my attention.
3. United Kingdom, National Archives (NA), Records of the Security Service, KV2/
502: Bronstein, Trotsky, Leon (19 July 1915).
4. NA, KV2/502: Trotzky (Leo Broushein [sic] & Ianoffsky), n.d., 1.
5. Ibid., Trotsky to Uritsky (24 November 1916), 12. Interestingly, in the summer
of 1917, Malvy would find himself accused of treason and later stood trial on the
charge. Although acquitted of that charge, the court did find him guilty of criminal
negligence and exiled him from France. He went to Spain.
6. Trotsky, My Life, 200.
7. NA, KV2/502: Trotsky to Uritsky (24 November 1916), 6.
8. Ibid., 5.
9. Ibid.
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10. Ibid.
11. Zeman and Scharlau, The Merchant of Revolution, 16162.
12. Ibid., 6467.
13. Ibid., 155.
14. On this point see also Schurer, Alexander Helphand-Parvus.
15. This money came via another future Soviet luminary, Cristian Rakovski, as the French
and British intelligence services were aware. See NA, KV2/502: Trotzky, 1. See
also: Zeman and Scharlau, The Merchant of Revolution, 155; and Senn, The Myth of
German Gold, 89.
17. Ibid.
18. All ship and immigration data comes from the online databases available at Ellis Island
Records (hereafter EIR), www.ellisislandrecords.org.
19. On Bark see Soriano-Molla, Ernesto Bark.
20. France, Archives de Guerre, Deuxieme Bureau (dossiers repatries), File Z 26610:
Report G15 from Barcelona (26 December 1917).
21. On Keskla see Futtrell, Northern Underground, 4042 and 11951.
22. Ibid., 224 and passim. On Aschbergs connections, see also US Department of Justice,
Investigative Case Files of the Bureau of Investigation, 19081921 (hereafter BI),
244189: In re: Olaf Aschberg (18 November 1919); and University of California,
Los Angeles, Young Library, Special Collections. Roger Mennevee Collections, Box,
915, File 50: Aschberg, Olaf.
23. Zeman and Scharlau, The Merchant of Revolution, 148; and Moorehead, The Russian
Revolution, 11112.
24. US National Archives, RG 165, Military Intelligence Division (hereafter MID), 2059-
109 (4 May 1918).
25. Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, Records of the Paris Okhrana (hereafter
Okhrana), XVIIc, folder 2, No. 99 from Paris (27 January/9 February 1917). On
Patrick see ibid., Deep Cover Agents Russian (LZ).
26. ML, 207.
27. EIR.
28. ML, 208.
29. See Richardson, Cravan, 31. This is a graphic novel which mixes fact (such as it is),
legend and speculation about Cravan. A more detailed biography, which concentrates
on his artistic endeavors, is Borras, Arthur Cravan.
30. Richardson, 37.
31. EIR. Names in passenger lists are subject to wide variations in spelling and frequent
errors in transcription. Trotskys is mistakenly transcribed as Zratsky, Leon, while
his sons surnames are transcribed Zrotsky.
32. University of Indiana, Lilly Library, Special Collections, Browne MSS: Ludwig Lore,
When Trotsky Lived in New York, 3.
33. Lore, Leon Trotsky, 8.
34. Okhrana, XVIIc, Folder 2, No. 99 (27 January/9 February 1917).
35. Lore, When Trotsky Lived in New York, 12.
36. Ibid.
37. New York Times (15 January 1917), 2.
38. BI, 8000116148: In re: Leon Bronstein Trotzky (Trotsky) [hereafter, Becker
Report]; and American Jewish Yearbook, 191415, 285.
39. American Jewish Yearbook, 191415, 285.
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40. A synopsis of such claims and theories can be found at Trotsky and the Billionaire
Boys Club, Neuschwabenland Times, Digest No. 1,343 (29 January 2007),
www.groups.yahoo.com/group/TheNewschwabenlandTimes. A rather different
perspective on such things can be found in Roberts, Jewish Bankers, 937.
41. For example, in MID, 10110-929: [Boris Brasol], Bolshevism and Judaism
(13 November 1918).
42. US Department of State (DS), Decimal File, 861/51-143: Schiff to Frank Polk [head
of State Department intelligence] (25 November 1917).
43. New York Times (24 March 1917), 12 (Statement of Friends of Russian Freedom
representative George Kennan at Madison Square Garden).
44. Yale University, Sterling Library, Special Collections, MS 666: Sir William Wiseman
Papers (hereafter WWP), Box 10, File 257: Summary of Reports Received from
Agent in Petrograd under Date of September 11, 1917, 3. The author of this and like
reports was Wisemans special agent, William Somerset Maugham. See also: MID,
10080342/II: Capt. Bruff (5 June 1918).
45. MID, 1007268: British War Office Report (29 September 1917). This identifies
Fritz Warburg as the chief German agent for negotiations with Russia. The latter
report links Warburg to Carl (Charles) Perren, a Swiss also connected to Parvus.
46. MID, 1008722: IO, Philadelphia (20 February 1918).
47. Yale University, Sterling Library, Special Collections, Ralph Hayward Isham
Collections (hereafter RIC), Box 2, Files 1617, British Intelligence Papers:
Information Gathered in America and Sources of Such Information.
48. Ibid.
49. WWP, 10/255: Interview with Prof. Gottheil (29 May 1917).
50. Thwaites, Velvet and Vinegar, 255.
51. Eli Barnavi, WWI and the Jews, at www.myjewishlearning.com/history
_community/Modern/Overview_The_Story_19141918/WWI.htm.
52. RIC, Ibid.
55. Lore, Leon Trotsky, 8.
56. BI, Becker Report. Summaries of Beckers report appear in the New York Times
(18 January 1918) and the New York Call (21 January 1918).
59. BI, Becker Report.
60. New York Call (21 January 1918).
62. BI, Becker Report.
63. Okhrana, XVIIc, Folder 1, No. 137, (6/22 February 1917).
65. NA, FO 371/3009: NID to FO, Russians Detained at Halifax (12 April 1917).
66. Zeman and Scharlau, The Merchant of Revolution, 160.
69. DS, 861.20211: J.G. Phelps-Stokes to Polk (2 November 1917), 2.
70. Ibid.: [Nikolai Volgar], Memorandum, 2.
71. Futrell, Northern Underground, 228.
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73. Ibid.
74. New York Times (5 March 1917), 11.
75. Gillette, Armand Hammer, 357.
78. Ultan, The Mystery of Trotskys Bronx Friend, 76.
79. On Armand Hammers escapades, see Epstein, The Secret Life of Armand Hammer.
80. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Case Files, No. 61-280-7, Hammer, Armand:
Memorandum for Mr Hoover, in re: Armand Hammer (19 November 1921), 2.
81. Reillys convoluted and dubious career is dissected in Spence, Trust No One.
82. USNA, Department of the Navy, Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), 21010-3241:
Weinstein and Reilly (17 December 1918).
83. BI, 8000-39368: Copy[of] Cards [Names in the Weinstein Reilly Case], 46, 910.
These show the intimate relationship between Aschberg and Reilly and Weinsteins
business affiliate in New York, John MacGregor Grant.
84. Ostrovskii, O rodstevennikakh L.D. Trotskogo, 11725.
85. The other brothers were David, Illarion and Timofei (or Tevel ).
86. After the establishment of the Bolshevik regime Zhivotovskii maintained an office in
Stockholm closely connected with the Venya [sic, Nya] Bank. See BI, 339512: In re:
Shivotovsky (Zhivotovsky), Bolshevik Activities (8 January 1919). This association
certainly predated November 1917.
87. Ostrovskii, O rodstevennikakh L.D. Trotskogo, 12122.
88. ONI, 21010-3241: The Names in the Weinstein Case (1 November 1918), 45.
89. DS, 861.00/4878, 21 July 1919; and Semenov, Russkie banki za granitsei, 6163.
90. DS, 000-909: Whos Who: A Ready Reference List of Persons in the Public Eye
[prepared by Psychologic Section, MID] (28 December 1918).
91. MID, 10058-NN-16, n.d. [c. 1918].
92. Ostrovskii, O rodstevennikakh L.D. Trotskogo, 109, 121.
93. Ibid., 121.
94. MID, 9140-6073: Memorandum No. 2 (23 August 1918), 2.
95. Ibid.
96. MID, 10110-920/131 (20 January 1919).
97. BI, 8000-39368: Copy [of] Cards, 1.
98. MID, 10110-920: Memorandum (14 August 1918), 3.
99. WWP, 10/255: Interview with Prof. Gottheil (29 May 1917).
100. DS, Counselors Office, CSA 215: Sharp to Bannerman (13 December 1924), 11.
101. WWP 10/255: Russia, 3.
102. Thwaites, Velvet and Vinegar, 181.
103. WWP, 10/257 (22 April 1917).
104. ONI, 21010-3241: Memorandum for Lt. Irving (21 August 1918), 12.
105. Ibid., 1; and Names in the Weinstein Case, 3.
106. Avrich, Anarchist Voices, 367.
107. National Archives of Canada (NAC), C 2051: British Military Mission (New York), in
re: Ivan Okuntzov (30 July 1918).
108. NA, KV2/502: Director of Special Intelligence Report No. 654, Narodny to Lurich
(26 August 1917).
109. Ibid., Extract, 19-8-18, Statement of V.S. Ivanko.
110. Ibid., No. 174400, n.d.
111. WWP, 3/84: Thwaites to Wiseman (18 December 1918), 1.
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112. BI, 8000-39583: in re: George Raffalovitch (2 August 1917).
113. Zeman and Scharlau, The Merchant of Revolution 13236.
114. MID 10012-112/1 (22 September 1918), 4. Crowleys espionage career will be
explored in the forthcoming Spence, Secret Agent 666.
115. Okhrana, IIIf, Box 24, File 28; and Deep Cover Agents Russian (LZ).
116. BI, 105638: In re: Casimir Pilenas (18 December 1917).
117. NA, KV2/502: CX 015649 (19 January 1918).
118. NA, KV2/502: CX 625 (22 March 1917).
119. New York Times (16 March 1917), 4.
121. Trotsky, In British Captivity, (1917), reprinted in The Class Struggle, Vol. 2, No. 4
(December 1918), available from www.marxists.org/archives/trotsky/works/
1917/1917-captivity.htm.
122. EIR.
124. Ibid.
125. Trotsky, In British Captivity.
126. ONI, 21010-3241: Names in the Weinstein Case, 3; BI 8000-39368: Cards, 4, 9
12; DS, CSA 215: Sharp to Bannerman, 910; and New York Times (5 June 1919), 13.
127. NAC, Vol. 2543, File H.Q.C., 2051/1.
128. NA, FO 371/3009, 86305 (3 April 1917).
129. On this, see Spence, Englishmen in New York; and Troy, The GauntWiseman
Affair.
130. BI, 105638.
131. NA, KV2/502: CX 015649 (19 January 1918).
132. This section was MI5(e).
133. NA, KV2/502, 252573: Dansey to MI5 (G2) (19 January 1918).
134. Ibid.
135. BI, 105638: in re: Casimir Pilenas (6 December 1917).
136. American Jewish Archives, Nathan Isaacs Papers: Isaacs to Pilenas/Palmer (15 May 1933).
137. WWP, 10/261: Intelligence & Propaganda Work in Russia, July to December 1917
(19 January 1918), 1.
138. WWP, 10/255: Russia (18 May 1917), 1.
139. Ibid., 3; and 10/261, 12.
140. WWP, 10/256: Copies of Cables, Schiff to Kamenka (15 April 1917).
References
Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Edinburgh: AK Press,
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American Jewish Yearbook, 191415. New York: American Jewish Committee, 1915.
Borras, Maria Lluisa. Arthur Cravan: Une stratgie du scandale. Paris: Plane Jean Michel,
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Epstein, Edward Jay. The Secret Life of Armand Hammer. New York: Random House, 1996.
Futtrell, Michael. Northern Underground: Episodes of Russian Revolutionary Transport and
Communication through Scandinavia and Finland, 18631917. London: Faber & Faber,
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