Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Ziba Mir-Hosseini*
I am honoured to have been asked to deliver the 2003 Professor Noel Coulson
Memorial lecture.
1
I was not Professor Coulsons student, but like so many
students of Islamic law, I am very much indebted to his scholarship and insights.
In particular, I have found his book, Conflicts and Tensions in Islamic Jurisprudence,
an inspiration. Published in 1969, the book contains the texts of six lectures
delivered at the newly founded Center for Middle Eastern Studies in the
University of Chicago. In these lectures he examined the principal currents
of Islamic legal theory through a series of conflicting concepts: six polarities,
or areas of tension in Islamic law, namely those between: revelation and reason;
unity and diversity; authority and liberty; idealism and realism; law and morality;
and finally, stability and change.
In this lecture, I shall explore another set of tensions and conflicts in Islamic
jurisprudence that was not explored by Professor Coulson that is, the one
stemming from the conflict between, on the one hand, the patriarchal ethos
embedded in orthodox interpretations of Islamic law, and on the other,
Muslim womens demand for gender justice and equality. This is an area of
tension that has come much more into focus since Professor Coulsons day, in
particular since the late 1970s, when Islamist groups came to power in some
Muslim countries and started to enforce Islamic law as the law of the land.
These developments gave a new lease of life to the tired old debate over the
status or position of women in Islam.
For many, the treatment of women in Islamic law encapsulates the essence
of Islams incompatibility with modernity. It is widely argued though not so
firmly these days that Islam is essentially irreconcilable with central features
of modernity, such as secularism, democracy, pluralism, civil society, religious
tolerance, and gender equality. This conventional argument has not only been
* Ziba Mir-Hosseini is currently a Research Associate at the Centre of Islamic and Middle Eastern
Law where she is pursuing a project on Justice and Gender in Islamic Thought.
This is the text of the Professor Noel Coulson Memorial Lecture delivered at the School of
Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2 December 2003.
33
falsified by recent developments in the Muslim world but is also now effectively
challenged by emerging feminist voices in Islam. These voices are also changing
the terms of the relationship between Islamic law and feminism a relationship
that was marked until recently by antagonism and distrust.
The argument I shall develop in this lecture is exploratory. It ranges widely
and is still evolving. At times, I am forced to paint with a quick hand and
broad strokes. Discussing a process that is still emerging and contingent is
risky especially in the shadow of a conflict that is threatening the security of
the whole Muslim world, upsetting existing balances and putting Muslims once
more on the defensive, making them more inclined to cling to tradition. But
the connections that I see, and the trends that are emerging, are compelling
enough to lead me to take the risk of presenting them. If my analysis and my
hunches are correct, we will look back at this time as the formative period of
a feminism and a secularism that are indigenous to Islam. Both, I shall argue,
are the paradoxical and unintended consequences of the rise of political Islam
and of the Islamist project of a return to the sharia.
ISLAMIC FEMINISM
NEW FEMINIST VOICES IN THE MUSLIM WORLD
Let me begin with connections that I see between the rise of political Islam
and the emergence of a new gender consciousness and movement among
Muslims.
Muslim women, like other women in the world, have always been aware of
and have resisted gender inequality, yet the emergence of a sustained,
home-grown (indigenous) feminism was delayed until recently. This delay at
least partly reflects the complex relation between demands for equal rights
for women and the anti-colonial and nationalist discourses of the first part of
the 20
th
century. At a time when feminism, both as a consciousness and as a
movement, was being shaped and making its impact in Europe and North
America, as Leila Ahmed and others have shown, it also functioned to morally
justify the attacks on native societies and to support the notion of the
comprehensive superiority of Europe.
2
Western authorities (travellers, diplomats, scholars) regularly reported on
the subjection of women in Muslim societies. With the rise of anti-colonialist
and nationalist movements, Muslims were thrown on the defensive with regard
to traditional gender relations. Muslim women who acquired a feminist
consciousness and advocated equal rights for women were under pressure to
conform to anti-colonialist or nationalist priorities. Any dissent could be
construed as a kind of betrayal. Western feminists could criticise patriarchal
elements of their own cultures and religions in the name of modernity,
liberalism and democracy, but Muslim women were unable to draw either on
1 Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven, Yale
University Press, 1992), p. 154.
2 Leila Ahmed, Early Feminist Movements in the Middle East: Turkey and Egypt, in Freda
Hussain (ed) Muslim Women (London, Groom Helm, 1984), p. 122.
Islamic Law and Feminism
34
these external ideologies or on internal political ideologies in their fight for
equal rights. For colonialists, Islamic law was the embodiment of a backward
system that must be rejected in the name of progress. For the nationalists and
anti-colonialists, feminism the advocacy of womens rights was part of the
colonial project and must be resisted. Muslim women, in other words, faced a
painful choice a choice that Leila Ahmed spoke of in terms of choosing
between betrayal and betrayal.
3
They had to choose between their Muslim
identity their faith and their new gender awareness.
But as the 20
th
century drew to a close, this dilemma disappeared. One
neglected and paradoxical consequence of the rise of political Islam in the
second half of the century was that it helped to create a space, an arena,
within which Muslim women could reconcile their faith and identity with a
struggle for gender equality. I must emphasise that this did not happen because
the Islamists were offering an egalitarian vision of gender relations. Rather,
their very agenda return to the sharia and their attempt to translate into
policy the patriarchal gender notions inherent in Islamic law, provoked many
women to increasing criticism of these notions, and spurred them to greater
activism. A growing number of women came to see no inherent or logical link
between Islamic ideals and patriarchy, no contradiction between Islam and
feminism, and to free themselves from the straitjacket of earlier anti-colonial
and nationalist discourses. Using the language of political Islam, they could
sustain a critique of the gender biases in Islamic law in ways that were previously
impossible. The path was now open for a dialogue between feminism and
Islamic law.
By the late 1980s, there were clear signs of the emergence of a new way of
thinking, a gender discourse that is feminist in its aspiration and demands,
yet is Islamic in its language and sources of legitimacy. Some versions of this
new discourse came to be labelled Islamic feminism, a notion that continues
to be contested by the majority of Islamists and some feminists, who see it as
antithetical to their respective positions or ideologies, according to which
Islamic feminism is a contradiction in terms.
What, then, is Islamic feminism? How does it differ from other feminisms?
These questions can best be answered by examining the dynamics of Islamic
feminism and its potential to bring about a much needed paradigm shift in
Islamic law. It is difficult and perhaps futile to put the emerging feminist voices
in Islam into neat categories, and to try to generate a definition that reflects
the diversity of positions and approaches of so-called Islamic feminists. Like
other feminists, their positions are local, diverse, multiple and evolving. Many
of them have difficulty with the label, and object to being called either Islamic
or feminist. They all seek gender justice and equality for women, though
they do not always agree on what constitutes justice or equality or the best
ways of attaining them. In my view, any definition of Islamic feminism, rather
than clarifying, may cloud our understanding of a phenomenon that, in Margot
Badrans words, transcends and destroys old binaries that have been
3 Margot Badran, Islamic Feminism: Whats in a name? Al-Ahram Weekly Online, 17-23 January
2002, Issue No. 569.
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35
constructed. These included polarities between religious and secular and
between East and West.
4
To understand a movement that is still in formation, we might start by
considering how its opponents depict it, in other words, the resistance against
which it has sought to struggle. Opponents of the feminist project in Islam
fall into three broad categories: Muslim traditionalists; Islamic fundamentalists;
and secular fundamentalists. The Muslim traditionalists resist any changes
in what they hold to be eternally valid ways, sanctioned by an unchanging
sharia Islamic fundamentalists a very broad category are those who seek
to change current practices by a return to an earlier, purer version of the
sharia, which they seek to implement through the machinery of the modern
nation-state. Secular fundamentalists who can be just as dogmatic and as
ideological as religious fundamentalists deny that any sharia-based law or
social practice can be just or equal or relevant to modern times.
Though adhering to very different ideologies and scholarly traditions and
following very different agendas, all these opponents of the feminist project
in Islam share one thing in common: and that is, an essentialist and non-
historical understanding of Islamic law and gender. They fail to recognise
that assumptions and laws about gender in Islam as in any other religion
are socially constructed, and thus historically changing and open to
negotiation. They resist readings of Islamic law that treat it like any other
system of law, and disguise their resistance by mystification and mis-
representation. Selective in their arguments and illustrations, the three kinds
of opponents resort to the same kinds of sophistry. They often put an end to
discussion by producing a Quranic verse or a hadith, taken out of context.
Muslim traditionalists and fundamentalists do this as a means of silencing
other internal voices, and abuse the authority of the text for authoritarian
purposes. Secular fundamentalists do the same, but in the name of progress
and science and as means of showing the misogyny of Islamic texts, while
ignoring both the similar attitudes to women in other religious scriptures,
and the contexts of the texts, as well as the existence of alternative texts. In so
doing, they end up essentialising and perpetuating difference, and reproduce
a crude version of the Orientalist narrative of Islam.
5
What is often missing in these narratives is a recognition that gender
inequality in the Old World was assumed, and that perceptions of women in
Christian and Jewish texts are not that different from those of Islamic texts.
What transformed womens situation in the West was not Christianity but new
social conditions that were shaped by and in turn shaped new political and
socio-economic discourses and new popular understandings of Christianity.
4 For instance, see Haideh Moghissi, Feminism and Islamic Fundamentalism: The Limits of Postmodern
Analysis (London & New York, Zed Books, 1999).
5 See for instance, Asma Barlas, Believing Women in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of
the Quran (Texas University Press, 2002); Riffat Hassan, Equal Before Allah? - Woman-Man
Equality in the Islamic Tradition, in her Selected Articles, (Women Living Under Muslim Laws,
nd, 26-9 (original in Harvard Divinity Bulletin 7, no. 2, Jan-May 1987); Fatima Mernissi, Women
and Islam: An Historical and Theological Enquiry, trans. Mary Jo Lakeland (Oxford, Blackwell,
1991); Amina Wadud, Quran and Woman: Reading of the Sacred Text from a Womans Perspective
(New York, Oxford University Press, 1999).
Islamic Law and Feminism
36
It is against this backdrop that activities of the so-called Islamic feminists
should be reviewed. By both uncovering a hidden history and rereading textual
sources, they are proving that the inequalities embedded in Islamic law are
neither manifestations of divine will, nor cornerstones of an irredeemably
backward social system, but human constructions. They are also showing how
such unequal constructions go contrary to the very essence of divine justice
as revealed in the Quran, and how Islams sacred texts have been tainted by
the ideology of their interpreters. For example, mens unilateral rights to
divorce talaq and to polygyny were not granted to them by God, they show,
but by Muslim jurists. They are juristic constructs that follow from the way
that early Muslim jurists conceptualised and defined marriage: they defined it
as a contract of exchange, patterned after the contract of sale, which, by the
way, served as a model for most contracts in Islamic law.
The majority of these feminist scholars have focused their energy on the
field of Koranic interpretation (tafsir) and have successfully uncovered the
Qurans egalitarian message.
6
The genesis of gender inequality in Islamic
law, these scholars tell us, lies in an inner contradiction between the ideals of
Islam and the social norms of the early Muslim cultures. While the ideals of
Islam call for freedom, justice and equality, Muslim social norms and structures
in the formative years of Islamic law impeded their realisation. Instead, these
social norms were assimilated into Islamic jurisprudence through a set of
theological, legal and social theories and assumptions. Salient among them
were propositions such as: women are created of men and for men; women
are inferior to men; women need to be protected; men are guardians and
protectors of women; marriage is a contract of exchange; and male and
female sexuality differ and the latter is dangerous to the social order.
These assumptions and theories are nowhere more evident than in the rules
that define the formation and termination of marriage, through which gender
inequalities are sustained in present-day Muslim societies. In my own work on
marriage and divorce, I have tried to engage with these juristic assumptions,
to show how the science of Islamic jurisprudence became the prisoner of its
own legal theories, which in time came to by-pass the Quranic call for justice
and reform.
7
POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE SECULARISATION OF
ISLAMIC LAW
Let me now turn to the second unintended consequence of the rise of political
Islam, that is, setting in train a movement to secularise the notion of law in
Islam.
I will explore this movement in the case of Iran, where one version of the
Islamist vision was realised in 1979, when a popular revolution gave birth to
6 Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Islam and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran (Princeton
University Press, 1999); and The Construction of Gender in Islamic Legal Thought and
Strategies for Reform, Hawwa: Journal of Women in the Middle East and the Islamic World, Vol. 1,
No 1, 2003, pp. 1-28.
7 A. Tabari and N. Yeganeh, In the Shadow of Islam: The Womens Movement in Iran (London, Zed
Books, 1982), p. 232.
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37
an Islamic Republic, a peculiar and unprecedented combination of theocracy
and democracy. Religious and political authority converged and the state
embarked on a fierce process of Islamisation. Now, less than three decades
later, those who led the 1979 Revolution are engaged in a bitter struggle over
its legacy. It is an argument over the role of religion in politics, and the proper
scope of Islamic law in defining social norms and regulating personal relations.
There are two main camps: the Conservatives, who insist on keeping the
ideological discourse of the Revolution intact, and the Reformists, who want
to reconcile it with notions of democracy and human rights.
Today Iran is going through a transition, the outcome of which may prove
as significant for the Muslim world as the 1979 Revolution itself. The transition
got underway with the unexpected victory of Mohammad Khatami in the
1997 presidential elections. This unleashed a popular reformist movement
that is trying to bring about a gradual withdrawal of religion from its fusion
with state authority, a shift from the theocratic towards the democratic basis
of the Islamic Republic.
Why and how is this theocracy producing its own antithesis? There is a host
of factors at work that I cannot elaborate here, except to say that the major
factors are encapsulated in the tension between theocratic and democratic
principles and elements, a tension that is inherent in the very quest for an
Islamic state in modern times. What is usually held to define a state as Islamic
is adherence to, and implementation of, the sharia, held up as the perfect law
embodying the justice of Islam. But in practice this has amounted to enforcing
a dress code for women, and applying an outdated patriarchal and tribal model
of social relations through courts dealing with penal cases and familial disputes.
In Iran, the results have been so out of touch with social realities, with the
Iranian sense of justice, with womens aspirations, that both clerics and lay
people have been forced to rethink their notion of the sharia as an immutable
body of law; to redefine their relationship with it.
This has nowhere been more evident than in the area of family law the
most developed field of classical Islamic jurisprudence, where the boundaries
between sacred and temporal are most blurred. The provisions of the
Quran were most abundant and explicit in regard to personal status and
family relations, which are thus more closely intertwined with the sacred in
the law than other fields of social life. Islamists claim family law as the
foundation of the ideal Islamic society so naturally, when they have gained
political power or influence, a return to sharia provisions of family law has
become their priority.
One of the early communiqus issued by Ayatollah Khomeinis office, on
26 February 1979, barely two weeks after the collapse of the Pahlavi regime,
announced the dismantling of the Family Protection Law the reforms
introduced under the Pahlavis in the 1960s.
8
Sharia provisions for marriage
and divorce were now re-instituted.
The Family Protection Law had abolished mens right to talaq (repudiation),
restricted their right to polygamy, and placed men and women on more or
8 For pre and post-revolutionary family law in Iran, see Z. Mir-Hosseini Family Law in Modern
Persia, in Encyclopedia Iranica, 9, 1999, pp. 192-196.
Islamic Law and Feminism
38
less the same footing in terms of access to divorce and custody rights. The
Revolutionary Council restored the sharia in order to protect the family
and realise womens high status in Islam. But this was not how women
perceived and experienced the changes.
In October 1980, when I first started attending the Tehran branches of the
new family courts, now presided over by Islamic judges, women who came to
court were astonished to learn that their husbands could now divorce them
without first securing their consent. Some remained incredulous and would
ask more than one judge: Can he really divorce me, if I dont agree? Is this
what the sharia says? In 1985, when I resumed my court attendance, although
no longer incredulous, women were insistent on voicing their discontent; some
used every occasion to remind the Islamic judge of his role as custodian of the
sharia, and of the injustice of a system which could afford them no protection.
It was common to hear women asking the judge: Is this how Islam honours
women? Is this the justice of Islam, that he can take another wife? What will
become of me and my children?
To these questions, the judges had no answer, especially when a man insisted
on exercising his right to divorce a wife who was entirely dependent on him,
with no other source of income and nowhere else to go. Some judges though
certainly not all experienced a moral dilemma; not only did they have to
witness the plight of women on a daily basis, they could not help but feel
implicated themselves. The Islamic judges in whose courts I sat in the 1980s
never failed to remind me that I had chosen the wrong place to learn about
the sharia. You should to go to the seminaries, they said, read jurisprudential
texts and discuss them with the ulema; the courts have nothing to teach you
about the sharia.
In 1997, when I returned to the Tehran courts with Kim Longinotto to
make a documentary film about divorce, there was little trace of the idealism
I had encountered in the 1980s. Meanwhile, the negative effects of the
enforcement of sharia law had created such havoc in family life, such an uproar
among women, that almost all the reforms that had been dismantled overnight
by that single communiqu from Ayatollah Khomeinis office, had slowly but
surely been brought back. This was done through a series of legislative measures
and procedural devices whose spirit and juristic logic was, in a nutshell, to
protect and reward those women who presented no overt challenge to the
patriarchal ethos of Islamic law as defined by Muslim jurists. To exercise his
so-called Islamic right to divorce, a man had now either to obtain his wifes
consent or to compensate her. The 1992 Amendments to the Divorce Laws
enable a court to place a monetary value on womens housework and to force
the husband to pay her ujrat al-mithl (exemplary wages) of course, provided
that the divorce is not initiated by the wife and is not caused by any fault of
hers.
9
Far from producing the intended result, that is, a generation of docile wives,
9 For this distinction, see Muhammad Hashim Kamali, Sources, Nature and Objectives of
Shariah, Islamic Quarterly 33 (1989), p. 216. For an argument not employing the distinction,
see Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim, Islamic Foundation for Womens Human Rights, in Zainah
Anwar and Rashidah Abdullah (eds), Islam, Reproductive Health and Womens Rights (Kuala
Lumpur: Sisters in Islam, 2000), pp. 33-34.
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39
these legislative moves have exposed the gap between the juristic assumptions
through which marriage is defined in Islamic law, and marriage as lived and
experienced today. They have also become a bargaining chip in the hands of
women, many of whom now use it effectively in the courts.
Far from creating marital harmony, the return to the sharia in Iran has
proved a major cause of marital breakdown and a soaring divorce rate. The
same can be said with respect to other areas of the law in particular penal
codes. All this has revived an internal debate, and reactivated two crucial
distinctions that the early wave of Islamic activists distorted and obscured.
The first is the distinction between the revealed law or the sharia, and the
science of Islamic jurisprudence or fiqh a distinction that lies at the root
of the emergence of the various orthodox schools of Islamic law.
10
Sharia
literally means the way and in Muslim belief it is the totality of Gods law as
revealed to the Prophet Mohammad. Fiqh, which means understanding, is
this process of human endeavour to discern and extract legal rules from the
sacred sources of Islam: the Quran and the Sunna (the practice of the
Prophet). In other words, while the sharia is sacred, universal and eternal,
fiqh, like any other system of jurisprudence, is local, multiple and subject to
change in its doctrines and premises.
In Professor Coulsons words:
[...] while the law in Islam may be God-given, it is man who must apply the law. God
proposes: man disposes. And between the original divine proposition and the eventual
human disposition is interposed an extensive field of intellectual activity and
decision.
11
In contrast to contemporary Islamic fundamentalists, Muslim jurists have always
admitted that their understanding of the revealed law the sharia is
contingent. In classical fiqh texts, one often comes across phrases such as this
is what I understood, or and God knows best, phrases by which classical
jurists qualified the laws that they discerned and separated them from Gods
law.
12
The second distinction is that made in all schools of Islamic law between
the two main categories of legal rulings: ibadat (ritual/spiritual acts) and
muamilat (social/private contracts). Rulings of the first category, ibadat,
regulate relations between God and the believer, and there is limited scope
for rationalisation and explanation, as these rulings contain divine mysteries.
But this is not the case with rulings of the second category, muamilat; they
regulate relations among humans, and remain open, almost without restriction,
to rational considerations. In other words, while the sharia sets specific rulings
on relations with the divine, in the realm of human relations its rulings are
intended only to establish basic principles and guidance so as to ensure
propriety and fair play.
10 Noel Coulson, Conflicts and Tensions in Islamic Jurisprudence (University of Chicago Press, 1969),
p. 1-2.
11 See Khaled Abou El Fadl, The Authoritative and the Authoritarian in Islamic Discourses: A
Contemporary Case Study (second edition, Austin, Dar Taiba, 1997).
12 For a sample of the textual genealogy of this thinking, see Charles Kurzman (ed), Liberal
Islam: A Sourcebook (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998).
Islamic Law and Feminism
40
By the early 1990s in Iran, the ideological, theological, theoretical and
practical problems brought by the experience of administering pre-
modern interpretations of the sharia had led to the formulation of a new
approach. The main architect was Abdolkarim Soroush, whose interpretative-
epistemological theory of the evolution of religious knowledge known as
The Contraction and Expansion of Sharia posed a serious challenge to
both traditional and ideological constructions of the sharia. Referred to as
New Religious Thinking, this new approach became the intellectual backbone
of the Reformist movement that emerged in 1997. It is part of an older school
of thought that remained dormant during the first decade of the Islamic
Republic when it was engaged with a war with Iraq. Its advocates now display a
refreshing pragmatic vigour and a willingness to engage with non-religious
perspectives. They do not reject an idea simply because it is Western, nor do
they see Islam as a blueprint with an in-built programme of action for the
social, economic, and political problems of the Muslim world.
13
They contend
that the human understanding of Islam is flexible, that Islams tenets can be
interpreted to encourage both pluralism and democracy, and that Islam allows
change in the face of time, space and experience.
What is new about the New Religious Thinking is not the argument that
fiqh is temporal this was argued by al-Ghazali as early as the 11
th
century. Nor
is it the attempt to consolidate conceptions of Islam and modernity as
compatible this has been the aim of all Muslim reformers since the 19
th
century. What is new is the political context within which these ideas are now
shaped and operate, that is, the experience of living under a theocracy at the
beginning of the 21
st
century. It is this experience that has forced both the
religious intellectuals and ordinary people alike to rethink the notions of sacred
and mundane in the sharia. It is not that the sharia is losing its sanctity, or
that people are turning away from Islam. Rather, the states ideological use of
the sharia, and its penetration into the private lives of individuals, have brought
home the urgent need to separate the sharia from the state.
Events in Iran are still unfolding, and it remains to be seen whether the
New Religious Thinkers the intellectual backbone of the Reformist
movement will succeed in translating their vision of Islam into a political
reality. At present they are locked in a fierce battle with their Conservative
opponents, which is shaking the very foundation on which the Islamic Republic
rests. But irrespective of the outcome of this battle, the process of
secularization of Islamic law has reached the point of no return. The Islamic
Republic has given Islamic law a new substance and new functions, and radically
transformed the connections between state power, legal institutions, religious
authority, and moral norms.
13 There is a growing literature on this; in addition to works mentioned in n. 18, see Asghar Ali
Engineer, The Rights of Women in Islam (London, Hurst, 1992); Haifaa A. Jawad, The Rights of
Women in Islam: An Authentic Approach (Macmillan, 1998); Azizah Al-Hibri, Islam, Law and
Custom: Redefining Muslim Womens Rights, American University Journal of International Law
and Policy 12 (1997), pp. 1-44.
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41
CONCLUSION
Let me conclude by suggesting some answers to two questions implicit in my
argument. First, can Islamic law admit an equal construction of gender rights?
In other words, can Islamic law and feminism cohabit? If so, secondly, how
and through what means and processes?
I explored the first question in the context of the emerging feminist voices
in Islam. The gist of my argument there was that, by advocating a brand of
feminism that takes Islam as the source of its legitimacy, the new feminist
voices in Islam have effectively challenged the hegemony of orthodox
interpretations of Islamic law. Such a challenge, I argued, was made possible,
even inevitable, by the Islamists very project of an ideological construction of
Islam and a return to the sharia, and the imposition of anachronistic
jurisprudential constructions of gender relations. This has inadvertently paved
the way for the emergence of a new gender discourse that is questioning the
legitimacy of the views of those who until now have spoken in the name of
Islam.
14
The emerging feminist project in Islam is in a unique position to bring
about a much-needed paradigm shift in Islamic law and its politics. This is so
because it exposes the inequalities embedded in Islamic law, not as
manifestations of the divine will, but as constructions by male jurists.
Such an exposure can have important epistemological and political
consequences. Epistemological, because if it is taken to its logical conclusion,
then it can be argued that some rules that until now have been claimed as
Islamic, and part of the sharia, are in fact only the views and perceptions of
some Muslims, and are social practices and norms that are neither sacred nor
immutable but rather human and changing.
15
Political, because it can both
free Muslims from taking a defensive position and enable them to go beyond
old fiqh wisdoms in search of new questions and new answers.
I explored the second question the processes involved in changing Islamic
law by considering Irans experience of the enforcement of Islamic law
through the machinery of a modern state. Two decades of this experience
gave rise to a popular Reformist movement that has been trying to separate
the institution of the religion from that of the state and to forge a more
democratic and pluralist political culture. At the heart of this struggle lies one
of the main ideological battles fought in Iran today over two notions of
Islam and two ways of relating to its sacred texts. One is a legalistic and absolutist
Islam, premised on the notion of duty (taklif) as understood and constructed
in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and making little concession to contemporary
realities and the aspirations of Muslims. The other is a pluralist and tolerant
Islam, premised on the notion of right (haqq) as advocated by modern
democratic ideals.
14 For this discourse in Iran, see Islam and Gender, Part III.
15 Ernest Gellner, Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and Its Rivals (London/Toronto, 1994), p. 15;
and his The Importance of Being Modular, in John A. Hall (ed), Civil Society: Theory, History,
Composition (Cambridge, 1995), p. 39.
Islamic Law and Feminism
42
The Islamic revolution in Iran led to the establishment of the first and
perhaps the last theocracy of the modern age. It would be one of historys
sharpest ironies if the most lasting legacy of the Iranian Revolution were the
full separation of state and religion, an eventuality that scholars like Ernest
Gellner argued was unlikely to happen in the Muslim world.
16
The trans-
formation of Islamic law from a scholarly discipline into a state ideology backed
by a modern state apparatus sets in motion a process that is bound to bring the
secularisation of the concept of law in Islam. In the end, the very slogan of
return to the sharia, from which Islamists draw their legitimacy and power
when they are in opposition, becomes their Achilles heel when they are in
power.
Both Islamic feminism and the Reformist movement in Iran are still in
their formative phases, and their fortunes are tied to political developments
all over the Muslim world, and of course to global politics. But it is important
to remember two things, with which I would like to end.
First, Islamic law like any other system of law is reactive, in the sense that
it reacts to social practices and peoples experiences; it has both the potential
and the legal mechanisms to deal with womens demand for equality. We must
not forget that most often, legal theory follows practice; that is to say, when
social reality changes, then social pressure will effect changes in the law.
Secondly, there is a theoretical concord between the egalitarian spirit of
Islam and the feminist quest for justice and a just world. It is perhaps this that
makes the feminist project in Islam so unsettling to conventional views and
vested interests in the Muslim world and beyond.
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Iranian Family Law
in Theory and Practice
Dr. Nadjma Yassari*
1 INTRODUCTION
The emergence of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925 marks the beginning of modern
Iranian legal history. In Reza Shahs reign (1925 to 1941) important reception
of foreign, mostly French laws took place. His son Mohammad Reza Shah
succeeded him in 1941 and ruled until 1979. Both reigns were characterised
by political despotism and dictatorship, but as far as legal reforms were
concerned a secular and progressive line was pursued. In 1979 the Iranian
revolution changed this direction. The 2,500-year-old monarchy was
overthrown in favour of an Islamic Republic. Since then Irans legal system is
being islamised with all laws subordinated to their compatibility with Islamic
Principles, as inscribed in Principle 4 of the Constitution.
1
The political changes
of the last century have left their imprints on almost all aspects of the Iranian
civil law, including the family laws.
2
I shall examine the provisions of family
* LLM, (SOAS); Head of the Department for the Laws of Islamic Countries at the Max-Planck-
Institute for Foreign Private and Private International Law in Hamburg. The translations of
the Articles of the various Acts are by the author. The translation of the Quran are from Yusuf
Ali, The Holy Quran.
1 Principle 4 of the 1979 Constitution as amended in 1989: All civil, penal, financial, economic,
administrative, cultural, military, political, and other laws and regulations must be based on
Islamic criteria. This principle applies absolutely and generally to all articles of the Constitution
as well as to all other laws and regulations, and the wise persons of the Council of Guardians
are judges in this matter.
2 The literature on Iranian family law in Farsi has remarkably widened in the last years. The
standard books are the following: Gafari-Lankarudi, hoquq-e xanewade (family law) 1976. Emami,
A., hoquq-e madani (Civil Law) Vol. 4, 3rd edition, 1985. Katuzian, hoquq-e madani (Civil Law) 2
Volumes, 5th edition, 1999. Mehrpur, H., hoquq-e zan (The rights of the woman) 2000. Mohaqeq-
Damad, S.M., barresi-e feqhi-e hoquq-e xanewade, nekah wa enhelal-e an (Civil law, marriage and its
dissolution) 9th edition, 2002. Safai, S.H., Emami, A., moxtasar-e hoquq-e xanewade (A concise
family law) 5th edition, 2002. Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade (Family law) 2 Volumes,
8th edition, 2002. Haeri Sahbaq, S.A., sahr-e qanun-e madani (Commentary of the Civil Law) 2
Volumes, 1997. In the past years some new monographs on family law issues have been
published. To mention a few: Ebadi, S., hoquq-e kudak (Child law) 5th edition, 1999. Rafii, A.,
talaq wa asar-e an (Divorce and its effects) 2001. Mahmudi, A., hoquq qabl az ezdewag (The rights
before marriage) 2002. Mirxani, E., rujikardi-e nowin dar rawabet-e xanewade (New views on
family relationship) 2000. Urei, Q., tamkin-e banu, riasat-e sohar (The wifes submission and
the husbands leadership) 2001.
44
law as enacted in the Civil Code and the bylaws and their amendments in the
past and in the present and give an account of the family law cases dealt with
at the Tehran family law Court.
2 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
2.1 Reza Shahs reign 1925-1941
In 1925 Reza Shah was crowned king. Two of the most striking features of his
reign were his will to build a strong, central power in order to modernise and
control the country and his endeavour to eliminate the political influence of
the Shia clerical establishment. Reza Shah had accepted the principle of
secularisation and pursued this path with fervour. He had the clerical waqf or
religious foundations confiscated, with the consequent loss of wealth, power
and independence of the clergy. These endowments were transferred to the
reorganised Ministry of Education, and the clerics who were retained in the
administration of the waqf became state functionaries.
3
Reza Shah was not
contemptuous or hostile to religion as such; but he was opposed to it in so far
as the religious blocked modernisation and were in a position to compromise
the whole movement if not curtailed in power.
4
Secularisation expressed itself in a number of norms. In 1927 a Code on
the Organisation of the Judiciary and one on the Principles of Civil Procedure
were enacted, introducing a state court system with civil servants as judges. In
1928 a Commission consisting of Iranian lawyers trained in Europe and of
Shia clerics and theologians designed the first part of the Iranian Civil Code,
qanun-e madani, enacted the same year.
In 1931 official surnames were introduced. This law paved the way for the
Law of the Registration of Lands and Documents, qanun sabt asnd wa amwal,
putting an end to a chronic confusion of land tenure and innumerable
contentions.
5
In 1931 the Act on Marriage, qanun rage be ezdevag (Marriage Act), was
implemented.
6
The Act was the first step towards greater state control in matters
of personal status. It introduced official offices for marriage and divorce, where
all matters of personal status had to be registered. The non-registration of
those matters meant that the marriage or the divorce, although religiously
valid, had no state recognition. Sanctions, such as a financial penalty or arrest,
are imposed.
7
The clerics were still empowered to conclude the marriage, but
without the registration in the official offices, the state would not recognise
the marriage.
3 Young, T., The problem of Westernization in Modern Iran, the Middle East Journal, 2 January
1948, p. 54 (47-59).
4 Young, p. 54.
5 Owsia, P., Formation of Contract, a Comparative Study under English, French, Islamic and Iranian
Law, 1994, p. 28.
6 15 August 1931.
7 Art. 1 II. Marriage Act.
Articles
45
In 1935 the second part of the Civil Code was enacted.
8
It contains the
provisions on family and succession law. The source of these provisions is the
Islamic-Shia rules on family and succession law. The innovation was the
compilation of Islamic provisions in a codified book. In 1936 as part of his
efforts at cultural modernisation, the Shah forbad against the strong
opposition of the clerical establishment the covering of women.
9
In 1941,
however, his son and successor Mohammad Reza Shah removed this rule and
until 1980 women remained free to dress in public as they wished.
2.1.1 The system of Islamic-Iranian family law
Iranian family law is a reflection of the Islamic concept of family, a concept
that is based on the idea of the distribution of specific roles to the parties in a
family relation. It is based on the perception of men and women as having
different roles that ideally complement each other. A mans position is defined
with respect to his relation to the outside world as the provider of the family.
That means that it is his duty to provide for his wife and children. The duties
of women revolve around their role as wives and mothers within the family. If
any party breaches his or her duties, the other side is allowed to refrain from
pursuing his or her own duties. Iranian family law is a reflection of this idea,
but also of a strong patriarchal concept of family in Iranian society.
2.1.2 The Iranian Civil Code
The Iranian Civil Code was progressive in certain respects and conservative in
most parts. As far as its structure is concerned, it leans heavily on the French
Code Civil but the content of its 1,335 articles reflect more or less the Shia
Islamic rules of civil law.
Unlike other codification in Islamic countries, family law is codified in the
Civil Code itself, not in a separate code. Many provisions of the Civil Code
have subsequently been altered or supplemented, but the core of the Civil
Code has remained unchanged. The family law encompasses all matters of
personal status: marriage and dissolution of marriage, including the
consequences of dissolution such as alimony and division of assets,
10
the law
of children, including kinship, custody
11
and guardianship.
12
I. MARRIAGE LAW
The relation between the spouses
According to the Civil Code, marriage is a contract between a man and a
woman creating a marital relationship
13
whereby the spouses are committed
8 17 February, 12 March, 17, 19, 20 April 1935.
9 Mass, H., le dvoilement des Iraniennes, revue des tudes islamiques, Cahiers 1935, pp. 411-
418.
10 Arts. 1034-1157, Civil Code.
11 Arts. 1158-1206, Civil Code.
12 Arts. 1207-1256, Civil Code.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
46
to good behaviour to each other.
14
They must assist each other in the education
of their children and in strengthening the bases of the family.
15
In achieving
these goals, the Civil Code allocates different duties to men and women.
16
Rights and duties of the husband
The husband has to provide for his family.
17
He owes maintenance, including
food, housing, house ware, clothing, and medication. The husbands duty to
provide maintenance is absolute and he cannot refrain from giving his wife
maintenance, claiming that she has her own income or that her family supports
her.
18
To establish the level of maintenance, the wifes position in society and
the standard of living of her family have to be taken into account. If she had
staff at her disposal at her fathers house, she can ask for the same standard of
living from her husband.
19
On the other hand, the husband is the head of the family and the
household.
20
Stemming from this position, he can designate the familys
residence. If it is appropriate, suitable for ordinary life and up to the standard
of living of the women, the wife cannot refuse to live there with him.
21
Furthermore, he can forbid and bar his wife from exercising a profession or
having an occupation that is incompatible with the familys interests or with
his or her prestige and dignity or the prestige and dignity of the family.
22
He
has the last word in all that concerns the outside world and in family internal
disputes.
23
Rights and duties of the wife
The wife is entitled to maintenance but she herself does not owe any
maintenance to any family member. It is always the male family members who
bear the burden of providing for the family. Upon marriage, she is entitled to
a dowry which can be a sum of money or anything else which has a commercial
value.
24
This asset goes into her ownership and as for all her other assets she
can dispose of it without anybodys permission.
25
Normally the dowry is not
delivered during the marriage. In most cases the wife will ask for her dowry
whenever divorce occurs.
26
If the husband dies before the dowry has been
paid, the wife can claim her dowry as a higher debt before the bequest is split
13 Art. 1062, Civil Code.
14 Art. 1103, Civil Code.
15 Art. 1104, Civil Code.
16 Art. 1102, Civil Code.
17 Art. 1106, Civil Code.
18 Haeri ahbaq, Vol. 2, 1997, p. 988 et seq.
19 Art. 1107, Civil Code.
20 Art. 1105, Civil Code.
21 Arts. 1004, 1114, Civil Code.
22 Art. 1117, Civil Code.
23 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade , Vol. 1, p. 138.
24 Arts. 1078 to 1101 Civil Code. On the provisions on dowry see Yassari, N., Die Brautgabe nach
iranischem Recht, StAZ (das Standesamt) 7/2003 (198-201).
25 Art. 1118s Civil Code.
26 On dowrys see also Emami, A., hoquq-e madani, Vol. 4, p. 378 et seq.
Articles
47
between the heirs.
27
On the other hand, as long as her husband provides for
her and fulfils his marital duties, she will have to submit to his will.
28
It has to be noted that most legal provisions in marriage law can be abrogated
in the marriage contract.
29
Stipulations that do not contradict the essence of
marriage can be included in the marriage contract. In this area the principle
of freedom of contract is largely fulfilled.
II. DISSOLUTION OF MARRIAGE
30
Before the codification of the Iranian Civil Code, Shia divorce law, as applied
by Shia clerics, governed the divorce. This meant that a divorce was valid
when it was meant seriously and pronounced in the presence of two (rightful,
Muslim) witnesses. It was not necessary that the wife be present or even notified
about the divorce, for it to be valid. As codified in the Civil Code, divorce
remained the privilege of the husband. Article 1133 of the Civil Code reads:
A man can repudiate his wife, whenever he wants to.
Divorce was codified as a unilateral act
31
of the husband that needed no reasons.
It only needed to be registered under the Marriage Act of 1931 for recognition
by the state.
The wife, on the other hand, could only initiate divorce proceedings when
her husband was in breach of his marital duties.
32
The Civil Code gave her the
following reasons:
(1) the husbands disappearance for a period of at least four years without
any sign of life;
(2) the husbands refusal to pay alimony;
(3) the husbands breach of any other marital duties and the impossibility
to have him observe them; and
(4) the husbands suffering from a contagious and likely incurable disease,
which held danger for the physical integrity of the wife.
33
Only in these cases could the wife refrain from performing her own duties
and ask for compliance.
34
If the husband persisted in ignoring and violating
her rights, she could address the judge to have her husband divorce her.
35
27 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade , Vol. 1, p. 187.
28 Ibid., p. 139.
29 Art. 1119 Civil Code and Art. 4 Marriage Act
30 See for an account of Iranian divorce laws, Yassari, berblick ber das iranische Scheidungsrecht,
FamRZ (Zeitschrift fr das gesamte Familienrecht)16/2002 (1088-1094).
31 Mohaqeq-Damad, S. M., p. 379.
32 See Mehrpur, H., hoquq-e zan, p. 142 et seq.
33 Arts. 1029, 1129 and 1130, Civil Code.
34 Art. 1111 Civil Code.
35 Katuzian, Vol. 1, p. 369. Haeri ahbaq, p. 988 et seq. Gafari-Lankarudi, p. 224. Safai, S.H.,
Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade , Vol. 1, Note 203, p. 228 et seq.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
48
III. CHILD LAW
Based on the Islamic concept of child law, the Civil Code differentiates between
welajat, i.e. the financial care and legal representation of the child and negahdar,
or hezana,t
36
i.e. the personal care or custody of the child.
The Civil Code does not provide for explicit definitions of either expression.
Welajat is commonly understood as the fathers right to manage the childs
assets and its financial affairs.
37
The wali has the power of attorney to represent
the child and to act on its behalf.
38
It is also he who has to provide for his
children and owes them maintenance. This is why the Civil Code allows only
the father and in his absence, the father of the father, to exercise the welajat
over the child.
39
Negahdari, on the other hand, encompasses the education and supervision
of the child and the care for its physical and spiritual well being
40
what can
be described as custody in a narrow sense. Here the principle that the parents
shall care jointly for their children has been acknowledged.
41
However, a priority
rule was stated, in case of disagreement of the parents. So for a certain age of
the children the mother was deemed to be more capable of taking care of
them, whereas the fathers capability to care for his child was set at an older
age. This is explained with biological, psychological reasons and with the
differing gender-specific instincts.
42
According to Article 1169 of the Civil Code,
the mother enjoys priority in having custody over her son until the age of two
and over her daughter until the age of seven. After that age, custody passes to
the father. Article 1169 does not differentiate between the marital and the
post-marital situation. It is, however, agreed that the priority rule applies only
in cases of divorce.
43
2.2. Mohammad Rezas reign 1941-1979
In 1941 Mohammad Reza Shah followed his father on the Peacock Throne.
44
It was a politically turbulent time, with the occupation of Iran by the allied
forces in the Second World War, the first emergence of political parties,
the consolidation of Parliament, the confrontation between the Shah and
Prime Minister Mossadeq and the nationalisation of the oil economy. These
events made the Shah politically unrelenting, but as far as legal reforms
were concerned, he continued the same secular and progressive path of
36 The Civil Code uses the Persian word negahdari and the Arabic expression hezanat as synonyms;
they are interchangeable and denote the same thing.
37 Katuzian, Vol. 2, p. 202. Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade, Vol. 2, p. 162.
38 Art. 1183, Civil Code.
39 Arts. 1180, 1181 Civil Code.
40 Katuzian, Vol. 2, p. 139. Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade, Vol. 2, p. 119.
41 Art. 1168, Civil Code.
42 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade , Vol. 2, Note 110, p. 124 et seq.
43 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., moxtasar-e hoquq-e xanewade, p. 330.
44 The throne is named after a famous throne formerly owned by the kings of Delhi, India. In
1739 it was carried off by Nadir Shah and held by the Shahs of Persia. It is called so from its
bearing a fully expanded peacocks tail done in gems.
Articles
49
modernisation of his father. In 1963, universal suffrage for women was
introduced and in 1967 the first law for the Protection of the Family (FPA)
was enacted.
2.2.1 The Family Protection Act 1967
In May 1967 the first Family Protection Act was implemented. It introduced
important changes in almost all fields of family law, notably the institution of
special family law courts exclusively competent to hear family law cases. In
divorce law some significant changes were instituted, the most important being
the introduction of the exclusive judicial divorce. Any party desiring a divorce,
regardless of their gender, had to initiate court proceedings and petition for
divorce. Extra-judicial repudiation by the husband, as had been customary
until then, was invalidated with penalties for non-compliance. This was done
by introducing a certificate called the certificate of incompatibility (gawahi-e
adam-e emkan-e sazes) that was needed for the registration of the divorce.
45
This certificate could only be obtained by a court, after a hearing, where all
parties had the opportunity to plead. Thus the wife not only knew about the
intentions of her husband to repudiate her, but she also had the opportunity
to be heard.
The second important novelty was the expansion of the grounds on which
a wife could petition for divorce. Besides the four reasons in the Civil Code,
46
a wife could now base her demand for divorce on five further grounds. These
were:
(1) the husbands final conviction by a court to a prison sentence of more
than five years;
(2) the husbands conviction by a penal court for crimes that were shameful
and harmful to the wifes family prestige and honour;
(3) the husbands addiction to drugs;
(4) the contraction of a second marriage without the consent of the first
wife; and
(5) the husbands desertion of the family without reason.
47
2.2.2 The second Family Protection Act in 1975 (FPA 1975)
In 1975, the 1967 Act was broadened further. It again expanded the grounds
for divorce and, as a drastic change, ordered the husband to base his desire
for divorce on those grounds as well. Articles 8 and 9 of the FPA 1975 provide,
without reference to the Civil Code and its divorce provisions, 20 reasons
for divorce.
48
In fact the 1975 Act abolished the husbands privilege of
divorce and introduced equality of gender as far as application for divorce
was concerned. This clearly broke with traditional family structure in Iran
and gave women a strong tool to exit unwanted marriages.
45 Arts. 8 and 19, FPA 1967.
46 See 2.1.2.2.
47 See Mehrpur, H., hoquq-e zan, p. 148.
48 There are different grounds for men and women, See Arts. 8 and 9, FPA 1975.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
50
The FPA 1975 furthermore introduced a post-marital maintenance claim
49
and the possibility of designating the mother as wali, which until then was the
prerogative of the father.
50
Article 15 of the FPA 1975 stipulated that in the
absence of the father, the mother could exercise the welajat in the best
interestsof the child.
51
Here for the fist time the concept of the best interest of
the child was introduced in child law.
The effects of this law are difficult to assess since only four years after its
enactment the Iranian revolution broke out, the monarchy was toppled and
an Islamic Republic, with the claim to establish a legal system based in Islam,
was promulgated. Uncertainty arose regarding the validity of all pre-
revolutionary laws.
3 THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
3.1 Validity of pre-revolutionary Acts and Statutes
There was no general order to invalidate all pre-revolutionary Acts and Statutes.
Some codes were revised, some were abolished, and here and there provisions
were changed and amended. To make sure that future laws would be
compatible with Islamic principles, Principle 4 of the new Constitution ordered
a specific body the Council of Guardians to supervise all parliamentary
Bills.
3.2 Legislation in Iran
According to Principle 71 of the Iranian Constitution, the Parliament, magles-
e surai-e eslami, is the legislative organ. Its competences are, however, limited
by Principle 91 of the Constitution that submits the activities of the Parliament
to the control of the Council of Guardians (sura-je negahban). The task of the
Council of Guardians is to make sure that no law proposed by the Parliament
is in conflict with Islamic Principles or the Constitution. The Council is
constituted of 12 members, six of whom are clerics appointed by the
revolutionary leader, and six law experts, appointed by Parliament upon the
recommendation of the Ministry of Justice. In case of incompatibility with
Islamic law, the draft is returned to Parliament for reconsideration.
If the Members of Parliament insist on the enactment of a law and if the
Council of Guardians still refuses, a third organ the Expediency Council,
magma-e tasxis-e maslahat-e nezam is brought in to arbitrate between the Council
and the Parliament and to decide the matter (Principle 112 of the
Constitution). The members of the Expediency Council are appointed by the
49 Art. 11, FPA 1975. In case of neediness, the not faulty divorced party could ask for post marital
maintenance, until his or her situation had bettered. See Katuzian, Vol. 1, p. 475 on the changes
introduced by Art. 11 FPA.
50 See 2.1.2.3.
51 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade, Vol. 2, Note 150, p. 167.
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51
revolutionary Leader.
52
In its decision-making, the Expediency Council does
not lean solely on religious principles but has to also take into account
considerations of expediency and of the good of the community.
53
3.3 Legal reforms in family law since 1979
3.3.1. Divorce law
I. THE ACT ON THE SPECIAL CIVIL COURTS
In the first months after the revolution, it was quite unclear whether the
provisions of the FPA 1975 were still applicable. Some Articles, such as Article
15 of the FPA were abolished.
54
Others, such as Articles 8 and 9 of the FPA
were not explicitly tackled, leaving some space for the argument of their
continued validity. In October 1979 the Act on the Special Civil Courts
55
shed
some light on the matter. Exclusive judicial divorce was upheld but reasons
for divorce were confined to those of the Civil Code and religious laws,
56
outlawing Articles 8 and 9 of the FPA 1975. The Act also introduced a procedure
foreseen in the Holy Quran
57
whereby referees have to be appointed upon a
divorce request in order to reconcile the couple.
58
Normally the referee would
be a family member, familiar with the problems. The judge would decide the
case after hearing the referees.
59
With Article 15 of the FPA abolished explicitly and Articles 8 and 9 of the
FPA abolished implicitly, the many efforts made to improve womens divorce
rights up until that time were eradicated by the stroke of a pen. Women were
again limited to the divorce grounds of the Civil Code, and the difficulty of
proving severe breaches of marital duties by their husbands.
II. REFORMS IN THE HUSBANDS RIGHT TO DIVORCE
These deficiencies were duly noted, but it was only in 1992 that Parliament
succeeded in implementing amendments in order to moderate the harsh
divorce provisions. As the divorce privilege of men as embodied in Article
52 On 18 March 1997, the leader of the revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, appointed 27 new members
for five years and Hoat-ol-eslam Rafsanani as the Chairman of the Expediency Council.
53 This concept is derived from the Islamic principle of maslaha, see Nagel, T., Einfhrung in das
islamische Recht, 2000, p. 128.
54 Ruzname-e rasmi No. 10094 of 16 May 1979.
55 Ruzname-e rasmi No. 10088 of 11 October 1979.
56 Art. 3, Note 2, sentence 1, Special Civil Courts Act.
57 Sura 4, Verse 35: And if you fear a breach between the two, then appoint a judge from his
people and a judge from her people; if they both desire agreement, Allah will effect harmony
between them, surely Allah is Knowing, Aware.
58 Art. 3, Note 2, sentence 2, Special Civil Courts Act.
59 Whereas the Special Civil Courts Act foresaw this procedure only for divorces petitioned by
the husband, in 1992 this was extended to all divorce proceedings by a new Statute, the Act on
the amendment of the Divorce provisions, qanun-e eslah-e moqararat marbut be tala (Divorce Act)
Ruzname-e rasmi No. 13914 of 10 December 1992. The qualifications needed to be appointed
as referee were codified in Art. 1 of the executive order to Art. 1, Note 1, Divorce Act, Ruzname-
e rasmi No. 2306 of 28 February 1993.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
52
1133 of the Civil Code is based on Islamic grounds, it seemed unrealistic that
the Council of Guardians would agree to its amendment. So, the reform efforts
concentrated on setting hurdles to divorce initiated by the husband. The
legislative efforts resulted in the implementation of the Act on the Amendment
of the Divorce Provisions, qanun eslah-e moqararat marbut be talaq, (Divorce
Act).
60
The Divorce Act reconfirmed the judicial divorce and the need for a
certificate of incompatibility for any party petitioning for divorce.
61
In addition
the Divorce Act introduced a compensation claim, ojrat-ol-mesl,
62
payable to
the wife in cases where the husband had petitioned for divorce, whereas the
wife wished to continue the marriage and no breach of her marital duties had
occurred. Ojrat-ol-mesl represents compensation for services rendered during
the marriage which from a religious perspective were not due by the wife and
thus must be remunerated.
63
No wife has a religious duty to carry out household
duties, or educate or take care of the children beyond the age limits indicated
earlier.
64
If, however, she undertakes this work on the unreasonable demand
of the husband, then she has the right to receive compensation.
65
The introduction of ograt ol mesl was meant to discourage the husband from
hasty and unreasonable repudiation and to improve the post-marital financial
situation of divorcees. Unfortunately, in practice, it had the reverse effect.
Knowing that a petition for divorce from the husband will make the ograt ol
mesl due, most men refrained from applying for divorce. Rather they chose to
behave in such a manner as to make life unbearable for their wives and push
them to initiate the divorce and thus lose their right to ograt ol mesl.
III. REFORMS IN THE WOMANS RIGHT TO DIVORCE
The main legal basis on which women can base their divorce motion is the
breach of marital duties by the husband. Article 1130 of the Civil Code gives
the instances of breaches.
66
Its wording has been changed several times in the
past years. In 1982 the notion of osr wa harag was introduced in Article 1130
of the Civil Code. It read:
If the continuation of marital life would put the wife in a situation of extreme hardship,
osr wa harag, she can initiate court proceedings and ask the judge to be divorced. If
the osr wa harag situation is proven to the court, the judge can force the husband to
repudiate his wife, otherwise the judge repudiates the wife on behalf of the husband.
60 See fn. 59.
61 Art. 1, Divorce Act.
62 Art. 1, Note 6, subsection A, Divorce Act.
63 Mehrpur, H., hoquq-e zan, pp. 44-45.
64 For example, a mother does not have the obligation to breastfeed her child: see Art. 1176,
Civil Code: A mother is not obliged to breast feed her child, unless the child cannot be fed
other than with its mothers milk.
65 In July 2002 the Parliament proposed a draft law to include the orat ol mesl in the inheritance
portion of the wife. See Abrar, daily newspaper, zanan, ograt ol mesl migirand (Women to get the
ograt ol mesl), 21 July 2002. The enactment of the law is pending, awaiting the decision of the
Council of Guardians.
66 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade, Vol. 1, p. 143.
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53
The Article did not give any precise definition of the expression of osr wa
harag. According to Shia law osr wa harag denotes hardship and difficulty.
67
The hardship must be proven to be unbearable for the wife and disrupt the
normal marital life in a true conjugal sense, so that she cannot comply with
her own marital duties. Her sense of physical and mental security must be
strongly affected for the hardship condition to be realised.
68
Since the law did
not specify the concrete circumstances where osr wa harag was fulfilled, it was
left to the discretion of the judge to evaluate the situation, case by case,
individually. A wife, being a university professor, would be judged differently
than a housewife from a lower social stratum. The need was felt to give women
more clarity as to how to plead osr wa harag and to provide the judge with a
more transparent definition that could be more easily reproduced.
In Spring 2000, Parliament drafted a Note to Article 1130 of the Code listing
instances of osr wa harag. It read:
69
The circumstances leading to osr wa harag and disrupting the marital community to
make conjugal life unbearable for the wife are inter alia:
desertion of the husband without any valid reason for at least six months;
the incurable addiction of the husband to narcotics;
the refusal of the husband to pay alimony and the impossibility to force him to do
so;
the contagious and hardly curable disease of the husband, or any physical disability,
that makes the continuation of marital life unbearable or bears a threat to the
health of the wife;
impotence or sterility of the husband;
a behaviour of the husband that is in radical contradiction with the family
background and social stratum of the wife and the spiritual, moral and ethical
circumstances of society, with particular regard to customs and usage of place and
time;
the inability of the husband to be just to his wife;
the non-compliance with court orders prohibiting the husband from exercising a
profession or an occupation that is not compatible with the dignity and prestige
of the wife, the husband and the family; and
the final conviction for crimes that are shameful for the dignity and prestige of
the family.
The Council of Guardians criticised the draft of being repetitive and not
bringing about any innovation and returned it to the Parliament for
reconsideration.
70
After another unsuccessful attempt of the Parliament to
have the law authorised by the Council of Guardians, the draft was submitted
67 See for example, Sura 22:78 ... He has chosen you, and has imposed no difficulties (harag)
on you in religion. or Sura 65:7 ... Allah puts no burden on any person beyond what He has
given him. After a difficulty (osr), Allah will soon grant relief.
68 See Haeri ahbaq, S. A., p. 990. Gafari-Lankarudi, Mabsut, (Dictionary terms of law), Volume
4, 1999, Note 9466.
69 As quoted in hoquq-e zanan (Womens rights) legal journal, Geramizadegan, ed., No. 15,
2000, p. 20.
70 Taswib-e mogaddad-e mazadeq-e osr wa harag dar magles (The new adoption of the sources of
hardship in the Parliament), Zanan (Women), monthly journal, Serkat, ed., Vol. 9, No. 65, p.
61.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
54
in September 2000 to the Expediency Council.
71
In July 2002 the Expediency
Council published its version of Art. 1130, Note 1 of the Civil Code.
72
It reads:
73
For the purpose of this article osr wa harag denotes the creation of a situation where
the continuation of marital life is unbearable for the wife and represents extreme
hardship. When established by the competent court, the following circumstances
constitute instances of extreme hardship for the wife:
the desertion of the husband for at least six consecutive months or for a[n]
interrupted period of nine months within a year, without a valid reason;
the addiction of the husband to narcotics or his dependence on alcohol, leading
to disruption and harm of the family community, and his refusal or the impossibility
to force him to withdraw from his addiction within a medically indicated period
of time, necessary for withdrawal from addiction;
the conviction of the husband to a five-year jail sentence, or more;
the continued insulting behaviour and beating of the wife or any continued
misbehaviour of the husband that is clearly in conflict with custom and usage,
with respect to the situation of the wife and thus unbearable for her;
a hardly curable mental or contagious disease, or any other difficult to medicate
diseases, that are detriment to conjugal life.
This list is not conclusive and the judge can consider all other factors that are raised
in court as representing extreme hardship to grant a divorce to the wife.
The Note defines in a more concrete way when osr wa harag is fulfilled, even
mentioning addiction to alcohol, so far an unspeakable taboo. The problems
of proving and relying on osr wa harag to get a divorce have, however, not
been solved, and it remains to be seen whether this addition will help improve
womens situation.
74
It seems more likely that women will continue to rely on the contractual
divorce grounds of their marriage contract, as they have in the past. The model
marriage contracts that are given at the marriage office are drafted by the
state and contain all the divorce grounds of Articles 8 and 9 of the FPA 1975 as
options. The fiancs must agree and sign the clauses for them to come into
force. The contractual stipulations in marriage contracts are very often clearer,
individually negotiated and easier to prove. If a woman wants to get a divorce
because her husband has been sentenced to prison, she can rely on the legal
grounds of Article 1130 of the Civil Code only if he is convicted to five or
more years of imprisonment, whereas in the marriage contract she can stipulate
that even a one-day sentence is sufficient to file for divorce. If the husband
has signed this stipulation, the judge will have to accept it and grant her the
divorce.
71 See Ebrahimi, jek mah ba zanan dar magles (One month with the women in the Parliament)
Zanan, Vol. 11, No. 91, p. 20.
72 See Sadr, negahi be mosawabat-e magma-e tasxis-e maslahat-e nezam dar bare-je osr wa harag wa sen-e
ezdewag (A glance at the legislation of the Expediency Council concerning extreme hardship
and marriage age) Zanan, Vol. 11, No. 89, p. 22.
73 Ruzname-e rasmi, No. 16768, of 22 September 2002.
74 Mosgel-e asli-e zanan asbat-e osr wa harag dar dadgah ast (The main difficulty of women is to prove
osr wa harag in Court) Zanan, Vol. 11, No. 65, p.61.
Articles
55
3.3.2. Marriage law
A further measure to adapt the law to social reality was the raising of the legal
age for marriage. Article 1041 of the Civil Code had set the age of marriage
for girls at 15 and for boys at 18 years.
75
In exceptional cases, where required
by expediency, the court could grant on request an exemption from the age
limits if the girl had reached at least the age of 13 and the boy the age of 15. In
1982 the provision was changed
76
and Article 1041 of the Civil Code reads:
Marriage before reaching the age of puberty is forbidden. Note 1: Marriage before
reaching the age of puberty is only allowed with the consent of the wali and under
consideration of the well-being of the ward.
The age of puberty was set by Note 1 of Article 1210 of the Civil Code:
The age of puberty is 15 full lunar years for boys and 9 full lunar years for girls.
Iranian officials defended this rule by stating that early marriage would
prevent illicit relationships.
77
In December 2000, however, Parliament drafted
an amendment to Article 1041 of the Civil Code raising the age of marriage
for girls from 9 to 15 years and for boys from 15 to 18 years.
78
The Council of
Guardians vetoed its enactment and referred the draft back to the Parliament.
79
The Parliament reconsidered its draft and submitted an amended draft putting
the age for girls at 14 and for boys at 17 years. The Council of Guardians
disagreed again, so that the Expediency Council had to step in to overcome
the differences of views between Parliament and the Council of Guardians. In
June 2002, the Expediency Council released its own version of Article 1041 of
the Civil Code.
80
Article 1041 of the Civil Code (new):
Marriage of a girl before the age of 13 solar calendar and a boy before the age of 15
is only permissible with the consent of his or her wali and the court.
So effectively the age for boys was only changed to the effect that the new
Article 1041 refers to solar years, not to lunar years,
81
as it used to be. As for
girls, the minimum age is now 13 solar years as opposed to 9 lunar years.
82
An
important change is the inclusion of the provision for the court to grant
permission for an earlier marriage which previously depended only on the
consent of the wali. It is furthermore most interesting to note that, according
to statistics, the average marriage age in Iran in 1966 was 18, in 1986, 20 and
in 1996, 22 years.
83
Considering the fact that in the first half of 2003 the average
75 Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade , Vol. 1, p. 70.
76 Amendment of Art. 1041, Civil Code of 12 December 1983 confirmed on 5 November 1995.
77 See 10-year old files for divorce from her 15 year-old husband, Tehran Times, daily newspaper,
online edition, 26 September 2000.
78 See Mogawezi, P., Marriage age for girls in Iran goes up, Entexab, daily newspaper, 18 October
2000.
79 Fesahat, Z., Will marriage at early ages be legalised?!, Iran, daily newspaper, 7 December
2000.
80 Ruzname-e rasmi No. 16713 of 17 July 2002.
81 15 lunar years correspond to 14 solar years and 7 months.
82 9 lunar years corresponded to 8 solar years and 9 months.
83 Moawezi, P., Marriage Age for Girls in Iran Goes Up, Entexab, 18 October 2000.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
56
marriage age in urban areas was 28, the age in rural areas must still be very
low. Thus the amendment to Article 1041 of the Civil Code must be hailed as
an effective though still insufficient step to find a more appropriate marriage
age.
3.4. Pending draft laws
In the past years a strong Parliamentary group, the committee for family,
women and youth affairs, has pursued with perseverance the agenda of
improving womens and childrens rights in Iran. In 2001-2002 its Executive
Parliamentary Committee submitted several draft laws to the Parliament, to
be discussed in the plenary session. The introductory note of one of the drafts
refers to some provisions of the Code dating back to the very inception of the
Civil Code and requests Parliament to reconsider them in the light of the
changed circumstances of time and place and the necessities of modern
times.
84
The drafts thus indicate the need to amend the old-fashioned
provisions for the wellbeing of society. It refers to the provisions on marital
maintenance (Article 1107 of the Civil Code), and the maintenance period
after the husbands death (Article 1110 of the Civil Code), the divorce rights
of the husband (Article 1133 of the Civil Code), custody (Articles 1169 and
1170 of the Civil Code) and guardianship (Articles 1184 and 1186 of the Civil
Code). As examples I shall discuss the intended changes in the custody and
divorce laws.
3.4.1 Custody
Amending the period of custody of the mother has been for a long time on
the agenda of the Committee. It had drafted two alternatives to amend Article
1169 of the Civil Code. One stream proposed to raise the period of custody
for the mother to care for her children until their age of puberty, i.e. for the
girls until the age of 9 and for boys the age of 15.
85
No unanimous support
could be found in Parliament and discussion showed a strong sensibility to
the issue. Thus a second alternative, that was not as drastic a change, was
considered. The Parliament agreed on 28 July 2002 on a draft law putting the
age of custody for children of both genders at 7 years, effectively only raising
the age of custody for boys.
86
The draft law was rejected by the Council of
Guardians, and is actually pending with the Expediency Council which has
not yet reached a decision on this issue.
87
84 Komisionha-je ergai qazaji wa hoquqi (Legal and judicial commissions), eslah-e mawadi az e
qanun-e madani (Amendment to certain provisions of the Civil Code), 22 January 2002, p. 2.
85 Komisionha-je ergai qazaji wa hoquqi, 22 January 2002, p. 4.
86 Komisionha-je ergai qazaji wa hoquqi (legal and judicial commissions), eslah-e made-e 1169-e
qanun-e madani (Amendment to Art. 1169, Civil Code), 24 November 2002. See also eslah-e
made-e 1169-e qanun-e madani, hoquq-e zanan, No. 22, April 2002, p. 55.
87 Hoquq-e zanan, No. 23, February 2003, pp. 29-30.
Articles
57
3.4.2 Article 1133 Civil Code
The Committee also found courage to tackle the exclusive right of divorce of
men, by formulating an addition to Article 1133 of the Civil Code. A proposal
for amendment was submitted by Parliament on 25 August 2002. It reads:
A man has the right to divorce his wife, whenever he wants to and a women has, just
as the man, the right to address the court and ask for divorce in compliance with the
legal provisions.
The Council of Guardians regarded the amendment as not useful as it
considered it to be just a repetition of the actual situation. It argued that
women can already apply for divorce under Articles 1129 and 1130 of the
Civil Code, so that it would not make sense to re-state it in Article 1133 of
the Civil Code.
88
It thus rejected the addition.
89
The views of the Council of
Guardians correspond to the actual facts: women can apply for divorce under
the conditions of Articles 1129 and 1130 of the Civil Code. It can, however, be
argued that by adding the explicit right of women to divorce their husbands
just as they can, the legal possibility of divorce for women could be conceived
as an independent right and not as it is now, as the exception to the rule. The
supplement could be interpreted in due course in direction of equality in
divorce laws. The decision is now with the Expediency Council.
3.5 Remarks
It is difficult to assess the destiny of these pending laws. According to the
Tehran Times the Expediency Council has since its inception favoured in
70 per cent of the cases the views of Parliament. In the first half of 2002 all
seven cases coming before the Expediency Council were decided in favour of
the Parliament, according to Mohsen Rezai, the Secretary-General of the
Council.
90
The legal adviser to the committee for family, women and youth
affairs, Asraf Geramizadegan, who is also the editor of the legal journal, hoquq-
e zanan, said that the Expediency Council has shown more lenience in accepting
amendments to family laws that in other politically more sensitive fields.
91
The views are not unanimous. Some Members of Parliament even dispute
the Expediency Councils right to change the draft law and to offer its own
88 Hamsahri, Daily Newspaper, 29 September 2002.
89 Hoquq-e zanan, No. 23, February 2003, p. 30.
90 Tehran Times, 22 August 2002.
91 Interview with Geramizadegan in July 2003 in Tehran.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
58
version. Referring to Principle 85 of the Constitution,
92
Fateme Rakui, Member
of Parliament and President of the committee for family, women and youth
affairs, considers the Expediency Councils duty only to be arbitration between
Parliament and the Council of Guardians, with no power to act as a legislative
body.
93
Principle 112 of the Constitution, which defines the Expediency
Councils role, only mentions its duty to break the deadlock between Parliament
and the Council of Guardians.
94
So far however, the Expediency Council has
been acting as a legislative body sui generis.
4 JURISDICTION OF FAMILY COURTS
Unlike the substantive law, the judicial organisation of the Family Court has
been subject to changes. The Family Protection Act introduced for the first
time the exclusive competence of Family Courts to hear family law cases.
95
This exclusive competence has survived the political changes in the country
and has been reconfirmed by the Special Civil Courts Act
96
as well as by the
Divorce Act.
97
Until very recently, only one Family Court was competent in
Tehran to hear the family law cases of its 12 million inhabitants. Fortunately,
in the summer of 2003, a second Family Court Complex was established. Most
recently a legal advice centre has opened next to the Family Court Complex
1. The staff give free legal advice and guidance and answer procedural
questions.
92 Principle 85 of the Constitution: Section 1) The right of membership is vested with the
individual, and is not transferable to others. The Assembly cannot delegate the power of
legislation to an individual or committee. But whenever necessary, it can delegate the power
of legislating certain laws to its own committees, in accordance with Article 72. In such a case,
the laws will be implemented on a tentative basis for a period specified by the Assembly, and
their final approval will rest with the Assembly. Section 2) Likewise, the Assembly may, in
accordance with Article 72, delegate to the relevant committees the responsibility for permanent
approval of articles of association of organisations, companies, government institutions, or
organisations affiliated to the government and or invest the authority in the government. In
such a case, the government approvals must not be inconsistent with the principles and
commandments of the official religion in the country or with the Constitution, which question
shall be determined by the Council of Guardians in accordance with what is stated in Article
96. In addition to this, the Government approvals shall not be against the laws and other
general rules of the country and, while calling for implementation, the same shall be brought
to the knowledge of the Speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly for his study and
indication that the approvals in question are not inconsistent with the aforesaid rules.
93 Hamsahri, 24 June 2002 commenting the decision of the Expediency Council on the marriage
age.
94 According to Principle 112 of the Constitution, the Expediency Council shall meet at any time
the Council of Guardians judges a proposed Bill of the Parliament to be against the principles
of Islam or the Constitution, and the Parliament is unable to meet the expectations of the
Council of Guardians.
95 Ain name nahwe-e egra-je ahkam wa tasmimat-e dadgah-e xanewade (Procedural provisions
for the enforcement of the judgments and decisions of the Family Court) of 4 April 1975, No.
7/95.
96 Art. 3, Special Civil Courts Act.
97 Art. 1, Note 1, Divorce Act.
Articles
59
4.1. The Tehran Family Law Courts
98
The Tehran Family Law Court 1 encompasses 60 departments presided over
by a male judge. Since 1992, female advisers can be appointed as legal
consultants to the Family Courts.
99
The female consultants perform the same
work as the presiding judges, but cannot make an independent judgment. In
the summer of 2003, 30 per cent of the judges had appointed a female
consultant in their departments. In should be remembered that women were
allowed to sit as judges in Iran only from the mid 1970s. In 1979, when this
right was revoked, there were around 60 female judges in the whole country.
Some judges were offered administrative jobs in the justice system, most of
them became lawyers.
100
Each department has approximately 400 cases a month. Office hours are
from 8 am to 2 pm. The judge has as an average of nine appointments each
day. Besides the summoned parties, anybody who seeks legal advice can address
the judge for help and guidance. The courtroom is also the working room of
the judge, the female consultant if any and the secretary. There is no obligation
to be represented by a lawyer, most parties have no legal support and it is very
common to attend the court with family members. This lengthens the
proceedings because the judges will have to guide and advise the parties,
control the motions, act as mediator whenever the parties lose their temper
or refuse to talk. Most motions as well as the protocol are hand written. The
judge takes the minutes and announces the verdict.
There are two educational paths enabling a person to pass the entry exam
to become a judge: law studies at the law faculty, or religious studies of Islamic
law at one of the theological seminars. Judges of the Family Courts must have
at least four years working experience and be married. In 2003, half of the
judges had studied law at university and half of them had a theological
education.
101
4.2. Cases
The Family Court has exclusive jurisdiction over all matters of personal status.
102
Most cases are divorce petitions and quarrels over custody. Actions for the
payment of the dowry and of maintenance also constitute a large part of the
98 This account is based on field research conducted in the summer of 2000 and 2002 at the
Family Court Complex 1 in Tehran, at mejdan-e arg. The court in Tehran is unique as Tehran
is Irans capital and biggest city with approximately 12 million inhabitants, a great migration
from rural areas and a deep gap between the rich in the North and the poor in the South.
Thus Tehrans court are not exemplary for all Iranian courts. For an account of family trials
in Iran, see Mir-Hosseini, Z., Marriage on trial, a study of Islamic Family Law in Iran and Morocco,
1993.
99 Article 1, Note 5, Divorce Act. See Ansari-Pur, M.A., Country Survey Iran, Yearbook of Islamic
and Middle Eastern Law, Vol. 2 1995, p. 247.
100 In pursuing its goal to eliminate women from the courts the clerical establishment reactivated
an argument of the Shah times: women, they argued, were considered to be too emotional
to cast an objective vote.
101 Interview with Hassan Hamidian, the head of the Tehran Family Court 1, in July 2003.
102 Not included are matters of inheritance law, that are dealt with by the ordinary Courts
(dadgah-e omumi).
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
60
courts work. The judgments of the courts are not published. There are,
however, compilations of cases gathered by lawyers or researchers that can be
consulted.
103
I shall now focus on some cases concerning divorce petitions.
4.2.1. Consensual divorces
Where both parties want a quick and quiet divorce, the divorce will often be
consensual. Consensual divorces need no appointment and the parties can
come to any competent judicial department of the Family Court to have their
marriage dissolved. In most cases, the couple has actually lived apart and agreed
to separate. Sometimes it is the husbands second marriage that makes his
first wife ask for divorce. Young couples aged between 17 and 21, who have
married because of societal pressure, often decide to end the relationship
after a short period of married life. Most of those divorces are filed in the first
two years of marriage.
In all cases of consensual divorce the parties do not need to state any reasons
as long as they agree on all relevant points that need regulation in the certificate
of incompatibility. These are: the payment of the dowry, the return of the
dower, ojrat-ol-mesl if any, the division of assets, other financial claims stipulated
in the marriage contract, settlement of custody and the amount of mainentance
for the children, and finally visiting rights.
104
The judge reads the agreement
out to the parties to make sure that they have both agreed to it and that no
party is acting under duress. Only if a stipulation is against the law or good
morals and custom will the judge interfere with it, otherwise his role is rather
minor in these proceedings.
4.2.2. Divorce motions
According to Hassan Hamdn, the head of the Tehran Family Court 1, the
divorce rate has gone up by 15 per cent, with 80 per cent of all divorce requests
being submitted by women.
105
The average number of divorces in Iran has
been 7.67 per 10,000 people while the average number of marriages was 93
per 10,000 in recent years. The Province of Yazd in southern Iran has had the
highest rate of marriage and the lowest rate of divorce in these years. The
Province of Tehran with 14.03 per cent had the highest number of divorces
among other Iranian provinces last year followed by the Province of Qom.
106
103 See Katuzian, edalat-e qazaji - gozide-e ara (Judicial Justice), 1999. Bazgir, Y., ed., Araj-e diwan-e
ali-e keswar dar umur-e huquqi (Judicature of the Supreme Court in Civil Matters), 3 Volumes,
1998; qawaed-e feqhi wa huquqi dar Araj-e diwan-e ali-e keswar (Principles of Islamic Law in the
Judicature of the Supreme Court), 2000. Mehrpur, H., ed., Magmue-e nazarijat -e sura-e negahban
(Compilation of the Views of the Council of Guardians), 3 Volumes, 1992. Kamyar, M., Gozide-
e araj-e dadgahha-e huquqi (A selection of the Judgments of the Civil Courts), 4 Volumes, 1997-
1998.
104 According to Art. 1, Note 3 of Divorce Act, all the financial claims of the divorcee must be
fulfilled in cash when the divorce is registered at the official offices for marriage and divorce,
see also Safai, S.H., Emami, A., hoquq-e xanewade, Vol. 1, p. 280.
105 80 per cent of divorce requests are made by women, Entexab, 26 January 2002.
106 Afruzmanes, M., Triangle of Unemployment, Poverty and Addiction the Main Cause of
Divorce in Iran, Hambastegi, daily newspaper, 2 and 3 November 2002.
Articles
61
Insufficient information and the wrong expectations of the couple before
marriage are considered main factors contributing to the increase of the
divorce rate. Financial problems caused by the severe economic situation and
the husbands inability to provide for maintenance tend to disrupt the
functioning of conjugal life. Furthermore, the husbands addiction to narcotics
or alcohol accounts for 67 per cent of divorce cases.
107
Some women file for divorce with the intention of frightening their husbands
and have them take a solemn oath (taahod) to ameliorate their behaviour
and observe their marital duties. The judge then takes on the role of a mediator
who guides the couple to reach a reconciliation and improve their conduct.
In cases, however, where the motion to divorce is meant seriously, the problems
are serious as well. In Iranian society a divorced women has a low standing,
especially if children are involved. In these cases most judges are very reluctant
to grant the divorce on the first motion. They tend to play down the marital
problems of the couple and draw the fatal consequences of divorce in lively
colours. Insofar as the parties do not need to be represented by a lawyer,
divorce proceedings resemble more dispute resolution than litigation.
4.2.3. Obstacles and problems
The main problem for women is to prove a breach of marital duties by their
husbands. The judge will ask for witnesses, medical certificates etc. and is not
usually inclined to grant a divorce for what he considers to be minor marital
frictions. Very often the disputes revolve around the point in time when the
marital breaches occured. As the breach of the husbands duty gives the wife
the right to refrain from performing her own duties without losing her own
rights and vice versa, both parties will want to prove that it was the other one
who started the faulty behaviour.
If a husband does not fulfil his financial duties, his wife can have him arrested
and put in jail until he complies.
108
The mingling of civil law and penal sanction
has been very much criticised. The possibility of the wife to ask for such a
court order is expected to have some deterrent effect on an unwilling but
able husband to pay.
109
In many cases, however, the husband is financially
unable to fulfil his duty.
110
The proceedings can be lengthy if the parties are not willing to cooperate
to reach a solution or when they actually refuse to obey the court order once
a compromise has been reached. If a woman wants to shorten the divorce
proceedings she can try to reach an agreement with her husband, by
negotiating her dowry. She will either accept a lesser amount or give it away
all together. In fact very often the judge will encourage a wife who is willing to
107 Entexab, 26 January 2002.
108 Art. 642 of the Islamic Penal Code, qanun-e mogazat-e eslami, of 22 May 1996, Ruzname-e
rasmi No. 14943 of 24 June 1996.
109 This is how Art. 642 of the Islamic Penal Code is conceived. Only an able but reluctant
husband can be jailed for non-payment of maintenance.
110 Ebrahimi, be dalil-e pardaxt nakardan-e mahrije: 1000 mard dar zendan, (1,000 men in jail for
non-payment of the dowry) Zanan, Vol. 11, No. 87, pp. 20-21.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
62
divorce. make a concession on her dowry, in order to convince the husband
to agree to the divorce. Sometimes she will try to trade her dowry for custody
over her children, if they have passed the ages where she has legal custody.
These practices have no legal ground, but unfortunately they happen quite
often.
5 CONCLUDING REMARKS
Iranian family law departs from the classical concept of family, based on the
productivity of men outside and the productivity of women inside the house,
where men must provide for the material needs of the family while women
take care of the spiritual functioning of the family. This idea is mingled with
the strong Iranian patriarchal mentality, where men lead and women follow.
As long as society was shaped around this ideal, the inconsistencies were not
apparent. Iranian society has, however, evolved and changed considerably in
the last 20 years and these changes are becoming visible everywhere.
The Pahlavis endeavours to improve womens rights was one of the first
steps towards change. This step was, however, taken by an elite wishing to
modernise the system from above, with little movement from the general
population. Furthermore, the legal reforms did not match the political and
societal pressures of the time. Although the Family Protection Acts gave women
more rights than any other regime had done before, women were at the
forefront of the 1979 revolution. Unfortunately most aspirations have been
disappointed and achievements revoked. In the first year of the revolution
the political situation was so shaky that no legal effort in the field of family law
was pursued. When in 1980 the war between Iran and Iraq broke out, men
and women were asked to fulfil their patriotic duty and all attention was focused
on the war and internal problems were banned from the political agenda.
Women filled the empty places of men in industry and the labour market and
assumed their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons roles while they were
engaged on the battle field, many of them returning disabled and unable to
earn a living.
At the same time, the education and literacy policies of the Islamic Republic
have been very strong. During the last 20 years the literacy rate of the whole
population has gone up, with the womens literacy rate reaching unexpected
heights. Whereas in 1975 womens illiteracy in rural areas was 90 per cent and
more than 45 per cent in urban areas, today the nationwide literacy rate for
girls aged between 15 and 24 has risen to 97 per cent. Iran has won three
times in a row the UNESCO literacy award for its literacy movement, and the
UNESCO plaque of honour for the year 2000 for its plan to educate illiterate
girls in rural areas.
111
In 2002, for the first time, female students in state
universities outnumbered male students.
112
111 Tehran Times, 4 October 2000.
112 The Economist, 16 October 2003.
Articles
63
Women have come to occupy important posts in the administration: they
are physicians, lawyers and engineers.
113
In 1976, the percentage of women in
the scientific, technical and specialist fields was only 13 per cent. The ratio
grew to 32.8 per cent by 1986 and 39.7 per cent by 1991. More than 30 per
cent of public sector employees are women mostly working in the medical
and educational fields.
114
Most of these women contribute considerably to the
family income and some do not see the necessity to obey their husbands for
economic reasons. In some cases economic pressures are such that even those
women wishing to abide by the classical role model
115
are sometimes forced to
enter the labour market to support the family. They cannot stay home without
jeopardising the financial balance of the familys income. In many cases the
husband will take on several jobs to be able to assume his role as the provider
of the family.
With social realities changing, the ideal prescribed by religious law and the
Civil Code is being challenged. In other words, while the legal system has its
roots in the period of traditionalism, the economic, social and cultural
attributes of society have undergone and are undergoing a process of
transformation. As a result, the legal system is no longer capable of responding
to the needs of this stage of transition of the countrys political, economic,
social and cultural development. The shortcomings of the legal system are
more poignantly felt by women than men. Laws and statutes legislated or
issued after the revolution and their fierce application against women has
lent credit to the idea that the Islamic Republic of Iran is standing firm on its
opposition to grant women their rights and gender equality in general.
116
There
are, however, great openings for Iranian women to exert their influence over
the political processes and give effect to their potential role and thus alter
their destiny. A thriving womens lobby has been active in challenging the old-
fashioned provisions of Iranian family law.
117
This is a generation that is more
exact and less patient with conventional political arrangements. They have
come to understand that it is not always the Islamic premises of the legal
system but the patriarchal customs and usages of society and the reluctance to
break with century-old traditions that jeopardise endeavours to introduce
changes.
113 Womens employment still shows, however, immense deficiencies and the employment rate
is still low. See Muajedi, M., A statistical glance at womens employment in Iran, Zamine,
monthly journal, Dawudi, M., ed., No. 39-40, pp. 64-66.
114 Zadeh, V., Womens Employment Situation in Iran, Hamsahri, 22 April 2001.
115 See Todays Women of Iran are Satisfied with their Family Life, Iran, 8 September 2001.
According to this article, most Iranian women are satisfied with their life at home and would
opt for it again, if they had a chance to reconsider the matter. The article states furthermore
that most women believe that they should, to some extent, be obedient to their husbands
and accordingly men should, to some degree, be loyal to their wives. Most employed women
spend their incomes under supervision of their husbands and their bonus and overtime
revenues on household affairs. They also believe, however, that womens authority at home
has increased substantially compared to the past.
116 Kar, M., Freedom Struggle and Iranian Womens Movement, lecture delivered to the
Institute for Middle East Studies in Washington, D.C., 23 October 1999.
117 See Amirpur, K., Islamischer Feminismus in der Islamischen Republik Iran, ORIENT 40 (1993) 3,
pp. 439-452.
Iranian Family Law in Theory and Practice
64
And there are still other obstacles to overcome. There is a general mistrust
of the people running the legal system. Law is considered a tool in the hands
of a certain elite rather then a remedy to sanction wrongful actions or bring
relief. There is no trust in the judicial system, the outcome and the duration
of court proceedings being considered dependent on the character and
mentality of the judge and there is the suspicion of corruption at all levels.
Added to this impression is the fact that judges are indeed overworked and
swamped with a huge number of cases.
118
Furthermore, the lack of information or even the sheer ignorance of the
law, the rights of women, children and the population as a whole is striking.
119
In an interview with the daily newspaper Noruz, Sirin Ebadi, the Nobel Peace
Price Winner of 2003, emphasised the importance of an early legal education
and advocated the introduction of law courses at school level to inform pupils
of both gender of their respective rights and the law in general.
The most significant issue, Ebadi explained, is to keep all the individuals
in a community informed of the law. I firmly believe that every one, and not
only women, should be acquainted with the law. Once it is understood by
every one that the law applies to all and all should abide by it, no ones rights
would be violated, neither would anyone violate others rights. Such a trend
of thinking can only be promoted among families by teaching them the
principles of law. Another way is to train the social aid workers employed in
family planning centres nation-wide to enable them to provide their clients
with proper advice on simple primary legal issues. This might work out as a
practical solution.
120
118 According to statistics, some 10 million cases should have been handled in 2000, but only
half of them were closed; see Arman, D., Several Judges and 10 Million Cases, Iran, 1 May
2002.
119 Some research centres have taken up the task of informing the public and continuously
publish little brochures on womens rights, such as the research association for womens
rights in Tehran, goru-e paguhestgaran-e massael-e zanan. So far it has produced a series titled:
What you need to know about the law, with every brochure dealing with another subject,
such as stipulations in marriage contracts, divorce or custody.
120 Bigani, Cabinet approves Irans Joining the global Convention on Discrimination against
Women, Noruz, daily newspaper, 13 February 2002.
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65
Foreign Investment Protection
in Saudi Arabia
Jean-Benot Zegers*
In late 1943, American geologist Everette Lee DeGoyler, who had spent a
considerable amount of time prospecting for oil in Saudi Arabia, recognised
that he was investigating something for which no precedent existed in history.
Indeed the following year, one of the members of DeGoylers exploratory
mission was to inform the U.S. State Department, The oil in this region is the
single greatest prize in all history.
1
Saudi Arabia has long since become one of the worlds primary oil exporting
nations and is currently the biggest producer of petrochemical by-products.
Throughout the mid-1970s and early 1980s, the Saudi economy benefited
enormously from the influx of petrol dollars, which reached a high point in
1981 with earnings from oil alone estimated at US$119 billion,
2
attracting
vast foreign interest as the Saudi government embarked on ambitious
infrastructure projects. However, with the discovery of oil reserves elsewhere
and increased production by other oil-producing countries, combined most
recently with the U.S. led war on Iraq and uncertainty about the future stability
of the region, the price of crude oil has fluctuated unpredictably and Saudi
Arabia has seen its average earnings from the sale of crude oil plummet over
the past two decades. Government spending has been curtailed and lucrative
government contracts are a thing of the past.
As a result of diminished government expenditure, recently the focus of
investment opportunity has shifted to the private sector to meet the needs of
* Jean-Benot-Zegers is a manager with Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer International Arbitration
Group, Paris, and has been on secondment to the Law Firm of Salah Al-Hejailan (LFSH) since
April 2001.
1 Daniel Yergin, The Prize the Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power (Simon & Schuster Ltd, 1991),
p. 393.
2 Ibid, p. 747.
3 In fact, the Saudi population is growing at a rate of 2-3 per cent per annum, with 60 per cent
of Saudis under the age of 20. Unemployment among Saudi males is conservatively estimated
at 14 per cent and every year 100,000 graduates flood the job market, prompting the Saudi
government to implement tougher rules requiring local and foreign employers rapidly to
reach target figures of at least 75 per cent Saudi employees in all sectors.
66
Saudi Arabias steadily rising population and increased consumer demand.
3
In turn, these factors have led to a surge in the demand for electricity, water,
communications, transport, health care, education, training and consumer
goods.
The response of the Saudi government has been to drive through reforms
aimed at liberalising those sectors of the Saudi economy previously controlled
by the state and reserved to Saudi nationals. Pursuant to the new Foreign
Capital Investment Law which came into effect in April 2000, foreign
companies can now establish wholly foreign-owned subsidiaries or branch
offices in Saudi Arabia, thus benefiting from all the privileges hitherto enjoyed
only by Saudi companies, including the right to transfer funds and profits, to
own and dispose of real estate and to sponsor foreign employees. In February
2003, the Supreme Economic Council approved the revision of the so-called
negative list, thus signalling the Saudi governments intention to open up
to foreign investors certain sectors of the Saudi economy previously excluded
from foreign investment, including parts of the telecommunications sector,
insurance, educational services, publishing and distribution services (including
wholesale and retail trade).
4
Perhaps one of the most ambitious projects to date involves the expansion
of the nations gas sector to ensure that there is sufficient gas for the next
generation of power, desalination and petrochemical projects. The Saudi gas
initiative as it has been dubbed, is estimated to be worth at least US$ 25 billion
and is the Middle Easts biggest project of the decade.
5
Other major initiatives
and infrastructure projects include the consolidation, in April 2000, of the
countrys ten regional power companies into a single joint-stock company,
now known as Saudi Electricity Company (SEC), followed by the recent
creation of the Saudi Electricity Regulatory Authority which will act as the
regulatory body in connection with the restructuring and reorganisation of
the Saudi electricity sector, the joint initiative by the Saudi Water Conversion
Corporation and SEC to commission up to four independent water and power
projects
6
(including the construction of four desalination plants) throughout
the country by January 2008
7
and the proposed expansion by the Saudi Railway
Organisation of its existing railway network.
8
Given the significant capital expenditure involved in such projects, coupled
with concerns over the future stability of the Saudi market, not to mention
the region as a whole, one of the primary concerns of foreign companies
seeking to invest in these expanding sectors of the Saudi economy will be the
degree of protection such investors are likely to be afforded under Saudi law.
4 Reported in an article entitled, Kingdom opens up new sectors to foreign investors, Saudi
Gazette, 3 February 2003.
5 Angus McDowall, Seizing the initiative, MEED, 15 February 2002, p. 4.
6 It is intended that the Saudi government will have a 32 per cent stake in each project, with
SWCC and SEC holding 60 per cent and 8 per cent, respectively.
7 At the time of writing, both the railway initiatives were still at the tender stage.
8 This project includes the construction of over 1,600 kilometres of new railway lines throughout
the country including from Riyadh to Jeddah (about 950 km) and from Dammam to Jubail
(about 115 km), as well as a rail link connecting Jeddah to Makkah and beyond to Madinah
and Yanbu (about 570 km).
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67
Typically, foreign investors will want to know how a Saudi court would treat
them in the event of a contractual dispute with a Saudi entity, the effectiveness
of contractual and legal remedies under Saudi law, including recourse to
litigation before the Saudi courts or arbitration, as well as alternative means
of recourse through foreign institutional arbitration or under various
international treaties to which Saudi Arabia is a signatory (and, where
appropriate, the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards).
Outline
In addressing such issues, this article seeks to outline the degree of protection
available to and the risks facing foreign investors seeking to rely on existing
means of legal recourse in Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, in Section 1 of this
article we propose to present an overview of the sources and nature of Saudi
law, with particular emphasis on general contractual principles under Islamic
law (sharia). Against this background, in Section 2 we will focus on the Saudi
judicial system itself, with particular emphasis on some of the advantages and
pitfalls commonly encountered by practitioners in Saudi Arabia. In Section 3,
we will look at current Saudi legislation applicable to foreign investors focusing,
in particular, on the advantages and shortcomings of the Foreign Capital
Investment Regulations, which came into effect in April 2000. In Section 4,
we discuss the role of arbitration as an alternative means of recourse available
to foreign investors in Saudi Arabia, including domestic and foreign
institutional arbitration, as well as the implications of arbitration under various
bilateral and multilateral treaties to which Saudi Arabia is a signatory.
1 SOURCES AND NATURE OF THE LAWS OF
SAUDI ARABIA
1.1 Introduction
Islam is both a religion and a way of life in Saudi Arabia. More than anywhere
else in the Muslim world, Islamic law underpins every aspect of life, from the
administration of justice to the formulation of government policy, from social
convention to commercial relations. The tenets of Islamic law are enshrined
in the Holy Book (Quran),
9
as well as in the deeds and sayings (Sunna)
10
of
the Prophet Mohammad. The Quran and the Sunna are considered to be
primary sources of Islamic law, while the opinions of Islamic scholars reached
9 Muslims believe that the Quran is the sacred will of God as expressed to the Prophet
Mohammad. The precepts and tenets of the Quran are to be followed strictly in all the affairs
of Muslims, whether of a legal or moral nature.
10 Sunna (literally, tradition), the body of deeds and utterances (hadith) of the Prophet
Mohammad, is a code of universal rules of conduct and acceptable views. Compilation of the
hadith was completed approximately in the 10
th
century, some three centuries after the
emergence of Islam. The number of hadith was enormous.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
68
by consensus (idjima)
11
and reasoning by analogy (qiyas)
12
are its secondary
sources. Together, they are known as the sharia.
13
In addition, a number of
royal decrees and implementing regulations have come into force over the
past few decades in order to address matters not specifically covered by the
sharia. This growing body of legislation, together with the sharia form the
nations legal system.
1.2 The four orthodox schools of Sunni jurisprudence
The sharia was largely developed between the 7th and 10th centuries A.D. by
the early Islamic theologians (ulema) who established the four orthodox
schools of Sunni jurisprudence (as opposed to the Shiite branch whose
adherents reject the first three successors to the Prophet Mohammad in favour
of his son-in-law Ali), known as the Hanbali, Hanafi, Shafii and Maliki schools
of jurisprudence. Broadly speaking, these four schools are distinguished by
the degree of flexibility in their interpretation of the primary sources of Islamic
law. The Hanafi School is considered to be the most flexible and tolerant
school in this regard, while the Hanbali School, which is predominant in Saudi
Arabia, is the most rigid and rejects any deviation from the Sunna outright.
14
1.3 The Fundamental Law
Traditionally, Saudi Arabia has been seen as an absolute monarchy, where the
ruling monarch exercises supreme executive, legislative and judicial power.
However in 1992, King Fahd bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, the nations current ruler,
issued a fundamental law in a bid to organise power in the Kingdom. The
fundamental law provides, among other things that:
The Constitution of the Kingdom is the Quran and the Sunna of the
Prophet.
15
Power in Saudi Arabia is based on justice, consultation (al shura) and
equality in accordance with the sharia.
16
Power is given to the sons of King Abdulaziz bin Abdulrahman Al-Saud
and to the sons of his sons, subject to the following rules: (i) allegiance
shall be pledged to the best among the sons or sons of sons of King
11 Islam has adapted to the changing conditions of life through the religious sanctification of
new traditions and the demonstration of their correspondence with the Sunna. Thus, when
faced with issues not addressed in the Quran or Sunna, early Islamic jurists arrived at idjima
(a consensus of individual opinions). When idjima was reached among the ulema, it became a
rule of law.
12 Where none of the above sources related to the matter in question, decisions were reached by
analogy (qiyas) to matters dealt with in the Quran or Sunna. The process of legal reasoning
by analogy has been encouraged in recent times, so as to adapt the sharia to the requirements
of modern life.
13 Literally, the laid down path to salvation.
14 Alexei Vassiliev, The History of Saudi Arabia (London, Saqi Books, 2000), p. 67.
15 Article 1 of the Fundamental Law.
16 Article 5 of the Fundamental Law.
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Abdulaziz; (ii) the King shall choose the Crown Prince however, he
may also revoke him; and (iii) citizens shall pledge allegiance to the King.
17
The judiciary is independent
18
and when exercising their functions, judges
are only subject to the authority of the sharia without restricting it to the
Hanbali doctrine.
19
1.4 Recent developments in Saudi law
While the legislative provisions of the Quran are deemed to satisfy all aspects
of Muslim society, in reality these are complimented by Royal decrees and
implementing regulations to address situations where the Quran is silent.
Thus, when a regulatory need is perceived, the Council of Ministers undertakes
the approval of draft principles leading to the issuance of a royal decree or a
resolution, which normally becomes effective after promulgation in the Official
Gazette (Umm al-Qura). Another means of regulation is through the issuance
of ministerial circulars or instructions. Technically, resolutions, circulars and
instructions are not laws and are considered valid only to the extent that they
do not contradict the sharia. However, this recent legislative regime provides
a reasonably adequate legal framework for many modern commercial
transactions through the growing body of regulations that apply to such
transactions. This is the theory underlying the interaction of the sharia and
such regulatory regime.
1.5 General contractual principles under the sharia
The sharia firmly upholds the binding force of contract, the freedom to
negotiate terms (provided such terms do not violate divine law
20
) and the
independent settlement of disputes. The principle that a contract embodies
the sacred law of the relationship between the parties is central to the sharia
and if most typically expressed in the maxim the contract is the law of the
parties.
21
No distinction is drawn between treaties, state contracts and private
contract. Indeed, early Islamic scholars considered that such contracts had
equal validity and should be performed in good faith.
Moreover, the respect and inviolability of private property is a fundamental
principle under the sharia.
22
In accordance with Chapter IV, Verse 29 of the
Holy Quran, it is stated: O ye who believe! Eat not up your property amongst
yourselves in vanities, but let there be amongst ye traffic and trade by mutual
goodwill. Classical Islamic jurists have interpreted this verse to mean, One is
17 Ibid.
18 Article 44 of the Fundamental Law.
19 Article 46 of the Fundamental Law.
20 The sharia forbids usury and gambling, as well as trading in certain goods, including alcohol
and pork items.
21 Dr Yahya Al-Samaan, The legal protection of foreign investment in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Dar
Al Andalus for Pub. & Dist., 2000, 1st Edition), p. 113.
22 Ibid, p. 57.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
70
not allowed to take anothers property without legal cause.
23
The inviolability of private property has also been asserted in the teachings
of the jurists of the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence. According to Ibn
Taimyya, a pre-eminent jurist of the Hanbali School, the first duty of the
State is scrupulously to respect private property.
24
The sharia guarantees the protection of rights and property of Muslims
and non-Muslims living within an Islamic state. However, it should be noted
that there exist two exceptions to the principle of inviolability of private
property under the sharia, namely, expropriation by the state and the
enforcement of a final judgment against a debtors property.
With respect to the former, the sharia only admits expropriation if the
public interest in doing so outweighs the prejudice to the owner of foregoing
his rights of private ownership, subject always to the payment of just
compensation and Saudi Arabia has shown strict adherence to such doctrine.
It should also be noted that compensation for the loss of future profits is
prohibited under the sharia on the grounds that such claim would be
tantamount to the payment of unearned profits, hence speculative in nature.
In relation to the latter exception, foreign investors are strongly advised to
insist on the inclusion in the contract of a clause specifying payment of
liquidated damages or delay penalties as a means of compensation in the
event of delay.
Thus, Saudi courts (namely the sharia courts and the Board of Grievances
25
)
have declined to award compensation to parties claiming loss of future profits
or to approve the payment of interest on overdue amounts (regardless of the
reason for the delay), on the grounds that both are unenforceable under the
sharia.
26
In principle, therefore, the sharia respects the rights of contracting parties
to fix the terms of their relationship. Generally this means when doing business
in Saudi Arabia the foreign businessman may make such contractual arrange-
ments as he can succeed in negotiating, provided that he observes the
principles of good faith and fair dealing enshrined in the sharia and refrains
from violating the provisions of any applicable regulations and decrees.
27
From
a practical standpoint, specificity and thoroughness are particularly essential
to a workable contract under Saudi law, although it would probably be fair
to say that highly detailed contracts have, historically, often been viewed as
unnecessary by Saudi businessmen.
Saudi law does not generally recognise the prescription of rights by the
passage of time. This is because the sharia (according to some interpretations)
considers it unjust to deprive a claimant of his rights. Various statutes, such as
the Labour and Workmens Regulations, the Negotiable Instruments
Regulations and the Rules of Civil Procedure before the Board of Grievances
(1989), however, contain limitation periods for the bringing of actions.
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
25 See Section 2.3 below.
26 Al-Samaan, p. 57.
27 Dennis Campbell, Legal Aspects of Doing Business in Saudi Arabia, Volume V (Kluwer Law
International, 1986), p. 160.
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2 LITIGATION BEFORE THE SAUDI COURTS
2.1 Introduction
As a general rule, disputes arising out of an investment agreement entered
into by a foreign investor and a private Saudi entity would be subject to
adjudication by a competent Saudi judicial authority, unless otherwise provided
in such agreement or in the articles of association of the Saudi joint venture
or limited liability company. However, investment agreements between the
Saudi government (or any its agencies) and foreign investors are subject to
Saudi law and any dispute arising thereunder would be heard by the Saudi
courts. Accordingly, a foreign investor seeking to bid for a government tender
should be aware that the ensuing contract would be governed by Saudi law
and subject to adjudication by a competent Saudi judicial authority, in the
event of a dispute between the parties.
2.2 Sharia courts
Sharia courts have general jurisdiction over all matters and will not decline
jurisdiction unless other judicial bodies have been granted specific jurisdiction.
Article 26 of the Judiciary Law of 1975 stipulates:
The courts shall have jurisdiction to decide all disputes and offences except those
which are excluded pursuant to a law . . . Specialised courts may be established by
Royal Decree made upon a motion of the Supreme Judiciary Council.
28
Sharia courts, which are divided into Summary Courts, General Courts and
the Court of Appeal, are administered by the Ministry of Justice in accordance
with civil and criminal procedural rules, as amended and promulgated in April
and October 2001, respectively. There is a presumption that the sharia courts
have jurisdiction over all matters and it is unlikely that they will decline
jurisdiction to hear a dispute unless another judicial authority has been granted
exclusive jurisdiction. In practice, we have noted conflicting approaches by
certain sharia judges.
Labour disputes, commercial disputes and all disputes involving the Saudi
government or any of its agencies are excluded from the sharia courts.
2.3 The Board of Grievances (diwan al-mazalim)
Commercial disputes in Saudi Arabia have always, at least potentially, had a
separate forum from that appropriate to other disputes. The Commercial
Court Regulations (Royal Decree M/32) of 1931 (much of which remains in
effect) make provision for procedural rules, the effect of judgments and
enforcement in matters concerning the Commercial Court. The Commercial
28 Examples of such specialised courts include the Commercial Papers Committee and the
Committee for the Resolution of Banking Disputes.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
72
Court was superseded in 1967 by the Committee for the Settlement of
Commercial Disputes, which was in turn superseded in 1988 by the expansion
of the jurisdiction of the Board of Grievances.
The Board of Grievances deals with a broad range of matters of a commercial
nature (other than those involving banks, negotiable instruments or employee
rights) involving government or any of its agencies, foreign investors and private
Saudi entities. The Board of Grievances has two functions: a judicial function
in ensuring equitable treatment of those persons and companies which deal
with government, and a prosecutorial function relative to the acts of
government officials and civil servants. Its jurisdiction has been expanded to
include:
compensation claims filed by interested parties against the Saudi
government or its agencies by reason of an administrative agencys actions;
disciplinary cases brought by the supervision and investigation authority;
criminal cases arising under the anti-corruption and anti-forgery laws;
commercial disputes that were adjudicated by the commercial disputes
committees prior to their abolishment in 1987; and
enforcement and execution of foreign judgments and arbitral awards, as
discussed in more detail in Section 4 below.
29
The Rules of Civil Procedure before the Board of Grievances, promulgated
in July 1989, codified the Board of Grievances procedures and extended the
limitation period for claims against governmental agencies from three to five
years. There is no limitation period in relation to claims not involving
governmental agencies.
The Board of Grievances consists of administrative circuits, a commercial
division and a penal division, all of whose judges must be sharia-trained. There
are scrutinising committees that act as appeal courts; each committee is made
up of three senior judges. Unlike the sharia courts, legal consultants, as well
as other experts, professionals and academics, assist the judges. All decisions
are made by a majority vote and then reviewed by a scrutinising committee,
which can affirm, reverse or remand the decision. Any appeals against the
final decision must be made to the King.
One characteristic of the Board of Grievances is that, because its judges can
consult both legal and technical experts, they are able to consider cases that
are far more complex than those in sharia courts. In the past, the Board of
Grievances published its decisions from time to time. However, this practice
has now been discontinued.
Although the Board of Grievances is generally considered to be a fair and
independent forum for hearing disputes and has the advantage of being better
equipped to hear more complex cases, one of the major disadvantages is the
length of time it takes to reach a final judgment. The length of time between
hearings is very long: frequent adjournments and the large volume of cases
brought to the Board of Grievances mean that it can take a number of years
before a final decision is reached in relation to a dispute.
29 Article 8(g) of the Rules of Civil Procedure before the Board of Grievances of 1983.
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73
2.4 Quasi-judicial committees
Besides the sharia courts and the Board of Grievances, there are several quasi-
judicial committees with limited jurisdiction. These committees follow judicial
procedures similar to those of other courts in Saudi Arabia and render binding
awards.
30
The most important of these committees, which foreign investors
are likely to encounter, include the Commercial Papers Committee and the
Committee for the Resolution of Banking Disputes.
Commercial Papers Committee
The intention of the former Committee is to provide an expeditious forum
where matters relating to debts evidenced by commercial papers (for
example, cheques and promissory notes) may be heard. In practice, the
caseload faced by the Commercial Papers Committee has been heavy and the
hearings can be subject to delays. Delaying tactics used by defendants, such as
requesting further information, changing lawyers and failing to appear before
the panel, slow the process further. In addition, there are limitation periods
that must be observed, but should these have expired, it is always possible to
resort to the sharia courts or the Board of Grievances, although the negotiable
instrument will be available only as evidence of a debt, rather than as a
negotiable instrument in its own right.
Committee for the Settlement of Banking Disputes
Disputes relating to banking matters, other than matters relating to negotiable
instruments, are heard by a special committee under the auspices of the Saudi
Arabian Monetary Agency or SAMA, which is the central bank of Saudi Arabia.
The SAMA Committee (as it is known) performs a valuable role by providing
a more specialised forum that is acquainted with the business of banking and
may generally be relied upon to resolve disputes by reference to the contractual
arrangements involved. More particularly, it does not appear to apply sharia
principles as strictly as, for example, the Board of Grievances. For example, in
relation to defaulted loan agreements, the SAMA Committee has been known
to award lenders compensation calculated by reference to some of the interest
(interest is unenforceable as a matter of sharia law) that would have been
payable under the applicable loan agreement.
Decisions of the SAMA Committee cannot be appealed and are enforceable
(there used to be some doubt as to whether the SAMA Committees decisions
were directly enforceable).
30 Dr Yahya Al-Samaan, Dispute Resolution in Saudi Arabia (Kluwer Law International, 2002);
Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law (Kluwer Law International, 2002), Vol. 7, p. 75.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
74
2.5 Points to bear in mind when commencing litigation in Saudi Arabia
Foreign investors should bear the following in mind before commencing legal
proceedings against a Saudi entity or when defending a claim before the Saudi
courts.
No binding precedent
The doctrine of binding precedent is only applicable in a very limited range
of cases. However, previous favourable court judgments may be of persuasive
value. Decisions in any judicial forum must conform, at least in theory, to the
sharia. Moreover, case law (that is, judicial judgments) is not systematically
reported. Therefore, an understanding of Saudi law and practice, particularly
as regards interpretation of the implementing regulations and also
enforcement practices, is based for the most part on anecdotes current in the
legal profession and experience in the field. Although the Hanbali School of
Islamic law is applied in Saudi Arabia, one should not expect direct guidance
on the issues under consideration from that source or from classical Islamic
law generally, except in the most abstract sense.
No retroactivity
It should be noted that the principle of non-retroactivity is an established
principle of law in Saudi Arabia. In other words, laws and regulations come
into effect as of the date of their promulgation in the Official Gazette, without
retroactive effect.
No juries
Jury trials in either civil or criminal matters are unknown. There is no strict
rule against hearsay evidence and cross-examination is not normally permitted.
Proceedings are more in the style of a committee than that of conventional
courts in common or civil jurisdictions. Saudi courts observe few formalities
in case presentation: the judge considers the evidence, renders a decision,
dictates it to the court clerk, and the parties collect a copy.
Burden of proof
In civil matters, the burden of proof generally rests with the claimant. A
claimant who lacks proof may require the defendant to take an oath. The
procedures are, basically, inquisitorial and judges may make their own
investigation of the facts where they consider that these have not been
sufficiently well presented and may raise issues not raised by the parties.
Legal representation
Only a qualified person holding a licence issued by the Ministry of Justice to
practise law in Saudi Arabia may represent any person or company before all
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75
judicial authorities (i.e. sharia courts and the Board of Grievances) and quasi-
judicial committees. Non-Saudi lawyers are not permitted to represent a party
alone, but may join a licensed Saudi lawyer as an adviser. In theory, any person
involved in legal proceedings may represent himself. Proceedings before Saudi
courts are in Arabic and documents submitted in support of a claim or case
must also be in the Arabic language. If a person does not speak Arabic, a
translator will be required.
If one has to sue on a contract in a Saudi court, only Arabic documents or
Arabic translations of non-Arabic language documents are admissible. Where
contracts are complicated, obtaining accurate translations can be very difficult,
not only because translators can be of variable quality, but also because it is
sometimes difficult or impossible to find a proper Arabic equivalent of certain
foreign legal concepts. For example, if one were to refer to an option in an
English document, all of the legal incidents of an option should be carefully
spelled out, because the nearest translation of option in Arabic has entirely
different legal effects.
3 INVESTOR PROTECTION UNDER SAUDI LAW
3.1 The Foreign Capital Investment Law
As previously mentioned, in recent years expanded commercial contacts
between Saudi Arabia and foreign investors have led to the promulgation of a
number of laws and implementing regulations, many of which contain
provisions that reflect generally accepted commercial and civil law influences.
One such law is the Foreign Capital Investment Law, which came into force
in April 2000, and which provides a regulatory framework for foreign investors
seeking to invest foreign capital in one or more licensed activities in Saudi
Arabia. In this section we propose to assess some of the advantages and
shortcomings of the new law as far as foreign investors are concerned.
3.2 What is a foreign investor and foreign capital?
Pursuant to Article 1 of the Foreign Capital Investment Law, the term foreign
investor means:
A natural person of non-Saudi nationality or otherwise the body corporate, in which
all partners are not exclusively Saudi nationals.
The term foreign capital as defined in the Foreign Capital Investment
includes:
The following property and rights, as may be owned by the foreign investor namely:
Banknotes, securities and negotiable instruments.
Profits realised from foreign investment if used to increase capital, expand existing
projects or establish new projects.
Machinery, equipment, instruments, spare parts, means of transportation and
production requirements related to such investment.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
76
Intangible rights such as licences, intellectual property rights, technical know-how,
administrative skills and production techniques.
3.3 What is a licensed activity?
Article 3 of the Foreign Capital Investment Law stipulates:
The Supreme Economic Council Licensed shall issue a list specifying the types of
activities from which foreign investors are excluded.
Thus, in accordance with Resolution No.11/21 dated 17/11/1421H
(equivalent to 11/02/2001 A.D.), the Supreme Economic Council published
a list of 22 investment activities from which foreigners are excluded. The list
includes exploration, drilling and production of oil and gas, road, air and
pipeline transport, as well as insurance and telecommunications services.
31
However, in keeping with the Saudi governments recent policy of opening
up certain sectors of the economy to foreign investment to meet increasing
local demand for improved services in such sectors, it has been widely reported
in the Saudi press in 2002 that the insurance, transport and certain parts of
the telecommunications sectors will be removed from the list of investment
activities hitherto reserved to Saudi companies, in order to encourage foreign
investment in these sectors.
32
3.4 Guarantees afforded to foreign investors under the Foreign Capital
Investment Law
Of primary concern to any investor seeking to do business in a foreign country
is protection of its investment. Other than foreseeable commercial risks facing
a foreign venture, foreign investors also fear that a host country may arbitrarily
exercise its sovereign powers, for example, through expropriation or
nationalisation of the venture or restrictions on the transfer or repatriation of
investment capital or profits.
Saudi Arabia has sought to allay such fears by providing various guarantees
to foreign investors in the form of equitable treatment under Saudi law. Article
6 of the Foreign Capital Investment Law stipulates:
A project that has been licensed pursuant to these regulations shall enjoy all rights,
incentives and guarantees available in respect of a national project in accordance
with Saudi law.
Such guarantees include the right to:
(i) transfer the profits or proceeds of the sale of the foreign-owned entity
or dispose of the same by any other lawful means (Article 7);
(ii) own real estate as may be necessary for the conduct of the licensed
activity or accommodation of its employees (Article 8);
31 A complete list of excluded activities is set out at Appendix I.
32 At the time of writing, this so-called negative list has yet to be amended to reflect this new
political will.
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(iii)sponsor non-Saudi employees (Article 9); and most significantly
(iv)protection of the foreign investment from arbitrary expropriation (other
than pursuant to a judicial decision or in the public interest and subject
to fair compensation) pursuant to Article 10 of the Foreign Capital
Investment Law.
3.5 Dispute resolution under the Foreign Capital Investment Law
In addition to protection of their investments, foreign investors seeking to do
business in Saudi Arabia want to be assured of the existence of adequate and
impartial dispute resolution mechanisms to which they can have recourse in
the event that their rights have been infringed by the Saudi government, its
agencies or a private Saudi partner.
The Foreign Capital Investment Law contemplates two possible scenarios,
namely:
(i) a dispute between the foreign investor and the Saudi government (or
any of its agencies); or
(ii) a dispute between the foreign investor and its Saudi partner. Article 13
of the Foreign Capital Investment Law stipulates:
Without prejudice to the agreements to which Saudi Arabia is a party:
(1) Disputes that may arise between the Government and a foreign investor in relation
to foreign investments that are licensed pursuant to this law shall, as far as possible,
be settled amicably, failing which the dispute shall be resolved in accordance
with the relevant laws.
(2) Disputes that may arise between a foreign investor and its Saudi partners in
relation to foreign investments that are licensed pursuant to this law shall, as far
as possible, be settled amicably, failing which the dispute shall be resolved in
accordance with the relevant laws.
As previously mentioned, the Board of Grievances is the competent judicial
authority in cases involving investment disputes between the Saudi government
(or any of its agencies) and foreign investors, whereas disputes between foreign
investors and a private Saudi entitiy may be subject to a competent Saudi
judicial authority, unless otherwise provided by the parties in the investment
contract.
Despite the well-established authority of the Board of Grievances to inter-
vene in disputes involving the Saudi government, arguably Article 13 may
not necessarily limit such disputes to the jurisdiction of Saudi courts alone.
Under Article 13, the Arabic term ittifaqiyat is rendered in
English as agreements. However, the Arabic meaning is very broad and
includes concepts such as treaties or conventions, as well as contracts or
agreements. Moreover, as previously stated, under general sharia principles
no distinction is drawn between treaties, state contracts and private contracts.
In addition, in sub-paragraphs (1) and (2), the Arabic term nzam ,
which means law, is a specific reference to the Foreign Capital Investment
Law, whereas the term anzima , which is the plural of nzam,
appears to be a more general reference to the laws and regulations of Saudi
Arabia.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
78
Moreover, due to the fact that the Saudi government could in theory
unilaterally amend or abrogate its domestic legislation, foreign investors may
consider the guarantees and assurances embodied in the Foreign Capital
Investment Law to be of limited value.
33
Accordingly, foreign investors may
seek redress directly against the Saudi government or Saudi entities under
various bilateral and multilateral treaties to which Saudi Arabia is a party, as
discussed below in Section 4.
4 ALTERNATIVE MEANS OF RECOURSE AVAILABLE TO
FOREIGN INVESTORS
4.1 Introduction
Despite the relative protection afforded to foreign investors under the sharia
and the guarantees extended to foreign investments under the Foreign Capital
Investment Law, foreign investors may nevertheless feel uncomfortable about
commencing litigation before the Saudi courts for several reasons.
Typically, litigation in Saudi Arabia (as elsewhere) can be protracted and
expensive and the outcome uncertain, pending a final judgment. In addition,
many foreign investors may perceive that Saudi courts are not sufficiently
experienced in or knowledgeable about potentially complex legal issues, which
may arise out of specialised contracts such as design-build, turnkey or EPC
contracts, or sophisticated infrastructure finance schemes involving multi-
jurisdictional syndicated loans, bond issues or the like. Moreover, as previously
mentioned, Saudi courts have declined to award compensation to parties
claiming loss of future profits or to approve the payment of interest on overdue
amounts (regardless of the reason for the delay), on the grounds that both
are unenforceable under the sharia. Furthermore, foreign investors are
understandably keen to avoid any adverse publicity generated by media interest
in their dispute as such publicity could have a detrimental effect on the parent
company or its share value, if such company is listed on a stock exchange.
Lastly, yet perhaps most importantly, foreign investors generally have limited
confidence in the impartiality of the national courts of certain host countries.
For these and other reasons, many foreign investors readily seek alternative
means of dispute resolution. To that end, one of the most common approaches
adopted by foreign investors is to include an arbitration clause in the investment
agreement. In this section we propose to examine the role of arbitration as an
alternative means of recourse available to foreign investors in Saudi Arabia,
including domestic and foreign arbitration, as well as enforcement procedures
under Saudi law, including under various bilateral and multilateral treaties to
which Saudi Arabia is a signatory.
33 Al-Samaan, The legal protection of foreign investment in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, p 51.
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4.2 Arbitration under the sharia
Generally speaking, Saudi law regards both mediation and arbitration as a
valid means of resolving commercial disputes within the private sector and,
subject to certain limitations, of disputes between the Saudi government and
private parties.
34
According to the Hanbali School, which is predominant in Saudi Arabia,
an arbitral award is deemed to have the same binding effect as a court
judgment. Nevertheless, there is no legal requirement for the courts to
renounce their jurisdiction to hear an arbitrated case on the merits.
Concomitantly, arbitral awards will not be automatically enforced. Hanbali
jurists insist that an arbitrator be qualified in the sharia.
35
In addition, parties
to arbitration may revoke an arbitrator at any time before the arbitrator renders
the award, unless the arbitration agreement contains a provision expressly
prohibiting revocation or if a judge has appointed the arbitrator. In the latter
case, the arbitrator is deemed to be the representative of the judge and his
mandate cannot be revoked during the arbitral proceedings.
4.3 Domestic arbitration and enforcement of awards under the Arbitration
Law of 1983
Prior to the enactment of the new Saudi Arbitration Law in 1983 (the
Arbitration Law, the Saudi arbitration system was based on various texts,
including certain provisions of the Commercial Courts Regulations, the
Chamber of Commerce Regulations, the Labour and Workmens Regulations
and the Commercial Agencies Regulations, which authorised recourse to
arbitration, subject to certain restrictions. The Arbitration Law
36
and the
implementing regulations of 1985
37
(the Arbitration Law) superseded the
piecemeal provisions contained in such regulations and constituted an attempt
to harmonise such texts and provisions in a single body of legislation.
The Arbitration Law distinguishes between arbitrations arising out of (i) an
agreement by the parties to arbitrate a specific existing dispute and (ii) an
arbitration clause that may be invoked by the parties in the event of a dispute
resulting from the performance of a specific contract.
Article 1 stipulates:
The parties may agree to arbitrate a specific existing dispute; a prior agreement to
arbitrate may also be made in respect of any dispute resulting from the performance
of a specific contract.
34 A. Lerrick and Q.J. Mian, Saudi Business and Labor Law: Its Interpretation and Application (London,
Graham & Trotman Ltd., out of print, 1982), p. 176.
35 Al-Samaan, The legal protection of foreign investment in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, p. 250.
36 The Saudi Arbitration Law came into effect by Royal Decree M/46 on 12.07.1403 (equivalent
to 25 April 1983).
37 The implementing regulations, which came into effect by Decree No. 7120211M dated
08.09.1405 (27 May 1985), were subsequently promulgated in the Official Gazette on
10/10/1405 (28 June 1985).
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
80
Article 1 is to be read in conjunction with Articles 5 and 7.
In the former case, the parties to a dispute are obliged to file their agreement
to arbitrate with the authority originally competent to hear such dispute.
38
In
addition, such agreement has to be signed by the parties or their authorised
attorneys, as well as by the arbitrators, and it must state the details of the
dispute, the names of the arbitrators and their agreement to hear such
dispute.
39
In the latter case, if the parties have agreed to arbitrate before the
occurrence of the dispute, or if the agreement to arbitrate relating to a specific
existing dispute has been approved by the relevant authority, then the subject
matter of the dispute shall be heard only in accordance with the provision of
the Arbitration Law.
40
These new provisions appear to address the vexed question of the validity
of arbitration clauses in contracts before a dispute arose, in that sharia courts
generally refused to implement such clauses and only parties to an existing
dispute were authorised to submit such dispute to arbitration provided that
they entered into a separate arbitration agreement, which was subject to formal
rules and had to be executed before a notary public. According to certain
commentators, the new law acknowledges that arbitration clauses are binding
on the parties and recognises arbitration stemming from such clauses without
the necessity to enter into a new arbitration agreement (which would then
have to be confirmed by the authority originally having jurisdiction).
41
In other
words, arguably there is now official acknowledgement of the validity and
binding nature of arbitral clauses in contracts.
It should be noted that the Arbitration Law precludes the Saudi government
or its agencies from resorting to arbitration for settlement of their disputes
with third parties, except by leave of the President of the Council of Ministers,
although such prohibition is subject to amendment by resolution of the
Council of Ministers.
42
Article 3 reflects a decision taken by the Saudi Council of Ministers over
two decades prior to the enactment of the Arbitration Law and adopted by
royal decree,
43
following an unfavourable arbitral award made against the Saudi
government in the Aramco case.
44
In essence, Decree No. 58 prohibited recourse
to arbitration in the event of a dispute between the Saudi government or any
ministry, administration, directorate or agency thereof and a private individual
or legal entity. No distinction was made between national or international
arbitration. The Decree contained two exceptions, namely (i) if the contract
related to a concession, which was deemed to be of vital interest to the State
(the State alone determining what constituted such vital interest), or (ii) if a
38 For domestic arbitration, depending on the object of the dispute, such authority includes
(i) the sharia courts, (ii) the Board of Grievances, and (iii) the Committee for the Settlement
of Labour Disputes.
39 Article 5 of the Arbitration Law.
40 Article 7 of the Arbitration Law.
41 Abdul Hamid El-Ahdab, Arbitration with the Arab Countries, 2nd Edition (Kluwer Law
International, 1999), Part III, at p. 569.
42 Article 3 of the Arbitration Law.
43 Decree No. 58 of 25 June 1963.
44 Saudi Arabia v. Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco), 23 August 1958, reported in 27 I.L.R.
(1963).
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dispute arising under a government contract was technical in nature. Although
the significance of Decree No. 58 has diminished over time, it should
nevertheless be noted that the Arbitration Law makes no distinction between
national or international arbitration.
Article 10 of the Arbitration Law stipulates:
If the parties have not appointed the arbitrators, or if either of the parties fails to
appoint its own arbitrator(s), or if one or more of the arbitrators is unable or refuses
to assume his mission or withdraws, or if he is dismissed, and there is no special
agreement between the parties, the Authority originally competent to hear the dispute
shall appoint the required arbitrators upon request of the party who is interested in
expediting the arbitration. . .
However, it should be stressed that under Article 18 of the Arbitration Law,
either party may appeal the arbitration award within 15 days of receiving
notification of the award being rendered. Thus under the Arbitration Law,
the Saudi courts are deemed to be the competent authority having jurisdiction
over the dispute and control over all stages of the proceedings, including in
particular, the power to hear an appeal filed by either party against an award.
In other words, under Saudi law a domestic arbitral award is not deemed to
be final and binding until the Saudi courts have settled any appeal against the
award, thus rendering such award enforceable.
4.4 Foreign arbitration and enforcement under the New York Arbitration
Convention
Increasingly, foreign investors are seeking to include foreign arbitration clauses
in agreements entered into with Saudi counterparties, in particular, in relation
to major infrastructure or construction projects or agreements for the supply,
delivery, installation and commissioning of expensive plant or equipment. In
so doing, the intention is to waive Saudi judicial jurisdiction in favour of private
justice, on the assumption that should a dispute arise between the parties and
result in an arbitral award in favour of a foreign investor, such award would be
final and enforceable against the assets of the Saudi counterparty in Saudi
Arabia, as the case may be.
Having said that, foreign investors wishing to include foreign arbitration
clauses in their agreements should bear in mind that a key problem of
arbitration is the enforcement of an arbitral award, a problem which often
becomes more complicated in the case of foreign arbitral awards. The
enforcement of a foreign arbitral award may be hindered by the claim of
sovereign immunity where the respondent is a state or one of its constituent
subdivisions or agencies.
45
In order to address this issue, the Saudi government
has entered into a number of bilateral and multilateral conventions for
the purpose of regulating the enforcement of foreign arbitral awards. One
such multilateral convention is the Convention on the Recognition and
45 Al-Samaan, Dispute Resolution in Saudi Arabia; Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, Vol. 7,
p. 81.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
82
Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards
46
to which Saudi Arabia acceded in
1994.
47
Generally referred to as the New York Arbitration Convention , this
multilateral treaty (which has been adhered to by over 120 jurisdictions),
provides for recognition of both the arbitration clause and the resulting
award.
48
In this section, we propose to analyse the degree of protection afforded
by the New York Arbitration Convention to foreign investors in Saudi Arabia.
Generally speaking, the legal basis for the enforcement of foreign arbitral
awards is expected to be found in the domestic legislation of the state in
which enforcement is sought. However, in Saudi Arabia, there is no specific
legislation on the enforcement of foreign arbitral awards. Indeed, as previously
stated in paragraph 4.3, the Arbitration Law makes no distinction between
national or international arbitration. However, the Board of Grievances is
empowered to consider applications for the enforcement of foreign judgments
(and arguably foreign arbitral awards) pursuant to the Rules of Civil Procedure
before the Board of Grievances of 1989, which specify, inter alia, the manner
in which applications for the enforcement of foreign judgments should be
made, and the procedures to be followed by the Board of Grievances in this
regard.
49
It is important to note that while there is no restriction under the Arbitration
Law against an arbitration being held inside or outside Saudi Arabia, an arbitral
award that is rendered outside Saudi Arabia is deemed to be foreign only if it
is rendered according to substantive and procedural foreign law.
From a practical standpoint, the procedure for enforcement of the foreign
arbitral award is initiated by a petition that is submitted to the Board of
Grievances by the relevant party (usually the party in whose favour the award
has been rendered). After ensuring that the award does not contravene the
mandatory principles of sharia law,
50
the Board of Grievances may invite the
parties to present oral submissions. If the Board of Grievances is satisfied that
the award should be recognised, it will grant an enforcement order.
If the arbitral award has been rendered in a state that is not a party to the
New York Arbitration Convention, the Board of Grievances may nevertheless
agree to enforce such an award on the basis of reciprocity. In accordance with
Article 6 of the Rules of Civil Procedure before the Board of Grievances, the
Board of Grievances may issue an order for enforcement of a foreign judgment,
if the foreign state in which such judgment is rendered affords reciprocal
46 330 U.N.T.S. 38, 21 U.S.T. 2517, T.I.A.S. No. 6997 (1958).
47 Saudi Arabia did so by Royal Decree No. 7-11 dated 29 December 1993, which was promulgated
in the Umm Al-Qura (Official Gazette) on 21 January 1994.
48 W. L. Craig, W. W. Park and J. Paulsson, International Chamber of Commerce Arbitration, 3rd Edition
(New York, ICC Publishing Inc., 2000), p. 679.
49 Al-Samaan, Dispute Resolution in Saudi Arabia; Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, Vol. 7,
p. 81.
50 An example of an award that would contravene such principles would include cases where the
foreign arbitral award contained an order requiring the payment of interest, which is strictly
forbidden under sharia law. The Board of Grievances would also reject an application for the
enforcement of a foreign arbitral award on public policy grounds, for example, where the
dispute arose under an agreement for the provision of forbidden goods or services, or
contractual dealings with the State of Israel, which is the subject of a boycott by the Saudi
government.
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treatment to judgments rendered by the Saudi courts, provided that nothing
in the foreign judgment contravenes the mandatory principles of sharia law.
Despite the above, we are not aware of the existence of any previous instances
where a party has sought to petition the Board of Grievances to have a foreign
arbitral award enforced in Saudi Arabia under the New York Arbitration
Convention.
51
4.5 Bilateral investment treaties
In the previous section, we touched upon how the Saudi government sought
to prevent foreign investors from seeking recourse to arbitration in the event
of a dispute arising under a contract between the Saudi government (and any
of its agencies) pursuant to Decree No. 58. Since the promulgation of that
Decree in 1963, Saudi Arabia has come under increasing pressure from foreign
governments and, in particular, the United States to modify its stance. This
led to the signing by the Saudi government of a bilateral investment treaty
with the United States, as well as bilateral treaties with several other states, as
discussed below, as a means of allaying the fears of foreign investors about
political risk and encouraging investment in Saudi Arabia.
OPIC Convention
On 26 April 1975, Saudi Arabia and the United States (under the aegis of the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation
52
) entered into a convention (the
OPIC Convention), which contained a clause authorising recourse to
arbitration in the event of a dispute between the Saudi government (or any of
its agencies) and an American investor guaranteed by OPIC. The OPIC
Convention stipulates that the parties to a dispute arising in connection with
an investment guaranteed by virtue of the OPIC Convention must first attempt
to resolve such dispute by negotiation,
53
failing which either government may
refer the matter to arbitration.
54
The arbitral tribunal is to consist of three
arbitrators, one to be appointed by each contracting state and the chairman,
who is to be neither Saudi nor American, by mutual agreement of the parties.
55
If one of the parties should fail to appoint an arbitrator, the other party may
request that the President of the International Court of Justice do so in lieu of
the defaulting party.
56
However, the OPIC Convention is silent as to the steps
51 However, at the time of writing, the author understands that a petition may soon be filed
before the Board of Grievances by a foreign party seeking the enforcement of such an award,
which may result in the first test case in Saudi Arabia. Depending on whether or not such
petition is filed and subject to confidentiality requirements, the author proposes to discuss
the outcome of this case in a future article.
52 OPIC is an state-owned agency which guarantees U.S. foreign investment against political
risks.
53 OPIC Convention, Article 3(a).
54 Ibid, Article 39.
55 Ibid, Article 3(c)(i).
56 Ibid, Article 3(c)(ii).
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
84
to be taken in the event that the parties fail mutually to agree a chairman.
The award is rendered by majority vote and is final and binding. It should be
noted that under the OPIC Convention, the arbitral tribunal is obliged to
apply the principles and rules of international law.
57
In addition, the arbitral
tribunal is authorised to determine its own procedural rules, which it deems
appropriate to the subject matter of the dispute.
58
Other bilateral investment treaties
In addition, Saudi Arabia is a party to five other bilateral investment treaties,
namely with China, Egypt, Germany, Italy and the Philippines.
59
Recent reports
in the Saudi economic press suggest that the Saudi government is currently
negotiating various bilateral treaties with an undisclosed number of other
states.
4.6 Other multilateral conventions
In addition to acceding to the New York Arbitration Convention, Saudi Arabia
is also a signatory to other multilateral conventions which provide foreign
investors with a means of dispute resolution through foreign arbitration, and
the enforcement of resulting judgments or awards. In this section, we propose
to look briefly at the Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes
and the Convention on Judicial Cooperation between States of the Arab
League.
Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes
In 1980, Saudi Arabia acceded to the Convention on the Settlement of
Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States (the
Convention
60
) providing for a means of resolution of investment disputes
between member states and nationals of other states who are parties to such
Convention, under the aegis of the International Centre for the Settlement
of Investment Disputes (ICSID).
In accordance with Article 1 of the Convention, ICSID is intended to
encourage private foreign investment in developing countries by providing
facilities for conciliation and arbitration of investment disputes between a
contracting state and a national of another contracting state.
Under Article 25 of the Convention, the jurisdiction of ICSID is limited to
legal disputes arising directly from an investment between a contracting state
(or one of its constituent subdivisions or agencies designed by it) and a national
of another contracting state.
57 OPIC Convention, Article 3(c)(ii).
58 Ibid, Article 3(c)(iv).
59 See Appendix II for more details.
60 The ICSID Convention entered into force on 14 October 1966.
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The preamble to the Convention emphasises the use of ICSIDs arbitration
facilities. It states that a contracting state, by the mere fact of its ratification of
the Convention and without its consent, is under no obligation to submit any
particular dispute to conciliation or arbitration. This rule is also confirmed by
Article 25(1) which provides that the disputing parties must consent in writing
to submit to ICSID.
The Convention does not specify the form of instrument in which the
consent may be expressed. Consent can be expressed in an exchange of letters
or in the investment contract. Alternatively, a contracting state may give its
consent in advance to submit investment disputes to ICSID arbitration by
providing for that in the domestic investment law or in an investment treaty.
61
To date, the Arbitration Law contains no provisions in this regard and Saudi
Arabia has not concluded an investment agreement referring investment
disputes to ICSID arbitration. At the time of writing, no dispute arising out of
investment in Saudi Arabia has been submitted to ICSID.
62
According to Article 25(4) of the Convention, a contracting state may notify
ICSID of the categories of disputes that it would not submit to ICSID
arbitration. At the time of ratification, the Saudi government reserved the
right of not submitting all questions pertaining to oil and to acts of sovereignty
to ICSID, whether by way of conciliation or arbitration.
63
With respect to the
latter reservation, there is no official interpretation of the term acts of
sovereignty under Saudi law. However, as a general proposition, some scholars
have interpreted this as a reference to those discretionary executive actions,
which are not subject to judicial review, corresponding to the so-called act of
State doctrine.
64
This doctrine bars the adjudication of claims or enforcement
of awards resulting from an act done by a sovereign power, within its territory,
of a governmental rather than a commercial nature, a quintessential act of
State being the nationalisation of foreign-owned property by legislative
decree.
65
There are a number of advantages to using ICSID arbitration. First, it is
regarded as a flexible and impartial mechanism for the resolution of investment
disputes because it seeks to maintain a balance between the parties interests.
Secondly, it meets the desire of most foreign investors not to have their disputes
publicised because, according to Article 48(5) of the Convention, an arbitral
award rendered under the auspices of ICSID cannot be published unless the
parties to the dispute agree thereto. Thirdly, ICSID arbitration does not raise
the problem of sovereign immunity of a state party to the dispute preventing
it from being subjected to foreign jurisdiction. In other words, under ICSID
arbitration, the defence of sovereign immunity of a disputing state from
ICSIDs jurisdiction cannot be invoked as long as the state has given its prior
61 Al-Samaan, The Legal Protection of Foreign Investment in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, pp. 301-302.
62 Ibid, p. 302.
63 Ratified on 16 April 1980. The Saudi ratification entered into force in Saudi Arabia on 7 June
1980.
64 Lerrick and Mian, op cit, p. 181.
65 Craig, Park and Paulsson, International Chamber of Commerce Arbitration, p. 671.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
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consent to submit to ICSID arbitration. Thus, ICSID arbitration offers foreign
investors a guarantee against the possible refusal of the host state to submit a
dispute to arbitration. Lastly, so far as enforcement of arbitral awards are
concerned, ICSID arbitration is deemed by many to be the most effective
dispute settlement mechanism. The Convention provides in Article 54(1) that
each contracting state is obliged to recognise an award rendered pursuant to
this Convention as binding and enforce it within its territories as if it were a
final judgment of its court.
66
Convention on Judicial Cooperation between States of the Arab League
On 6 April 1983, Saudi Arabia signed the Convention on Judicial Cooperation
between States of the Arab League (the 1983 Convention)in Riyadh. Articles
25 and 37 of the 1983 Convention deal with the recognition and enforcement
of foreign judgments and arbitral awards, without reviewing the subject matter
of the underlying dispute, provided that such judgments or arbitral awards do
not violate public order, morality or the constitution of the state in which
enforcement is being sought, or the overriding principles of sharia law.
Thus, the enforcement of an arbitral award, which has been rendered in a
member state and which awards the claimant interest, can be rejected in Saudi
Arabia on the ground that it violates the prohibition on the payment of interest
under sharia law.
The 1983 Convention distinguishes between public order and morality on
the one hand and sharia law on the other. It seems that the distinction is due
to the fact that the mandatory principles applicable in certain Arab League
states (such as Saudi Arabia) are not regarded as matters of public order in
other states (such as Egypt).
APPENDIX I
List of investment activities excluded to foreign investors.
Industrial sector
1. Exploration, drilling and production of oil and gas.
67
2. Manufacturing of military equipment and clothing.
3. Manufacturing of explosives for civil use.
Services sector
1. Catering for military personnel.
2. Investigation and security.
3. All insurance and insurance-related services.*
66 Al-Samaan, The Legal Protection of Foreign Investment in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, pp. 304-305.
67 Excluding mining services internationally classified under Nos. 883 and 5115.
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4. Real estate investment in Makkah Al-Mokaramah and Al-Madinah
Al-Munawarah.
5. Travel agencies, tour operators and tourist guides services related to
Hajj and Omrah.
6. Placement and supply ser vices of personnel including labour
recruitment and commercial employment offices.
7. Real estate commission services.
8. Printing and publishing.*
9. Distribution services (wholesale trade, retailing
68
and commission
agents
69
).
10. Audio-visual services.
11. Educational services (primary education, secondary education and adult
education).*
12. Telecommunications services.*
13. Road and air transport.
14. Services incidental to electrical energy distribution.
15. Space transport.
16. Pipeline transport.
17. Services provided by midwives, nurses, physiotherapists and paramedical
personnel.
18. Services incidental to fishing.
19. Poison centres, blood banks and quarantine services.
* Sectors earmarked for investment by foreign investors.
APPENDIX II
Bilateral investment treaties entered into by Saudi Arabia as at 2003
Saudi Arabia
Counter Parties (5) Signature Entry into Force
China 29 February 1996 1 May 1997
Egypt 13 March 1990 15 September 1992
Germany 29 October 1996 9 January 1999
Italy 10 September 1996 22 May 1998
Philippines 17 October 1994 11 November 1996
68 Including medical retail trade (pharmacies) internationally classified under Nos. 631, 632,
6111, 6112 and 6121.
69 Excluding franchise services internationally classified under No. 8929, provided that foreign
ownership is not more than 49 per cent on the basis of one licence for each region.
Foreign Investment Protection in Saudi Arabia
88
The Role of International Law and
Human Rights in Peacemaking and
Crafting Durable Solutions for Refugees:
Comparative Comment
Lynn Welchman*
Introducing this Expert Seminar on The Role of International Law and Human
Rights in Peacemaking and Crafting Durable Solutions for Refugees,
1
al-Badil
Resource Centre set out the following assumption:
The Oslo process has been dominated by a primarily political approach, which
considers relevant international law and human rights provisions as impractical
and obstacles for a negotiated solution of the Palestinian refugee issue and the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict. The exclusion of international law, human rights standards and
relevant U.N. resolutions from the terms of reference for negotiations and the
substance of agreements has been identified as a major cause of the failure of the
Oslo process in general, and of efforts at tackling the Palestinian refugee issue in
particular.
This is a sober assessment that in my opinion correctly points up the risks that
the Oslo process took in failing to set commitment to existing obligations in
international law as the framework for the transition. This argument has been
made in particular in regard to international humanitarian law.
2
Nor does the
* Senior Lecturer and Director, Centre of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, SOAS, University of
London. I am grateful to Fouzia Khan for research assistance on this paper; to Colm Campbell,
Catherine Jenkins, Mona Rishmawi and Wilder Tayler for suggestions on comparative material;
and to Lena al-Malak for comments.
1 Expert Seminar convened by al-Badil Resource Centre for Palestinian Residency and Refugee
Rights, hosted by the Department of Third World Studies, Faculty of Political and Social
Sciences, University of Ghent, 22-23 May 2003. This paper was written for the seminar and
presented to the first session.
2 See Welchman, The Middle East Peace Process and the Rule of Law: Irreconcilable Objectives?
in Eugene Cotran and Mai Yamani (eds), The Rule of Law in the Middle East and Islamic World
(London: I.B.Tauris 2000), pp. 51-65; Raja Shehadeh, From Occupation to Interim Accords: Israel
and the Palestinian Territories (The Hague: Kluwer Law International 1997), pp. 168, 131;
Christine Bell, Peace Agreements and Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2000), see
Continued overleaf
89
latest initiative, on the face of it, appear to break this mould. The Quartets
Performance-based Road Map, formally published by the United States at
the end of April 2003,
3
contains no reference to international law or indeed
to any framework external to terms agreed bilaterally or proposed by particular
third parties hence, there is a passing reference to past agreements and
Israel is to freeze settlement activity in accordance with the Mitchell report
(not in accordance with its obligations under international law). The only
reference to the refugees comes in the plan for the third and final phase,
when the parties are to reach final and comprehensive permanent status
agreement that ends the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in 2005, through a
settlement negotiated between the parties based on UNSCR 242, 338, and
1397, that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and includes an agreed,
just, fair and realistic solution to the refugee issue . . . These three Security
Council resolutions do not explicitly deal with individual rights of the refugees.
4
One could understand the adjectives just and fair used in the road map to
describe the solution envisaged for the refugee issue as indicating the solution
generically described by human rights law as currently articulated (the right
to return and to housing and property restitution). On the other hand, the
word realistic hints at the attitude described in the above-cited assumption
of the seminar (to the effect that solutions envisaging the implementation of
these same international legal provisions could be regarded as unrealistic
or impractical). Nor can it be assumed that with the use of agreed, the
drafters of the road map intend to directly secure the agreement of the refugees
themselves, beyond the agreement of their hard-pushed political
representatives.
5
The three U.N. Security Council Resolutions cited in the road map broadly
present and reaffirm the land-for-peace formula now the basis of the two-
state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict explicitly recognised in UNSCR
discussion at pp. 183-184 and 203; and Colm Campbell, A Problematic Peace: International
Humanitarian Law and the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process, in Kirsten E. Schulze, Martin
Stokes and Colm Campbell (eds), Nationalism, Minorities and Diasporas: Identities and Rights in
the Middle East (London: I.B.Tauris 1996), pp. 39-54. For a political science critique of Oslo,
see Ian S. Lustick, The Oslo Agreement as an Obstacle to Peace, Journal of Palestine Studies
XXVII/I 1997 61-66; Lusticks focus is what he describes as a sophisticated strategy of
opposition to Oslo among right-wing Israeli opponents and their supporters in the United
States, which involves ignoring its political content and insisting that it be treated as a legal
document [. . .].
3 A Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict;
formally released by the United States on 30 April 2003; see Conal Urquhart, US releases
road map amid underlying tension, The Guardian, 1 May 2003. See also at pp. 430-434.
4 In UNSCR 242 (1967) the Security Council affirms the necessity [. . .] for achieving a just
settlement of the refugee problem; this resolution is recalled and affirmed in 338 (1973) and
1397 (2002).
5 At the beginning of the Oslo process, Richard Falk identified among the difficulties Oslo
faced as including the fact that the Palestinians living as refugees outside the West Bank and
Gaza Strip were essentially unrepresented by the PLO during the negotiations. Richard Falk,
Some International Law Implications of the PLO/Israeli Peace Process, VIII Palestine Yearbook
of International Law 1996, pp. 19-34, reproduced as Implicationsn of the Oslo/Cairo Framework
of the Peace Process, in Jean Allain (ed), Unlocking the Middle East: The Writings of Richard Falk
(Moreton-in-Marsh: Arris Books, 2003), pp. 66-94, at 66.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
90
1397 (2002),
6
within a framework of political negotiations between the parties
and with an affirmation of the customary international law prohibition on
the acquisition of territory by war. If the collective Palestinian right of self-
determination is recognised through the vision of a Palestinian state articulated
in Resolution 1397, the issue of individual rights of the refugees is not. Back
in 1948, the newly established state of Israel responded at the United Nations
to calls for it to repatriate hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees to
the effect that this:
... was not a question of the rights of certain individuals but of the collective interests
of groups of people. It was not enough to allow these individuals to return when and
where they desired, for the question arose as to who was to assume responsibility for
their integration in their new environment.
7
A more recent quote presents the individual right of Palestinian refugees to
return as threatening the Jewish peoples collective right to self-determination
as secured by the state of Israel. In recent weeks, Israels Prime Minister is
reported to be demanding that the Palestinians should renounce the right
of return to areas inside Israels 1948 borders as a pre-condition for
implementation of the road map, because it is a recipe for the destruction of
Israel.
8
According to Ariel Sharon:
If there is ever to be an end to the conflict the Palestinians must recognise the Jewish
peoples right to a homeland, and the existence of an independent Jewish state in
the homeland of the Jewish people. I feel that this is a condition for what is called an
end to the conflict.[. . .] The end of the conflict will come only with the arrival of the
recognition of the Jewish peoples right to its homeland.
9
Leaving aside the issue of the individual right to return in situations of mass
displacement,
10
these positions illustrate what Christine Bell has called the
meta-conflict, or conflict about what the conflict is about,
11
ultimately
forming the locus of what she terms the deal in a generic or ideal type
peace agreement. Bells consideration of Peace Agreements and Human Rights
6 UNSCR 1397 (2002) explicitly affirms a vision of a region where two States, Israel and Palestine,
live side by side within secure and recognised borders. Falk (ibid, pp. 78-79) notes the failure
to explicitly recognise the Palestinian right to collective self-determination in the two earlier
resolutions, 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). On UNSCR 242, see Musa Mazzawi, Palestine and
the Law: Guidelines for the Resolution of the Arab-Israel Conflict (Reading: Ithaca Press, 1997),
pp. 199-238.
7 UN Doc. A/C.1/SR.220 (1948) cited in John Quigley, Mass Displacement and the Individual
Right of Return, 68 British Yearbook of International Law 1997, pp. 65-125 at 76.
8 Chris McGreal, Powell arrives to face uphill struggle on road map, The Guardian, 10 May
2003; and Jonathan Freedland, Dont hold your breath, The Guardian, 16 April 2003.
9 Ari Shavit, PM: Iraq war created an opportunity with the Palestinians we cant miss, Haaretz,
30 April 2003.
10 See Quigley, supra n. 8, and sources cited therein; see also Eric Rosand, The Right to Return
under International Law Following Mass Dislocation: The Bosnia Precedent?, 19 Michigan
Journal of International Law 1998, pp. 1091-1139. Specifically on Palestinian refugees, see John
Quigley, Displaced Palestinians and a Right to Return, 39 Harvard International Law Journal
(1998), pp. 171-229; and papers to the Badil seminar by Susan Akram and Terry Rempel
(Temporary Protection as an Instrument for Implementing the Rights of Return for Palestinian
Refugees) and Karma Nabulsi (Popular Sovereignty, Collective Rights, Participation and
Crafting Durable Solutions for Refugees).
11 Bell, supra n. 3, p. 15.
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91
(2000) identifies in peace agreements three types of human rights-related
provisions: rights to self-determination or minority rights (the deal), building
for the future (institutional protection for civil, political, social, economic
and cultural rights), and past human rights violations.
12
As demonstrated in
the cases she considers (South Africa, Northern Ireland, Bosnia Herzogovina,
and Israel/Palestine), while all three are inherently interconnected, it is
particularly the meta-bargaining over the deal on the collective rights (to
self-determination) that implicates the handling of individual rights arising
from past human rights violations and hence, the nature and extent of
reparation due as she puts it, the trade-offs between different human rights
provisions including in particular the relationship between group and
individual rights.
13
Through a detailed examination of particular agreements from those four
conflicts, Bell explores the justice and peace connection, the nature of which
she finds in practice to be problematic and controversial:
The view that human rights law provides unnegotiable minimum universal standards
is often presented as in tension with the need for a pragmatic peace involving
compromise, including compromise on human rights.
14
This is familiar from the assumption cited at the beginning of this article. The
tension or dynamic of principle and pragmatism, or law and politics
15
is
addressed by Kader Asmal as the risk of a deadlock between what might be
called human rights fundamentalism, on the one hand, and cynical realpolitik
on the other.
16
Speaking some years into the new South Africa, Asmal (South
African Minister of Education at the time) locates himself as an international
lawyer speaking from a position well within the human rights discourse.
With this discourse, he notes, with a tone of gentle self-mockery:
We come up against the technocrats of the social sciences and of international
relations. These are the hard men of realpolitik, the mandarins of statecraft, who view
moralists as nave children, lacking knowledge of the real worlds harsh realities.
Asmal does not himself accept the dichotomy, and indeed his effort in the
lecture (in 1999 at the L.S.E.) is to set out the ways in which he understands
the South African approach to have moved beyond the twin traps of navet
and realpolitik,
17
offering Nelson Mandela as an example of a third way.
18
In
the literature (and in the practice) of peace processes, the positing of tensions
or dichotomies may pick out law/politics or principle/pragmatism, as cited
12 Ibid, p. 35.
13 Ibid, p. 2.
14 Ibid, p. 5.
15 Ibid, p. ix.
16 Kader Asmal, Truth, Reconciliation and Justice: The South African Experience in Perspective,
The 1999 Chorley Lecture, London School of Economics, 4 November 1999, p. 5; text available
at www.education.pwv.gov.za/Media/Articles/Chorley (last visited 20 May 2003).
17 Ibid, p. 8.
18 Asmal notes the coincidental use of this phrase to describe the South African approach by
Archbishop Desmond Tutu; ibid, p. 5 n. 28. See also Alex Boraine, Truth and Reconciliation
in South Africa: The Third Way, in Robert I. Rotberg and Dennis Thompson (eds), Truth v.
Justice: the morality of truth commissions (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp.141-
157.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
92
above, or law/power, peace/justice, truth/justice, truth/reconciliation,
depending on the dynamic and the particular situation that is being addressed.
On the academic side, certain of these dynamics are closely implicated in
increasing interest among international lawyers in the disciplinary theories of
international relations. Slaughter et al. note that for some this proceeds from
a perceived reality deficit of the law:
International law is particularly susceptible to the siren call of social science, as it
struggles perpetually with suspicions of its own irrelevance.
19
For others, on the other hand, interest in international relations scholarship
is held to reaffirm international law as an intellectual and practical enterprise
and to perceive the integration of IR and IL scholarship as the natural
corollary of the indivisibility of law and politics.
20
According to Slaughter et
al., insiders in both disciplines reject such facile distinctions as positive versus
normative, politics versus law.
21
The burgeoning scholarly literature on transitional justice deals directly
with the particular question of the justice-peace formula worked out in the
process of peace settlements. Colm Campbell et al. explain transitional justice
as a set of discourses which focuses on the problem of reconciling the
demands of peace with the imperatives of justice.
22
The issue of the right to
return for Palestinian refugees directly provokes the justice-peace debate, as
shown by the various quotes in this article and, as a conflict-related legal
legacy, falls clearly within the concerns of transitional justice as thus defined:
Transitional justice [. . .] functions as a collective title for the numerous forms of
political and legal accommodation that arise in the shift from conflict to negotiation.
Its concerns are with conflict-related legal legacies as well as with the myriad of internal
legal quandaries that are a part of the post-conflict world.
23
The peace processes in South Africa, Israel-Palestine and the former Yugoslavia
are among those that the authors identify as being more recently dealt with in
the transitional justice literature.
24
While various criticisms are made of different
aspects of the South African approach,
25
it is true that Bell puts it first among
her case studies in a summary ranking of the human rights measures included
19 Anne-Marie Slaughter, Andrew S. Tulumello and Stepan Wood, International Law and Inter-
national Relations Theory: A New Generation of Scholarship, 92/3 American Journal of
International Law (1998), pp. 367-397, at 372. The authors attribute their usage of reality
deficit to Brian Tamanaha, An Analytical Map of Social Scientific Approaches to the Concept
of Law, 15 Oxford Journal of Legal Studies (1999) 501, at p. 512.
20 Slaughter et al., supra n. 20, p. 372.
21 Ibid, p. 393. In a consideration of problem-driven interdisciplinary work, they cite Israeli-
Palestinian relations as one area where international law scholars have applied international
relations theory as a diagnostic and policy-prescriptive tool [. . .]. Ibid, p. 367, notes 48 and 49.
22 Colm Campbell, Fionnuala N Aolin and Colin Harvey, The Frontiers of Legal Analysis:
Reframing the Transition in Northern Ireland, 66:3 The Modern Law Review 2003, pp. 317-
345, at 317.
23 Ibid, p. 336.
24 Ibid, p. 334. Of particular interest for the Israel-Palestine process, the authors note (at 335)
that one of the most striking features of the recent legal scholarship in the field of transitional
justice has been a reassertion of the critical importance of international humanitarian law.
25 For example by Anthea Jeffrey, The Truth About the Truth Commission (Johannesburg: Institute
of Race Relations, 1999), cited (and challenged) by Asmal (supra n. 17, at 2).
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93
in the various peace deals according to detail and capacity to deliver change.
The Israel-Palestine deal comes last.
26
In fact, Bell holds that in both their
text and their implementation the Israeli/Palestinian peace agreements
demonstrate an almost complete divorce between the concept of peace and
the concept of justice.
27
In her categorisation of three sets of human rights
provisions typically contained in peace agreements, this is referring to the
second set, the building for the future provisions for human rights
institutions. Her evaluation of the way in which the other two sets of human
rights provisions fare in the Israel-Palestine peace agreements (rights to self-
determination and past human rights violations) is equally negative.
Bells comparison is based on a broad distinction between pre-negotiation,
framework-substantive agreements and implementation agreements, although
acknowledging inevitable overlaps in function and content and consequent
challenges to the classification.
28
Her detailed comparison is between four
sets of framework peace agreements (the type of agreement often marked
by a handshake moment)
29
in the four conflicts she considers: the South
African Interim Constitution of 1993, the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of
Principles of 1993 and the 1995 Interim Agreement,
30
the Dayton Peace
Agreement of 1995,
31
and the Belfast (or Good Friday) Agreement of 1998.
32
Bell recognises that a key difference between the Israel-Palestine agreements
and those of the other three conflicts under examination is that the function
of the former is to build separate Israeli and Palestinian institutions and
government, rather than designing ways to share both.
33
This critical
distinction (based on the two-state solution) complicates the comparison
considerably, but does not invalidate it.
The provisions of peace agreements regarding the return of refugees and
displaced persons and property rights issues are in Bells category of past human
rights violations, or past-focussed issues, along with issues of accountability
for and (/or) truth about abuses during the conflict.
34
The way the past is
dealt with is inextricably linked with how the agreement has dealt with self-
determination and raises most graphically the justice-peace debate.
35
Thus,
in the quote from Ariel Sharon above, peace (manifested as the end of the
conflict) requires ab initio the waiving of justice (as manifested by Palestinian
refugees exercising their individual right to return including inside the 1948
borders). Sharons articulation of the relationship, on the other hand, is in
26 Her ranking on this point is South Africa, Northern Ireland, Bosnia Herzogovina, Israel/
Palestine. Bell, supra n. 3, p. 231.
27 Ibid, p. 203.
28 Ibid, p. 20, 29-32.
29 Ibid, p. 25. A leitmotif that for observers of the Israel-Palestine conflict/peace process,
immediately evokes the White House lawn.
30 She also considers elements of the Gaza-Jericho Agreement of 1994. Bell notes the particular
difficulty in drawing distinctions between the types of agreements in this conflict, see discussion
at p. 83.
31 The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzogovina, 4 December 1995.
32 Agreement reached in Multi-Party Negotiations, 10 April 1998: Bell, p. 65.
33 Bell supra n. 3, 155.
34 Ibid, p. 233.
35 Ibid, p. 9.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
94
terms of a fit between peace and justice, with his presentation of the Jewish
peoples rights to self-determination being exercised inside the 1948 border.
When combined with Sharons apparent acceptance of a Palestinian state,
36
the deal here is presented as mutual recognition of collective rights to be
exercised separately and to exclude the exercise of the individual right to
return.
The different types of past-focussed issues considered by Christine Bell
tend to be dealt with, as she points out, at different points in peace processes,
and the discussions on measures taken and mechanisms established for the
purpose of dealing with the past are increasingly informed by developments
in mechanisms of both retributive and restorative justice. As for the first,
the developing concept in international law of a duty to prosecute
37
is not
an explicit feature in the texts of peace agreements. The International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (the Tribunal) was set up as the conflict
was ongoing, rather than being established as part of the agreement between
the parties, although subsequently its mandate was deferred to by both the
process leading to and the text of the Dayton Peace Agreement in regard to
the exclusion of persons indicted by the Tribunal from the negotiations and
the exclusion from prisoner releases and amnesties of those charged with
crimes within its jurisdiction.
38
The role played in peacemaking by the
prosecution of perpetrators is assessed in a separate paper,
39
but it is worth
noting here that the application of retributive justice through criminal
prosecution, as one approach to dealing with the past, is not entirely in the
hands of those negotiating the peace, or reliant on the international
community for the establishment of tribunals. In the case of Israel as an
Occupying Power, there is of course the explicit obligation to search for and
prosecute those accused of grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention
Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War.
40
Israels co-
36 What he means by statehood for Palestinians remains unclear.
37 See Diane F. Orentlicher, Settling Accounts: The Duty to Prosecute Human Rights Violations
of a Prior Regime, 100 Yale Law Journal 1990-1991, pp. 2537-2615; and Bell, supra n. 3, p. 258 ff
and sources at n. 1.
38 The opposition of the United States to the mandate of the International Criminal Court (as
compared with conflict-specific tribunals) is well documented. A recent press release by Amnesty
International calls on the government of Bosnia and Herzogovina to refuse to sign an impunity
agreement on which the United States is insisting, under threat of withdrawal of military
assistance. The agreement would commit the government not to surrender US nationals
accused of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes to the new International Criminal
Court. Amnesty International, Bosnia and Herzogovina: The government should reject US
impunity agreement, 16 May 2002, AI Index EUR 63/011/2003.
39 Alejandra Vincente, Justice Against Perpetrators: The Role of Prosecution in Peacemaking
and Reconciliation, paper to the Badil seminar.
40 Article 147 of the Convention defines grave breaches as those involving any of the following
acts, if committed against persons or property protected by the present Convention: willful
killing, torture or inhuman treatment, including biological experiments, willfully causing great
suffering or serious injury to body or health, unlawful deportation or transfer or unlawful
confinement of a protected person, compelling a protected person to serve in the forces of a
hostile Power, or willfully depriving a protected person of the rights of fair and regular trial
prescribed in the present Convention, taking of hostages and extensive destruction and
appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and
wantonly.
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95
parties to the Convention have studiously ignored this obligation, although
many have complied with the obligation to promulgate national legislation
enabling such prosecutions to be launched against those of any nationality.
This may give a certain scope for those outside the political processes to take
the law, so to speak, into their own hands, in their pursuit of justice; a recent
case in point being the effort by lawyers in London to prompt a prosecution
under the Geneva Conventions Act of Lieutenant General Shaul Mofaz on
charges relating to events in the Jenin refugee camp in April 2002.
41
In a
report commissioned against the background of the high-profile legal action
against Ariel Sharon in the Belgian courts relating to the 1982 massacre of
Palestinian refugees in Sabra and Chatila, Israels Ministry of Justice was
reported to have singled out Britain, Spain and Belgium as the most likely to
prosecute Israelis who breach international law.
42
This must be referring to
the potential for initiatives originating in civil society, rather than state action;
it is doubtful that the political leaders (or their civil servants) of any of the
three countries named would see this form of justice as helpful contributions
to their own foreign policy priorities. Indeed, following increasing numbers
of legal actions against a range of foreign leaders, the Belgian authorities
moved in April 2003 to amend the 1993 anti-atrocity legislation.
43
The extent
of the amendments dismayed human rights organisations, which according
to Human Rights Watch had long proposed establishing filters to prevent
frivolous cases and render the law more politically viable.
44
It remains to be
41 Scotland Yard was reported to be investigating. Chris McGreal, Amnesty calls for arrest of
Israelis for war crimes, The Guardian, 4 November 2002. See Amnesty International, Shielded
from Scrutiny: IDF violations in Jenin and Nablus, AI Index MDE 15/143/2002 4 November 2002.
42 Chris McGreal, Israelis fear war crimes arrests, The Guardian, 12 November 2002. For
background on the action against Ariel Sharon, see Amnesty International, International
Justice for Sabra and Chatila Victims 25 September 2002, AI Index MDE 15/144/2002.
43 Loi relative la rpression des infractions graves aux Conventions de Genve du 12 aout 1949
et aux Protocoles I et II du 8 juin 1977, Law of 16 June 1993, as amended in February 1999 by
Loi relative la rpression des violations graves du droit international humanitaire, which
included genocide and crimes against humanity, under which sections many of the actions
were filed. Implementing the principle of universal jurisdiction over these grave breaches and
international crimes, the law enabled Belgian courts to hear criminal complaints by victims of
any nationality against officials of any nationality on accusations of genocide, crimes of humanity
and war crimes. In April 2003 the Belgian Parliament voted through amendments that inter
alia give wider scope to the judiciary to reject claims involving non-Belgians, and allow the
government to intervene to have cases transferred to the home state of the accused where
the state is considered to uphold the right to a fair trial and where the victim is not Belgian.
See briefing by Human Rights Watch, Belgium: Anti-Atrocity Law Limited, 5 April 2003
(at www.hrw.org/press/2003/04/belgium040503.htm, last visited 14 May 2003). According
to Human Rights Watch, this last provision will subject the government to diplomatic pressure
when a complaint is filed. Such pressure was most recently evident when a Brussels lawyer
confirmed that 19 Iraqi plaintiffs were seeking to bring charges against U.S. General Tommy
Franks and other U.S. soldiers in relation to alleged crimes including failure to prevent the
looting of hospitals and a shooting incident on a Red Crescent ambulance. Ian Black, Franks
may face war crimes change, The Guardian, 30 April 2003. The case was filed on 14 May
(George Monbiot, Lets hear it for Belgium, The Guardian, 20 May 2003). Human Rights
Watch (loc cit.) notes that cases have also been filed under the law against, inter alia, Saddam
Hussein, Fidel Castro, Paul Kagame and Yasser Arafat along with a list of others, although
noting that many of these cases have not been actively pursued. The Belgian Supreme Court
had already ruled in February 2003 that as a top sitting state official, Prime Minster Ariel
Sharon had immunity in the Belgian courts.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
96
seen whether the new version is in practice a workable balance of law and
politics. What may be less easy to track is whether, if serious concerns persist
and are publicised in Israel (and specifically among the armed forces) about
the implementation of national legislation providing for universal jurisdiction
over allegations of grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the
deterrent effect of potential criminal justice proceedings against implicated
Israeli nationals abroad will in fact help reduce the level of serious violations
of international humanitarian law which in turn could substantively promote
the prospects for peace-building.
45
The arguments around prosecution as a mechanism for establishing
accountability for past abuses
46
are provoked inter alia by agreements on
amnesty, which may be presented as key elements of transition to peace.
47
In
this regard, Bell reports evidence that the demands of international law for
accountability have increasingly shaped domestic initiatives such as the
establishment of truth commissions.
48
In a comparison of 15 truth
commissions written in 1994, Priscilla Hayner observes that prosecutions are
rare after a truth commission report, although her reference is explicitly to
prosecutions in the national legal system.
49
In South Africa, Catherine Jenkins
44 Human Rights Watch, Belgium: Anti-Atrocity Law Limited, supra n. 44.
45 See Lynn Welchman, supra n. 3; compare Bell, supra n. 3, pp. 116-117.
46 Summarised by Bell at pp. 271-272.
47 See Catherine Jenkins, Amnesty for Gross Violations of Human Rights in South Africa: A
Better Way of Dealing with the Past? in Ian Edge (ed), Comparative Law in Global Perspective
(Transnational Publishers, 2000), pp. 345-386, at pp. 353-366 on amnesties and international
law. Bell (p. 273) points out that limited effect amnesties are likely to take place at different
stages of peace processes: prisoner releases, for example, or the return of certain categories of
refugees, as confidence building measures, or to enable key negotiators to participate in the
process (her example here is South Africa), may occur at a very early stage (the pre-negotiation
stage according to Bell, by the framework-substantive agreement at the latest). She contrasts
these with more holistic or comprehensive past-oriented mechanisms such as the Truth
and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa, which was based in a post-amble to
the Interim Constitution negotiated between the African National Congress and the then
South African government, but enacted as a mechanism only subsequent to the change in
government. Bell finds only piecemeal measures for dealing with discrete issues in the Belfast
Agreement and the Israeli-Palestinian agreements. Confusion around the standing of such
limited measures in the Israel-Palestine context was highlighted recently with the arrest of
Muhammad Abbas (Abu Abbas) in Iraq by U.S. special forces. The press reported Italys
announcement that it would seek his extradition to face trial; Saeb Erekat insisted that PLO
members must not be arrested or prosecuted for acts before the DoP, in accordance with the
Interim Agreement signed inter alia by U.S. President Bill Clinton; the Israeli Supreme Court
was reported as having declared Abbas immune from prosecution in Israel in 1998, citing the
Interim Agreement, while a radio interview with an Israeli spokesman appeared to suggest
that subsequent acts on his part might change his status; and as for the United States, while
the Justice Department was reported as saying it had no grounds on which to seek his extradition
since Washington had dropped a warrant for his arrest, a State Department official was quoted
by Reuters as saying that agreement only concerned arrangements between Israel and the
Palestinian Authority and does not apply to the legal status of persons detained in a third
country. The Guardian, 16 April 2003; and Richard Norton-Taylor and Conal Urquhart, Abbas:
US Trophy or Reformed Terrorist? The Guardian, 17 April 2003.
48 Bell, supra n. 3, p. 272.
49 Priscilla Hayner, Fifteen Truth Commissions 1974 to 1994: A Comparative Study, 16 Human
Rights Quarterly (1994) pp. 597-655, at p. 604. Her article was completed just as the South
Africans announced plans to establish a truth commission.
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notes the case made for the application of a model of restorative justice, which
included a provision for amnesty in the post-amble of the Interim Constitution
and the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995
establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). According to
Jenkins, the restorative justice concept was identified as a potential means of
reconciling the political imperatives of new nationhood with the demands of
human rights norms and the more traditional concept of retributive justice.
50
Also writing on South Africa, David Crocker describes restorative justice as
rehabilitating perpetrators and victims and (re)establishing relationships
based on equal concern and respect.
51
Alex Boraine describes the TRC as a
third way between the choices of a blanket amnesty and criminal prosecutions
of perpetrators of gross human rights violations.
52
Among the elements that
Jenkins (writing in 2000) regards as strengths in the system as set up by the
Act were the potential for the disclosure and dissemination of information
about violations (the need for the truth), including the public and dignified
space to be given to victims to tell their truths, the expectation that amnesty
would involve an acknowledgement of wrongdoing on the part of the
wrongdoers, the potential for achieving moral and social (if not legal)
accountability, the requirement that the TRC make recommendations for
reparation measures for victims, and the combined potential of many of these
elements for individual and society reconciliation and the building of a culture
of human rights.
53
Many of these elements are included in the core content
of the concept of reparations as outlined below, a concept with critical
significance for Palestinian refugees in its inclusion of restitution. It might be
noted here that in specific regard to the Nakbah, Karma Nabulsi and Ilan
Papp have observed that we can all look to South Africa for a practical
model in their call for mechanisms to encourage the Israeli people to learn
about their own past:
. . . not as a means of retribution or blame but as a measure of restitution and
reconciliation, as the beginning of a concrete process of peace and mutual recognition
. . . Facing the past as a way out of the present impasse has proved successful with
deep-rooted conflicts. The image of two communities of suffering is central to this
process, for the role of the Holocaust in the memory and actions of the people of
the state of Israel is essential for understanding their attitude towards the refugees.
54
An early evaluation of the practice (not the principle) of the TRC
55
is
consolidated in a later article where Jenkins reviews the experience of the
South African TRC in light of the approval by the National Council of East
Timor of a draft regulation by the United Nations Transitional Administration
50 Jenkins, Amnesty, supra n. 48, p. 374.
51 David Crocker, Truth Commissions, Transitional Justice and Civil Society, in Rotberg and
Thompson, Truth v. Justice (supra n. 19), pp. 99-112, at p. 105.
52 Boraine, Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa, supra n. 19, p. 143.
53 Ibid, pp. 373-376. Compare the evaluations of the unique features of the South African model
in, inter alia, Boraine (supra n. 19), Crocker (looking at it as a process of transitional justice,
supra n. 52); and Martha Minow, The Hope for Healing: What Can Truth Commissions Do?
in Rotberg and Thompson (eds), Truth v. Justice (supra n. 19), pp. 235-260.
54 Karma Nabulsi and Ilan Papp, Facing up to Ethnic Cleansing The Guardian, 19 September
2002.
55 Jenkins, Amnesty, supra n. 48, pp. 376-386.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
98
for East Timor to establish a Commission for Reception, Truth and
Reconciliation in East Timor,
56
with a mandate, inter alia, of
. . . establishing the truth regarding past human rights violations in East Timor,
assisting in restoring the human dignity of victims, promoting reconciliation and
supporting the reception and reintegration of individuals who have caused harm to
their communities.
57
An earlier International Commission of Inquiry established by the United
Nations had been mandated to collate information only on violations of 1999
when the Occupying Power, Indonesia, had finally left the territory after an
occupation that had lasted since 1974. The Commission on Inquiry had
recommended that the United Nations proceed with measures to ensure
reparations for victims, consider the issues of truth and reconciliation and
establish an international human rights tribunal to ensure the prosecution
of those accused of serious violations of fundamental human rights and
humanitarian law in the period within its mandate. Jenkins notes that no
such tribunal had yet been established, and with particular regard to violations
committed before 1999, cites Bishop Carlos Belo:
While we believe in and promote reconciliation, the people of East Timor are crying
out for justice against the perpetrators of the horrendous crimes committed during
the Indonesian occupation. Without justice, the broken-ness continues.
58
For her part, Jenkins considers that the main consideration militating against
an international tribunal may well be what the International Commission of
Inquiry termed the rush of events to redefine relations in the region,
59
and
warns against unrealistic expectations of the East Timorese Commission. In
her assessment of the South African experience of restorative justice and in
particular with regard to reparation, Jenkins notes that the TRCs proposals
regarding material reparations for victims were eventually rejected by the ANC-
led government as too expensive; the importance of reparations, she
observes, was undoubtedly under-estimated in South Africa and was perhaps
the Achilles heel of the entire process.
60
Away from the experience of the TRC, a titanic struggle over land
restitution and property rights in South Africa preceded agreement, in the
Interim Constitution, on a limited right to restitution under the rubric of
the fundamental right to equality.
61
The subsequent Restitution of Land Rights
Act of 1994 allowed for restitution claims dating back to 1913, with a wide
definition of a right in land and a provision that direct descendents of the
dispossessed (and not merely the dispossessed themselves) would be entitled
56 Catherine Jenkins, A Truth Commission for East Timor: Lessons from South Africa? (2002)
Journal of Conflict and Security Law 7/2, pp. 233-251.
57 Ibid, p. 234.
58 Ibid, p. 236 citing Nobel Laureate Appeals for East Timor Tribunal AP 23 April 2001.
59 Jenkins, loc cit.
60 Jenkins, supra n. 57, p. 246.
61 Catherine Jenkins, After the Dry White Season: The Dilemmas of Reparation and Reconstruc-
tion in South Africa, 2000 South African Journal of Human Rights, pp. 417-485, at p. 450. Specific
targets of land restitution would necessarily include the impact of race-based legislation on land
ownership dating from 1913 and the Group Areas Acts of 1950 and 1966 specifying particular
areas of land to be used exclusively by a particular racial group; Jenkins at pp. 451-452.
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to enforce restitution of a right in land.
62
Issues of current private ownership,
the history of the dispossession, the uses to which the land is being put, the
desirability of avoiding major social disruption whether restoration would be
just and equitable, the designation of a piece of alternative land from state
ownership, or the payment of compensation in lieu thereof were among
matters for consideration by the Land Claims Court;
63
claims for restitution
were to be lodged by the last day of 1998. Jenkins overview of the process
reveals problems related to the length of time it was taking to settle the
thousands of claims, the reduction in value of compensation awards and a
move away from land restoration in urban areas:
Land restitution, once perceived as an essential part of redressing the injustices of
the apartheid past and the suffering caused by forced removals, has come to be seen
as an expensive millstone around the neck of the government.
64
Officials of the South African government have referred to the enormous
financial implications of full and fair compensation in light of other social
priorities pressing on the countrys budget.
65
The lessons to be learned, for
Jenkins, implicate both process the need to design a mechanism capable of
settling claims promptly, possibly implying an administrative rather than a
judicial process in cases of compensation and resources, with a warning that
political and economic constraints need to be taken realistically into account
at the design stage.
Jenkins also suggests that the international community consider ways in
which reparation for victims can be partly funded by the international
community,
66
in the context of the ongoing effort at the United Nations to
develop the Draft Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy
and Reparation for Victims of International Human Rights and Humanitarian
Law.
67
The Draft Basic Principles explicitly adopt a victim-oriented point of
62 Ibid, p. 453.
63 Ibid, pp. 453-454.
64 Ibid, p. 456.
65 Jenkins cites the Chief Land Claims Commissioner as follows: We are trying to redress the
dispossession, but excessive amounts cannot be met by the fiscus. Land restitution competes
with portfolios like health, education, transport and safety and security all pressing needs in
South Africa. We face volumes of claims this is a gesture to try to heal the wounds of the
past. Ibid, p. 456 citing Business Day, 2 May 2000.
66 Jenkins, supra n. 62, p. 483.
67 Jenkins describes the draft Basic Principles as an attempt to codify the existing obligations of
states in respect of remedies and reparation, as well as to indicate emerging norms and existing
(non-binding) standards (ibid, 439). In a process that has lasted since 1989, the first set of
draft guidelines was drawn up by Theo van Boven in 1993 (UN.Doc E/CN.4/Sub.2/1993/8)
and according to Mona Rishmawi acquired a life of their own (Mona Rishmawi, The History
of the Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims
and Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, presentation to the
NGO Parallel Meeting of the 59th session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, 8 April
2003). After circulation among states, intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations,
the Commission on Human Rights appointed Cherif Bassiouni to prepare a revised version,
which was submitted in 2000 (UN Doc. E/CN.4/2000/62) and in its turn circulated for
comment. A consultative meeting held in Geneva in the summer of 2002 by the Office of the
High Commissioner for Human Rights and reported to the Commission on Human Rights in
April 2003 (UN Doc. E/CN.4/2003/63).
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
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departure and include both retributive
68
and restorative
69
approaches to
justice. Specifically on reparation, they hold that states should provide victims
of violations of international human rights and humanitarian law the following
forms of reparation: restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, and satisfaction
and guarantees of non-repetition.
70
They continue:
Restitution should, wherever possible, restore the victim to the original situation
before the violations of international human rights or humanitarian law occurred.
Restitution includes: restoration of liberty, legal rights, social status, family life and
citizenship; return to ones place of residence; and restoration of employment and
the return of property.
71
Measures of satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition are to include, where
applicable, apology, including public acknowledgement of the facts and
acceptance of responsibility.
72
In the case of the Palestinian refugees, Nabulsi
and Papp call on all those involved in resolving the conflict to have the
public courage to confront the Israeli denial of the expulsion and ethnic
cleansing at the heart of the Palestinian refugee question, identifying this as
the single largest stumbling block towards a lasting peace between both
peoples.
73
The matter of apology and acknowledgement of responsibility has
been raised also in relation to Britain. Writing in the spring of 2001, the Joint
Parliamentary Middle East Councils Commission of Enquiry Palestinian
Refugees included the following recommendation, in view of what they had
themselves heard from Palestinian refugees in the camps of Jordan and
Lebanon:
The British Government might consider it particularly appropriate, at this time, to
make some verbal gesture of acknowledgement of the historical responsibility that
Britain bears for the creation of the refugee crisis that continues today. Although
symbolic, this could help the Palestinian people towards a future, as well as showing
the way that others might also acknowledge their roles in the creation of this
catastrophe.
74
68 Violations of international human rights and humanitarian law norms that constitute crimes
under international law carry the duty to prosecute persons alleged to have committed these
violations. . . UN Doc.E/CN.4/2000/62 para. 4.
69 In a background briefing on the Draft Basic Principles, a coalition of international human
rights organisations locate the principle of reparation in restorative justice theory, an ancient
way of thinking about justice that goes beyond retribution. They continue:
Reparation goes to the very heart of human protection it has been recognised as a vital
process in the acknowledgement of the wrong to the victim, and a key component in
addressing the complex needs of victims in the aftermath of violations of international
human rights and humanitarian law.
Redress, OMCT, Amnesty International et al., The Draft Basic Principles and Guidelines on
the Right to Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Violations of International Human Rights
and Humanitarian Law, at www.alrc.net/doc/reparationvv.doc (last visited 16 May 2003).
70 UN Doc. E/CN.4/2000/62 para. 21. Jenkins (After the Dry White Season, supra n. 62, p.
439, n. 118) notes that the Principles use the word shall for existing international obligations
and the word should for emerging norms and existing standards (emphasis in original).
71 UN Doc. E/CN.4/2000/62 para. 22.
72 Ibid, para. 25.
73 Nabulsi and Papp, supra n. 55.
74 Joint Parliamentary Middle East Councils Commission of Enquiry Palestinian Refugees,
Right of Return, London, 2001, p. 27.
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The issue of restitution, as defined in the Draft Principles above, immediately
implicates the past-focussed issues of refugees, the right to return and the
restoration of property. In 1997, U.N. Special Rapporteur Awn al-Khasawneh
explained the principle of restitutio in integrum as the remedy for population
transfer:
Restitutio in integrum [. . .] aims, as far as possible, at eliminating the consequences of
the illegality associated with particular acts such as population transfer and the
implantation of settlers. A crucial aspect of this involves the right to return to the
homeland or the place of original occupation in order to restore the status quo and
to reverse the consequences of illegality. This right is recognised, for example, in
relation to Palestinians, in the Dayton Agreement, and Agreement on Deported
Peoples of the Commonwealth of Independent States; it establishes a duty of the
part of the State of origin to facilitate the return of expelled populations.
75
He notes that this remedy would also involve the payment of compensation
to the victims and survivors of population transfers.
76
The following year, the
Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities
reaffirmed the right of all refugees [. . .] and internally displaced persons to
return to their homes and places of habitual residence in their country and/
or place of origin.
77
In the preamble to the resolution the Sub-Commission
recognised:
That the right of refugees and internally displaced persons to return freely to their
homes and places of habitual residence in safety and security forms an indispensable
element of national reconciliation and reconstruction and that the recognition of
such rights should be included within peace agreements ending armed conflicts.
The Dayton Agreement contains extensive provisions for the rights of refugees
and displaced persons in its Annex 7, including the concept of safe return
(the conditions to which they are returning) and property rights. Paul
Prettitores case study for the Badil seminar, on housing and property
restitution in Bosnia and Herzogovina, goes into considerable detail on the
implementation of the provisions on property restitution as well as providing
an overview of property repossession under different international law
regimes.
78
A number of points of comparative interest arise from his evaluation,
including his assessment that the process engaged by the Property Law
Implementation Plan aiming at full implementation of the property laws
became truly effective when it moved from a political process driven by
political forces to a rule of law process based on individual rights.
79
He also
75 UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/1997/23 para. 60.
76 Ibid, para. 61.
77 Sub-Commission resolution 1998/26 Housing and property restitution in the context of the
return of reguees and internally displaced persons.
78 Paul Prettitore, The Right to Housing and Property Restitution in Bosnia and Herzogovina:
A Case Study April 2003 at the Badil seminar, at 21-34. See also UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/
2002/17, The return of refugees or displaced persons property, working paper submitted
to the Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights pursuant to Sub-
Commission decision 2001/122, by Mr Paulo Srgio Pinheiro, paras. 22-41.
79 Prettitore, supra n. 79, p. 15.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
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points up the advantages of an administrative rather than a judicial process
for claims, including speedier resolution.
80
As regards compensation, although
refugees and displaced persons were recognised in the Dayton Peace
Agreement as having the right to compensation in cases where their property
could not be restored, the designated mechanism (the Refugees and Displaced
Persons Fund) has not been established (no resources were made available)
and in practice compensation did not materialise as envisioned.
81
Once again,
the issue of resources imposes itself on the implementation of recognised
rights.
Compared to Dayton, the provisions regarding refugees in the Israeli-
Palestinian agreements so far concluded are minimal; indeed it is part of the
deal so far that the refugee issue is postponed until the final status agreement.
Bell points out that there are in fact references in the Declaration of Principles
to agreements to be made on admitting persons displaced from the West
Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967 (not 1948 refugees) and the establishment of
the multilateral Refugee Working Group.
82
However, where Bells comparison
informs in this regard is the similarity she finds in that in both the Dayton
Agreement and the existing Israeli-Palestinian agreements, the meta-bargain
failed to resolve the central conflict which has been relocated, in part, to
issues of return and access to land. In Bosnia and Herzogovina, she underlines
the significance of return for the self-determination deal through the
assumption that large-scale returns would change the power balances and
territorial realities of the separate Entities and unitary state structure agreed
to in the DPA and attributes to this what she considers (on figures from
1999) as a failure of implementation of Daytons terms.
83
Prettitore provides
updated figures of nearly a million returnees to pre-war homes and an up-
beat assessment of strong progress on property repossession. However, it is
clear that much of the progress has been achieved not through the will and
choice of the Entities and their agents but through the continuing involvement
and pressure of the international community, including direct intervention
in matters of domestic legislation and implementation by the Office of the
High Representative, and thus that Bells assessment of the failure of the meta-
bargain between the parties is likely to remina valid. The extent to which the
international community was involved and remains involved in Dayton, and
the role of third parties in securing Oslo, is a closely related point of comparison
that Bell makes between the peace deals in Bosnia and Herzogovina and Israel-
Palestine, to be returned to shortly in this article. Summarising pragmatic
peace arguments in response to the refugee-specific just peace thesis
advanced by the UNHCR, she states:
In short, return of refugees and land justice can begin to rewrite the territorial
compromise at the heart of the deal, and this crucially affects bargaining over them.
Even if return is provided for in a peace agreement, implementation will not
80 Ibid, p. 10.
81 Ibid, pp. 16-17.
82 Bell, supra n. 3, pp. 248-250.
83 Ibid, p. 252.
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103
necessarily follow. If return of refugees is a signifier of peace, then where the deal
has failed to resolve the conflict (rather than just the violence), the conflict will
continue to be waged not least through whether, how, and to where refugees and
displaced persons are returned.
84
The legal basis of the established right to return of Palestinian refugees is not
the subject of this article.
85
However, it is worth noting that currently, the
negotiating dynamics of the peace process, and the failure by the sponsoring
third parties to affirm the right to return in their vision of a realistic peace,
certainly appear to contemplate Bells scenario, where the right of return
increasingly becomes subject to barter, effectively overwriting a plethora of
General Assembly resolutions,
86
as well as, it might be added, strong positions
in international human rights law.
87
In other conflicts, the Security Council as well as the General Assembly
continues to reaffirm the right to return, and indeed the right to return to
ones home. In his 2002 report on The return of refugees or displaced
persons properties, Paulo Srgio Pinheiro cites the Security Council in recent
years as having reaffirmed this principle in resolutions addressing
displacement in numerous countries and regions, including Abkhazia and
the Republic of Georgia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzogovina, Cambodia,
Croatia, Cyprus, Kosovo, Kuwait, Namibia and Tajikistan.
88
The General
Assembly he cites as having reaffirmed or recognised the right to return to
ones home in resolutions concerning Algeria, Cyprus, Palestine/Israel and
Rwanda.
89
In a later paragraph he considers peace agreements:
The right to housing and property restitution has also been recognised and utilised
in several agreements designed to end conflict, including those dealing with the
return of displaced persons in post-conflict situations in Bosnia and Herzogovina,
Cambodia, Guatemala, Kosovo, Mozambique and Rwanda.
90
As for the remedy of compensation:
. . . the overwhelming consensus regarding the remedies of restitution and
compensation is that compensation should not be seen as an alternative to restitution
and should only be used when restitution is not factually possible or when the injured
party knowingly and voluntarily accepts compensation in lieu of restitution.
91
Having found the rights established and recognised, Pinheiros conclusion is
that what needs careful study is the disjunction between existing standards
and the reality on the ground.
92
Khasawnehs earlier report similarly raised
the contrast between the recognition of restitutio in integrum as the remedy for
84 Ibid, p. 256.
85 See Terry Remples paper to the Badil seminar, UN General Assembly Resolution 194 (III)
and the Framework for Durable Solutions for 1948 Palestinian Refugees, and other sources
at n. 11 above.
86 Bell, supra n. 3, 258.
87 See www.hrw.org/campaigns/israel/return (last visited 16 May 2003).
88 UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2002/17, supra n. 79, para. 24 (references to resolutions not
reproduced here).
89 Ibid, para. 25.
90 Ibid, para. 40.
91 Ibid, para. 57.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
104
population transfer, and the fact that this remedy may not be achievable in
practice, as an illustration of the dissonance (or antagonism, as he puts it)
between principle and pragmatism in negotiating peace:
What is important to emphasise here is that the suggestion that restitutio in integrum
should not always be insisted on touches on the fundamental question of the innate
antagonism between peace and justice. Obviously restitutio in integrum is the most just
remedy because it seeks to wipe out the consequences of the original wrong. On the
other hand, peace is ultimately an act of compromise. To put it differently, peace is
by definition a non-principled solution reflecting the relative power of the conflicting
parties, or simply the realization that no conflict, no matter how just it is perceived
to be, can go on for ever. In reality, therefore, while the primacy of restitutio in integrum
has to be continuously reaffirmed, most conflicts end with situations where some
form of pecuniary compensation sometimes in the form of development aid is
substituted for the right of return. Only time can tell whether such solutions will
withstand the test of durability without which peace becomes a formal truce.
93
We come, again, to the immediate implication of the right to return and to
restitution (extrapolated into the politics of demographics and of land) in
the justice-peace dynamic. Khasawnehs final observation goes clearly to the
argument that at least sufficient justice is necessary if a peace is to last; and, of
course, to the meanings of peace. Pragmatism, as well as principle, requires
addressing any perceived reality deficit of the law in order for a workable
justice/peace formula to be agreed and sustained.
For a final comparison, illustrating also the involvement of unofficial or
civil society actors and their relationship with the guarantees offered by
international law, we can take the Cyprus conflict. In recent developments,
although no agreement has been reached at the time of writing, the parameters
of the particular matters to which failure to reach agreement were attributed
publicly at least would fit well with Bells arguments on the meta-bargain.
The U.N.-sponsored Set of Ideas on an Overall Framework Agreement on
Cyprus (1992) promotes reunification of the island along the broad lines of
two federated states, bi-communal as regards the constitutional aspects and
bi-zonal as regards the territorial aspects, with detailed ideas for the federal
constitution and references to agreements and arrangements yet to be made
between the parties in respect of issues such as territorial adjustments and
displaced persons.
94
Under the original text it appears that the option to
92 Ibid, para. 29. In 2003 the Commission on Human Rights endorsed the decision of the Sub-
Commission of the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights (Res. 2002/7 of 14 August
2002) to appoint Pinheiro as Special Rapporteur with the task of preparing a comprehensive
study on the subject. Decision 2003/109, UN Doc.E/CN.4/2003/2.11/Add.6 25 April 2003.
In the current report (paras. 42-55), he examines a range of impediments and challenges to
implementing the right, including issues of secondary occupation (including by other displaced
persons), laws on abandoned property, and the destruction of property registration and records.
93 Supra n. 76, para. 63.
94 The Security Council has endorsed this idea of a State of Cyprus with a single sovereignty and
international personality and a single citizenship, with its independence and territorial integrity
safeguarded, and comprising two politically equal communities [. . .] in a bi-communal and
bi-zonal federation, and that such a settlement must exclude union in whole or in part with
any other country or any form of partition or secession. See for example SCRs 649 (1990),
716 (1991), 750 (1992), 774 (1992).
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105
return may be selected only by current permanent residents of Cyprus
who at the time of displacement owned their permanent residence in the
federated state administered by the other community and who wish to resume
their permanent residence at that location. Those who were renting would
be given priority under the freedom of settlement arrangements. Other
claims (including of heirs) would appear to fall to claims for compensation,
which would be funded from the sale of properties transferred on a global
communal basis between agencies acting for the two communities; other
governments and organisations would be invited to contribute to this fund.
95
The initiatives of civil society actors brought the property-related grievances
of Greek Cypriots to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). In 1989,
Mrs Titina Loizidou joined a march organised by the Women Walk Home
Movement, seeking to assert the right of Greek Cypriot refugees to return to
homes they had left in 1974 when Turkish troops occupied the north of the
island. Prevented from crossing by Turkish troops and then arrested by Turkish
Cypriot police, she took her claim to the Court, which issued two rulings on
the case.
96
In the first (1996) the ECtHR found for the claimant, declining to
recognise an irreversible expropriation of property in the north and holding
that the denial of Mrs Loizidous access to her property and consequent loss
of control thereof was imputable to Turkey. Arguing against the claim, the
Turkish government argued, inter alia, that ruling on such matters would
undermine the intercommunal talks, which were the only appropriate way of
resolving this problem. The ECtHR found that this could not provide a
justification under the European Convention. In the second decision, in 1998,
the ECtHR awarded Mrs Loizidou compensation for pecuniary and non-
pecuniary damage
97
against the Turkish government. The latter again made
the case that the question of property rights and reciprocal compensation is
the very crux of the conflict in Cyprus and can only be settled through
negotiations and on the already agreed principles of bi-zonality and bi-
communality.
98
With Turkey refusing to implement the Loizidou decision, the Attorney-
General of the Republic of Cyprus invited a group of international legal experts
to provide an opinion on Turkeys position, including that:
Turkey has claimed that the decision could only be implemented within the
framework of a Turkish Cypriot proposal for a Joint Property Claims Commission
which envisages compulsory acquisition of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot
95 Set of Ideas on an Overall Framework Agreement on Cyprus (1992) paras. 77-80; available at
www.pio.gov.cy/docs/un/ideas (last visited 11 May 2003).
96 Case of Loidizou v. Turkey, decisions of 18 December 1996 and 28 July 1998.
97 For loss of use of the land, nor for expropriation as she had been found to still be the legal
owner; she had withdrawn a claim for the restoration of her rights.
98 Although the ECtHR ruled nevertheless on Mrs Loizidous rights, a number of its judges gave
dissenting opinions on various grounds including that it is impossible to separate the situation
of the individual victim from the complex historical developments and a no-less complex
current situation (dissenting opinion of Judge Bernhardt, 1996) and Given that efforts are
under way to arrive at a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus problem within UN, CE and other
international bodies, a judgment of the European Court may appear as prejudicial (dissenting
opinion of Judge Jambrek 1996).
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
106
properties against compensation to be provided, eventually, from various sources
including contributions from third States and international organisations.
99
The experts consider factual situations of forcible mass transfer or enforced
displacement under different provisions of international law
100
and advise
the Republic of Cyprus that it could not, consistently with its international
obligations, accept or implement the proposal for a Joint Property Claims
Commission.
101
The legal and political battles over the land issue, mostly
projected by the different sides of the argument as involving either individual
or collective rights, were raised again at the beginning of this year when the
U.N. Secretary-General involved himself in particularly intensive efforts to
encourage the parties to reach agreement on a settlement before Cyprus
became a member of the European Union in April.
102
The effort failed at the
last minute; The Guardian reported that the talks stumbled over Turkish
insistence that their breakaway Cypriot state win full recognition, and demands
by the Greeks for the right of refugees to return to homes in northern Cyprus
that they left 29 years ago.
103
The intense and direct involvement of the U.N. Secretary-General in these
efforts, and the United Nations role in the Set of Ideas, may suggest that
Cyprus has features of the models of Bosnia and Herzogovina and Israel-
Palestine, in Bells scheme, although the mass support reported as being shown
for the reunification plan by Turkish Cypriots introduces a different dynamic.
104
In her comparison of the peace agreements in South Africa, Northern Ireland,
99 Opinion: Legal Issues Arising from Certain Population Transfers and Displacements on
the Territory of the Republic of Cyprus in the Period since 20 July 1974, Georges Abi-Saab
and nine others, 30 June 1999. Available at www.pio.gov.cy/docs/other/opinion (last visited
11 May 2003).
100 Ibid: Mass transfers can occur in a variety of ways, including the following:
a) forcible transfer or enforced flight, where the government of the sending State or of
some territorial unit within it expels the populations concerned, or deliberately causes
them to leave by targeting particular groups or communities;
b) large scale movements as a side-effect of armed conflict;
c) enforced displacement resulting from a refusal to permit the return of persons in
categories a) and b).
It should be stressed that the creation of barriers to return has the clear effect of endorsing,
and perpetuating, the initial policy of forcible mass transfer.
101 Ibid, at p. 14.
102 Failing agreement and the entry of Cyprus as a federated state, EU laws will apply only to the
territory of the Republic of Cyprus, to be extended to the Turkish-controlled north of the
island after reunification. The Guardian, 11 March 2003.
103 Ibid. Shortly after Cyprus entry into the European Union however, in what was seen as
something of a surprise move, Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash announced the easing
of travel restrictions and hundreds of Cypriots flowed north and south over the U.N.-patrolled
Green Line. Angelique Chrisafis reports Greek Cypriots clutching branches of trees on
their return from visiting houses they had not seen for thirty years. . . The Guardian, 3 May
2003. Chrisafis reported the wave of fraternization as not free of misunderstandings: One
Turkish Cypriot woman reportedly died of a heart attack when Greek Cypriots visited her
house saying it was theirs. They were only there to gather plant cuttings, but she feared she
would be made homeless. Two Greek Cypriots are due in court after assaulting a Turkish
Cypriot family for knocking on their door for the same reason.
104 The Economist, 8 March 2003 reported that some 70,000 people (nearly half the Norths
population) demonstrated in favour of EU entry.
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107
Bosnia and Herzogovina, and Israel-Palestine, Bell observes that a superficial
glance at the human rights provisions would suggest (rather superficially)
that the more internal a deal, the greater its human rights sophistication; and
the more international, the less human-rights-friendly it is.
105
She puts this
apparent inverse relationship between international involvement and effective
human rights provision down to the pressures and motivations that are driving
the need for a deal, and thus the extent to which shared interests perceived
by the parties to the deal can be assisted through the language and content of
human rights. She also notes, however, that there is an explanation in:
. . . the more mundane but related question of who was at the negotiations. Internally
mediated processes tend to have mechanisms for including civil society, while
internationally mediated processes working out of traditional international relations
and violence-focused paradigms do not. Internally driven processes by their nature
must preserve the link between politicians and their constituents. Internationally
facilitated processes often focus on bringing together those who have directly waged
the war, often in secret and isolated locations, while the skills of those who have
waged peace [. . .] are left at home.
106
This observation underlines the importance of inclusion. At the current time,
recognition of the right to return (as a right) for Palestinian refugees appears
to be posited, in the realistic (or realist?) language of the road map, as
impractical, to return to the assumptions of the al-Badil seminar. In the
positions articulated by Ariel Sharon cited at the beginning of this article, and
apparently across a broader constituency in Israel, it is treated as a political
non-starter. Unsurprisingly, the perspectives of the Palestinian refugees appear
not to coincide with this approach; and the law is on their side. The U.S.
international lawyer Professor Richard Falk addresses this in his Preface to
the Right of Return Report published by the Joint Parliamentary Middle East
Councils Commission of Enquiry Palestinian Refugees, a British report based
on and largely constituted of the testimonies of Palestinian refugees in camps
in different countries of the Middle East. His contextual remarks are worth
citing in full:
As the testimonies in this moving report make vividly clear, the refugee consciousness
is unified behind the idea that a right of return, as guaranteed by the United Nations
and by international law, is indispensable to any prospect of reconciliation between
the two peoples who have been for so long at war with one another. Once this right
is acknowledged by Israel in a manner that includes an apology for a cruel dynamic
of dispossession in 1948, Palestinian refugees seem consistently prepared to adapt to
the intervening realties, including the existence of Israel as a sovereign, legitimate
state. But to pretend that peace and reconciliation can proceed behind the backs of
the refugees is to perpetuate a cruel hoax, inevitably leading to a vicious cycle of
false expectations and shattered hopes. The collapse of the Oslo process is an occasion
105 Bell, supra n. 3, 231.
106 Loc cit. For a feminist critique of various areas of the theory and practice of international law
relevant to the Israel-Palestine peace process, see Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin,
The Boundaries of International Law: a feminist analysis (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2000), especially Chapters 5 (The idea of the state), 8 (The use of force in international
law) and 9 (Peaceful settlement of disputes).
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
108
for grave concern about the future, but also a moment that encourages reflection
about what went wrong and why.
The clarity of international law and morality, as pertaining to Palestinian refugees,
is beyond any serious question. It needs to be appreciated that the obstacles to
implementation are exclusively political the resistance of Israel, and the unwillingness
of the international community, especially the Western liberal democracies, to exert
significant pressure in support of these Palestinian refugee rights. It is important to
grasp the depth of Israeli resistance, which is formulated in apocalyptic language by
those in the mainstream, and even by those who situate themselves within the
dwindling Israeli peace camp. On a recent visit to Jerusalem, I heard Israelis say over
and again that it would be suicide for Israel to admit a Palestinian right of return,
that no country could be expected to do that. A perceptive Israeli intellectual told
me that the reason Israel was uncomfortable with any mention of human rights was
that it inevitably led to the refugee issue, with a legal and moral logic that generated
an unacceptable political outcome. How to overcome this abyss is a challenge that
should haunt the political imagination of all those genuinely committed to finding
a just and sustainable reconciliation between Israel and Palestine.
107
Although the future of the Road Map is unclear, it remains the case that at
least for the moment there is a rush of events to redefine relations also in
the Middle East. Looking back on another rush of events after the end of the
1991 Gulf war, producing first Madrid and then Oslo, Palestinian lawyer, human
rights activist and writer Raja Shehadeh speaks of the development of a
Palestinian legal narrative through the efforts of civil society actors, where
legal narrative is the way a people tell the story of their right to a land using
the symbolic language of law.
108
It has to have consistency and its own internal
logic, and the preservation and development of such a narrative, he tells us,
is no minor matter. Despite the clear challenges and dangers of the present
time, activities and initiatives in seminars such as these are part of and
contribute to that process, preserving and developing the Palestinian legal
narrative with a specific focus on the refugees. And again despite the clear
challenges and dangers, at the present time there is arguably more space for
and more resonance, internationally (or rather, perhaps, in the civil societies
of powerful third party states), with the story told by a legal narrative, now
that wider constituencies have been taking moral and political positions on
the basis of closely argued statements of international law. Everybody who was
in a European or North American state in the lead up to and during the war
on Iraq will have their own examples of what appears to be unprecedented
public attention to arguments on international law over recent months. In
Britain, by way of example, the government was obliged under parliamentary
and public pressure to disclose the legal advice of its Attorney-General, in a
startling breach of convention aimed at ending speculation that he was being
ignored,
109
and arguably in at least partial response to a letter from international
107 Richard Falk, Preface in Joint Parliamentary Middle East Councils, supra n. 75, pp. 6-8, at 6.
108 Raja Shehadeh, supra n. 3, 160. See his consideration of the Palestinian and Israeli legal
narratives in The Weight of Legal History: Constraints and Hopes in the Search for a
Sovereign Legal Language, in Eugene Cotran and Chibli Mallat (eds), The Arab-Israeli Accords:
Legal Perspectives (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1996), pp. 3-44.
109 Michael White, Publish advice on legality of war, opposition urges No 10, The Guardian, 13
March 2003; and Gaby Hinsliff, Attorney General backs Blair, The Guardian, 16 March 2003.
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109
law academics, and subsequent media coverage and debates.
110
The conclusions
of the longest serving Member of Parliament, Tam Dalyell, on British backing
for the war on Iraq without proper U.N. authorisation, were published in an
article entitled Blair, the war criminal;
111
and more quietly, the deputy legal
adviser at the Foreign Office resigned.
112
While this attention to the law did
not produce an immediate change in policy, exponents of realpolitik would
acknowledge its potential impact in the medium term. And beyond the
decision-makers, international law has an immediacy and an audience that
makes space for the legal narrative. The legal narrative speaks to justice, and
its (re) establishment as a discourse of immediacy and relevance, invested
with practical meaning, is one approach to the almost complete divorce
between the concept of peace and the concept of justice that Bell observes
in the text and implementation of the Israeli-Palestinian peace agreements so
far concluded.
113
As for participation and inclusion, Nabulsi and Papp observe that it
is a profound failing of political imagination to believe that democracy
is a dangerous tool when confronting the issue of five million Palestinian
refugees.
114
If the rights of Palestinian refugees continue to provoke
constructed juxtapositions such as law/politics, peace/justice, idealism/
realism, among the options for developing a third way, if one is to be sought,
is surely the principled and pragmatic option of effective involvement of the
refugees in the debate and in the design of the peace.
110 Letter from Profs. Bernitz, Lowe, Chinkin, Sands et al., The Guardian, 7 March 2003; and
front page article the same day, Academic lawyers round on PM. There were of course
other opinions among academic lawyers; in a later letter to The Guardian, a Labour MP
referred to what is now described in legal terms as the Greenwood defence, in reference to
Professor Christopher Greenwoods legal arguments in favour of the government position,
and, according to the newspaper, assistance to the Attorney-General in the drafting of his
opinion. Letter from Brian Sedgemore MP published in The Guardian, 14 April 2003, and
Richard Norton-Taylor, Law unto themselves in the same edition; and Making the Case:
Opinions show a Clear Divide The Guardian 18 March 2003.
111 Tam Dalyell, Blair, the war criminal, The Guardian, 27 March 2003.
112 Ewen MacAskill, Adviser quits Foreign Office over legality of war, The Guardian, 22 March
2003.
113 Bell, supra n. 3, 203; see above n. 28 and accompanying text.
114 Nabulsi and Papp, supra n. 55.
International Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking
110
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen:
Lebanon and the Palestinian Refugees
Nur Masalha*
Lebanons sectarian system
Lebanon is one of the four main regions with Palestinian refugee
concentrations (the other three are Jordan, Syria and the occupied territories).
The Palestinian refugees in Lebanon represent the second largest community
of the Palestinian diaspora. The historic importance of the Palestinian
community in Lebanon is based on its size; its tradition of political activism
and support for the Palestinian national movement up to 1982; its creative
participation in the intellectual life of both Lebanon and the wider Arab world;
and its geopolitical proximity to, and connectedness with, Galilee/Israel/
Palestine.
1
Almost all of Lebanons refugees came from the Galilee region in
northern Palestine. A survey of refugee camps in Lebanon in 1991 found that
between one-third and one half said they had relatives in Israel; few had family
members living in the occupied territories.
2
The influx of Palestinian refugees in 1948 potentially posed more severe
problems in Lebanon than any other Arab host country. Historically,
sectarianism and the free market economy characteristic of the Lebanese
system gave birth to two contradictory trends in Lebanese policy towards the
Palestinian refugees. After 1948, Lebanese governments officially and
consistently refused to integrate the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon while at
the same they encouraged a free market economy in which Palestinian
businessmen and middle-class wealthy people prospered. In the post-1948
period, the Lebanese regime also allowed some Palestinian refugees, especially
Christian refugees, to obtain Lebanese citizenship and Lebanese passports.
3
* Senior Lecturer and Director of Holy Land Studies, St. Marys College, University of Surrey.
1 Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians in Lebanon: (Dis)solution of the Refugee Problem, Race &
Class 37, No. 2 (October-December 1995), p. 27.
2 Basma Kodmani-Darwish, The Palestinian Question: A Fragmented Solution for a Dispersed People
(PhD dissertation, Institute dEtudes Politique, Paris, 1994).
3 Abbas Shiblak, The League of Arab States and Palestinian Refugees Residency Rights,
Monograph No. 11, The Palestinian Diaspora and Refugee Centre (SHAML), December 1998
at: www.shaml.org/publications/monos/mono11.htm (accessed on 7 August 2003).
111
On the whole, however, Lebanese government policy towards the Palestinian
refugees was shaped to a large degree by the fragile sectarian balance in the
country,
4
on the one hand, and the fact that the refugees constituted a relatively
high proportion within the Lebanese population as a whole (constituting 10-
12 per cent of the population
5
), on the other. In 1950 the roster of the U.N.
Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) included 127,600
refugees in Lebanon.
6
The Lebanese authorities tend to deliberately over-
estimate the size of the Palestinians at 500,000, in order:
(a) to show that it was shouldering a large responsibility; and
(b) to emphasise that Palestinian tawteen (implantation or resettlement) in
Lebanon would radically transform the delicate sectarian balance in
the country. In 1994, Minister of Higher Education Michel Eddeh even
put the total number of Palestinians at 600,000 (almost double the real
number) adding: Lebanon absolutely refuses the implantation of
Palestinians on its territory because this risks the partition of the
country.
7
In 1999, the country hosted 370,144 Palestinian refugees registered with
UNRWA and with the Department of General Security and Refugee Affairs
and who are legally and technically given special travel documents. In addition
to UNRWA registered refugees, another 42,000 unregistered Palestinians live
in Lebanon, and because about 22,000 of these trace their exile to the 1967
war, they fall outside the UNRWA definition; they are technically illegal in the
country and are generally denied government services. Another 20,000 are
considered to be of Lebanese origin, but identify themselves as Palestinians.
8
Since 1948, an estimated 50,000 Palestinian Christians and a much smaller
number of affluent Sunni Muslim Palestinians and Shiites from border villages
have received Lebanese citizenship, partly with sectarian considerations in
the forefront, because Christian and Muslim Sunni and Shiite officials each
sought middle-class Palestinian co-religionists to shift the sectarian balance.
9
However, there is no doubt that these Palestinians of the middle class (non-
refugee population) became integrated into the economic and social life of
4 Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949-
1993 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), p.39.
5 Farid El Khazen, Permanent Settlement of Palestinians in Lebanon, Recipe for Conflict,
Journal of Refugee Studies 10, No. 3 (1997), pp. 280-281.
6 UNRWA, Report to the Commissioner General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East, 46th General Assembly, Supplement, No. 13 (A/46/13), (New York:
United Nations, 1991), p. 32.
7 See interview in LOrient Le Jour (1 September 1994).
8 U.S. Committee for Refugees, Country Reports: Lebanon (available at: www.refugees.org/world/
countryrpt/mideast/lebanon.htm); Lex Takkenberg, The Status of Palestinian Refugees in
International Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); Khalid Muhammad al-Azar, Guarantees of
Refugee Rights and Current Political Settlement (Mimeographed, 1995) (Arabic); Elia Zuerik,
Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1996),
p. 33.
9 Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 40; Julie Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees
in the Post-War Period (December 1997), Writenet Country Papers, p.8 (available at:
www.unhcr.ch/refworld/country/writenet/wrilbn.hmt); Abbas Shiblak, Residency Status and
Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries, p. 3 (Ramallah: Shaml Publications) at:
www.shaml.org/publications/monos/mono1.htm.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
112
Lebanon and by all account contributed to the countrys impressive growth
and prosperity during the 1950s and 1960s.
10
However, the majority of the
close to 370,000 Palestinians in Lebanon registered with UNRWA remain
stateless and their future highly uncertain.
11
The evolution of the relationship between the Lebanese state and the
refugees in Lebanon can be divided into four distinct periods: dispossession
and adaptation (1948-1967); ascendancy of the PLO in Lebanon (1967-1982);
the sharp decline of the PLO (1982-1991); and since the end of the civil war
in 1991, a period which has been characterised by not only a decline of PLO
interests in Lebanon, but by almost complete disengagement.
Lebanon is a highly sectarian country, divided between its various Christian
and Muslim communities. Given Lebanons delicate confessional balance
between Muslims and Christians, which had been worked out in 1943 as the
basis of formal inter-communal political relations (the National Pact)
12
and
given Lebanons already high population density, limited natural resources,
and limited absorptive capacity, the influx of such relatively large number of
Palestinian refugees into the country and the prospect of their extended
presence alarmed many Lebanese.
13
In fact among the Arab host states,
Lebanon imposed the most severe restrictions on the refugees, despite initial
statements assuring them of welcome no matter what their number nor how
long their stay.
14
In the 1950s, Lebanon requested the UNRWA to assume responsibility
towards the refugees. In total contrast to Jordan (which has adopted inclusionist
policies towards the refugees), Lebanon has been unique in its stringent
exclusionist policies towards the refugees.
15
A haphazard and constantly
changing mix of ministerial decrees and departmental regulations were
imposed on the Palestinians, limiting their places of residence, freedom of
travel in certain parts of the country and abroad, categories of private
employment, and licence to own property and conduct business. From 1951,
the Palestinians were treated as foreigners with regard to employment,
investment, land-ownership and the practice of white-collar professions. The
decision to establish the Department of Refugee Affairs, as part of the Interior
Ministry, in 1959 reinforced the view that the Lebanese state considered the
presence of Palestinians an interior security problem that had to be carefully
regulated and controlled.
16
Although the decision helped to centralise the
control of refugees, it had only a marginal effect on the regulations actually
10 Michael Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, Journal of Refugee Studies
10, No. 3 (1997), pp. 246 and 249.
11 Suhayl al-Natur, Awda al-Shab al-Filastini fi Lubnan [Conditions of the Palestinian People in Lebanon]
(Beirut: Dar al-Taqadum al-Arabi, 1993) (Arabic).
12 Kamal Salibi, A House of Many Mansions: The History of Lebanon Reconsidered (London, 1988),
pp. 185-186.
13 Laurie Brand, Palestinians in the Arab World: Institution Building and the Search for State (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1988), pp. 233-234.
14 Cited in Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 39.
15 Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process, p. 33.
16 Nasri Saleh Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon: Until When? (Ramallah, Shaml Publications,
July 2000), p. 3 at: www.shaml.org/publications/monos/mono_refugees_in_lebanon.
htm.
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113
in force, which remained haphazard and arbitrary.
17
In terms of according
amenities and privileges to the refugees Lebanon has always been at the
opposite end of the spectrum to Jordan, with the refugees denied all the legal
benefits granted to permanent residents and citizens in the country.
18
Moreover, since 1948 Lebanon has been the most consistent Arab host state
in rejecting reintegration and resettlement schemes. While Jordan in the early
1950s approved in principle UNRWAs reintegration and resettlement projects
and began negotiating with the agency on implementation, Lebanon not only
feared the political implications of a programme which might appear to the
refugees to involve permanent settlement away from Palestine, but opposed
any measures which might even remotely give the appearance of conveying
the impression of permanent settlement.
19
Lebanon is the only Arab country
whose constitution explicitly forbids the permanent integration of the
Palestinians in the country. This rejection of permanent settlement has led
Lebanons government to oppose all policies and actions that could be
construed as facilitating or accepting Palestinian integration.
20
Lebanon is a multi-confessional country with 17 officially recognised sects.
21
Its sectarian democracy (i.e. confessionalism) is a system of representation
based on the separate and unequal power of diverse sects whose sole basis of
identification remained religion. Maintaining the delicate sectarian balance
and the political status quo in the country has always been central to Lebanese
state ideology. And, by all accounts, the deeply divided nature of Lebanons
society and its sectarian political system have been the most crucial factors
determining Lebanese attitudes towards the Palestinian refugees. National
unity in Lebanon was, and remains, a fragile construct, owing to politicised
sectarian consciousness among the Lebanese
22
and the Lebanese government
regarded the Palestinian presence, which constitutes 10 to 12 per cent of the
total population, as threatening to undermine the delicate confessional balance
as well as the dominant ruling class.
23
Historically the divide between Christians
and Muslims, entrenched by colonial French involvement, created a certain
schizophrenia and confusion regarding the Palestinian refugee issue, with
conflicting attitudes and policies found in pubic opinion and governmental
policy. The majority of Christians are Maronites, but there exist within Lebanon
substantial minorities of Greek Orthodox and Greek Catholic, Armenian
Orthodox, Chaldeans and Syriac Christians. For many of the Maronites, who
generally looking towards the West, the Palestinian refugee question was viewed
as a Trojan horse that might justify the permanent presence of hundreds of
17 Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 39.
18 Salim Tamari, Palestinian Refugee Negotiations (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies,
1996), p. 42.
19 Benjamin Schiff, Refugees unto the Third Generation (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1995),
p. 41.
20 U.S. Committee for Refugees, Country Reports: Lebanon at: www.refugees.org/world/countryrpt/
mideast/lebanon.htm.
21 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period, p. 3.
22 Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 39; Brand, Palestinians in the Arab World,
pp. 233-234.
23 Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, p. 3.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
114
thousands of mainly Muslim Palestinian refugees,
24
and destabilise the fragile
politico-sectarian balance between the religious communities.
25
Furthermore, there were other sectarian divisions within the Christian and
Muslim populations. The two communities most hostile to the Palestinian
presence were the Maronite Christians and (to a lesser extent) the Shiite
Muslims; the political leadership of both communities were most concerned
to preserve the Lebanese sectarian system.
26
Political Maronitism was always
wary of Arab nationalist, Sunni Muslim and Palestinian intentions. Political
Shiism was also keen to preserve Lebanons sectarian system. The rise to
power within the Lebanese state of a particular leadership of the Shiites made
their community hostile to any factor that might disturb the (new) sectarian
status quo.
27
Among the Palestinians, however, although the overwhelming
majority were Sunni Muslims, there were no comparable sectarian and vertical
divisions.
28
To the Lebanese Christian nationalists in particular, the Palestinian
refugees were more of a threat than a sacred Arab cause. Other Christian
nationalists (especially Maronites, including President Camile Chamoun, 1952-
1958), who viewed the refugees as agents of pan-Arabism and a fifth column,
came to view the Palestinians in general as part and parcel of a Soviet-sponsored
pan-Arab nationalist threat to Lebanons very existence.
29
Some important
Christian leaders strongly sympathised with the Zionist cause.
30
The Palestinian
Christians, on the other hand, were better treated and had a more privileged
experience in Lebanon than their Muslim compatriots, largely because the
Lebanese perspective on the Palestinian refugees had been formed by sectarian
divisions.
31
Another factor which appeared to have influenced Lebanons generally
hostile attitude towards the refugees is the failure of Lebanon to develop
solid, legitimate and strong national institutions. The Lebanese were, and
remain, deeply divided among themselves on many important issues, none
more so than the Palestinian question. The failure to establish a more coherent
system of government, and a stronger and more democratic state in Lebanon,
have had a deep impact on Lebanons deteriorating relationship with the
refugees.
32
Lebanon generally attempted to quarantine the Palestinians politically
and made it extremely difficult for them to obtain employment, fearing that
it might lead them to remain in the country.
33
As Don Peretz has observed,
24 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 247.
25 W. Phares, Lebanese Christian Nationalism: The Rise and Fall of an Ethnic Resistance (Boulder, CO:
Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1995), p. 103.
26 Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians in Lebanon, pp. 34-35.
27 Ibid.
28 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 247.
29 Ibid, p. 246.
30 A secret pact had been signed between the Zionist leadership and the Maronite Christian
patriarch in 1946 and endorsed by President Emile Eddeh, who met Zionist leader Weizmann
in 1937. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 13.
31 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 248.
32 Ibid, pp. 247-248.
33 Ibid, pp. 249-250.
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115
Lebanon was the host country least hospitable to Palestine refugees . . . Palestinians,
constituting about 10 per cent of the total population, were viewed by the Lebanese
establishment as a threat to internal political and social stability . . . refugees . . . were
often exploited as cheap labor during periods when Lebanons economy was
booming.
34
Official Lebanese policies effectively reinforced ghettoisation tendencies
among the Palestinian refugees, who were mostly of peasant background and
who like most peasants tended to conduct as much of their lives as possible
within their villages, now replaced by refugee camps in which UNRWA, rather
than the Lebanese government, provided virtually all basic services and a
significant number of jobs.
35
Furthermore, Lebanon refused to allocate more
land for the refugee areas, so as the camps population rose, refugee camps in
the country grew in density rather than size.
36
The refugees themselves, on
the other hand, did not attempt to improve their living conditions in the
camps, because they viewed the camps as temporary places of residence. Camp-
dwelling Palestinians in particular did not mix with Lebanese society. Both
Lebanese society in general and the government in particular not only rejected
the refugees but were also extremely wary of resettlement attempts in
Lebanon.
37
In August 1966, Lebanon sent a signed memorandum to the Arab League,
expressing its reservations with regards to the basic principles of the Casablanca
Protocol on Palestinian refugees, which had been formulated by the Arab
League. The Protocol had given Palestinian refugees civil, economic and social
rights in member states of the Arab League. Clearly, the negation of the basic
principles of the Protocol by the Lebanese government was carried out in
spite of the fact that Lebanon was among the Arab states that had initially
endorsed the Protocol. But the basic tenets of Lebanese policy towards the
refugees were fairly consistent: the refugees were looked upon as foreigners;
they were deprived of the most basic civil rights; had restrictions imposed on
their rights of ownership and residency; and faced discrimination in
employment and education.
38
For over half a century, the official Lebanese position has been to deny the
possibility of a permanent resettlement of the refugees based on Lebanons
small size and resource base and precarious sectarian composition.
39
Under
no circumstances would Lebanon give the Palestinian refugees the type of
citizenship they enjoy in Jordan. In fact, one of the few things that most
Lebanese politicians agree on, is that the Palestinians should leave the country.
Public policy towards the refugees is reflected in statements such as that
made in the mid-1990s by Lebanese Labour Minister Abdullah al-Amin: The
34 Don Peretz, Palestinian Refugees and the Middle East Peace Process (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute
for Peace, 1993), p. 61.
35 Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 47.
36 Schiff, Refugees unto the Third Generation, p. 49.
37 Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process, p. 38.
38 Abbas Shiblak, The League of Arab States and Palestinian Refugees Residency Rights,
Monograph No. 11, The Palestinian Diaspora and Refugee Centre (SHAML), December 1998
at: www.shaml.org/publications/monos/mono11.htm (accessed on 7 August, 2003).
39 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period, p. 10.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
116
talk about settling the Palestinians in Lebanon does not concern us in any
way. We say that the Palestinians must return to Palestine, as we are unable to
absorb or settle anyone.
40
A year earlier, in 1994, shortly after the Oslo
agreement was signed between the PLO and Israel on Palestinian autonomy
in Gaza and Jericho, Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri stated that granting the
Palestinians in Lebanon civil rights might be construed as a sign that that
Lebanon had agreed to their resettlement in the country. Economically, Hariri
added, Lebanon was unable to absorb Palestinian professionals.
41
Apparently,
Hariri viewed the Beirut refugee camps as the main obstacle to the rebuilding
of the Lebanese capital. In the mid-1990s, he told a Palestinian delegation
that they and their camps would eventually have to be removed as part of
Beiruts beautification plans.
42
In a similar vein the then President Elias Hrawi
has declared that since the Palestinians now have their own territory, Lebanon
cannot accept permanent resettlement of the refugees.
43
Echoing the same mindset, in April 1994 Foreign Minister Faris Buwayz
proposed to redistribute the Palestinians outside Lebanon as follows: 20 per
cent to (an already overpopulated) Gaza and Jericho; another 25 per cent to
join their families wherever these might be located; and the rest to countries
with space for immigrants.
44
A year later, a government official was quoted as
describing Palestinian refugees as human garbage.
45
Exclusionism, UNRWAs role and the impact on the social and economic
conditions of the refugee camps
Since 1948, Lebanese policies towards the Palestinian refugees have fluctuated
sharply, depending on the countrys domestic and regional circumstances.
Although in the post-1948 period the countrys liberalised economy provided
a suitable base for Palestinian businessmen and middle-class professionals to
prosper, in recent decades the Lebanese state has pursued blatantly
discriminatory policies towards the refugees with a disastrous impact on their
social and living conditions. Although initially in the period between 1948
and 1951, the Lebanese government did offer the refugees some material
and moral support, it was basically UNRWA, rather than the Lebanese
government, which provided virtually all basic services and an appreciable
number of jobs. From 1951 onwards, official Lebanese treatment of the
refugees continued to deteriorate. Since then, refugees have been effectively
treated as foreigners, particularly in matters related to employment. Unlike
40 Investigative Report by N. Abdul-Samed, in Al-Majalla (London), 9-15 April 1995 (Arabic).
41 Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process, p. 41.
42 Stephen Sosebee, How Israel Can Solve the Problem of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon,
The Washington Report (July-August 1995) at: www.washington-report.org/backissues/0795/
9507016.htm.
43 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 258.
44 Rosemary Sayigh, An Uncertain Future for the Palestinians in Lebanon, Middle East Inter-
national, 13 May 1994, pp. 19-21; Stephen Sosebee, How Israel Can Solve the Problem of
Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon.
45 Human Garbage, in Shaml Newsletter, Nos. 6 and 7 (December 1995), (Palestinian Diaspora
and Refugee Centre, Ramallah).
Articles
117
Palestinian refugees in Syria and Jordan, Palestinians in Lebanon do not have
the right to work. Apparently, more work permits were issued to foreigners
than to Palestinian refugees. Today, Lebanons domestic sectarian agenda
remains the main pretext behind the denial of fundamental civil rights of
Palestinian refugees in the country; the living conditions of the refugees in
Lebanon is not only the worst of any other group in Lebanon; it is worse by
far than that of any other Palestinian refugee community in the Middle East,
including those in Syria, Jordan and Egypt.
46
In Lebanon, international relief and assistance programmes to the refugees
have often been politically volatile. From the 1950s onwards, the politics of
this international aid has been closely linked to UNRWA and its vital role in
the camps. Since then Lebanon like all host states has wanted international
assistance to the refugees to continue, partly because the agency has brought
useful resources into the country (in the 1990s UNRWA contributed close to
$30 million to the Lebanese economy annually
47
), and partly in order to avoid
refugee discontent. Pressuring UNRWA for more relief was also a low-cost way
for the governments to demonstrate solidarity with the refugees. In Lebanon
like in Syria the government sought to prevent political problems and
benefited from the hard currency that UNRWA brought into the local
economy.
48
The Lebanese authorities were happy for UNRWA to provide much-
needed financial and economic assistance to the refugees in Lebanon. The
government policies of excluding Palestinians from the state bureaucracy,
public services and skilled employment in the country has made the role of
UNRWA essential, especially for the residents of the camps. UNRWAs
importance lies in its wide range of functions and services: relief aid, education
and schooling, primary health care, housing, hygienic and infrastructural
services in the camps, employment and a measure of protection for the camps
residents. UNRWA also provides a framework for the Palestinian intelligentsia
to work for their own community and speaks for the refugees in local and
international fora.
49
Today, however, UNRWAs registered refugees qualifying as hardship cases
in Lebanon are the highest in any of UNRWAs areas throughout the Middle
East. Although UNRWA continues to offer the only tangible assistance to
refugees in Lebanon, reductions in its budgets, restrictions imposed by the
Lebanese authorities and redirecting of international aid towards the occupied
territories (especially the Gaza Strip) and away from the external refugees
have all contributed to a sharp deterioration in the living conditions of the
refugees in Lebanon.
50
With Lebanese restrictions on employment and the
denial of access to public education, Lebanese health care and social services,
the refugees are almost totally dependent on outside aid. The refugees will
46 Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process, pp. 37-39.
47 Al-Natur, Awda al-Shab al-Filastini fi Lubnan.
48 Schiff, Refugees unto the Third Generation, p. 52.
49 Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians in Lebanon, p. 28.
50 Rosemary Sayigh, The Palestinians in Lebanon: Harsh Present, Uncertain Future, Journal of
Palestine Studies 25, No.1 (1995), pp. 18-27; Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process,
p. 39.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
118
also continue to feel the effects of cuts in international assistance.
51
But with
the eclipse since 1993 of the PLO by the Palestinian Authority whose main
interests lie in the West Bank and Gaza UNRWAs role in refugee camps, as
a minimal source of services and representation, has never more crucial.
52
The post-1967 period: the creation of autonomous institutions by the
refugees and direct conflict with the host state
In the 1960s, the Lebanese authorities cracked down ruthlessly on the nascent
Palestinian resistance activity against Israel and the refugees were initially
impoverished and unable to develop a leadership capable of addressing their
aspirations and needs.
53
Yet in 1970, when tens of thousands of Lebanese
guerrillas fled from King Husseins army into Lebanon, the political balance
in Lebanon changed profoundly, the refugee camps becoming the sites of
increasing political mobilisation and activity. Eventually the PLO transferred
headquarters and military operations to Lebanon. Filling the vacuum left by
the defeat of Arab armies at the hands of Israel in 1967, the Palestinian
resistance movement was rising fast in popularity and power.
Moreover, the rising Palestinian nationalism and the fedayeen guerrilla
operations against Israel in the post-1967 period was bound to lead to direct
conflict between the host government in Lebanon and the refugee community
which sought to create separate institutions in the country. Palestinian activism,
national militancy and military organisation deeply affected the refugee camps
in Lebanon. Palestinian refugee discontent in Lebanon (like that in Jordan
between 1967 and 1971), became sharply manifest in the post-1967 period.
Anger against the Arab states impotence and the shattering military defeat
of the PLO in 1967 meant that guerrilla organisations found strong support
in Lebanons refugee camps and began launching guerrilla attacks against
Israeli targets from bases in south Lebanon in an effort to reassert Palestinian
determination to recover their homeland. The emergence of the Palestinian
resistance as an alternative movement of struggle contributed significantly
for them to the mood of defiance among the refugees and provided an
opportunity to free themselves from the severe restrictions imposed on them
by the Lebanese authorities. The Lebanese state found it difficult in general
to maintain its hardline policies towards the Palestinians.
54
The attitudes of the Lebanese state towards the Palestinian refugee issue in
general, and the Palestinian refugee community in Lebanon in particular,
was deeply affected by the interplay between Lebanese domestic and regional
Arab politics. The historically fragile Lebanese state, weak with the episodic
51 Supra, n. 20.
52 Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians in Lebanon, p. 28.
53 N. Kabbara, Shehabism in Lebanon, 1958-1970: The Failure of a Hegemonic Project (PhD dissertation,
Department of Government, University of Essex, 1988), p. 300; Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian
Refugees in the Post-War Period.
54 Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, p. 24.
Articles
119
flaring-up of domestic and sectarian conflict, have all affected government
attitudes towards the refugee community. The fundamental issue underlying
current Lebanese bitterness towards the Palestinian refugees is the extent to
which the rise of the Palestinian resistance in the early 1970s contributed to
the collapse of the fragile Lebanese sectarian polity and the ensuing bloody
civil war.
55
The Palestinians, of all the parties in the country, have received
more than their share of blame for domestic upheavals. Certain sectors of
Lebanese society, including the right-wing Lebanese groups, which were
unsympathetic to the Palestinian plight, blamed the foreign Palestinian
presence for instigating a 17-year civil war and the breakdown of the Lebanese
state.
56
In his recent work, The Breakdown of the State of Lebanon, 1967-1976,
Lebanese political scientist Farid el-Khazin maintains that Lebanons fate was
determined by the PLOs involvement in Lebanese politics under the umbrella
of Kamal Jumblatts left-wing coalition. Lebanons weak state combined with
its sectarian democracy (i.e. confessionalism), according to el-Khazin,
facilitated such penetration by the Palestinians only to fall victim of it.
57
In Lebanon, where the refugees were treated as a marginal, non-integrated
group and the host government was weak, the refugees tended to create parallel
and separate institutions that catered to their needs.
58
Moreover, because of a
very weak government, rising PLO ascendancy resulted in direct conflict
between the refugee community and the Lebanese authorities. In the 1970s,
the PLO wielded a considerable influence and authority within Lebanon. The
event that defined the Palestinian ascendancy in Lebanon was the Cairo
Agreement of November 1969, signed in secret between the commander of
the Lebanese army and the chairman of the PLO, Yasir Arafat. Although no
domestic legislation was enacted by the Lebanese state to ensure the
implementation of the Cairo Agreement, the agreement gave Palestinians
residing in Lebanon the right to employment as well as to freedom of
movement; it gave them autonomy in running their own affairs; effectively
legitimised the Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon, giving the PLO free
rein in refugee areas, while the Lebanese army would still control the border
with Israel and would limit Palestinian guerrilla operations. In reality the PLO
had taken over the refugee camps and Lebanese security forces were withdrawn
from the camps. Apparently most of the Palestinian fighters driven out from
Jordan in 1971-1972, a few tens of thousands, fled to Lebanon. The Palestinians
in Lebanon had been a particular target of for harassment by the deuxime
bureau, the Lebanese internal security services. In 1969, as the Palestinian
movement in Lebanon gathered force, refugees in the camps threw the
deuxime bureau and its network of informers out of the camps.
59
The PLO
55 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 252.
56 Ahmad Beydoun, The South Lebanon Border Zone: A Local Perspective, Journal of Palestine
Studies 21, No. 3 (1992), p. 52; Wadie Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees
Under International Law: The Case of Lebanon, in Naseer Aruri (ed), Palestinian Refugees:
The Right of Return (London: Pluto Press, 2001), p. 126.
57 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000).
58 Brand, Palestinians in the Arab World, p. 234.
59 David McDowall, The Palestinians: The Road to Nationhood (London: Minority Rights Publication,
1994), p. 72.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
120
created camp committees to govern refugee affairs and enforced order, and
large tracts of south Lebanon, apart from the refugee camp, came under its
informal control.
In Lebanon, the Palestinian movement initially enjoyed popularity with the
downtrodden, with the large Sunni and Shiite population of Beirut and other
towns, notably those living on low incomes and in slum areas, with their shared
sense of deprivation on the margins in an increasing prosperous society.
60
The PLO efforts to carve out an autonomous base in Lebanon from which to
carry out guerrilla operations against Israel and its alliance with the left-wing
Lebanese camp contributed to the civil war of 1975 and eventually the Israeli
invasion of 1982. The PLOs state within a state further destabilised the
tottering compromises built across inter-communal political, religious and
economic fractures, contributing to Lebanons sliding to civil war. From 1975
onward, the PLO and the Lebanese left battled with right-wing Lebanese
militias as the country descended into long-term civil war. The Israeli invasion
in 1982 and its occupation of half of the country effectively terminated the
Palestinian civil institutions and para-state in Lebanon. The withdrawal of the
PLO left the refugee population exceedingly vulnerable to a variety of Lebanese
militia with explicitly anti-Palestinian sentiments. By the mid-1980s, the camps
were under siege by the Amal militia, supported by Syria. Known as the camp
wars, this three-year period (1985-1988) of intensive conflict caused extensive
damage to the camps and thoroughly traumatised their inhabitants.
61
Between the beginning of the civil war in 1975 and 1991, the refugees were
victims of Lebanons constant civil and inter-sectarian strife. Particularly in
the south of Lebanon, constant Israeli raids and commando attacks against
Palestinian positions destroyed schools and injured students; in the hardest
hit refugee camps of south Lebanon and the Beirut areas, neither refugee
schools nor anything like normal life could proceed. Throughout the Lebanese
civil war, which lasted between 1976 and 1991, with short respites in between,
the refugee camps were badly disrupted and partially destroyed and refugee
schools and other social services were frequently disrupted. According to one
estimate, between 30,000 and 40,000 Palestinians died in Lebanons various
internal wars and the wars between Israel and the Palestinians,
62
most notably
the 1982 invasion of Lebanon, which resulted in the massacres of Sabra and
Shatila camps. Both the Lebanese and Palestinians had one thing in common:
shared victimhood. The two relatively weak and threatened parties banded
together on certain levels at certain times to confront the stronger one (Israel).
But more often than not the Israeli challenge has set the Lebanese and
Palestinians at odds with each other.
63
60 Ibid.
61 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period, p. 4.
62 Al-Natur, Awda al-Shab al-Filastini fi Lubnan.
63 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 247.
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121
Dis(solving) the refugee problem? Contemporary Lebanese policies
Following the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the PLO evacuation of
Lebanon, the situation of the Palestinian refugees changed radically and state
policies towards them hardened considerably. Since the mid-1980s, Lebanons
implicit goal with regard to the refugees has been not only to marginalise
them socially, economically and politically
64
but also (as we shall see below) to
drive them out of the country. In 1987, the Lebanese Parliament during the
regime of President Amin Gemayel, and operating in a period of mass official,
confessional and mass popular hostility towards the Palestinians declared all
provisions of the Cairo Agreement between Lebanon and the PLO, which
regulated Palestinian political activities in the country and the free movement
of refugees, were null and void.
65
The strident official Lebanese hostility to
the Palestinian presence in the country was demonstrated by the coupling of
the abrogation of the Cairo Accords with the annulment of the 17 May 1982
Accord that had been reached between the Lebanese government and Israel,
following Israels invasion of the country, into a single annulment item,
effectively equating the PLO presence in Lebanon with the Israeli occupation.
The participation of Palestinians in resistance to Israel led by Hizbullah was
not officially allowed.
66
Four key components of Lebanese policies were discernable in the post-
Oslo period:
(a) opposition to the Oslo Peace Process;
(b) boycott of the Multilateral Track on refugees;
(c) prevention of Palestinian tawteen and naturalisation; and
(d) thinning out the refugees.
While the rights of the Palestinian refugee and diaspora communities were
undermined by the Oslo Accords, the Palestinians in Lebanon were hardest
hit by the Oslo process and suffered a degree of hardship and insecurity
unparalleled elsewhere. Originating not in the West Bank or the Gaza Strip,
but from the Galilee and the coastal cities of Mandatory Palestine, they were
rejected simultaneously by Lebanon and Israel, with its absolute veto on their
return.
67
In fact since the beginning of the 1990s the refugees have found
their status in the country increasingly tenuous. Lebanon (partly under the
influence of Syrian attitudes) was among the most vocal opponents of the
Israeli-Palestinian accords of September 1993.
Moreover, at least partly in response to the Oslo peace process, Lebanon
reacted by imposing a host of draconian restrictions on resident Palestinians
to prevent their integration and to signal to the international community that
it considers Palestinian refugees to be an international, not a Lebanese,
problem.
68
Throughout the 1990s, Lebanon continued to recover from 17
64 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period, pp. 7-8.
65 Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law: The Case of
Lebanon, p. 133.
66 Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, p. 4.
67 Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians in Lebanon, p. 27
68 Supra, n. 20.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
122
years of endemic violence and civil strife, yet two long-standing issues, those
of the political future of the Palestinian refugees and local Palestinian factional
feuding in refugee camps (in addition to conflict with Israel in southern
Lebanon), have all served as flashpoints for increased tensions and direct
conflict between the Lebanese authorities and the refugee population.
Although the political concerns of the Palestinians in Lebanon lay elsewhere
and they remained politically marginalised, it is clear that a substantial sector
of Lebanese political opinion saw those concerns as a threat to Lebanons
integrity.
69
Other practices by the government seem designed to reduce Palestinian
numbers in Lebanon. The government has progressively and severely restricted
the movement of refugees within the country, even those who are registered
with UNRWA and carry valid travel documents. Recently, while Lebanese
government officials informed the U.S. Committee for Refugees that
Palestinians were treated the same as other foreigners, Palestinian refugees
whom the U.S. Committee for Refugees interviewed during visits to Lebanon
in recent years reported widespread and systematic discrimination against
Palestinians.
70
The impact of Lebanese state policies on the economic conditions of the
Palestinian refugees has been devastating. One of the primary points of
contention with the Lebanese authorities is over the issue of the right to work
and employment. Prior to 1982 the PLO, according to one estimate, used to
pump over US$2 billion annually into the economy of Lebanon, and with the
decline and subsequent freeze of this financial flow, the Lebanese government
began to regard the Palestinian refugees as an economic burden.
71
In sharp contrast with Syrian and Jordanian policies towards the refugees,
Palestinians in Lebanon have remained deprived of the most essential civil
and social rights. They are currently denied access to public education,
Lebanese health care and other social services and most Palestinians are unable
to attend Lebanese schools and universities. Designating Palestinian refugees
as foreigners, Lebanese law prohibits them from working in such skilled
professions as medicine, law, and engineering and Palestinian job seekers need
special permits.
72
In addition, due to the influx of Syrian labourers, estimated
to number 100,000 workers, the Lebanese system prohibits the full use of
Palestinian unskilled and cheap labour.
73
The inability to work because of their status as foreigners has reduced the
refugees to abject poverty. The refugees represent the poorest sector in all of
Lebanese society and the poorest grouping of Palestinian refugees in any Arab
country; between 50 and 60 per cent of the refugees are below Lebanons
69 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 246.
70 Supra, n. 20.
71 Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, p. 4.
72 Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law: The Case of
Lebanon, p. 123; Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process, p. 34.
73 Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, p. 4.
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123
poverty line.
74
In 1999, the overall employment rate for Palestinians stood at
40 per cent and at 60 per cent for camp residents, while the camps are
overcrowded and suffer from unsanitary conditions.
75
In his monograph on
Official Policy Towards the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, Hussein
Shaaban (a Palestinian-Lebanese scholar who carried out extensive research
on the social and economic conditions of the refugees) has argued that certain
elements of state policies towards the refugees is derived from a racist logic
similar to that held by those forces who had fought the Palestinians and had
carried out massacres against them.
76
Other refugees in Lebanon interpret
these restrictions as a means of making life miserable and pressuring them to
leave the country.
77
Since the beginning of the Oslo process, public statements by Lebanese
leaders have continued to reiterate with increasing frequency Lebanons refusal
to resettle refugees and continue to reject refugee naturalisation. Lebanon
even continued to deny civil rights to its Palestinian population in the belief
that such a step would signal its willingness to naturalise and absorb its
Palestinian refugees; that civil rights are the first step to settling the refugees
permanent in the country; that naturalisation of the refugee would upset the
delicate sectarian balance.
78
These arguments have governed official Lebanese
policy towards the refugees since their arrival in the country and around these
arguments a consensus has been solid since the early 1990s. The overwhelming
majority of Lebanons political parties and citizens have remained steadfastly
opposed to a resettlement of the refugees in Lebanon, or tawteen, a buzzword
for a permanent solution of the refugee issue by resettlement and
naturalisation of the refugees in Lebanon.
79
Yet most sectors of the Lebanese
political spectrum and populace are aware that return, as envisaged by U.N.
Resolution 194, is a remote possibility. It is this realisation that the official
position is untenable in the long run, coupled with the refusal to accept this
untenability that drives the stringently restrictive and punitive conditions
imposed on the refugees.
80
Current treatment of the Palestinian refugees by the Lebanese authorities
contradicts both the will and letter of international law and the Lebanese
government has never been able to provide a rational explanation as to why it
has been unwilling to alleviate Palestinian refugees suffering.
81
Moreover,
given Lebanons deeply ingrained confessional politics and the precedents of
74 Ibid; Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period; Hussein Shaaban, Unemployment
and its Impact on the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, Journal of Refugees Studies 10, No. 3
(1997), p. 387.
75 Supra, n. 20.
76 Hussein Shaaban, Official Policy Towards the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon (London: Palestinian
Return Centre, 2000).
77 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period, pp. 10-17.
78 Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law: The Case of
Lebanon, p. 124.
79 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period, pp. 10-17.
80 Ibid.
81 Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law: The Case of
Lebanon, pp. 124 and 139.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
124
ethnic cleansing in the region (notably against the Palestinians by Israel in
1948, by Kuwait in 1991), the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (so-called
foreigners) have become more vulnerable to expulsion than ever before.
Imposing punitive restrictions on the refugees, almost unique in its harshness
among neighbouring Arab countries, the refugees are effectively placed under
siege by the government with the aim of reducing their number in the
country.
82
Like Egypt, Lebanon does not grant foreigners full residency status, which
includes either naturalisation or permission to remain indefinitely. Lebanon
issues the Palestinians in the country with special refugee documents, which
do not confer secure residency status on them. In Lebanon, registration with
UNRWA and receipt of UNRWA rations seem to be prerequisites for the
issuance of refugee documents and permission to stay in the country. Those
who lost the right to receive UNRWA rations (some 30,000 to 50,000 persons)
are under constant threat of deportation. Since the early 1980s thousand of
refugees, assumed by the authorities to have acquired residency or nationality
overseas, mainly in Western countries, were taken off the register. In the early
1990s, a diplomatic row broke out between Lebanon and Jordan when Lebanon
started expelling Palestinians to Jordan. New restrictions denying Lebanese
refugee holders entry without a special permit obtained in advance were
imposed in September 1995 in order to keep out 15,000 Palestinians with
Lebanese refugee documents who had been suddenly expelled from Libya by
President Muammar Qaddafi, in a move designed to protest against the
Palestinian-Israeli peace process. Lebanon responded to this crisis by forbidding
all ships originating from the Libyan port of Benghazi from landing in
Lebanon, trapping many refugees along the Libyan-Egyptian border.
83
An
estimated 100,000 Palestinian refugees possessing residency rights in Lebanon
have been forcibly denied entry into the country.
84
In November 1996, Faruq
Qaddumi, head of the PLO Political Department, discussed with Lebanese
officials behind closed doors the question of easing entry and exit of
Palestinians to and from Lebanon,
85
but there was little evidence of any
noticeable change in Lebanese policies in this regard.
In January 1999, the incoming government of President Emile Lahoud
issued new regulations. Although easing stiff travel restrictions on Palestinians,
they still required Palestinians with Lebanese travel documents to apply for
travel permits, which are valid for only six months.
86
Always a reluctant host,
the government is now more intent than ever on containing and marginalising
the refugees in tightly bound watched camps until the Middle East peace
82 Hajjaj, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, p. 3; Abbas Shiblak, Residency Status and Civil Rights of
Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries, p. 3 (Ramallah: Shaml Publications) at: www.shaml.org/
publications/monos/mono1.htm.
83 Shiblak, Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries, p. 3; Said, The
Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law: The Case of Lebanon,
p. 136.
84 Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law: The Case of
Lebanon, p. 137.
85 Al-Nahar (Beirut), 18 November 1996.
86 Supra, n. 20.
Articles
125
process determines their fate.
87
In the short term, however, the official policy
objectives towards the refugees are as follows:
(a) reducing their numbers and means of emigration;
(b) redistributing them to other Arab countries;
(c) severing the links between the various Palestinian refugee camps in
Lebanon;
(d) denying them civil rights, including the right to work; and
(e) refusing to publish an official legal and administrative official framework,
with accountability and transparency, which would define in clear terms
the status and rights of Palestinian refugees.
88
This position has been advanced by the Lebanese with increased frequency
and forcefulness throughout the late 1990s, and especially as the Palestinian
Authority and Israel prepared to resume final status negotiations on a
permanent settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. For example, after
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak said in July 1999 that Israel would not permit
any Palestinian refugees to return to Israel proper and that the refugees should
be settled in their host countries, Lebanese Prime Minister Salim al-Hoss (Prime
Minister 1998-2000) and current President Emile Lahoud repeatedly reiterated
Lebanons rejection of refugee settlement in Lebanon.
89
Many Lebanese have continued to blame Palestinians for a catastrophic
civil war and the collapse of the countrys political balance. They have also
continued to advance traditional arguments against resettlement, with added
frequency: that the naturalisation of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon,
amounting to as much as 12 per cent of Lebanons total population and mostly
Sunni Muslim, would disrupt Lebanons delicate political balance, which is
based on power sharing along sectarian lines.
90
Moreover, since the end of the civil war the Lebanese governments desire
for order in the refugee camps and its determination to prevent Arafats Fateh
faction of the PLO from reasserting control over Lebanons Palestinian refugee
population have been paramount. While the refugees in Lebanon have formed
an important example of the marginalisation of the refugee issue throughout
the Madrid peace process, which was given the PLOs stamp of approval at
Oslo,
91
it is quite possible that Lebanons efforts to prevent pro-Arafat forces
in the refugee camps from regaining control over the refugee population was
also designed to deny the Palestinian Authority vital support for any political
settlement with Israel that did not provide for the right of refugees in Lebanon
to return to their former homes in present-day Israel.
Languishing in Lebanon as unwelcome guests and feeling abandoned by
the PLO (Fateh and Arafat in particular) and completely marginalised, the
Palestinians are embittered and disillusioned at the turn of events. The PLO
had employed as much as 50 per cent of the Palestinian workforce before
Israel forced it to evacuate from Beirut in 1982.
92
Declining after 1982, PLO
87 Peteet, Lebanon Palestinian Refugees in the Post-War Period.
88 Al-Natur, Awda al-Shab al-Filastini fi Lubnan.
89 Supra, n. 20.
90 Ibid.
91 Rosemary Sayigh, Palestinians in Lebanon: Harsh Present, Uncertain Future, p. 35.
92 Supra, n. 20.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
126
financial assistance to them plummeted in the 1990s. The idea of return,
which seemed to them a real possibility throughout the period between 1948
and 1982, has faded, and even the prospect of compensation for refugee land
and property seized seems remote.
93
Throughout the Oslo peace process and until mid-1999, most Palestinians
were opposed to Palestinian Authority president Arafat and the Oslo process,
aligned with Syrian-controlled Ayn El-Hilweh, Lebanons largest refugee camp
located on the outskirts of the southern port city of Sidon and its 60,000
residents. In recent years, Ayn El-Hilweh has become both the epicentre of
intra-Palestinian rivalries and a major theatre of struggle between the
opponents and supporters of Arafat and the Oslo process. In late June 1999,
Lebanons representatives of Arafats Fateh faction deployed 500 fighters
among the refugees and began recruiting and training new fighters in a bid
to retake control of Ayn El-Hilweh. In the autumn of 1999, the Lebanese
government moved against the pro-Arafat forces, and shortly after Arafats
supporters staged a rally in the camp in late October, a Lebanese military
court sentenced Fatehs Lebanon representative, Sultan Abu Alaynen, to death
in absentia, for his alleged role in setting up a new militia in the camp. Three
other high-ranking pro-Arafat Fateh officials were also arrested in late 1999.
94
Arafats critics among the refugees in Lebanon claimed that his bid to regain
control over the refugee population would place him a better position to
weather refugee opposition to likely concessions, including the possibility of
forfeiting Palestinian refugees right of return to territories that became
Israel, for an eventual peace deal with Israel. Using the same logic, some analysts
suggested that Lebanons subsequent efforts to reign in Fateh was a move to
deny Arafat support for any peace deal that does not provide for the right of
refugees in Lebanon to return to their former homes in present-day Israel.
95
The overwhelming majority of the citizens of Lebanon have remained
steadfastly opposed to a permanent resettlement of the refugees in Lebanon.
A representative public opinion survey reflecting the main religious groupings
in the country, conducted in the mid-1990s, found that 75 per cent of the
respondents rejected resettlement in Lebanon; the same proportion rated
the consequences of such resettlement as damaging to the country, leading
to the resumption of the civil war, further economic crises, demographic
imbalance and the creation of an additional sectarian group.
96
A similar
anti-resettlement position was advanced by the Lebanese government with
increased frequency and forcefulness throughout 1999 as the Palestinian
Authority and Israel prepared to resume final status negotiations on
permanent settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. After Israeli Prime
Minister Ehud Barak said in July 1999 that Israel would not permit any
Palestinian refugees to return to Israel proper and that the refugees should
be settled in their host countries, Lebanese Prime Minister Salim al-Hoss and
93 Hudson, Palestinians and Lebanon: The Common Story, p. 257.
94 Supra, n. 20.
95 Ibid.
96 Hilal Khashan, Palestinian Resettlement in Lebanon: Behind the Debate, in Palestinian
Refugees: Background Papers (Montreal, Quebec: Centre dtudes arabes pour le dveloppement,
1995).
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127
President Emile Lahoud repeatedly reiterated Lebanons rejection of refugee
settlement in Lebanon. Reiterating the same official position, Prime Minister
Rafiq al-Hariri stated on one occasion that that the Palestinian refugees were
the sole responsibility of Israel: We cannot give them Lebanese nationality.
We cannot do so because they are not and if we did so, we feel that we are
implementing the plan of Israel.
97
On another occasion Hariri went even
further by declaring that Lebanon would be pressuring the Palestinian refugees
to leave the country.
98
In recent years, the repeatedly stated official Lebanese position reinforced
Lebanese popular animus against the refugees and increased tensions between
the refugee community and their reluctant hosts.
99
Facing enormous pressures
from Lebanese officials, whose near daily public rejection of their presence in
Lebanon was extremely demoralising, the overwhelming majority of Palestinian
refugees also apparently do not wish to remain in Lebanon and continue to
assert their right of return to present-day Israel
100
; a survey of refugees in
Lebanon, conducted in 1994 among 600 respondents, found that 70 per cent
of the refugees opposed resettlement in Lebanon. The same survey revealed
that half expressed the view that the 1993 PLO-Israel Oslo agreement would
not lead to a Palestinian state; two-thirds did not support it and did not see it
as implementing the right of return; three-quarters saw their relationship with
the PLO leadership as negative. Although more than half still considered the
PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, the same proportion
felt it was acting independently of the wishes of the Palestinian people.
101
The multilateral quasi-negotiation: Lebanese attitudes towards the
Refugee Working Group
The Refugee Working Group (RWG) of the Middle East multilateral
negotiations was set up in Moscow in January 1992 in the aftermath of the
Madrid Peace Conference of 1991 to supplement the Israeli-Palestinian and
Israeli-Arab (Syria, Lebanon and Jordan) bilateral negotiations. Since 1992,
Canada has served as the gavel holder of the RWG. The multilaterals included
five working groups covering disarmament, water, environment, economic
development, and refugees. The multilaterals were intended to support and
complement the bilateral process begun at Madrid, and to address broad
regional issues whose solutions required coordinated actions and the support
of the international community. The early meetings of the RWG attempted to
address the refugee issue in three ways: improving the current living conditions
of the refugees and displaced persons without prejudice to their rights
and future status; easing and extending access to family reunification; and
97 Cited in Said, The Obligations of Host Countries to Refugees Under International Law:
The Case of Lebanon, p. 139.
98 Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees and the Peace Process, p. 42.
99 Supra, n. 20.
100 Ibid.
101 Hussein Shaaban, What do the Palestinians in Lebanon Say, Majalatt al-Dirasat al-Filastiniyya,
No. 19 (Summer 1995), pp. 176-177.(Arabic).
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
128
supporting the process of achieving a viable and comprehensive solution to
the refugee problem. Since January 1992, Canada has been the lead country
in the multilaterals for the Palestinian refugee issue, or gavel holder for the
RWG. Canada led missions to Lebanon in 1994 and in 1997 (see below) with
the objective of obtaining views from camp residents on the most appropriate
ways of addressing the social, and economic challenges facing the Palestinian
refugee community in Lebanon. In response to the recommendations that
followed the 1997 mission, donor countries pledged more than US$ 15 million
for a variety of projects and initiatives. Canada used this engagement to
reinforce its dialogue with the Lebanese government about the humanitarian
situation of the refugees.
102
However, when the RWG approved unanimously
a U.S. grant to rebuild destroyed shelters in Sabra and Shatila camps the
Lebanese government refused to approve the scheme.
103
Lebanon (with no Lebanese-Israeli bilateral talks in existence and with a
raging guerrilla war against Israeli occupation in south Lebanon and the
deadlock over the Israeli-Syrian track) had little option but to boycott the
multilateral track and the RWG quasi-negotiations from the beginning.
Moreover a number of (largely Arab) press reports suggested that the RWG
was developing plans to resettle Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, Iraq, Canada
or elsewhere. The result was often substantial hostility to the RWG and Canada
by both NGOs suspicious of its agenda and the Lebanese authorities fearful
of Palestinian tawteen. Although the RWG never comes close to detailed political
discussions or plan-making to this extent,
104
on several occasions senior
Lebanese officials and politicians voiced strong concern at the way the
Canadian gavel holder of the RWG was introducing the rhetoric of
adaptation into the multilaterals a rhetoric which in Lebanese eyes implied
tawteen and affected the attitudes of Arab host states towards the refugees in
their countries. For instance on 27 November 1994 powerful Chamber of
Deputies Speaker Nabih Birri (during a public celebration honouring him at
the Lebanese town of Abra, east of Sidon), accused the Canadian gavel holder
of conspiring with the Israeli government against the Lebanese people
for eliminating the possibility of creating a viable Palestinian state in the West
Bank and Gaza, capable of absorbing the Palestinian refugees, thus forcing
the refugees in Lebanon to be assimilated in the country. Yes, the Canadian
Government is doing its utmost to resettle the Palestinians in Lebanon at the
expense of Lebanon and Palestine, he stated.
105
In contrast, pro-Palestinian
Lebanese figures, unhappy about the public furore created over tawteen, have
accused the Lebanese right of conspiring with Western circles to get rid of the
Palestinians in Lebanon by encouraging their departure to countries overseas.
On 5 September 1999 the leader of the Socialist Progressive Party and former
102 Remarks by Andrew Robinson, the Canadian gavel holder of the RWG, 25 October 1998 at:
www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/peaceprocess/uqam-e.asp.
103 Tamari, Palestinian Refugee Negotiations, p. 43.
104 Rex Brynen, Much Ado About Nothing? The Refugee Working Group and the Perils of
Multilateral Quasi-negotiation, International Negotiations 2, 2 (November 1997), n. 27, at:
www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/ado.html (accessed on 14 August 2003).
105 Excerpted from Radio Lebanon, 27 November 1994 at: www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/
papers/berri.html.
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129
minister (Druze leader) Walid Jumblat publicly accused Arafat and the U.S.
government of colluding through the Oslo process and the multilaterals in a
plan aimed at dissolving the Palestinians in Lebanon through their
resettlement in remote parts of the world.
106
In the aftermath of the establishment of the Palestinian Authority
The establishment of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Gaza in
the aftermath of the Oslo accords of September 1993 also deeply affected the
relationship between the Lebanese state and the Palestinian refugees in the
country. There was a deep concern among the Lebanese leadership regarding
the Oslo negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority that the
refugees would be left in Lebanon; that there was little chance of them
returning to what is now Israel; and that only a token number would return to
the West Bank and Gaza; that the final status on the refugee issue might
lead to the resettlement or permanent integration of refugees into the various
host countries where they live a highly unwelcome prospect for them.
Moreover, the outcome of the uniquely hostile attitude of the Lebanese
authorities towards the refugees has had destabilising outcomes for the
Palestinian refugee community. Lebanon declared that it would refuse to accept
dual nationality for Palestinians who chose to remain while acquiring
Palestinian permanent residency. The Lebanese states pressures on the
refugees to go home before the conditions of return have matured have
had a devastating effects on the refugees. In effect the Lebanese moves attempt
to force Palestinians to make a decisive choice between leaving the country
and returning to Palestine before the conditions for such a choice have
developed.
The Palestinian refugee issue was not going to be resolved through
negotiations on the bilateral track alone and the fate of Palestinian refugees
in Lebanon was supposed to be decided not only in negotiations between the
PLO and Israel but also in a multilateral framework that would address the
future status of refugees in the region. This meant that solving the Palestinian
refugee issue was likely to be a Herculean task and required a great deal of
coordination between all regional parties to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Yet political progress in the Oslo peace process on the Palestinian refugee
issue was non-existent, whether in the multilateral or bilateral track of the
peace process.
107
The absence of the governments of Lebanon and Syria, both
of which would have considerable interest in the refugee issue, hindered the
course of the multilaterals on refugees. The lack of meaningful progress in
both the multilateral and the Palestinian-Israeli bilateral track on refugees
has contributed to the marginalisation of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon
perhaps more than Palestinian refugees in any other location in the Middle
East. Today the rights of the refugees in Lebanon are curtailed to a degree
106 Al-Nahar (Beirut), 6 September 1999.
107 Rex Brynen, Imagining a Solution: Final Status Arrangements and Palestinian Refugees in
Lebanon, Journal of Palestine Studies 26, No. 2 (Winter 1997), p. 42.
Sectarianism and the Rejection of Tawteen
130
unparalleled elsewhere in the Middle East, to some extent as a result of
Lebanons hostile reaction to the Oslo process. Indeed the refugees in Lebanon
themselves strongly believe that they have paid the price of the inadequacies
of the Oslo process.
108
In the meantime, Lebanon steadfastly continues to
oppose the naturalisation of the refugees, about 10 per cent of Lebanons
total population and mostly Sunni Muslim, arguing that their permanent
integration would disrupt its fragile political system, which is based on power
sharing along sectarian lines.
109
Although the Palestinian Authoritys policies towards the Palestinians in
Lebanon appears to be one of absence, both the Palestinian Authority
leadership and the Lebanese government agree on one thing: public rejection
of permanent resettlement of the Palestinians in Lebanon.
110
In recent years,
the Palestinian Authority in particular has been extremely anxious to allay
the fears of Arab host states over the issue of resettlement. For instance, on
3 December 1999, the Palestinian Authority issued a special statement from
Ramallah,
denouncing the dangerous schemes of resettlement propagated by quarters and
circles hostile to the Palestinian people and concerned to assure the sisterly Arab
host countries, the Palestinian refugees and the rest of the world that the widely-
propagated resettlement conspiracy was fed by certain circles over rejection of refugee
return and the rejection of UN resolution 194, which provides a return of the
Palestinian refugees to their homes. The [Palestinian] leadership stresses that the
only aim of this propagation is to sow the seeds of dispute, quarrel and confrontation
among host countries and refugee camps, whose presence in these countries is
regulated by Arab League protocols, and agreement of all members of the Arab
League and in accordance with UN resolution.
111
For its part the Lebanese government has continued to voice strong opposition
to the multilateral track on refugees a track which has clearly failed to
accommodate its national interests on the refugee issue. Consequently, partly
in response to the bilateral Israel-Palestinian track, the government has, in
recent years, shown greater determination to oppose all policies and actions
that could be construed as facilitating or accepting Palestinian integration.
108 U.S. Committee for Refugees: Articles, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon: Paying the Price
for Middle East Peace at: www.refugees.org.
109 Supra, n. 20.
110 See Faruq Qaddumis statement in al-Nahar, 18 November 1996.
111 Statement issued by Palestinian official news agency WAFA (Gaza), 3 December 1999.
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131
Betrayed and Forgotten:
Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
Lena El-Malak*
INTRODUCTION
There is not a single Palestinian who has designs on the soil of Lebanon. On the
contrary, we are ready for any sacrifice for Lebanon and its people, and we consider
our residence in this country is temporary.
Muhammad al-Bajirmi,
1
Palestinian refugee in the Rashidieh Camp
In the past century, numerous wars have contributed to flows of international
migration, giving new meanings to territories, borders, state sovereignty,
refugee camps, and repatriation. Events surrounding the creation of the State
of Israel in 1948 have made of Palestinian refugees the worlds largest and
oldest refugee population, with estimates of over 4 million.
2
Fifty years after
their initial displacement, Palestinians still linger in refugee camps in misery
and poverty while the prospect of a just settlement to their cause grows dimmer
every day. Their struggle, long ignored by the international community, reveals
a strong will to survive against all odds and an undeniable attachment to their
land, from which they fled in fear decades ago. Among the most dramatic
stories of such survival is that of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Their
history is marked by forced exile, years of civil war, displacement, massacres,
and a life of humiliation and deprivation at the margins of the flourishing
post-war Lebanese society.
* Lena El-Malak obtained an M.A. in Public International Law from SOAS in 2003 and is currently
working as Durable Solutions Assistant for the UNHCR in Jordan.
1 Cited in Aql, A., Palestinian Refugees of Lebanon Speak, XXV, no.1, Journal of Palestine Studies
(Autumn 1995), 54 at p. 58.
2 UNRWA, UNRWA in figures: figures as of 31 December 2002, (31 December 2002),
www.un.org/unrwa/pr/pdf/uif-dec02.pdf (accessed: 07/04/02).
UNRWA figures of 31 December 2002 confirm that there are currently 4,025,694 registered
refugees in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. These figures do not
take into account refugees in Egypt, as well as the thousands of Palestinian refugees who do
not satisfy the UNRWA definition, or who have acquired other nationalities and are no longer
registered with UNRWA.
132
The aim of this article is to shed some light on the legal challenges facing
Palestinian refugees in one of their host countries: Lebanon.
3
It will outline
the evolution of their legal status in Lebanon and the curtailment of their
civil rights, particularly since the end of the Lebanese civil war. It will also
define the legal obligations of the Lebanese government vis--vis Palestinian
refugees, and will advocate a redress to the injustice perpetrated by that
government against them. This article unequivocally operates without
prejudice to the inalienable rights of Palestinian refugees, as per paragraph
11 of U.N. General Assembly Resolution 194,
4
namely their right to return to
the homes from which they fled back in 1948. It can, by no means, be
interpreted as promoting the local integration of Palestinians in their host
countries.
The first chapter of this article will give a brief historical overview of the
Palestinian refugees presence on Lebanese territory from 1948 until the end
of the Civil War, and the evolution of the official Lebanese reaction to their
presence. It will also discuss the role of the United Nations Relief Work Agency
(UNRWA) and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in shaping the
status of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The second chapter of this study
will discuss the legal restrictions facing Palestinian refugees that have
constrained almost every aspect of their daily lives. Finally, the third chapter
will discuss Lebanons obligations towards Palestinian refugees in accordance
with binding international legal instruments. It will also outline solutions that
have been proposed as a way out of this impasse.
1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES
IN LEBANON
The exodus of Palestinians from their homes in Mandate Palestine took place
in the late 1940s. The chain of events that forced Palestinians to flee their
homes is beyond the scope of this article and has been unveiled in detail by
New Israeli Historians.
5
It is, however, essential for the purposes of this research
to provide a chronology of events that gave rise to the current status of
Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. This will include the role of various actors,
namely Lebanon, the PLO and UNRWA in shaping this status.
3 For a map of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon in 1999, see Al-Mashriq, Palestinian refugee
camps in Lebanon-1999, (1999), http://almashriq.hiof.no/lebanon/300/300/307/pal-
camps/index.html (accessed 03/06/03).
4 Palestine-Progress Report of the United Nations Mediator, GA Res. 194(III), (11 December 1948)
(hereinafter Resolution 194).
5 See Morris, B., The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1987; Shlaim, A., Collusion Across the Jordan: King Adbullah, the Zionist Movement
and the Partition of Palestine, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988, and Papp, I., Britain and the Arab-
Israeli Conflict, 1948-51, London, Macmillan Press, 1988.
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133
Arrival in Lebanon
Evolution of Lebanese official perception of Palestinian refugees
In the years surrounding the creation of the State of Israel and the first Arab-
Israeli war (1947-1948), the United Nations Economic Survey Mission (ESM)
estimated that 726,000 refugees
6
fled from Mandate Palestine to neighbouring
Arab countries. In 1949, the ESM assessed that, out of this total, 100,000
refugees had fled to Lebanon.
7
Initially, Palestinians were greeted with feelings of sympathy and compassion
by the majority of the Lebanese population.
8
Even the official position of the
government revealed a strong sense of solidarity. Mr. Bishara Khoury, the
Lebanese president at the time, greeted them into the city of Tyre with the
emotive words: Welcome to your country.
9
However, these feelings of
solidarity began to wane when it became apparent that the Palestinians right
of return was inauspiciously undermined by Israeli intransigence, and the
Palestinians presence began to be perceived as rather permanent.
As early as 1949, and fearing an imposed integration of Palestinians, the
Lebanese government adopted a number of measures suppressing aid to
Palestinians, and supported projects aimed at transferring Palestinians out of
Lebanon.
10
In addition, the Lebanese government implemented a policy of
dispersal in order to distribute Palestinian refugees according to the geographic
and demographic needs of Lebanon.
11
The majority of Palestinian refugees
were thus scattered in makeshift camps across Lebanon. The number of camps
reached 17; however, five of them were destroyed during the civil war, as will
be discussed later.
The shift in Lebanese policy towards Palestinian refugees was also prompted
by the Rhodes Accords of 1949, which imposed a cease-fire between Israel and
Lebanon. From then on, the government tightened its grip on Palestinians to
ensure that no attacks on Israel were initiated from Lebanese soil. Palestinian
camps were thus isolated from Lebanese society and from each other. In
addition, harsh measures were imposed on the inhabitants of the camps,
making their lives intolerable. Freedom of movement between the camps was
severely curtailed, as was the refugees right to assemble, and they were unable
to engage in any type of political activity.
12
Lebanese confessionalism also played a part in shaping policy vis--vis
Palestinian refugees. Maronite groups lobbied extensively in favour of the
naturalisation of Palestinian Christians. These efforts bore fruit when 28,000
Palestinian Christians acquired Lebanese citizenship in 1949, which increased
6 Takkenberg, L., The Status of Palestinian Refugees in International Law, Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1998 at p.19.
7 Natour, S., Les Palestiniens du Liban : la Situation Sociale, Economique et Juridique, Beirut, Dar Al
Taqqadom Al Arabi, 1993 at p.15.
8 Hallak, H., La position du Liban sur la question palestinienne, Beirut, PLO Research Centre, 1982
at p.168 cited in Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 37.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid, p. 346 cited in Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 43.
11 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 40.
12 Ibid, p. 43.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
134
their employment opportunities, while the remaining Palestinians, the majority
of which were Muslim, were further alienated.
13
In 1951, the Minister of
Employment and Social Work, Emile Lahoud, aggravated the difficulties facing
Palestinian refugees by imposing a work permit requirement, thus equating
their status to that of any other foreigner.
14
Since their arrival in Lebanon, the legal status of Palestinian refugees has
been marked by arbitrariness and ambiguity. While they benefited from aid
and support for the first couple of years, their status became more precarious
with time. The first steps towards formalising the status of Palestinians came
in 1959, with the creation of the Directorate for the Affairs of the Refugees in
Lebanon (also called Department of Palestinian Refugee Affairs), which was
set up by Regulations 42 and 927 of 31 March 1959, and was established to
oversee all matters pertaining to Palestinian refugees.
15
A year later, on 26
April 1960, Regulation 3909 created the Supreme Council for the affairs of
the Palestinians which was under the Minister of Foreign Affairs and migrs.
16
Despite the creation of these two bodies, there has never been clear legislation
granting Palestinian refugees a special status. They were officially classified as
other foreigners in the 1962 aliens legislation,
17
demonstrating Lebanons
unwillingness to view Palestinians as refugees deserving specific attention. The
full impact of this classification will be examined in section 2 of this article.
The situation of Palestinians in Lebanon continued to deteriorate with time.
In the late 1950s, Israel had attacked Lebanon in response to guerrilla raids
carried out by the Palestinian resistance. As researcher Jaber Suleiman noted,
these events initiated an aggressive policy by President Fuad Chehabs
regime.
18
Suheil Natour refers to measures of collective punishment such as
the refusal to award any work permits, and laying siege on the camps.
19
This
aggravated situation led to an uprising in the camps against Lebanese forces
on 23 April 1969, which finally drove both parties, the Lebanese government
and the PLO, to sign the Cairo Accords of 1969.
20
Defining Palestine Refugees
Before examining the changes brought about by the Cairo Accords, it is
appropriate to discuss the definition of Palestine refugees, most importantly
the one adopted by UNRWA. The definition is used to determine the number
13 Ibid, p. 42. See also Sayigh, infra n. 57 at endnote 25, p. 53. Sayigh notes that [N]aturalization
was easy for Christian and wealthy Muslim Palestinians in the early years of exile.
14 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 40.
15 Davis, U., Citizenship and the State: A Comparative Study of Citizenship Legislation in Israel, Jordan,
Palestine, Syria and Lebanon, Reading, Ithaca Press, 1997 at pp. 160-161.
16 Ibid.
17 Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO), Tactics toward change, Hokook Newsletter,
Issue 5, (Dec. 2002), www.palhumanrights.org/engpub6p1.htm (accessed: 31/05/03).
18 Suleiman, J., Report from Lebanon: The Current Political, Organizational, and Security
Situation in the Palestinian Refugee Camps of Lebanon, XXIX, no. 1, Journal of Palestine
Studies (Autumn 1999), 66 at p. 67.
19 Natour, supra n. 6 pp. 43-44.
20 Suleiman, supra n. 17.
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135
of refugees registered with the agency, and hence eligible for the assistance it
provided. Registration with UNRWA is also useful in determining the refugees
legal status within their host countries, or lack of it.
UNRWA was created by General Assembly Resolution 302 (IV) of 8
December 1949
21
:
(a) To carry out in collaboration with local governments the direct relief
and works programmes as recommended by the Economic Survey
Mission.
(b) To consult with the interested Near Eastern governments concerning
measures to be taken by them preparator y to the time when
international assistance for relief and works projects is no longer
available.
Although Resolution 302 defined the main goals of UNRWA, it did not,
however, offer any clear definition of Palestine refugees, nor did Resolution
194 or any other subsequent General Assembly resolution for that matter. In
addition, a statute governing the functioning of UNRWA was never adopted
by the General Assembly, in contrast with the case of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). It was thus up to UNRWA to come up
with is own definition of the persons eligible to receive assistance from the
agency.
22
Hence, UNRWA adopted a definition which was modified with time.
This definition was often tailored to the needs of the agencys donors, as
UNRWA official and academic Lex Takkenberg has outlined in detail in his
outstanding research on Palestinian refugees in international law.
23
Like
Lebanon, the international community adopted an arbitrary and ambiguous
approach to the legal status of Palestinian refugees.
One of the earlier definitions was issued in 1951 and stipulated that:
[A Palestine refugee is] a person normally resident in Palestine, who has lost his
home and his livelihood as a result of the hostilities, and who is in need.
24
Although it is beyond the scope of this article to examine the meaning of
each requirement set forth by this definition, suffice it to quote Lex
Takkenbergs conclusion that:
[t]he definition was narrowly drawn and excluded some categories of persons who,
although not meeting the criteria of the UNRWA definition, became refugees as a
result of the 1948 conflict.
25
This exclusion by UNRWA of Palestine refugees from its registry had serious
consequences on their legal status in Lebanon, as will be demonstrated in this
section.
21 Assistance to Palestine Refugees, GA Res. 302 (IV), 8 December 1949, para. 7 [hereinafter Resolution
302]. UNRWA was specifically created to provide assistance to Palestinian refugees who were
excluded from UNHCRs mandate, see infra section 3).
22 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 69.
23 Ibid, pp. 68-81.
24 UNRWA, Assistance to Palestine Refugees: Report of the Director of the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, GAOR, 6th sess., suppl. 16, U.N. doc. A/1905, para.
16.
25 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 70.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
136
The first census of Palestinian refugees was carried out in 1948 by the League
of Red Cross Societies.
26
It was later followed by UNRWAs census during 1950-
1951.
27
Since then, UNRWA has been prevented by host countries from
conducting any surveys on Palestinian refugees.
28
Lacking any definition of its
own, the Directorate for the Affairs of Palestinian Refugees (hereinafter
Directorate) in the Lebanese Ministry of the Interior, based itself on the initial
UNRWA census of 1951 to subsequently register Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon.
29
All individuals listed in this census were automatically added to
the Directorates registry as well as to the records of the General Security
Bureau (mudiriyyat al-amn al-amm).
30
Since then, the Directorate has had to
add amendments to this definition based on Ministerial decrees in order to
include subsequent waves of Palestinian refugees.
31
In 1956, about 5,000 Palestinians fled Gaza following the eruption of
hostilities during the Suez Canal crisis. UNRWA refused to transfer their records
from Gaza to Lebanon. Accordingly, they were never registered with the agency
in Lebanon (Non-Registered or NR refugees), and were thus deprived of its
assistance. Lebanon initially granted them leave to remain and they carried
white IDs issued by the General Security Bureau .
32
Through Decrees 309 of
1962 and 136 of 1969, Lebanon assimilated their status, as well as that of the
Palestinians who were excluded from the 1951 census, to that of Palestine
refugees registered with UNRWA in Lebanon.
33
They were consequently added
to the Lebanese registry of Palestine refugees and were granted Lebanese
travel documents (laissez-passer).
34
Another flow of refugees entered Lebanon in the late 1960s, following the
1967 war. They were followed by additional waves of refugees who fled Jordan
in the aftermath of Black September in 1970, and the eruption of the Jerash
battles in 1971.
35
These newcomers were never registered in any official records,
nor were they granted any documents, not even ID cards, from either UNRWAs
offices in Lebanon or the Lebanese government. Their exact number is
unknown since there were never any attempts to conduct a census confirming
their presence. Their status in Lebanon is deemed illegal,
36
and they are subject
to arbitrary detention and deportation. As of 1983, there were approximately
100,000 illegal Palestinians in Lebanon.
37
The predicament of illegal Palestinians in Lebanon is further aggravated
considering that [t]he acquisition of Palestinian refugee status is confined to
26 Ibid, pp. 163-164.
27 Ibid, p. 70.
28 Ibid.
29 Natour, S., The Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, (May 2000), www.group194.org/english/
studies/default.asp (accessed: 30/10/02) at p. 5.
30 Davis, supra n. 14 at p. 159.
31 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 5.
32 Davis, supra n. 14 at p. 159.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid.
35 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 35.
36 Ibid, p. 36.
37 Davis, supra n. 14 at p. 160.
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137
those who are born to a registered refugee father.
38
Hence, children born to
a registered refugee woman married to a non-registered man, are not eligible
to receive assistance from the agency.
39
The decision by UNRWA to adopt a
gender-specific definition has been severely criticised as grossly inconsistent
with . . . international legal norms . . . .
40
As discussed in this section, lacunas in UNRWAs definition have, thus,
created an entire group of people who are non-existent to the agency, or even
worse, to their host countries.
PLO in control of the camps
As discussed in section 1, the 1969 uprising in the camps convinced the
PLO and the Lebanese government of the need to reach an agreement over
the administration of Palestinian camps. The Cairo Accords (hereinafter
Agreement) were thus signed on 3 November 1969.
41
This Agreement
improved the Palestinians status in Lebanon by establishing the following
principles:
(1) The right of Palestine refugees currently in Lebanon to residence and
work.
(2) The right of local representation for Palestinians resident in refugee
camps to act in their interest in cooperation with the Lebanese local
authorities.
(3) The right of the Palestinians resident in Lebanon to participate in the
Palestinian armed struggle.
42
Along with the clashes that ensued in Jordan during Black September, the
Agreement facilitated an increased presence of the PLO in Lebanon. This, in
turn, helped loosen Lebanons grip on Palestinian refugees, particularly in
terms of the issuance of work permits.
43
In fact, Davis confirmed the benefits
of the Agreement by stating that:
[t]here is no question that the Cairo agreement represented a huge improvement
in the legal status of Palestinians in Lebanon in that it removed the status of the
Palestinians in Lebanon from the classification as foreigners . . . .
44
Flows of aid to the PLO permitted the creation of new institutions, most notably
the Palestinian Red Crescent, as well as sports institutions and educational
centres,
45
thus generating employment opportunities. Despite this aid, the
PLO failed to build a sustainable economy from within the camps, mainly due
38 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 5.
39 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 80.
40 Cervenak, C.M., Promoting Inequality: Gender-Based Discrimination in UNRWAs Approach
to Palestine Refugee Status, 16 Human Rights Quarterly (1994), 300 at p. 346.
41 Suleiman, supra n. 17. See Chaaban, infra n. 138 at pp.250-252 for a full text of the Agreement.
42 Davis, supra n. 14 at p. 162.
43 Edminster, S., Trapped on All Sides: the Marginalization of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon,
Immigration and Refugee Services of America, 1999 at p. 5.
44 Davis, supra n. 14 at p. 162.
45 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 44.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
138
to the fact that refugees were scattered in various locations. In addition,
corruption was rampant amid the ranks of the PLO, at the time.
46
The PLO also engaged in guerrilla attacks on Israel from southern Lebanon.
However, unlike the situation prior to the Agreement, these attacks were now
undertaken in coordination with the Lebanese army.
47
As noted by
Takkenberg, [t]he most significant consequence of the Agreement was that
the PLO gained de facto control of the refugee camps in the country.
48
The PLO, however, exacerbated the tensions within Lebanese society by
creating a state within a state. The PLOs presence was gradually seen as
being at the expense of large segments of the Lebanese population .
49
While Maronites had rejected the Agreement from its onset and mobilised
against the Palestinian community, Muslims came to resent the PLO because
of its guerrilla attacks on Israel, which led to severe retaliations targeting the
predominantly Shiite areas of southern Lebanon.
50
Amid resentment and
confrontation, the PLOs control over the camps continued until 1982, long
after the civil war erupted in Lebanon, shattering the lives of Lebanese and
Palestinians alike.
Status during the war
Departure of the PLO
The departure of the PLO from Lebanon came in 1982, following the Israeli
invasion of Beirut. It signalled a new era for Palestinian refugees. Established
in 1969, the PLOs official headquarters in the Lebanese capital were closed
down following the organisations withdrawal in 1982. At the time, the PLO
had requested Lebanon to allow a few of their officials to remain in the capital.
While an initial agreement was reached, these officials were later expelled,
and Palestinians lost contact with their leaders and representatives in the
diaspora.
51
This absence of any representative of Palestinians during the war
facilitated the reversal of the social and economic gains, which were achieved
following the 1969 uprising. The Palestinians status in Lebanon could easily
be undermined now that their leadership was no longer able to provide them
with the required physical and legal protection.
Left at the mercy of Lebanese militias and invading powers, the lives of
Palestinian refugees were devastated by displacement and massacres. Their
46 Ibid.
47 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 146.
48 Ibid.
49 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 5.
50 Khashan, H., Palestinian Resettlement in Lebanon: Behind the Debate, Montreal, Montreal Studies
on the contemporary Arab world, Inter-University Consortium for Arab Studies, 1994 at p. 3.
51 Natour, supra n. 6 at pp. 58-59.
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139
vulnerability reached a peak with the massacres of Sabra and Shatila in 1982.
52
More death and destruction were in store for Palestinians when Arafats loyalists
were encircled in Tripoli in 1983 by the Syrian-backed Fateh-intifada. Arafats
brief resurgence in Tripoli stimulated the PLOs confrontation with Syria on
Lebanese soil. With Syrias backing, the Amal Shia militia then pursued the
war of the camps from 1985 to 1987.
53
Thousands have perished during the
war
54
due to the absence of any organisation able to provide Palestinian
refugees with any physical protection.
The absence of legal protection was exemplified in 1987, when the Lebanese
Chamber of Deputies and the Lebanese President, Amin Al-Jumayyil,
unilaterally abrogated the Agreement.
55
As the rights of Palestinians were
quashed with the stroke of a pen, Natour points out to the PLOs failure, in
the past, to press the Lebanese government into formalising the legal status
of Palestinians, namely by issuing national legislation implementing the
Agreements provisions on Palestinians social and economic rights.
56
Palestinian refugees, once again, found their legal status floating amid
arbitrariness and insecurity.
Destruction, displacement and emigration
The civil war, from 1975 to 1990, severely impacted the lives of thousands of
Lebanese and Palestinian civilians. Although no one was spared from the
atrocities of the war, the situation in the north of Lebanon and the Beqaa
Valley was slightly better than the war-torn cities of the south and Beirut. Since
most of the predominantly Shia Muslim areas were located in the South and
Beirut, the war of the camps took a heavy toll on the Palestinians living in
these areas. Their camps were completely isolated from the surroundings.
57
In addition, most of these camps were either partially or completely destroyed
throughout the war. Out of the 17 Palestinian refugee camps that dotted
Lebanons coasts and valleys, at least five were destroyed during the Civil War.
These are: Nabatiyeh (1974), Tal El-Zaatar (1976), Jisr El-Basha (1976), Dbayeh
(1976) and Dauq (1985) a quasi-official camp at the heart of Sabra.
58
52 Indict Sharon, The Sabra and Shatila Massacres, www.indictsharon.net (accessed: 15/04/
03). See also Fisk, R., Pity The Nation: The Abduction of Lebanon, New York, Simon & Schuster,
1990 at pp. 389-390. Fisk says that The number of bodies found at Sabra and Chatila and the
growing list of missing Palestinians and Lebanese civilians as well as the evidence of
Phalangist officers in the weeks that followed suggested that well over 1,000 people were
murdered in the Beirut camps between the 16 and 18 November 1982, quite possibly as many
as 2,000.
53 Khashan, supra n. 49 at p. 4.
54 Arzt, D.E., Refugees Into Citizens: Palestinians and the End of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, New York,
Council on Foreign Relations, 1997 at p. 46. Arzt estimates that 50,000 to 60,000 Palestinians
were lost in casualties and out-migration from the 1982 Israeli invasion and through the war
of the camps in the mid 1980s.
55 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 146.
56 Edminster, supra n. 42 at pp. 6-7.
57 Ibid, p. 8.
58 Sayigh, R., Palestinians in Lebanon: Harsh Present, Uncertain Future, XXV, no.1, Journal of
Palestine Studies (Autumn 1995), 37 at endn. 21 p. 53.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
140
Today, 12 official camps remain (see Annex). Albeit severely destroyed during
the war, the Dbayeh camp remains serviced by UNRWA, although none of its
original inhabitants were allowed to return.
59
Terror and destruction were used to disperse Palestinians across Lebanon,
particularly in the south, which fell under the occupation of Israeli forces and
their proxy militias.
60
On 3 July 1982, the New York Times reported that the
Israeli army systematically destroyed many of the Palestinians houses that
survived the battles, increasing the number of homeless families, many of
them with children.
61
Numerous families were prevented from rebuilding
their homes, while those who fled were, once again, unable to return.
62
In
1998, as many as 20,000 Palestinian refugees remained internally displaced in
Lebanon.
63
Fear and destitution left thousands of Palestinians seeking a way out of
Lebanon. At the pinnacle of their needs, most Arab countries
64
closed their
doors to Palestinians in fear of encouraging their emigration. With no safe-
haven in Lebanon, and the Arab world turning a blind eye to their plight,
thousands of Palestinians immigrated to the West, mainly to West Germany,
Denmark and Sweden.
65
Status after the war
While the end of the war may have implied that reconciliation and a better
future were in the offing, the forecasts of change seemed to have, once again,
circumvented Palestinian refugees. The end of armed clashes reinstated an
illusory sense of overall peace and security in Lebanon. In reality, the days
ahead presaged instability and suffering, at least for the Palestinians. Two of
the major factors for this instability are UNRWAs shortcomings and the PLOs
betrayal.
UNRWAs shortcomings
UNRWAs services dwindled at a time when the need for them had sky-rocketed.
The post-1991 Gulf war scenario increased the pressure on UNRWA as
59 Ibid.
60 Al-Zabin, S., Palestinian Refugees Situations in Lebanon, Ramallah, Palestinian Diaspora and
Refugee Centre (SHAML), 2000 at p. 17. According to Al-Zabin, around 65,000 Palestinians
fled from the South following Israels invasion of the camps in Tyre in 1978.
61 Shipler, D.K., Piles of Rubble Were the Homes of Palestinians, The New York Times, (The New
York Times Company, July 3, 1982) Section 1, p. 1, Column 2 cited in Edminster, supra n. 42 at
p. 7.
62 Natour, supra n. 6 at pp. 47-49.
63 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 7.
64 According to Suheil Natour, Palestinians in Lebanon were able to migrate to Libya in the
1980s. (Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 75). This finding was supported by Lex Takkenberg, who stated
that . . . until recently, Libya was considered one of the most liberal countries in the Arab
world as far as allowing entry and work for Palestinians concerned. This led to the immigration
to Libya by many Palestinians who had experienced unemployment or travel and work
restriction in their countries of original refuge. (Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 166.)
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141
remittances from Palestinians in the Gulf stopped coming in and some of
those expelled from various Gulf countries returned to life in the camps.
66
With no financial breakthrough in sight, UNRWA had no other alternative
but to issue Emergency Appeals and impose cuts on its already meagre budget.
In fact, UNRWA has experienced chronic budgetary shortfalls that have
reduced the average annual expenditure per refugee by 37 per cent, from
about $110 in 1992 to about $69 in 1999.
67
This meant severe cuts in most, if
not all, of UNRWAs services, which significantly added to the hardships of
Palestinians.
UNRWA has been accused of corruption and of diverting funds to the
Occupied Palestinian Territories, which have become the focal point of
international donors and aid agencies following the peace process. While
UNRWA denies deflecting any funds at the expense of the most basic services
in Lebanon, an official of the Lebanese Department for Palestinian Refugee
Affairs, confirmed these allegations when he produced the 1995 funding figures
for UNRWAs Peace Implementation Program (PIP). PIPs aim was to
demonstrate the benefits of the peace process by subsidising relevant projects
in all of UNRWAs fields of operation. According to these figures, 66 per cent
of PIP grants went to UNRWA headquarters in the Gaza Strip.
68
Other sources,
69
including UNRWA staff, have substantiated these accusations by agreeing that
UNRWAs resources and wherewithal to deliver its services have plummeted
in recent years, at the particular expense of refugees in Lebanon.
70
As for allegations of corruption, UNRWA was accused of mismanaging its
funds to the benefit of a clique of entrepreneurs, as far back as 1993. Examples
of UNRWAs money-squandering drives include the US$170,000 invested by
the agencys engineering department on housing constructions in the city of
Tyre, when the cost of the entire project was independently evaluated at no
more than US$90,000
71
. In addition, officials within the U.S. government
claimed that Wolfgang Plaza, a former director of UNRWAs Lebanon
65 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 75. According to Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 18: [i]t is estimated that
more than 100,000 Palestinians left Lebanon throughout the civil war period. The number
of Palestinians currently residing in Lebanon is estimated at 370,000 (see UNRWA, infra n.
133). According to Rekacewicz, P., La diaspora palestinienne dans le monde, (February
2000), www.monde-diplomatique.fr/cartes/refugiesdiasporapaldpl2000 (accessed: 18/04/03),
there are about 30,000 Palestinians in Germany, 16-20,000 in Denmark and 15-18,000 in
Sweden.
66 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 17. Edminster states that as many as 40,000 to 50,000 Palestinians
in the Gulf returned to Lebanon during the Gulf War and its aftermath .
67 U.S. Committee for Refugees, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon: Hardest Hit by Middle East
Peace Impasse, (June 2000), www.refugees.org/news/press_releases/2000/061300e.htm
(accessed: 28/10/02) at p. 2.
68 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 17.
69 Sayigh, supra n. 57 at p. 38. Sayigh states: The Peace Implementation Program (PIP) has
received donor pledges totalling $76 million for projects in Gaza, $46 million for the West
Bank, and $10 million for Jordan, Syria and Lebanon combined. The other two special budgets
are the Extraordinary Measures for Lebanon and the Occupied Territories (EMLOT), where
aid to Gaza in 1993-1994 was seven times that of Lebanon, and the Expanded Program of
Assistance (EPA), where aid to Gaza was sixty-five times greater.
70 Edminster, supra n. 42 p. 18.
71 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 139.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
142
operations, was dismissed in September 1998 because he worked to root out
corruption while employed by the agency.
72
Seeking an end to this controversy,
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan and UNRWA Commissioner-General Peter
Hansen dispatched an investigative team to Lebanon in late September 1998.
Although no concrete evidence was presented against UNRWA, the
investigation could not conclude from this assessment that there are no
corrupt acts in the FOL [UNRWAs Lebanon office].
73
The mistrust that
followed this corruption scandal caused some of the major international
contributors, such as the European Union, to briefly suspend their funding
of UNRWA.
74
Once again, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon fell out of the
equation, as more poverty and misery were added to it.
PLOs betrayal
The now decrepit, derailed peace process was long viewed by many as the
capitulation of the Palestinians,
75
and it was not long before their predictions
came true. Discontent prevailed among most refugees who felt betrayed by a
process that excluded them from the onset. As Susan M. Akram, stated in a
recent article:
[b]y making explicit reference to only the resolutions embodying the land-for-peace
formula in other words, satisfying the Palestinian collective demand for self-
determination but excluding reference to any resolutions delineating individual
rights of the refugees, the Oslo framework legitimises a trade off of the latter rights
for the former.
76
Palestinian refugees everywhere felt their rights were being relinquished with
the stroke of a pen. In Lebanon, the aftermath of the historic handshake in
Washington was negative and impacted the economic and legal aspects of the
lives of Palestinian refugees.
While the PLOs drought began when Gulf countries cut their funding to
the organisation in response to Yasir Arafats stance on Iraqs invasion of
Kuwait,
77
the penury in the camps was aggravated in 1993, when the PLO, like
UNRWA, shifted its financial resources to the Gaza Strip and West Bank
78
at
the expense of Palestinians in Lebanon and elsewhere in the Diaspora. This
72 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 20.
73 Report of the Office of Internal Oversight Services/Investigations Section on the Assessment Mission in
the UNRWA Field Office in Lebanon, p. 2.
74 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 20.
75 See, for example, Said, E., Peace and Its Discontents: Essays on Palestine in the Middle East Peace
Process, New York, Vintage Books, 1996.
76 Akram, S. M., Palestinian Refugees and Their Legal Status: Rights, Politics, and Implications
for a Just Solution, XXXI, no. 3, Journal of Palestine Studies, (Spring 2002), 36 at p. 47. Akram
states that: [t]he only resolutions specifically referenced in the Oslo agreements, and indeed
in any of the Arab-Israeli treaties, are 242 and 338, the basis of the land for peace formula.
However, neither resolution has specific language referring to the framework of a just solution
for the refugees, and it is clear that the omission of the UNGA Resolution 194 and UNSC
Resolution 237 is deliberate on Israels part.
77 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 22.
78 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 17.
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143
desertion by the PLO led to a widespread feeling among refugees in the camps
that they were betrayed and ignored by their leadership. As Mahmud Abbas, a
refugee from the Mar Elias camp stated:
Its up to the PLO to take responsibility for the fate of the Palestinians in exile,
whose situation is the most difficult of all. You will not find two people who are
not convinced that the Gaza-Jericho agreement is an agreement of capitulation and
betrayal.
79
Heeding their calls of distress, Nabil Shaath, a delegate of the Palestinian
Authority (PA), unequivocally stated at an emergency meeting held by UNRWA
in March 1995, that the Palestinians in Lebanon were not the PAs responsibility
but UNRWAs.
80
Statements such as these have only deepened the divide
between Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and the PA. Allegations of corruption
did not help in improving the PAs credibility in the eyes of Palestinian refugees
in Lebanon, 60 per cent of whom live below the poverty line.
81
Summing up
the refugees predicament, Dr. Yusif Sayigh, a Palestinian economist in Beirut
stated:
Health and education have been on a steady decline UNRWA services are also
declining at a time when the agency is needed more than ever The Arab states
have deserted us, our own [Palestinian] leadership too. They [the leaders of the PA]
are making millions individually.
82
On the legal side, the status of Palestinian refugees was largely ignored by the
Oslo process. The deferral of their issue to final status negotiations only
increased the refugees suspicions, as well as their worst fears of being either
forced to resettle in Lebanon or relocate to third countries. In the face of
threats of an imposed integration of Palestinians in Lebanon, the Lebanese
response was unequivocal: no to tawteen (local integration/naturalisation).
The Lebanese took their position to an extreme when in November 1994,
Lebanons President Elias Hrawi said,
. . . that his government would expel all Palestinian refugees from Lebanese territory
should the Oslo Agreement fail to accommodate them.
83
Backing up words with action, post-war and post-Oslo Lebanon began a tacit
policy of encouraging the emigration of Palestinians out of Lebanon. As will
be discussed in section 2, this hidden policy took the shape of a series of
decrees and measures restricting the civil rights of Palestinians, thus rendering
their lives unbearable and forcing them out of Lebanon.
79 Aql, supra n. 1 at p. 57.
80 Sayigh, supra 57 at p. 41.
81 Ghandour, N., Meeting the Needs of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon cited in N. Aruri,
Palestinian Refugees: The Right of Return, London, Pluto Press, 2001, 152 at p. 153.
82 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 16.
83 Ibid, p. 12.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
144
2 THE LEGAL CONSTRAINTS FACING PALESTINIAN
REFUGEES IN LEBANON
As discussed in section 1, the suffering of Palestinian refugees had not
disappeared with the end of the civil war, nor with the beginning of the peace
process. The absence of any formal legislation safeguarding the rights of
Palestinian refugees had already facilitated the reversal of all gains acquired
through the Agreement. The unilateral abrogation of this agreement had
signalled the beginning of an era of containment of Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon; a containment that proceeded largely unhindered, in the absence
of legislative guarantees.
Since then, several attempts were made to improve the Palestinians legal
status in Lebanon. An attempt was initially made in the summer of 1991,
following clashes in the Ein El-Hilweh and Mieh Mieh refugee camps, when
the Lebanese army tried to disarm Palestinian militia. A settlement was then
reached between the two in which Lebanon agreed to grant Palestinians their
basic civil rights. That same year, the Lebanese government created a
ministerial committee to address the issue of the rights and obligations of
Palestinian refugees residing in the country. The committee was, however,
unable to formulate any substantial amendments to the status of Palestinians.
Its activities were terminated after a few meetings.
84
In that same year, the PLO brought the issue of the refugees civic rights to
its normalisation talks with Lebanon. These talks followed the Taif agreement
which put an end to the Lebanese civil war in 1989, and officially excluded
tawteen from its precepts. However, the launch of the Madrid Conference in
November 1991 suspended these talks, pending a final regional settlement.
85
Betrayed by their leadership, and ignored by the international community,
the refugees situation was aggravated as Lebanon began curtailing their civil
rights in a desperate attempt to slowly drive them out of the country. This
section will examine the various restrictions that were imposed on a few of the
Palestinians most basic rights.
Education
The educational system in Lebanon was among the first casualties of war.
While Palestinians in Lebanon were among the most educated in the Arab
world before 1982, the countrys civil strife led to a high illiteracy rate among
adult Palestinians residing there.
86
The situation has not improved since then.
Among the various host countries, Lebanon still has the lowest percentage of
its refugee children attending schools. In fact, there are twice as many students
enrolled in Syria than there are in Lebanon, although Syria has fewer refugees
in total.
87
84 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 11.
85 Ibid.
86 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 9.
87 Sayigh, R., Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon (July 1996), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/
papers/sayigh.html (accessed: 28/10/02) at p. 2.
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145
There are various reasons to explain the decreasing percentage of
attendance in school. Chief among them is the fact that Palestinians are almost
exclusively dependent on UNRWAs decaying services for their education. In
fact, Lebanese legislation restricts access to the countrys official schools by
allowing no more than 10 per cent of the studying seats to foreigners, which
includes Palestinians.
88
Foreigners are also excluded from the College of
Education and the Teachers Training Institution, since the possession of
Lebanese citizenship for at least ten years is a prerequisite to admission.
89
In
2000, the Department for Palestinian Affairs estimated that only 20 per cent
of Palestinian refugees have so far had access to a Lebanese education.
90
High costs and distance further limit access to Lebanese education.
91
The
adoption of Law 392 in April 2002 imposed an increase in tuition fees on all
foreign university students, which includes Palestinians. As a result, they had
to pay nearly five times as much as their Lebanese counterparts.
92
Following
lobbying from NGOs, members of the European Unions Parliament suggested
amendments to the EU-Lebanon Association Agreement in response to the
curtailments of Palestinian civil rights. By December 2002, the Lebanese
government responded by exempting Palestinian refugees from the increased
tuition fees imposed on foreigners.
93
Palestinians remonstrated at the local level as well, when non-registered
displaced Palestinians from 1967 were sentenced to illiteracy. As discussed in
section 1, these individuals and their descendants are non-existent to both
UNRWA and the Lebanese government; their presence in Lebanon is deemed
illegal. Their children were thus prevented from entering UNRWA schools or
Lebanese schools. Their legal status deprived them from their right to an
education, until UNRWA finally bowed to the pressure from representatives
of popular committees in Ein El-Hilweh in 2000.
94
Adding to the legal constraints to Palestinian education, UNRWAs
dilapidated facilities do not provide the type of environment conducive to
studying. Financial constraints meant more reduction in UNRWAs services.
The number of primary schools declined from 87 in 1987 to 73 in 1999.
95
There are only two secondary schools; one in Burj El-Barajneh in Beirut, and
another in Ein El-Hilweh in Sidon,
96
and virtually none in all of northern
88 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 12.
89 Ibid, p. 29.
90 Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN), Refugees Also Have Rights,
(September 2000), www.euromedrights.net/English/Download/Palrefugees_en.pdf (accessed:
28/10/02) at p. 22.
91 Abu-Habib, L., Education and the Palestinian refugees of Lebanon: A lost generation?, (April
1996), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/abuhabib.html (accessed: 28/10/02) at p. 2.
92 Al-Shahal, N., Al-Tahjir al-Tawi Lil Falastiniyin MinLubnan, Al-Hayat (10 November 2002),
Issue No. 14479 at p. 18.
93 Palestinian Human Rights Organisation (PHRO), Press Release: The EU-Lebanon Association
Agreement: Palestinian Refugees Start Reaping Benefits as Lebanon Succumbs to External
Pressure, (18 December 2002), www.palhumanrights.org/eulebanon.htm (accessed: 25/04/
03).
94 EMHRN, supra n. 89 at p. 23.
95 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 30.
96 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 19.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
146
Lebanon. Although secondary education is not part of UNRWAs mandate, it
has been provided by the agency because of the special needs of Palestinians
in Lebanon.
97
Despite UNRWAs efforts, more needs to be done considering that half of
their schools operate on double shifts, and classrooms can be packed with up
to 60 students at a time.
98
The level of learning is also abysmal with barely 57.4
per cent of UNRWA students passing their intermediate certificate
examinations in 1998-1999, for example.
99
Like UNRWA, the Lebanese
government is partially to blame for this inauspicious state of affairs. Many
students see no point in pursuing their studies when they are legally barred
from entering most professions.
Work
By imposing legal constraints on their right of employment, the Lebanese
government has contributed to the illiteracy and extreme poverty of Palestinian
refugees. The restrictions imposed on Palestinians have been harsh and
discriminatory. While it is fair to have excluded Palestinians from the civil
service or any other type of government employment,
100
it is much less
reasonable to have limited the type of professions they can practise in private.
As noted in section 1, as early as 1951, Palestinians were required to have a
work permit to enter the labour market.
101
In 1962, they were demoted to the
status of foreigners,
102
and on 18 September 1964, Decree 17561 initiated the
process of regulating foreign labour in Lebanon.
103
First, this decree introduced
the principle of reciprocity. Although this principle is not discriminatory, per
se, its application inevitably leads to discriminatory effects vis--vis Palestinians.
This principle grants foreigners the same rights as Lebanese workers, as long
as the legislation in their home state allows for the same rights to Lebanese
citizens residing there.
104
Since Palestinians are stateless, the reciprocity
principle adds insult to injury by excluding them from its scope of application.
This principle has, hitherto, been used to justify the exclusion of Palestinians
from syndicated work and professional unions such as the Medical Doctors,
Pharmacists, and Engineers Unions.
105
However, membership of the Order
of Lawyers is conditional on the possession of Lebanese citizenship for at
97 Khouri, G., As Burdens Grow, UNRWA Lebanon Budget Imperilled, (December 1997),
www.wrmea.com/Washington-Report.org/www/backissues/1297/9712027.html, (accessed:
15/04/03) at p. 1.
98 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 30.
99 Ibid.
100 Ibid pp. 20-21. Natour notes how all government employees must be Lebanese citizens who
have been naturalized for at least 10 years.
101 Hallak, supra n. 7 at p. 346 cited in Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 37.
102 PHRO, supra n. 16 at p. 1.
103 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 164.
104 Ibid, pp. 164-174. In his book, Natour argues how Lebanese citizens were not even treated as
foreigners in Palestine during the British Mandate and until the creation of the State of
Israel. Hence, it was unnecessary for Lebanon to have applied the reciprocity principle
with regard to Palestinians.
105 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 27.
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147
least ten years,
106
a requirement which automatically excludes foreigners. The
reciprocity principle was also used to preclude Palestinians from gaining any
social benefits (Art. 9(4) of the Lebanese Social Security Law of 26/09/63),
despite having to pay social security.
107
In addition, Decree 17561/1964 confirmed the work permit requirement
for all foreign workers. The requirement applies to most fields with the
exception of construction and seasonal work, such as farming.
108
This marked
the beginning of further constraints on foreign labour. Starting with Ordinance
189/1, adopted on 18 December 1982, and up until Ordinance 621/11 adopted
exactly 13 years later, Lebanese authorities have gradually excluded foreigners
from several occupations.
109
Theoretically, the work permit requirement applies uniformly to all
foreigners. In reality, statistics have cast a doubt on Lebanons even-handedness.
In 1991, the Lebanese Labour Ministry issued only 125 work permits to
Palestinians out of a total of 15,000.
110
When Ordinance 621/11 of 1995
exempted a few categories of people from the exigency of a work permit,
111
this did not translate into many changes for Palestinians. Even for those
Palestinians who obtain permits, they still have to compete with about 150,000
workers from Sri Lanka, 60,000 from Egypt and 500,000 from Syria, who can
easily obtain permits due to the reciprocity principle.
112
Palestinians are thus left with little choice. They either remain unemployed,
or work illegally, where they are often exploited as cheap labour. Arguably the
only form of employment available to Palestinians is at UNRWA which, in
May 2000, had no more than 2,440 employees,
113
out of a total Palestinian
labour force of 235,000.
114
Poverty resulting from unemployment made the situation in Lebanons
camps among the most disastrous in the region, at least up until the beginning
of the Second Intifada in September 2000. In 1998, 10.3 per cent of refugees
registered with UNRWA in Lebanon were hardship cases, making it the highest
percentage reported that year in any of the agencys fields of operation.
115
106 Ibid, p. 26.
107 Said, W., The Palestinians in Lebanon: the rights of the victims of the Palestinian-Israeli
Peace Process, 30, no.2, Columbia Human Rights Law Review (Spring 1999), 315 p. 334.
108 Natour, supra n. 6 at p. 184.
109 Natour, supra n. 28 at pp. 24-26. See also, Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO),
Press Release: A review of the status of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, (2002),
www.palhumanrights.org/review.htm (accessed: 25/04/03) at p. 3: ... Palestinians cannot
work in around 73 (46 according to Lebanese resources) different professions.
110 Khashan, supra n. 49 at p. 10. This trend has existed for many years as noted by Natour
(supra n. 6 at p. 177)
111 Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO), Status of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
Regarding the Right to Work and Own Property: A closer Look, Hokouk Newsletter, Issue 1,
Vol.2, (April 2003) at p. 4. Article 2 of decision 622/11 exempted the following aliens from
the requirement: (i) those residing in Lebanon since birth; (ii) those whose mother is
Lebanese or who have Lebanese origins; (iii) individuals who have been married to a Lebanese
female for more than a year.
112 EMHRN, supra n. 89 at p. 22.
113 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 21.
114 Ibid, p. 28.
115 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 13.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
148
The mental and physical health of Palestinians could only deteriorate amidst
such poverty and despair.
Medical aid
The health crisis is probably the most life-threatening difficulty facing
Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Many elements have contributed to the
deterioration of the health conditions in the camps. For one, Palestinian
refugees do not have access to state hospitals. Their only options for medical
aid are private hospitals, hospitals run by the Palestinian Red Crescent Society
(PRCS) and UNRWAs subsidies for hospitalisation. The high costs of private
Lebanese hospitals render them inaccessible to the majority of Palestinians.
As for UNRWA, it operates 25 health centres, and has agreements with 13
Lebanese hospitals to provide health and medical services for the registered
Palestinian refugees.
116
Once more, non-registered Palestinians, and their
descendants, are ineligible to receive any medical aid from UNRWA. One
dramatic example, where this has had a fatal consequence, is that of Nasser
Hamids family. Nasser, a registered UNRWA refugee, was married to a Non-
Registered Palestinian (NR). His wife had thus no access to UNRWAs medical
assistance. The agency refused to transfer her to a hospital for a delivery. This
fact, coupled with birth complications, led to the death of their baby within a
few days after birth.
117
Subsidies for hospitalisation have declined due to UNRWAs financial
constraints. Patients over 60 years do not qualify for open-heart surgery or
other life-saving treatments.
118
Furthermore, UNRWA can only subsidise a small
portion of these treatments (up to US$1,500),
119
bearing in mind that an
operation usually costs U.S.$8,000.
120
UNRWA does not pay to treat other serious
diseases such as cancer, kidney failure, thalassemia, leukaemia or epilepsy.
121
These factors cumulate leaving Palestinian refugees to die a slow death from
otherwise preventable diseases. There are also cases of hospitals that will not
release their patients or deceased bodies, until all costs are paid in full.
122
As for the PRCS, it operates four hospitals and nine primary health clinics
in Lebanon. UNRWA and PRCS complement each other in the health sector
with the agency focusing on primary health care and PRCS engaged at the
116 Ghandour, supra n. 80 at p. 154.
117 Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO), Press Release: A newborn dies as an
outcome of being an NR Palestinian Refugee in Lebanon, (6 July 2002), www.
palhumanrights.org/anewborn.htm (accessed: 25/04/03).
118 Right of Return: Joint Parliamentary Middle East Councils: Commission of Enquiry-Palestinian Refugees,
London, Labour Middle East Council, Conservative Middle East Council, Liberal Democrat
Middle East Council, 2001 at p. 186.
119 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 18.
120 Koltermann, U., Who really wants them? Palestinians in Lebanon fed up with being a
bargaining chip, (June 1997), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/
JTarticle270697.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at p. 3.
121 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 18. See also: Palestinian Return Centre, Wafat fata filistini bimarad
al-talassimiya fi mokhayam burj el-shemali bisabab takaloss khadamat al-unrwa (Death of Palestinian
youth from thalassemia in the Burj el-Shemali camp due to a reduction in UNRWAs services),
www.prc.org.uk (accessed: 31/03/2003).
122 EMHRN, supra n. 89 at p. 24.
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149
secondary level.
123
Like UNRWA, PRCS suffers from lack of funds. Suheil
Natour notes that many staff members have left the PRCS because of the
decline of wages, while others are unable to practice their profession in
Lebanon due to legal restrictions, as discussed in the previous section.
124
Adding to the inaccessibility of medical aid, the environmental conditions
in the camp have increased the health risks. A study conducted by Dr. Zeidan
revealed the deplorable environmental conditions in the camps.
125
The study
revealed that improper water disposal and insufficient water supplies facilitate
the propagation of diseases, such as cholera, typhoid, malaria, dysentery and
hepatitis.
126
The Lebanese governments ban on construction has increased
these health risks, as inhabitants of the camps are forced to live in overcrowded
and hazardous homes built in alleys amid sewage and junk yards.
127
Restrictions on construction of demolished camps and the issue of
internally displaced refugees
The policies adopted by Lebanese authorities vis--vis Palestinian camps have
varied depending on the camps locations. Relative to those in the South, the
northern camps of Beddawi and Nahr El-Bared have been spared from harsh
measures.
128
In fact, since 1995, Lebanese authorities have blocked the entry
of building and repair materials into the Rashidieh, El-Buss and Burj El-Shemali
camps which surround the city of Tyre.
129
The situation is similar in the camps
in Beirut (Dbayeh, Burj El-Barajneh and Shatila). Palestinians are unable to
build or reconstruct housing in the Burj El-Barajneh camp, or any of the Tyre
camps, unless they obtain special permits from the Lebanese army.
130
On the
rare occasion where permits are issued by the army, they merely allow 50 per
cent of the requested construction material to enter the camps.
131
Those who
123 Shepherd, S., Health and the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, (February 2001), www.
caabu.org/publications/refugee_health.html (accessed: 28/10/02) at p. 2.
124 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 35.
125 Zeidan, A.M., Environmental Conditions in Palestinian Camps in Lebanon, (September
1999), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/zeidan.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at p. 1.
Zeidan states that: [t]he hardships facing the refugees include: inhibition of reconstructing
the damaged camps, deterioration of proper living conditions, crowded households,
inadequate safe water sources, absence of proper wastewater disposal and solid waste
management . . .
126 Ibid, p. 4.
127 Ibid.
128 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 14. According to Natour: Lebanese authorities permit the
establishment of projects to improve the infrastructure, such as the sewage system in Nahr
Al-Barid and the houses of the displaced in Al-Baddawi, which are the two main camps in
the North.
129 Ibid, pp. 13-14. See also Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 16. Edminster states how the army has
sealed off all roads leading into the southern camps, [except for the main entrance]. Lebanese
soldiers maintain checkpoints at the camp entrances to prevent residents from bringing
unauthorized building material into the camps, which camp residents liken to a siege.
130 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 14.
131 Palestinian Return Centre, Dokhul al-Amm al-Sabe ala al-karar al-kadi biadam al-samah lillajiin
bi idkhal mawad al-bina ila mokhayamatihem (The decision prohibiting refugees from bringing
construction material into their camps enters its seventh year), www.prc.org.uk (accessed:
31/03/03) at p. 2.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
150
circumvent these measures risk being detained for ten days to one month, in
addition to paying a fine of up to US$320.
132
On one occasion, the Lebanese
army even shot a smuggler as he attempted to bring in some building material
into the El-Buss camp.
133
The restrictions imposed on construction in and around the remaining
demolished camps, in addition to the ban on the reconstruction of the Tal El-
Zaatar, Jisr El-Bacha and Nabatiyeh camps, all of which were destroyed during
the war, have led to an overcrowding in the current 12 camps. These camps
host about 200,000 Palestinian refugees,
134
while they are prepared to
accommodate no more than 50,000.
135
Furthermore, recent reports have
unveiled renovation plans which will inevitably lead to more destruction in
the camps, mainly in Beirut.
136
As noted by Edminster: [a] new highway
currently under construction in Beirut will run through part of the Burj El-
Barajneh refugee camp, resulting in the demolition of some 650 refugee
houses, while yet another highway in Tyre will lead to the destruction of
parts of El-Buss camp.
137
Consequently, house demolitions, building restrictions and evictions
138
have
marked Lebanons policy towards Palestinian refugees. Among the most
vulnerable victims of such policies are the families who have been displaced
from their homes, mainly during the war of the camps.
139
While the Lebanese
government has created a Ministry for Displaced Persons as part of its post-
war reconstruction initiatives, Palestinians once again have reaped minimal
benefits from these developments. In 1993, the Minister for Displaced Persons,
Walid Jumblat, suggested that the government grant UNRWA a land in Iklim
al-Kharruub (Qurayya), and allow it to build a camp that would accommodate
displaced Palestinians and reduce some pressure from the overpopulated
camps of Lebanon. However, this project faced a tide of opposition from
numerous factions in the government that viewed it as a first step towards the
132 Ibid, p. 1.
133 Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO), Press Release: Ban on building materials
continues: Refugee shot near Buss Camp, (7 July 2002), www.palhumanrights.org/
banonbuilding/htm (accessed: 30/04/03).
134 UNRWA, Statistical Profiles, (2000), www.un.org/unrwa/pr/pdf/figures.pdf (accessed:
30/04/03) at p. 3. Along with the Gaza Strip, Lebanon has the highest percentage of camp
residents in all of UNRWAs fields of operations (56 per cent of 376,472 Palestinians registered
with UNRWA in the year 2000 or 210,715 refugees).
135 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 14.
136 Koltermann, supra n. 119 at p. 5. Koltermann notes how the Lebanese government is drawing
plans for the Beirut 2000 project that smoothly define three refugee camps as building
ground.
137 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 16.
138 Ibid: Beginning in August 1994, authorities evicted 118 displaced Palestinian families from
newly constructed housing in Ein El-Hilweh refugee camp near Sidon. The government
also demolished the makeshift housing of some 750 displaced Palestinian families in Sidon,
displacing them once more.
139 Chaaban, H. A., Al Mokhayamat al Filistiniya fi Lubnan : Min al Dhyafa ilal tammyiz (Palestinian
Refugees in Lebanon: From Hosting through Discrimination), Jerusalem, PASSIA, 1st ed.,
2002 at p. 106. In 1991, studies revealed an estimate of 3,000 displaced Palestinian families,
or 19,500 individuals.
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151
integration of Palestinians. The project was thus doomed to failure ab initio.
140
Instead, Lebanon maintained its vindictive restrictions on the camps, under
the pretext of promoting Palestinians right of return and rejecting tawteen . It
even exacerbated the difficulties by closing down displacement centres.
141
With nowhere to go, and camps populated beyond capacity, such policies
can only be interpreted as desperate measures aimed at driving Palestinians
out of the camps, if not out of Lebanon. The latest law preventing Palestinians
from owning property is an addendum to Lebanons greater scheme of
gradually forcing Palestinians into exile.
Ownership rights
Decree 11614 of 4 January 1969 distinguished the rights of Lebanese citizens
from those of foreigners by making foreign ownership of real estate property
conditional on the acquisition of a licence from the Finance Ministry.
142
This
decree provided a short-lived equal treatment for all foreigners, including
Palestinians. However, on 21 March 2001, an amendment to this decree (Law
296) introduced discriminator y provisions to Lebanons ownership
legislation.
143
The Palestinians statelessness was, once again, used to deprive
them of certain rights and privileges, reserved to all other foreigners. Law 296
states:
[I]t is not permissible to have any rights in real estate property, by anyone who does
not have the citizenship of a recognized state, or by any person if ownership of such
property is contradictory with the constitutional precepts concerning the rejection
of integration (tawteen).
(authors translation).
Although the end result namely the exclusion of Palestinians from the laws
application is analogous to the one obtained by using the reciprocity
principle, this law used explicit language to single out Palestinians.
As noted earlier, Lebanon had formally rejected tawteen in the Taif accords
that brought an end to Lebanons civil war. This negation of tawteen was then
formally incorporated in Lebanons post-war constitution.
144
which may explain
the explicit reference to both integration/tawteen and the constitution in
the text of Law 296. Post-war Lebanon has, thus, become more overt in
expressing its position vis--vis tawteen, a position that will be discussed in detail
in section 3. The fact that Law 296 has been severely criticised for being
inherently discriminatory and unconstitutional (as will be discussed below)
140 Ibid, pp. 107-109. See also Sayigh, supra n. 57 at p. 42. Sayigh states that the Qurayya affair
roused such a storm of protest that cabinet unity was threatened and the project had to be
shelved.
141 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 16. Edminster notes how the government closed down seven
displacement centers in Beirut in 1995, thus displacing 377 refugee families for the second
or third time.
142 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 13.
143 Law 296 of April 21, 2001 cited in Chaaban, supra n. 138 at p. 277.
144 Sayigh, supra n. 57 at p. 43.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
152
can explain why Lebanon refrained from using such explicitly discriminatory
language in subsequent legislation. For example, in Law 392 of April 2002
(see section 2), Lebanon initially imposed the same tuition fees on all
foreigners, including Palestinians.
Subsequent to the adoption of this law, Palestinian refugees no longer had
the option of purchasing property outside the camps in order to accommodate
the natural expansion of their families, and evade the unhealthy and squalid
environment of overcrowded refugee camps. Rosemary Sayigh notes that this
forced Palestinian refugees to rent at a time of deepening impoverishment,
with the government preparing a bill that will free rents completely within
twelve years.
145
The ban on Palestinian real estate ownership has had other severe
repercussions on the refugee population. Some 5,000 families suddenly found
themselves unable to register the property they were purchasing through the
payment of regular instalments.
146
Others were unable to amend the
registration records for property that they inherited from their deceased
Palestinian refugee fathers, even if their mothers were Lebanese.
147
This left
numerous families with their proprietary rights caught in a legal jumble. The
situation was particularly aggravated in Sidon where 60 per cent of the property
is owned by Palestinians, impelling the Sidon Chamber of Commerce to take
the lead in protesting against Law 296.
148
Sidon was the scene of another devastating consequence stemming from
Law 296. In recent months, Ein El-Hilweh camps only cemetery lacked burial
space. Unable to purchase land themselves, Palestinians sought the help of
Sidons Mufti. The Mufti agreed to purchase land on behalf of Islamic waqf
in order to provide Palestinians with space to bury their loved ones.
149
Although a few Lebanese parliamentarians attempted to quash this law,
their calls were unheeded.
150
Future initiatives to pressure Lebanon into
reversing Law 296 remain necessary despite this drawback. As discussed in
the previous section, the lobbying efforts of NGOs did bear fruit when
complaints were taken to international forums, namely the European Union.
Such successes pave the way for increased lobbying efforts from local and
international organisations.
145 Sayigh, R., No Work, no Space, no Future: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, (August 2001),
www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/sayigh2.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at p. 2.
146 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 13.
147 Chaaban, supra n. 138 at p. 117.
148 Sayigh, supra n. 144 at p. 2.
149 Palestinian Return Centre, Qarar Man al-Tamaluk fi Lubnan Yamna al-Lajiin al-Falastiniyin
min Dafn Mawtahum (The decision prohibiting Palestinians from owning property prevents
Palestinians from burying their dead), www.prc.org.uk (accessed: 30/04/03).
150 Sayigh, supra n. 144 at pp. 2-3. Sayigh notes how: [t]he requisite twelve parliamentarians
signed a request to the Majlis al-Dastouri (Constitutional board) to review the exclusionary
clause because of its inconsistency with those parts of the Lebanese constitution that ban all
forms of discrimination, [yet] the Majlis affirmed the clause.
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153
Freedom of association
Lebanese law stipulates that NGOs have to be registered under the names of
Lebanese citizens, employ Lebanese staff and provide services principally
for the Lebanese people.
151
This law effectively prevents local organisations
from working solely to improve the status of Palestinian refugees. Thus, local
NGOs attract the governments scrutiny if they lobby extensively for the rights
of Palestinians. They risk being accused of violating Lebanese law and may
even be forced to shut down if they are found working exclusively for
Palestinians.
152
Travel: the Visa Restriction Scheme
Although revoked in 1999, the main travel restrictions imposed on Palestinian
refugees had led to a humanitarian crisis of grave proportions. In September
1995, Libyas leader, Muammar Qaddafi, decided to expel all Palestinians
from Libya, many of whom had Lebanese laissez-passer (travel documents).
153
Fearing the influx of thousands of Palestinians, Lebanon promptly reacted by
adopting Decree No. 478 on 23 September 1995. This decree imposed a visa
restriction scheme requiring Palestinians with a Lebanese laissez-passer to obtain
re-entry visas prior to their arrival into Lebanon.
154
Simultaneously, Lebanese
embassies abroad were instructed not to issue visas or new travel documents
unless they obtained a case-by-case approval from the Interior Ministry.
155
The threat of incoming Palestinians thus resulted in new harsh legal
measures aimed at controlling Palestinian entry into Lebanon. It also prompted
racist comments, most notably the one made by Lebanons Tourism Minister,
Nicolas Fattush, who compared Palestinians to human waste being dumped
on Lebanon.
156
The impact of the visa restriction scheme was not reserved to
Palestinians expelled from Libya. While it is estimated that 30,000 Palestinians
resided in Libya in 1992 (some with non-Lebanese travel documents)
157
, Suheil
Natour points out 100,000 Palestinians forced into a de facto exile as a result of
Lebanons visa scheme.
158
After separating families and forcing others into
exile, the visa restriction scheme was finally reversed on 12 January 1999, when
President Emile Lahoud declared that Palestinians with Lebanese laissez-passer
were free to travel without the burden of exit and re-entry visas.
159
151 EMHRN, supra n. 89 at p. 20.
152 Ibid, p. 21. [I]n 1997, the association for Vocational Training and Technical Committee was
investigated after authorities from the Ministry of Interior received an anonymous tip-off,
suggesting that they were only working to help Palestinian refugees.
153 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 13. For more on Libyas treatment of Palestinians, see Takkenberg,
supra n. 5 at p. 166.
154 Natour, supra n. 28 at pp. 9-10.
155 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 13.
156 Ibid, p. 14.
157 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 166.
158 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 10.
159 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 13.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
154
3 LEBANONS PERSPECTIVE ON TAWTEEN AND ITS
OBLIGATIONS VIS--VIS PALESTINIAN REFUGEES
As discussed in section 1, several factors have contributed to the deteriorating
status of Palestinians in Lebanon. While UNRWAs shortcomings and
PLOs desertion added to the hardship of Palestinian refugees, Lebanons
curtailment of their civil rights only reinforced their suffering and codified
their marginalisation. With minor exceptions, Lebanons containment of
Palestinians proceeded unhindered. Lebanon used its rejection of tawteen as a
pretext to impose restrictions on Palestinians civil rights. These restrictions
aroused claims of a hidden agenda pursued by Lebanon and aimed at driving
Palestinians out of the country.
This section will determine if the draconian measures adopted by Lebanon
violate binding norms of international law. It will also discuss Lebanons current
stance vis--vis Palestinians and will outline a few alternative temporary
solutions which were suggested as a way out of this impasse.
Lebanons obligations towards Palestinian refugees in international law
Casablanca Protocol (1965)
Along with the dossier on Jerusalem, and the illegal occupation of Arab land,
the issue of refugees has been a focal point for the Arab League. It has tabled
the issue in its debates and conferences, and adopted a series of resolutions
affecting their status and treatment in member states.
160
These resolutions
led to the adoption of the Protocol on the Treatment of Palestinians in the
Arab States of 11 September 1965, also known as the Casablanca Protocol.
161
The Protocol is a multilateral agreement which was ratified by nine state-
members of the League. It is binding on the ratifying states although neither
the Protocol nor the Arab Leagues Charter provide for enforcement
mechanisms in cases of violation.
The Casablanca Protocol stipulates in its first article that [w]hile keeping
their Palestinian nationality, Palestinians presently residing in the territory of
shall be accorded the same treatment as regards the right to do business (work)
and to be employed as if they were nationals. (emphasis added). By explicitly
stating the necessity for Palestinians to keep their nationality, the Protocol
rejects tawteen of Palestinians in Arab countries (in the sense of their
naturalisation), thus implicitly reaffirming the Palestinians right of return.
While refuting tawteen in the Arab world, the Protocol advocates the civil rights
of Palestinians by calling on member states to assimilate their status to that of
local nationals. Hence, the League affirms that tawteen and the guarantee of
civil rights for Palestinians are not mutually exclusive.
160 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 132. Takkenberg notes that: [s]ince 1952, the Council of Ministers
of the Arab League has adopted a series of resolutions pertaining to the treatment of
Palestinian refugees in its member states.
161 See ibid, Annex 3, p. 374 for the text of the Protocol.
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155
In its first article, the Protocol demands equal rights to work and employment
for Palestinians in Arab countries. The remaining four articles focus on right
to mobility, residency and the issuance of travel documents. The Protocol was
ratified by Lebanon with reservations to its first three Articles.
162
The
reservations to Articles 2 and 3 do not negatively impact the rights of Palestinian
refugees in Lebanon. Lebanons reservation on Article 1 has, however, qualified
their right to work by stating that their employment opportunities will depend
on Lebanons social and economic conditions. At that point Lebanon had
not yet used tawteen as a pretext for limiting Palestinians right to work.
As discussed in section 1, Palestinians were viewed as foreigners since 1962,
and even as early as 1951 when they were prevented from entering the labour
market without a work permit. Subsequent laws have also limited Palestinians
employment opportunities by, inter alia, introducing the principle of reciprocity
which, as discussed in the previous section, specifically discriminates against
stateless Palestinians. These constraints on Palestinians right to work have
been imposed irrespective of Lebanons social and economic conditions.
Lebanon is, thus, in violation of Article 1 which calls for the equal treatment
of Palestinians and nationals in terms of employment.
Lebanon has also restricted Palestinians rights to mobility and residency
during the visa scheme (see section 2). Their residency and the issuance of
travel documents have also been affected by the discrepancies between
UNRWAs records and official governmental ones, as discussed in section 1.
This leads us to conclude that Lebanon is in violation of the Casablanca
Protocol. Palestinian researcher Abbas Shiblak notes many [Arab states], such
as Lebanon and the Gulf states, never fully implemented the 1965 Protocol
.
163
In 1991, Arab League Resolution 5093, which was adopted by Lebanon,
officially revoked the Protocol.
164
Refugee Law and Law on Statelessness
Refugee Law and the Law on Statelessness are mainly governed by the 1951
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951 Convention), the Protocol
Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1967 (1967 Protocol), and the 1954
Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (1954 Convention).
Two elements render these documents inapplicable to Palestinian refugees
in Lebanon. First, none of these have been ratified by Lebanon. Hence, these
documents do not impose any binding legal obligation on Lebanon with
regards to its treatment of refugees.
Second, Palestinians are excluded from these Conventions as well as from
the UNHCR Statute. The Statute was annexed to General Assembly Resolution
428 (V)
165
which effectively created the United Nations main agency for
refugees (UNHCR) in 1950. Paragraph 7(c) of this Statute does not extend
162 Ibid p. 376 for the text of the reservations.
163 Shiblak, A., Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries,
XXV, no.3, Journal of Palestine Studies (Spring 1996), 36 at p. 39.
164 League of Arab States, 1991, Resolution 5093, CSPHAC. Ibid p. 42.
165 Statute for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, GA Res. 428 (V), 14 December
1950.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
156
UNHCRs mandate to a person who continues to receive from other organs
or agencies of the United Nations protection or assistance, namely UNRWA
(see section 1).
166
For the same reasons, Palestinian refugees who have access
to UNRWA are denied the legal protection provided by the above-mentioned
Conventions and their additional Protocols, through Article 1(D) of the 1951
Convention, and Article 1 of the 1954 Convention.
167
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Lebanon violates numerous articles of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR). For instance, Wadie Said argues that the visa restriction
scheme (see section 2) is a clear violation of Article 9 of the [UDHR] which
states that [n]o one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile.
The denial of a re-entry permit is a de facto forcing of Palestinian refugees who
reside abroad into arbitrary exile from their families and loved ones in
Lebanon.
168
Other violations include, inter alia, that of Article 17 on the right
to own property, and Article 23 on the right to work.
It is important to note that the UDHR provisions do not create binding
legal obligations. The UDHR is regarded as a statement of a relatively distant
ideal . [It] merely recommends states to keep it in mind .
169
The UDHR
may only create binding legal obligations when the principles it embodies
become part of customary international law.
The Nicaragua v. USA case,
170
in the International Court of Justice,
demonstrates that customary international law is composed of two elements.
First, there must be a general practice by states (objective element) and
second, an intent to be bound by this practice by accepting it as law (subjective
element also called opinio iuris).
171
By applying these principles to the case at
bar, it is hard to conclude that there is sufficient general practice coupled
with opinio iuris that would make of, inter alia, the rights to employment or
education, binding norms of customary international law. Arguably, the
prohibition of slavery (Article 4) and torture (Article 5) are the only principles
which have become part of customary international law. Once again, Lebanon
cannot be held accountable for violating the non-binding provisions of the
UDHR.
166 For a more detailed discussion of UNRWAs mandate, see Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at pp. 28-
32, and pp. 280-304. Another U.N. body, the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine
(UNCCP) was endowed with a protection mandate for Palestinian refugees. It has however
become obsolete since 1964. For a more thorough discussion of the UNCCP, see Takkenberg
supra n. 5 at pp. 24-28.
167 See ibid, pp. 86-131 for a discussion of the 1951 Convention, and pp. 175-196 for a discussion
of law relating to stateless persons. For a more detailed discussion of the protection gap for
Palestinian refugees, see Akram, supra, n. 75.
168 Said, W., supra n. 106 at p. 338.
169 Malanczuk, P., Akehursts Modern Introduction to International Law, London and New York,
Routledge, 7th ed., 1997 at p. 213.
170 Nicaragua v. USA (Merits), ICJ Rep. 1986, 14, at p. 97.
171 Malanczuk, supra n. 168 at p. 39.
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157
The Two Covenants
Lebanon ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of
1966 (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights of 1966 (CESCR). Thus, these create binding legal obligations
on Lebanon.
Lebanon has either violated or is in violation of Articles 12, 19, 21, 22 and
24(3). Article 12 provides for an individuals right to liberty of movement.
This freedom was severely curtailed following the imposition of the visa
restriction scheme. As discussed in section 1, other restrictions on movement
were imposed on Palestinians living in the camps during the civil war, and can
be imposed at any time if the Lebanese military decides to isolate the camps.
Article 19 provides for the freedom of expression, which has also been
undermined during the war when Palestinian political activity was severely
scrutinised, as discussed in section 1. Lebanese scrutiny also impeded the
Palestinians right of peaceful assembly in breach of Article 21 (see section 1).
More importantly, Lebanon is in violation of Article 24(3) which stipulates
that [e]very child has the right to acquire a nationality. Since children born
to stateless Palestinian parents remain without any nationality, Lebanon
continues to breach its obligation under this article.
Against this backdrop, there are no legal remedies for Palestinian refugees.
Lebanon has not ratified the First Optional Protocol to the ICCPR (1966),
which enables the Human Rights Committee (HRC), set up in Part IV of the
ICCPR, to receive individual claims for violations of this covenants provisions.
Lebanon will thus get away with a slap on the wrist since individuals are
precluded from bringing any claims to the Committee for breaches of
Lebanons obligations. Lebanon submitted its latest report to the HRC in
1996 as per Article 40 of the ICCPR. In it, Lebanon denied any violations of
foreigners rights by asserting that no restrictions were imposed on foreigners
with regards to freedom of conscience, freedom of association, the individual
use of national languages, freedom of worship or the celebration of religious
or secular holidays.
172
The HRCs concluding remarks failed specifically to
condemn the violations of Palestinian refugees rights. However, in its
concluding report, the HRC recommended that Lebanon:
. . . give serious and urgent consideration to ratifying, or acceding to, the first Optional
Protocol to the Covenant, as a means of strengthening the system of guarantees for
the protection of human rights.
173
The situation is slightly different with the CESCR. There are no direct remedies
available in this covenant. While Article 2(2) of the CESCR requests ratifying
states not to discriminate on the basis of religion or national origin, among
other things, Article 2(3) gives some leeway for developing countries with
regards to their obligations vis--vis non-nationals. This paragraph stipulates
that:
172 Second periodic report of States parties due in 1988: Lebanon, 22/11/96, CCPR/C/42/Add.14, at
para. 8.
173 Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee: Lebanon, 01/04/97, CCPR/C/79/Add.78,
at para. 29.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
158
[d]eveloping countries, with due regard to human rights and their economy, may
determine to what extent they would guarantee the economic rights recognised in
the present Covenant to non-nationals.
Lebanon may argue that many of the measures it takes, such as imposing
work permit requirements on foreigners, are all necessary considering the
economic difficulties it has to face in its reconstruction phase. This, however,
cannot justify the application of the reciprocity principle which effectively
puts stateless persons, such as Palestinians, at a disadvantage when their status
demands increased legal protection and safeguards. As such, Lebanon is at
least in violation of Article 9 which recognises an individuals right to social
security, a right from which Palestinians are deprived due to the reciprocity
principle (see section 2).
A writer at the Hourriah Magazine has also suggested that giving Palestinians,
who are only present in Lebanon on a temporary basis, access to the labour
market, could actually benefit Lebanons economy. Hence, Lebanon cannot
use Article 2(3) as a pretext to evade from its obligations vis--vis Palestinians.
He concludes that their right to work, as per Article 6, is effectively violated by
Lebanon.
174
Albeit an isolated interpretation of Lebanons obligations vis--
vis Palestinians as per the CESCR, it could still be convincing considering the
amount of foreign workers currently flooding Lebanese markets (see section
2) who are not deemed damaging to its economy.
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
Lebanon ratified this Convention (CERD) in 1971. However, Article 1(2) of
the CERD stipulates that:
[t]his Convention shall not apply to distinctions, exclusions, restrictions or
preferences made by a State Party to this Convention between citizens and non-
citizens.
Thus, it cannot be used to criticise Lebanon for its treatment of Palestinians.
The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has nonetheless
commented on the Palestinian situation in Lebanon. The most recent report
submitted by Lebanon to the Committee as per Article 9 of the CERD was in
March 1998. In its concluding observations on Lebanons report, the
Committee recommended that Lebanon:
. . . take all appropriate measures, including those of a legal nature, to fully guarantee
access to work and equitable conditions of employment to all foreign workers,
including Palestinians.
175
174 Aashiem, P., A summary study to a minor field study for The Palestinian Refugees and the
Right to Work in Lebanon, www.group194.org/english_1/files/default.asp (accessed: 30/
10/02) at p. 21.
175 Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: Lebanon, 30/
03/98, CERD/C/304/Add.49, at para. 24.
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159
Lebanons stance towards Palestinians
According to Rosemary Sayigh, there are two declared policies vis--vis
Palestinians and an implicit one. The declared policies are the reestablishment
of state control over the refugee community and refusal of tawtin,
176
while
the undeclared one consists of encouraging Palestinian emigration through
the intensification of various pressures.
177
Palestinian refugee camps have been consistently perceived as enclaves of
insecurity and lawlessness; a situation calling for the state to assert its rule
over the camps. Officials of the Lebanese government have perpetuated this
idea. In September 2000, the current Lebanese President, Emile Lahoud,
alluded to the weaponry in the camps as a potential hazard to a precarious
peace.
178
Former President Elias Hrawi demanded the U.N.s permission to
enter the camps in order to demilitarise them.
179
By claiming that Palestinian
camps serve as a refuge for outlaws, Lebanese politicians and the media have
fuelled public opinion over the threat of camp re-arming;
180
a threat which
lacks any factual grounds.
181
This incitement can only serve to marginalise the
Palestinians, thus bolstering the publics opposition to tawteen.
Lebanon also has its own share of problems with 450,000 displaced persons
at the end of the civil war,
182
an unstable economy and a confessional power-
sharing system. Combined, these elements render the Palestinians a convenient
scapegoat for Lebanese ills, further tilting the balance against tawteen.
Lebanons confessional system is particularly relevant in explaining the publics
stance. Current estimates put the number of Palestinians in Lebanon at
370,000, or 10 per cent of the population
183
, a majority of whom are Sunni
Muslims. Their naturalisation is thus viewed as threatening Lebanons
precarious sectarian balance. This explains the explicit rejection of tawteen in
the Taif agreement. It also accounts for the discrepant views on tawteen among
Lebanons sects. While 66 per cent of Maronites believe that another civil war
would break-out if resettlement was imposed, only 22 per cent of Sunnis share
that view.
184
Politicians exaggerate the threat Palestinians pose to the countrys stability,
by inflating their number up to 600,000.
185
What is claimed to be a heavy
176 Sayigh, supra n. 57 at p. 42.
177 Ibid, p. 43.
178 Right of Return: Joint Parliamentary Middle East Councils: Commission of Enquiry-Palestinian Refugees,
supra n. 117 at p. 202.
179 Chaaban, supra 138 at p. 119. See pp. 119-129 for other quotes by Lebanese officials and
other important figures.
180 Sayigh, R., Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon: Implantation, Transfer or Return?, Vol. VIII,
no. 1, Middle East Policy (March 2001), 94 at p. 94 and p. 102.
181 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 17. Natour notes how the state exercises its complete authority over
the camps, hence refuting any possibility for Palestinians to re-arm, assuming they had the
intention of doing so.
182 Edminster, supra n. 42 at p. 10.
183 UNRWA, supra n. 133. In June 2000, UNRWA had 376,472 registered Palestinians in Lebanon
out of a total Lebanese population of approximately 3.7 million.
184 Haddad, S., The Palestinian Predicament in Lebanon, (September 2000), www.
arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/haddad2.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at pp. 3-4.
185 Natour, supra n. 28 at p. 9.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
160
burden is once again used to justify the unfaltering opposition to tawteen.
Current Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri confirmed this view back in 1998:
Lebanon will never, ever integrate Palestinians. They will not receive civic or economic
rights or even work permits. Integration would take the Palestinians off the shoulders
of the international agency which has supported them since 1948.
186
An undeclared policy of pushing Palestinians out of Lebanon lies beneath
the marginalisation of Palestinians, the official incitement against them and
the curtailment of their civil rights. Rosemary Sayigh states that the Palestinians
civic rights are constricted by laws and practices aimed though this has
never been explicitly stated at making life so unbearable that many leave.
187
Lebanon adopted this unwelcoming attitude since 1982,
188
and it got amplified
in post-war, post-Oslo Lebanon. Some officials have even been more explicit
about their plans to encourage Palestinian emigration. In 1994, Faris Buwayz,
a former Lebanese Foreign Minister, proposed a resettlement solution which
would see 20 per cent of Palestinians move to the new autonomous areas in
Gaza and Jericho, 25 per cent rejoin their families in other countries, and the
rest be absorbed by countries such as Canada, Australia and the Arab Gulf
states .
189
With Lebanon toughening its stance against tawteen and increasing its
restrictions on refugees, the current precarious situation begs for alternative
temporary solutions, until a permanent one is achieved in accordance with
Resolution 194. Peace negotiators must thus address this matter with urgency,
instead of constantly relegating it to final status talks.
A way out of this impasse
Resettlement schemes
Resettlement has always been viewed as an alternative to the implementation
of the right of return. This has been predominantly the Israeli position, which
pondered various resettlement plans such as the pre-Qaddafi Libya scheme in
1950-1958, the El-Arish Sinai plan in 1956-1957, as well as resettlement to
various Latin American countries.
190
The United States has also played a part
in marketing the resettlement of Palestinians, which included proposals for
their forced local integration in host countries.
191
186 Supra n. 183 at pp. 4-5.
187 Sayigh, supra n. 144 at p. 1.
188 Brynen, R., Imagining a Solution: Final Status Arrangements and Palestinian Refugees in
Lebanon (1997), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/brynen2.html (accessed: 31/
10/02) at p. 7.
189 Immigration and Refugee Board Canada, Lebanon Reconstruction and Security, www.
irb.gc.ca, (accessed: 20/05/03) at section 4.2.
190 Masalha, N., The Palestinian Refugee Problem: Israeli Plans to Resettle the Palestinian
Refugees 1948-1972, (1995), www.shaml.org/publications/monos/mono2.html (accessed:
15/04/02).
191 Peteet, J., From Refugees to Minority: Palestinians in Post-War Lebanon, (September 1996),
www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/peteet.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at p. 5. Peteet
notes that [t]he US and Israel may force Lebanon to naturalize the refugees as part of a
peace settlement that would then reward Lebanon with reconstruction funds and a lifting of
the US travel plan.
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161
Resettlement schemes resurfaced more recently, with the same principal
actors (the United States and Israel) trying to disperse Palestinians across the
globe, instead of implementing their right of return. Oslo had, in fact, excluded
Resolution 194 from its scope. It focused solely on solving the problem of
internally displaced Palestinians by establishing a Continuing Committee
which aimed at reaching an agreement on the modalities of admission of
persons displaced from the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967 (Article XII).
However, less than 1 per cent of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon had
family origins in the West Bank or the Gaza Strip.
192
The return of the remaining
99 per cent was thus ignored by the architects of Oslo. This exclusion explains
why post-Oslo proposals have specifically targeted Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon since they are the least likely to be allowed to return.
The most notorious of these mostly American and Israeli unofficial
resettlement schemes was suggested in late 1993. It proposed to resettle
Palestinians in Iraq in return for an end to the sanctions.
193
In 1997, another
scheme circulated in the US Congress. It involved the transfer of Palestinians
to six Gulf countries.
194
Both proposals were categorically rejected by the Arab
countries in question. A more recent informal plan projected the resettlement
of Palestinians to al-Azraq camp in Southern Jordan.
195
A construction project
by the United Nations Development Programme in Al-Azraq heightened
suspicions among refugees. Shortly before the war on Iraq in 2003, refugees
thought that they would be transferred to the camp as soon as the war
erupted.
196
Recent political developments may well lead to a burgeoning of
other resettlement schemes.
Resettlement plans run counter to international law for they totally disregard
the demands of the refugees themselves, whose right to chose between
compensation and return is clearly encapsulated in Resolution 194.
197
They
also ignore the interests of the countries involved. Their sole aim is to absolve
Israel from its legal obligation towards these refugees.
As a permanent solution, resettlement would set a dangerous precedent in
international law whereby military might trumps individuals right to return.
It may be proposed, however, as a temporary solution, provided that
Palestinians are guaranteed their civil rights in resettlement countries and
assured that their residence, and even naturalisation, will not preclude them
from exercising their inalienable right of return when the political time is
ripe. Once again, the guiding principle should be the choice of the refugees,
who have so far expressed contempt towards any plans for their resettlement.
198
192 Brynen, supra n. 187 at p. 6.
193 Drake, L., Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon: The Walls of History are Closing in, (February
2000), www.washington-report.org/backissues/0100/0002011.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at
p. 3.
194 Ibid.
195 Ibid.
196 Ess, K., Israels continued domination and destruction in the Bethlehem area, (February
2003), www.electronicintifada.net/v2/article1162.shtml (accessed: 29/05/03).
197 Quigley, J., Compensation for Palestinian Refugees: Initial Comments, (July 1999),
www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/quigley.html (accessed: 06/02/03) at p. 1. Quigley
confirms that [E]ach displaced person is entitled to decide individually about being
repatriated, and each is entitled to decide individually about acceptance of compensation.
198 Drake, supra n. 192 at p. 4.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
162
Green Card
The idea of a Green Card was first proposed by Nawaf Salam. Salam suggests
the creation of a new category in Lebanese law which would allow for:
. . . long-term residence permits, similar to permanent residency of the United States
(Green Card), and the French Permis de long sjour. Agreements will have to be
concluded between Lebanon and the PNA providing for reciprocity in the areas of
employment social security, and taxation.
199
Clearly this proposition is viewed as part of a durable solution in which a
Palestinian state would be created and Lebanon would be forced to absorb
Palestinians.
200
The pragmatic view would predicate that the world would
have to accommodate to Israels demographic needs and share the burden
of integrating Palestinian refugees. This position, once again, subjects the
right of return to the whims of Israel, the original perpetrator of the crime,
while denying the victims their right to choose to return to the homes from
which they were evicted.
Like resettlement, the Green Card is reasonable as a temporary solution.
In this case, it would reassert the Palestinians distinct identity, by falling short
of naturalisation; while demanding their civil rights and equal treatment with
nationals of host states. This would simply amount to a revival of the principles
enshrined in the Casablanca Protocol. It would be an ideal interim solution if
Arab states had the will to adopt it.
CONCLUSION
Palestinian refugees legal status in Lebanon has evolved throughout the years.
The official Lebanese position vis--vis Palestinians went from brotherly
welcome to outright resentment and isolation. Various factors have contributed
to the shift in Lebanese policy and continue to influence it to this day. These
are Lebanons confessionalism, attempts at integration (tawteen) of Palestinians
in Lebanon, and Palestinian resistance until 1982; more recently, camp
militarisation. As discussed in section 2, this policy was translated into various
legal restrictions on the rights of Palestinians.
This article further outlined how UNRWAs financial difficulties and the
PLOs political blunders have all contributed to the deplorable state of affairs
of Palestinians refugees. Lebanon surely shares the responsibility, but it is not
the only party that has the moral and legal duty of redressing injustice against
Palestinians.
There are three main directions to be adopted until a permanent solution
to the refugees predicament is reached in accordance with Resolution 194.
At the international level, legal protection must be provided to Palestinian
199 Salam, N.A., Between Repatriation and Resettlement: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon,
XXIV, no.1, Journal of Palestine Studies (Autumn 1994), 18 at p. 25.
200 Abd-al-Samad, N., Investigative Report: Palestinians in Lebanon, (April 1995),
www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/majallah.html (accessed: 31/10/02) at p. 2.
Estimates show that Lebanon will find itself compelled to absorb at least 200,000 of them.
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163
refugees who are specifically excluded from the UNHCRs mandate and the
1951 Convention, either by reviving the UNCCP (see n. 165) or including
them in the 1951 Convention and the UNHCRs Statute. The debate over
international protection is, however, beyond the scope of this article. Suffice
it to quote Takkenbergs conclusion that since UNRWA was not provided
with an explicit protection mandate in respect of Palestinian refugees, those
residing within UNRWAs area of operations would not be able to benefit
from formal protection arrangements that are in principle available to all
other refugees in the world.
201
As a consequence of this lack of legal protection, Palestinians do not have a
U.N. body to exert pressure on host states in order to safeguard their rights,
as UNHCR does for other refugees. Until international legal protection is
achieved, NGOs will have to lobby the Lebanese government to respect its
obligations in international law. It will be mostly up to international NGOs to
take up this challenge since local ones face considerable pressure when it
comes to advocating for Palestinian civil rights (see section 2). Two reasons
render the European Union the most appropriate forum for international
NGOs to bring up the case of Palestinian refugees. First, the lack of more
favourable alternatives, the most obvious ones being the United States, which
is clearly biased considering its close relationship with Israel, and the Arab
League which is unable to enforce its own resolutions. Secondly, a successful
precedent in the European Union was established with Law 392 (section 2).
The European Union can exercise its leverage power via the EU-Lebanon
Association Agreement, which was officially ratified in November 2002. Article
2 of this Agreement provides for the respect of human rights by Lebanon.
The European Union often supplements its Association Agreements with
Motions for a Resolution that call upon the parties to the Agreement to respect
human rights, in addition to suggesting recommendations. The European
Union drafted one such motion to supplement the EU-Lebanon Association
Agreement. The motion encourage[d] the Lebanese Authorities to
implement this new Association Agreement in a way that could also benefit
the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian people living in the country.
202
Amendments must be added to this motion since it fails to request that
Lebanon respects its obligations in international law. Amendments must focus
on the violations of the ICCPR and the CESCR since these two covenants
apply to Palestinians and have been ratified by Lebanon. The European Union
must follow up with economic pressure to ensure the effective enforcement
of the motion. Arguably, these changes will not find much resistance
considering that the majority of Lebanese, in all sects, support the grant of
civil and social rights to Palestinians.
203
However, Lebanons media and officials
must refrain from incitement against Palestinians.
201 Takkenberg, supra n. 5 at p. 315. See also Akram, S.M., Temporary Protection and its
Applicability to the Palestinian Refugee Case, (June 2000), www.badil.org/Publications/
Briefs/Brief4.pdf (accessed: 02/06/03).
202 PHRO, supra n. 16 at p. 4.
203 Haddad, supra n. 183 at p. 3.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
164
As for the PLO, it has clarified its position by transferring the responsibility
for Palestinians in Lebanon to UNRWA (see section 1). Besides, as discussed
in section 2, Lebanon has suspended all normalisation talks with the PLO
since the beginning of the peace process in 1991. Little has changed in the
Palestinian leadership despite talks of reforms, and hence little can be expected
particularly in terms of securing Palestinian refugees rights. Since Oslo, the
leadership has arguably undermined the refugees right of return by using it
as a political bargaining chip.
Lastly, international donors must focus on UNRWA which has suffered severe
budget cuts since Oslo. In turn, UNRWA must divide its funds in a fair way in
order to accommodate the needs of refugees in Lebanon. It must also eliminate
any doubts that donors have with regards to the agencys credibility. Funding
can provide temporary relief for Palestinians in Lebanon. Yet, the just, legal
and durable solution for Palestinian refugees remains the implementation by
Israel of their right of return, as enshrined in Resolution 194.
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from bringing construction material into their camps enters its seventh year),
www.prc.org.uk (accessed: 31/03/03).
Palestinian Return Centre, Qarar Man al-Tamaluk fi Lubnan Yamna al-Lajiin al-
Falastiniyin min Dafn Mawtahum (The decision prohibiting Palestinians from owning
property prevents Palestinians from burying their dead), www.prc.org.uk (accessed:
30/04/03).
Peteet, J., From Refugees to Minority: Palestinians in Post-War Lebanon, (September
1996), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/peteet.html (accessed: 31/10/02).
Quigley, J., Compensation for Palestinian Refugees: Initial Comments, (July 1999),
www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/quigley.html (accessed: 06/02/03).
Rekacewicz, P., La diaspora palestinienne dans le monde, (February 2000), http://
www.monde-diplomatique.fr/cartes/refugiesdiasporapaldpl2000 (accessed: 18/04/
03).
Sayigh, R., No Work, no Space, no Future: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, (August
2001), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/sayigh2.html (accessed: 31/10/02).
Articles
167
Sayigh, R., Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon (July 1996), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/
PRRN/papers/sayigh.html (accessed: 28/10/02).
Shepherd, S., Health and the Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, (February 2001),
www.caabu.org/publications/refugee_health.html (accessed: 28/10/02).
U.S. Committee for Refugees, Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon: Hardest Hit by Middle
East Peace Impasse, (June 2000), www.refugees.org/news/press_releases/2000/
061300e.htm (accessed: 28/10/02).
Zeidan, A.M., Environmental Conditions in Palestinian Camps in Lebanon,
(September 1999), www.arts.mcgill.ca/MEPP/PRRN/papers/zeidan.html (accessed:
31/10/02).
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League of Arab States, 1991, Resolution 5093, CSPHAC.
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(Casablanca Protocol).
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Assistance to Palestine Refugees, GA Res. 302 (IV), 8 December 1949, para.7 [hereinafter
Resolution 302].
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: Lebanon,
30/03/98, CERD/C/304/Add.49, at para. 24.
Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee: Lebanon, 01/04/97, CCPR/C/79/
Add.78, at para. 29.
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951).
Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (1954).
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965).
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966).
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966).
(First) Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966).
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1948 (hereinafter Resolution 194).
Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (1967).
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in the UNRWA Field Office in Lebanon, p.2.
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at para. 8.
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1950.
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sess., suppl. 16, UN doc.
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Case law:
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Other sources:
Al-Shahal, N., Al-Tahjir al-Tawi Lil Falastiniyin Min Lubnan, Al-Hayat (10 November
2002), Issue No. 14479 at p.18.
Betrayed and Forgotten: Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
168
Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO), Status of Palestinian Refugees in
Lebanon Regarding the Right to Work and Own Property: A closer Look, Hokouk
Newsletter, Issue 1, Vol.2, (April 2003).
Shipler, D.K., Piles of Rubble Were the Homes of Palestinians, The New York Times,
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ANNEX
MAP OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN LEBANON 1999
Source: Al-Mashriq, Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon-1999, (1999), http://
almashriq.hiof.no/lebanon/300/300/307/pal-camps/index.html (accessed 03/06/03).
Note:
Sour is the Arabic word for Tyre, Saida for Sidon, Trablous for Tripoli.
Articles
169
The Jurisdictional Politics of Israel/Palestine:
The Case of Palestinian Workers in
Israeli Settlements
Dr. Toby Kelly*
Introduction
Whilst the Oslo Peace Process may have collapsed in the violence of the second
intifada, it has left behind important legacies in the ways in which the West
Bank and Gaza Strip are governed. Not least are the ways in which, in the
absence of clear territorial borders, the rights and responsibilities of Israelis
and Palestinians are distributed. It is this division that makes the difference
between access to the respective political, economic and military resources of
the Israeli state and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). This short article
will examine one example of this division of rights and responsibilities, namely
the labour rights of Palestinian and Israeli workers in Israeli settlements. The
Oslo Accords have produced a situation whereby Israelis and Palestinians can
do the same work in the same place at the same time, but in practice receive
very different legal entitlements. This unequal distribution of rights is based
on the legal category of residence, which is not a neutral geographical
description, but an ethno-national distinction backed up by military force.
The article concludes by examining how in the context of the economic and
military legacies of the Oslo Peace Process, the law can be complicit in the
production of inequality.
Jurisdiction under the Oslo Accords
The Oslo Peace Process deliberately did not create any clear territorial
boundaries between the PNA and the Israeli state. Although the territorial
integrity of the West Bank and Gaza Strip was maintained, the territories
* Dr. Toby Kelly is the Paul Adams Research Fellow at the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, Oxford
University.
170
were also left with an ambiguous political and legal status.
1
The PNA was given
some autonomy in the large Palestinian towns and most villages. However,
this autonomy was limited by the overall military control of the Israeli Defence
Force.
2
In the absence of clear territorial boundaries, forms of personal jurisdiction
were made the basis of the distinction between the Israeli state and the PNA.
Palestinian identity card holders would be the responsibility of the PNA.
3
Israeli
identity card holders would be the responsibility of the Israeli state. This applied
wherever Israeli identity card holders were in the West Bank.
4
Importantly, PNA laws, or their Jordanian and Egyptian predecessors, were
said to be territorially in force in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
5
In the words
of the Israeli Attorney-General:
Israelis have a different law that applies to their legal person, this does not affect the
territorial jurisdiction, as Israel has never annexed the territory and Israel has never
applied law outside the official boundaries It should also be noted that the Israeli
legislator has made no extra-territorial determination of Israeli law.
6
Israeli law therefore followed Israeli identity card holders across the West Bank
and Gaza Strip in a form of personal jurisdiction that ignored the territory on
which they stood. Although PNA law was said to be territorially in force, it was
in effect vetoed every time it could be applied to an Israeli.
This divided personal and territorial jurisdiction creates a number of legal
problems when Israeli and Palestinian identity card holders interact in the
West Bank and Gaza Strip. The proximity of Israeli settlements to Palestinian
towns and villages, combined with the economic dependency of Palestinians
on the Israeli economy and the presence of the Israeli military across the
territories, means that there are thousands of such interactions on a daily
basis. One particularly interesting example of this is the case of Palestinian
labourers working in Israeli settlements. Before examining the legal issues
raised here, it is perhaps worth very briefly examining the historical and political
context of Israeli settlement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Political context of the Israeli settlements in the West Bank
The Israeli settlements built in the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the 1967
occupation are perhaps the most controversial issue of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. For some Israelis, the settlements were motivated by perceived security
considerations, for others by a messianic return to the land, and for others
still by the availability of cheap housing (cf. Chazan, 2000). Whatever the
1 Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (DOP), Article IV.
2 DOP, Article VII and the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza
Strip (Interim Agreement), Annex I, Article VI.3.b.
3 Interim Agreement, Annex IV, Articles I.1 and III.1.
4 Interim Agreement, Annex IV, Articles I.2 and III.1.
5 Before the creation of the PNA, laws that had the origins in the periods of Jordanian and
Egyptian rule were applied in the West Bank and Gaza Strip respectively.
6 Brief of the Attorney-General in the Matter of Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev,
Labour Court Appeal 30050/98.
Articles
171
motivations, the existence of the settlements has been condemned by
Palestinians and many others as illegal under international law (cf. PLO, no
date). Since the start of the second intifada in the autumn of 2000, the
settlements have seen frequently violent clashes and have become the site of
an increasingly heavy Israeli military build up. This part of the issue of Israeli
settlements is too well known to merit further discussion. However, there is
another part of the story of the settlements that is not so well known, namely
the Palestinian workers who work within them.
Many of the Israeli residents of the settlements either commute to work in
Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, or are ultra-Orthodox religious Jews and therefore
spend most of their time in religious study. There is therefore a shortage of
labour. both to build the settlements and to provide their basic services. Foreign
workers from the Far East and Eastern Europe have increasingly undertaken
many of the low-paid jobs in the Israeli economy. However, fearing that they
could be the victims of violence, they are often reluctant to work in the Israeli
settlements. The result is that many Palestinians, who often live in the
neighbouring Palestinian villages, have filled these menial jobs. Furthermore,
Palestinians have the attraction that they can be paid less than Israeli citizens,
as they are not due the same legal protection (cf. Mundlak, 2000).
For Palestinians, work in the settlements offers several advantages. The wages
are often two to three times higher than can be earned in the underdeveloped
Palestinian economy. Furthermore, work in the settlements does not officially
require the permits that are needed to work in Israel. Although some
settlements have demanded permits, this is a voluntary measure and can usually
be circumscribed. The result is that as recently as 1999, it was estimated that
as many as 30,000 Palestinians worked on a daily basis in Israeli settlements,
representing almost 5 per cent of the Palestinian labour force.
7
This is not to say that Palestinians working in Israeli settlements are not
controversial. If some of the settlements were built in order to establish Jewish
sovereignty, their dependency on cheap Palestinian labour potentially
undermines this claim. Furthermore, settlers and the Israeli military often
link the presence of Palestinians to security threats. They claim that
Palestinians working inside the settlements often pass on information to
militants to enable them to carry out attacks.
8
As a result, the Israeli military
and settler organisations have intermittently banned Palestinians from working
in the settlements. However, the need for cheap labour has usually undermined
these restrictions.
For many Palestinians, the presence of fellow nationals in the settlements
raises the prospect of Palestinians undermining their own claims to political
sovereignty. There has been a long-standing campaign to boycott goods
produced in the settlements, which are ironically often produced by Palestinian
labour. There have also been intermittent campaigns, especially in the Gaza
Strip, to prevent work in the settlements. However, these campaigns have largely
been unsuccessful due to the absence of opportunities for Palestinians to work
elsewhere.
7 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2000.
8 cf. Haaretz, 4 October 2001.
The Jurisdictional Politics of Israel/Palestine
172
Jurisdiction of Israeli and PNA law in the settlements
The presence of so many Palestinians working for Israeli employers in Israeli
settlements inevitably raises the issue of under which law they should be
employed. Is it Israeli law by virtue of the Israeli employer, or PNA law by
virtue of the Palestinian employee? Alternatively, is the place of work the crucial
issue? The answer to these questions cannot be found by looking at whether
Israeli or PNA law applies to the employer, employee or the place of work.
The debate is taking place one step further back. You cannot look to either
PNA or Israeli law, because the very applicability of either law is under debate.
In practice, Palestinians have usually been employed under PNA law, whilst
Israelis undertaking the same work have been employed according to Israeli
law. This makes a substantial difference, as Israeli law is, in general, considerably
more generous to the employee than PNA law. A new PNA Labour Law went
into force in early 2002, but its provisions were still generally more restrictive
for the employee than those found in Israeli law.
9
Israeli law has a minimum
wage, whereas none exists in PNA law.
10
Israeli law is also more generous in
terms of severance pay and insurance.
11
In practice, therefore, tens of
thousands of Palestinians have been working in Israeli settlements, undertaking
the same work, in the same place, at the same time as Israeli citizens, but
being employed under considerably worse legal conditions.
How was this situation produced? In part the explanation can be found in
the underdeveloped nature of the Palestinian economy and the resulting
weak bargaining position of Palestinian labourers in comparison to Israeli
citizens. Often, no labour law at all is applied to Palestinian workers in the
settlements, and Palestinian workers did not challenge the situation because
they fear losing their jobs. However, the legal system is also complicit in this
situation.
For much of the 1990s, the issue of whether Israeli or PNA law should be
applied was never tested in the courts. It is worth pointing out here that all
cases concerning work in the settlements had to be directed to Israeli courts,
as it was in practical terms very difficult for an Israeli to appear before a PNA
court.
12
Through the 1990s, in nearly all the cases directed towards the Israeli
courts, a compromise was reached before a ruling could be made and a
precedent set. There were several reasons why this was the case. First, Israeli
Labour Courts encourage compromises in all cases. Secondly, it was often
difficult for Palestinians to obtain permits to enter Israel and attend Israeli
Labour Courts. Thirdly, the often vulnerable economic positions of Palestinian
workers encouraged out-of-court settlements, which were both quicker and
cheaper. Fourthly, the political sensitivity of the issue often made an out-of-
9 PNA Labour and Labourers Law 4-2001.
10 Israeli Minimum Wage Law 5747-1987. Israeli Military Orders actually require a minimum
wage and insurance in the West Bank but this is largely unenforced (Israeli Military Orders
663, 622).
11 Compare Israeli Severance Pay Law 5723-1963 Article I.2.a with PNA Labour and Labourers
Law 4-2001, Article 47 and compare Israeli National Insurance Law 5728 1968 Chapter 3 with
PNA Labour and Labourers Law 4-2001, Articles 118-130.
12 Interim Agreement, Annex IV, Articles I.2 and III.2.
Articles
173
court settlement preferable for both sides. Lawyers representing Palestinian
workers were often Palestinian citizens of Israel or left-wing Israelis who took
the cases out of a sense of political solidarity. These lawyers would often be
reluctant to push for a ruling over whether Israeli or PNA workers should
apply, in case it set a precedent with far-reaching political implications. If the
court ruled that Israeli law was applicable to Palestinians working in the
settlements, many lawyers felt that this would imply the annexation of the
West Bank and Gaza Strip to Israel. By striking a compromise outside the
court, workers could get a deal that was better than PNA law, but that did not
set a potentially politically contentious precedent.
It was not just lawyers who were concerned with this issue. The PNA and
many Palestinian human rights organisations argued that PNA law should be
applied to the Palestinian workers in the settlements. LAW, a leading Palestinian
human rights organisation, has written that under no circumstances should
Israeli law be applied in Israeli settlements and to do so would be a
contravention of international law (LAW 2000: 14, 19). This argument also
implies that PNA law should also cover Israeli identity card holders. However,
given the protection that Israeli identity card holders in the West Bank and
Gaza Strip enjoy from the Israeli military, there is no way in which this claim
could be enforced. The alternative argument, that Israeli law should cover all
people in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, is not made for fear that this would
imply the extension of Israeli sovereignty.
Ironically, Israeli settlers agree with certain aspects of this reading of the
situation. They argue that PNA law should apply to Palestinians working in
the settlements. However, they insist that Israeli law should still cover Israeli
citizens. This position appears to contradict the claim of Israeli territorial
sovereignty in the West Bank and Gaza Strip often made by settler organisations.
However, it can perhaps be understood in the context of the symbolic
importance of excluding the Palestinian other from the Israeli state and the
cheaper Palestinian labour that the application of PNA law produces.
Whatever the motivations of both the Israelis and Palestinians involved,
through their narrowly legal arguments they both ended up arguing for a
situation that in practice meant that Palestinians were denied the rights of
their Israeli co-workers.
The example of Givaat Zeev
In 1996, a group of Palestinian workers approached an Israeli NGO in order
to file a suit demanding their equal treatment with Israeli colleagues. The
Palestinians worked for the municipality of Givaat Zeev, a medium-sized Israeli
settlement to the north west of Jerusalem. The Israeli NGO, Kav La Oved,
specialised in dealing with cases involving Palestinians and foreign workers in
the Israeli economy. Although the NGO was criticised by some Palestinian
groups for undermining Palestinian sovereignty in the West Bank, they
instructed a lawyer to take the case to court and demand the equal treatment
of Palestinian workers through the application of Israeli law.
13
13 Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev, Israeli Labour Court Appeal 30050/98.
The Jurisdictional Politics of Israel/Palestine
174
The lawyer acting on behalf of the NGO argued that the application of
Israeli law was not an extension of Israeli sovereignty to the West Bank. He
argued that as the municipality of Givaat Zeev was a member of the Israeli
Union of Local Authorities, that the workers had a connection with the Israeli
state and therefore should be covered by the Israeli Labour Law. The lawyer
used the analogy of consular work, whereby consular officials may work outside
the state but are still covered by the labour laws of their home country. However,
the municipality refused to apply Israeli law to its Palestinian workers and
argued that as they were not Israeli citizens, they were covered by PNA law.
14
After several delays, the Israeli District Labour Court in Jerusalem finally
ruled in December 1997 that, on the basis of non-discrimination, the workers
should be covered by Israeli law and compensated retroactively. The
municipality appealed immediately. At this point the Israeli Attorney-General
intervened.
The intervention of the Israeli Attorney-General
The intervention of the Israeli Attorney-General is worth looking at in detail.
15
In his submission to the court, the Attorney-General argued that Palestinian
workers in West Bank settlements should be covered by what he called
Jordanian law, meaning the Jordanian Labour Law which at that time was
being applied by the PNA. Furthermore, he argued that to employ Palestinian
workers according to one set of conditions and Israeli citizens under another
set of conditions did not amount to discrimination. He wrote that:
A crucial aspect in examining discrimination is the question of equality. Is this a
contract that discriminates amongst equals or is there a difference between an Israeli
worker and Palestinian employed in West Bank? Is there a permitted distinction
between the two workers?
He continued, arguing that the Israeli citizens in question were residents of
Israel and:
It seems to us that the distinction is permissible between a resident and someone
who is not a resident. This is relevant and is not unacceptable because it cannot be
said to be a discrimination between equals because only unfairness amongst
equals for discriminatory purposes should be viewed as unlawful.
According to the Attorney-General, it is allowable for a state to distinguish
between residents and non-residents in the allocation of rights and
responsibilities. The situation at Givaat Zeev was not a case of discrimination
because it did not concern two equivalent categories. The Israeli citizen was
an Israeli resident, whilst the Palestinians were not.
It is worth remembering that the Attorney-General had himself pointed
out that the settlement of Givaat Zeev was not within the internationally
14 This case was covered by the Jordanian Labour Law of 21-1960 (Amended by Labour
Amendment Law 2-1965).
15 Brief of the Attorney-General in the Matter of Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev
Labour Court Appeal 30050/98.
Articles
175
recognised borders of Israel. How then could the Attorney-General argue
that Israeli citizens who worked in Givaat Zeev were Israeli residents whilst
not recognising the West Bank as annexed Israeli territory?
Under Israeli law, the definition of an Israeli resident does not refer to
geographical location. Through an Emergency Regulation, Israeli residents
are defined as including Israeli citizens, and those eligible for citizenship under
the Law of Return, who live in the West Bank or Gaza Strip, despite living
beyond the internationally recognised borders of the Israeli state.
16
As the
Law of Return in effect means that anyone defined as Jewish by the state of
Israel is eligible for Israeli citizenship, this produces an ethnic, not
geographical, basis for the distinction between an Israeli and a West Bank
resident.
It may well be true, as the Attorney-General argued, that it is common for
states to distinguish between residents and non-residents. However, the
Israeli Attorney-General argument treated residence as a category of natural
difference that occurred before the law. In doing so, his argument ignored
the ways in which residence was itself a political artefact and not a neutral
category. The Israeli identity card holders in question lived beyond the
internationally recognised borders of Israel, were protected by the Israeli
military and only defined as residents due to an ethno-national categorisation.
Through reference to a series of legal texts, and thereby acting as if he lived
in a legally enclosed world, the Israeli Attorney-General ignored the ways in
which the laws to which he referred were based on ethno-national distinctions
and were made possible by the military occupation of the West Bank. The
distinction between those who were due the protection of Israeli or PNA law
was not based on universal and neutral legal principles, but ethno-national
categories backed up by military force.
The Court rules
In June 2003 the Israeli National Labour Court finally ruled that the Jordanian
Labour Law should cover Palestinian workers in the settlement.
17
However,
the judge also ruled that Israeli law could be applied if discriminatory effect
could be shown in not applying Israeli law. This would apply on a case-by-case
basis. The case was therefore sent back to the District Labour Court to decide
on the issue. In the meantime Kav La Oved applied for a writ from the Israeli
High Court to overrule the Labour Courts decision.
18
As of writing in October
2003, the case was still pending. Whatever the decision, it is unlikely that the
ethno-national basis of the distinction between residents and non-residents
in the allocation of legal rights will be challenged.
16 Israeli Emergency Regulations (Judea and Samaria, Gaza Region, Sinai and Southern Sinai)
Criminal Jurisdiction and Legal Assistance (Amendment and Extension of Validity) Law 7744-
1984, No. 18 4.6b(a).
17 Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev, Israeli Labour Court Appeal 30050/98.
18 Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev, Israeli High Court of Justice 6961210/03.
The Jurisdictional Politics of Israel/Palestine
176
Some concluding remarks
The Oslo Peace Process has left a legacy whereby Israeli and PNA legal actors
are complicit in the production of economic and political inequality between
Israelis and Palestinians. Through their arguments, the Israeli and the
Palestinian legal community both produce a situation whereby Israeli citizens
receive the protection of Israeli law, whereas Palestinians receive the restricted
protection of PNA law, despite doing the same work, in the same place at the
same time. Although both sets of legal actors were implicit in this situation, it
is of course important not to forget the vastly different institutional power of
the Israeli and PNA legal systems. It was, after all, the Israeli Labour Courts
that had sole jurisdiction over this issue. According to the Israeli Attorney-
General the distinction between Israelis and Palestinians was made on the
basis of the category of residence. However, residence is not a neutral
geographical description, but is based on ethno-national principles and is
backed up by military force. Whilst this short article has focused on labour
law, similar arguments could be made in reference to criminal, property,
administrative and commercial law.
19
However, the aim of this article is not simply to condemn either of these
positions or to point out their own internal contradictions, although that may
be possible. Instead, it is to indicate the problems of treating issues of
substantive justice as enclosed legal affairs, to be dealt with through the referral
to international and municipal law. If this is done, there is a danger of ignoring
the political and economic conditions upon which laws are made, and the
ends to which they can be put. Both sets of arguments took place against a
background of legal arrangements that were created by a military occupation
and were organised on ethno-national principles. In this context, narrow legal
arguments ended up reproducing a situation of economic and political
inequality. This is not to argue that legal strategies should not be central to
any future Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process. However, it is to suggest that the
legacies of the Oslo Accords are perhaps not the best foundations upon which
any just and lasting peace can be built. It is also to suggest than any future
legal arrangements must be built on the basis of political and economic
equality, or else they risk reproducing that very inequality.
Bibliography
Chazan, N. (2000). Towards a Settlement without Settlements, Palestine-Israel Journal
of Politics, Economics and Culture 7(3-4), pp. 46-51.
LAW (2000). The Case of Settlement Workers. Ramallah: Palestinian Society for the
Protection of Human Rights and the Environment.
Mundlak, G. (2000). Power-Breaking or Power-Entrenching Law? The Regulation of
Palestinian Workers in Israel, Comparative Labor Law and Policy Journal 20(4), pp.
569-620.
Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (2000). Labour Force Survey, April-June 2000.
Ramallah: PCBS.
19 For example, the Israeli Military Declaration which closes the area between the new security
wall and the Green Line makes a similar distinction between Israeli residents and non-
residents. The area is closed to non-residents who do not have a permit, but remains open
to Israeli residents (Israeli Military Order 378).
Articles
177
PLO (No Date). Settlements, Permanent Status Issues. Ramallah Negotiations Affairs
Department. On File with the Author.
Agreements
Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, 13 September
1993.
The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Annex I,
Protocol Concerning Redeployment and Security Arrangements, 28 September1995.
The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Annex IV,
Protocol Concerning Legal Affairs, 28 September 1995.
Cases
Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev, Israeli Labour Court Appeal 30050/98.
Subhi Hamed et al v. Municipality of Givaat Zeev, Israeli High Court of Justice 6961210/
03.
Statutes
Israeli Severance Pay Law 5723-1963.
Israeli Minimum Wage Law 5747-1987.
Israeli Military Order 378.
Israeli Military Order 622.
Israeli Military Order 663.
Israeli Emergency Regulations (Judea and Samaria, Gaza Region, Sinai and Southern
Sinai) Criminal Jurisdiction and Legal Assistance (Amendment and Extension of
Validity) Law 7744-1984.
Jordanian Labour Law of 21-1960 (Amended by Labour Amendment Law 2-1965).
PNA Labour and Labourers Law 4-2001.
The Jurisdictional Politics of Israel/Palestine
Part II
Country Surveys
180
181
Egypt
Kosheri, Rashed & Riad*
1 CONSTITUTIONAL CASES
1.1 Judgment dated 13 January 2002 in Case No. 155 of the 20th judicial
year: Mr. Mohamed Elshershaby v. the President of the Republic (in his
capacity) and others.
The plaintiff in this case brought a legal action before the North Cairo Court
of First Instance requesting the annulment of a partnership agreement,
amendment of the part that provides for resolution of partners disputes by
arbitration, and on an urgent basis dissolution of the company and payment
of damages by the defendants.
During the course of this case the plaintiff alleged that the first paragraph
of Article of Law No. 27 of 1994 concerning arbitration in civil and commercial
matters was unconstitutional because it obliges the court that is viewing a case
brought before it that is subject to arbitration - to dismiss the case if the
defendant raises these points before presenting any request or defence. In
the plaintiffs view, this paragraph was unconstitutional because it denied the
right to litigate from a certain category of citizens, and prevented them from
recourse to the natural judiciary which has the general jurisdiction to view
civil and commercial disputes, whilst it allows this right to the rest of the citizens,
which is contrary to the constitutional principle of equality before the law,
the sovereignty of the law, the right to litigation for all, and the right of every
citizen to refer to his natural judge.
Moreover, the plaintiff alleged that the above-mentioned paragraph was
contrary to the Judicial Authority Law No. 46 of 1972, which provides that the
Courts must have to jurisdiction to view the disputes and this right in his
view could not be restricted.
The Supreme Constitutional Court refuted those allegations, and declared
that arbitration constitutes viewing a certain dispute by an outsider arbitrator
* Legal Consultants and Attorneys at Law, Cairo, Egypt. The contributors to this years survey
are Dr. Tarek Riad and Dr. Hatem Gabr.
182
who is chosen by the parties in accordance to the conditions that are defined
by them, in order to decide on the dispute, by a decision which terminates it
after allowing the parties to represent their points of view within the frame of
the main guarantees of litigation.
Therefore, arbitration is a voluntary act based upon a special agreement,
which aims at choosing this way to decide upon disputes instead of through
the normal judiciary, and it results in barring the Courts from deciding upon
those disputes as an exception to their subjection to the jurisdiction of the
courts.
The Supreme Constitutional Court added that the equality provided in
Article 40 of the Constitution aims at non-discrimination between members
of one category whose legal situations are the same, and if the provision subject
of the case for unconstitutionality aims at giving precedence to the will of the
persons who wish to arbitrate and who of their own free will accept to
adopt this way to decide upon their dispute, then such provision is based
upon objective bases, and it does not contain any arbitrary discrimination
that is contrary to the principle of equality, or that prevents the citizens from
having recourse to the normal judiciary.
The Court then ruled that the first paragraph of Article 13 of the above-
mentioned Law No. 27 of 1994 concerning arbitration in civil and criminal
matters was not contrary to the Constitution, and the Court rejected the case.
1.2 Judgment dated 15 December 2002 in Case No. 55/60 of the 22nd
judicial year: Mrs. Affaf Abd Elhady v. the President of the Republic.
A dispute was brought before the Egyptian South Cairo Court of First Instance
relating to a lease agreement containing an arbitration clause.
The plaintiff in this case alleged inter alia that Article 22/1 of the Law of
Arbitration in civil and commercial matters promulgated by Law No. 27 of
1994, was unconstitutional in providing that:
. . . the arbitral panel is competent to rule on the objections related to its lack of
jurisdiction, including objections based on claiming the non-existence of an
arbitration agreement, its extinction, nullity of said agreement, or that it does not
cover the subject matter in dispute,
because it contravened the principle of equality of chances and equality before
the law, and constituted an aggression against the judiciary and its inviolability,
the right of litigation to all provided in the Constitution, and also contravened
the judicial authoritys law which provides that the Courts have the jurisdiction
to resolve disputes.
The Supreme Constitutional Court rejected those allegations, and declared
that the basis of arbitration was the parties wish finally to resolve a certain
dispute by an arbitrator chosen by them or by their designates in accordance
with the conditions drawn by them and after presentation of their defence
within the basic guarantees of litigation.
This means that the will of the parties is to resolve their dispute through
this road instead of through the normal judiciary, and therefore the legislator
within his discretionary authority to organise rights has prohibited the
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Courts from viewing the disputes that are decided upon by arbitration, as an
exception to the principle of decision of those subjects by the Courts.
The Court then stated that the Article subject of the case gives the arbitral
panel the right to rule on the objections relating to its lack of jurisdiction
including the objections based on claiming the non-existence of an
arbitration agreement, its extinction, nullity of said agreement, or that it does
not cover the subject matter in dispute and this is due to factors that are
consistent with judicial logic, which confirms that bringing a dispute before
an arbitral panel is a judicial way to solve the totality of the dispute subject of
the arbitrations, including its various defences and pleas, in order not split
the arbitration between the arbitral panel which views the substance of the
case and another authority which views its pleas and to enable the arbitral
panel to fulfil its task, which is to decide upon the totality of the dispute.
The Court added that this is merely an application of the principle agreed
upon by the jurisprudence and the doctrine that the judge of the legal
action is the judge of the pleas.
The Court then mentioned that the agreement to refer a dispute to
arbitration does not prevent the normal courts from supervising the decisions
of the arbitral panels, which terminate the disputes, because the legislator
gives the courts the jurisdiction to order the execution of the arbitral judgments
and the recourse against them. Moreover, the legislator has given the Courts
the right to view the actions for nullity of the judgments of the arbitrators, in
order to enable the parties and the others concerned to present their
challenges that lead to the annulment of those judgments and to ensure that
the challenged judgments do not contravene the right to litigation or constitute
an aggression against the independence or inviolability of the judiciary.
The Court also mentioned that equality before the law provided for in Article
40 of the Constitution means non-discrimination between members of a group
whose legal situations are the same, and that the allegation of contravention
of Article 22/1 of the above-mentioned law to the Constitution does not stand
in relation to this Article.
The Court finally pointed out in relation to the allegation that Article
22/1 contravenes the judicial Authoritys law that the judicial supervision
exercised by the Supreme Constitutional Court concerning the
constitutionality of laws and regulations only extends to the contravention
between a legal provision and the Constitution, and that the Court has no
jurisdiction to decide upon the alleged contravention between two legal
provisions, whether in one or more laws.
The Court decided that the Article the subject of the case did not contravene
the Constitution, and rejected the two cases.
1.3 Judgment dated 14 April 2002 in Case No. 6 of the 20th judicial year:
Mr. Ahmed Ahmed Youssef v. the Prime Minister and others.
Article 17 of Law No. 136 of 1981 establishing various rules relating to the
relationship between the landlord and the lessee, provides that the leases
of non-Egyptians are terminated de jure on termination of their legally
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determined residence in the country. Nevertheless, leases shall in all cases
last de jure in favour of the Egyptian wife and her children of the non-
Egyptian, who were staying in the premises, unless it is proven that they have
definitely left the country.
In the case under review, the Egyptian husband of a deceased foreign wife
who was the lessee of the premises brought a legal action in his and in his
minor daughters name against the landlord claiming the right to remain in
the premises in accordance to Article 17 of Law No. 136 of 1981.
The Court rejected the case, because this Article only gave the right to
remain on the premises to the Egyptian wife of the departing foreigner and
not to the Egyptian husband of a departing foreigner.
The Egyptian husband appealed against this judgment in his own name
and in his capacity as the guardian of his minor daughter, and claimed that
Article 17 of Law No. 136 of 1981 was unconstitutional, because it violated the
equality between the Egyptian husband and the Egyptian wife in relation to
the rights derived from the lease agreement, and also violated the true
character of the Egyptian family as prescribed in the Egyptian Constitution.
The Supreme Constitutional Court upheld the plaintiffs case, and stated
that the Egyptian Constitution provides in Articles 9, 10, 11 and 12 that the
family is the basis of the society, founded on religion, morality and patriotism,
that the true character of the Egyptian family and its values must be preserved,
and that the State must uphold and safeguard the equality between men and
women in the political, social, economic and cultural fields, as well as
coordinate between its duties in society and its obligations within the family,
without violation of the rules of the Islamic sharia. Moreover, Article 40 of the
Constitution prohibits the discrimination between man and women, whether
in the field of their rights or freedoms on the basis of race, all of which means
that those Articles are complementary and have specific aims, at the forefront
of which are the equality of the citizens before the law, in consideration that
the law is the basis of justice and the core of freedom and social peace.
The court added that Article 17 of Law No. 136 of 1987 protects the interests
of the Egyptian wife and her children in the way detailed in this Article;
nevertheless, the principle of equality necessitates that such protection should
be extended to the Egyptian husband and his children from the lessee foreign
wife, whose residence in the country is terminated in fact or de jure.
The Court stated that the Article subject of the case did not do so, but that
it discriminated between the Egyptian husband and the Egyptian wife, despite
the similarity of their legal situations: it allowed discrimination based upon
race, and also gave precedence to the rights of the foreign children of the
foreign departing lessee husband who have the right to remain on the
premises over the rights of the Egyptian children of the foreign departing
lessee wife, who do not enjoy this right in accordance to Article 17 of Law No.
136 of 1981, which contravenes Article 40 of the Constitution, and also
endangers the structure and the solidarity of the Egyptian family, which
contravenes Articles 9, 10, 11 and 12 of the Constitution.
And the Court declared that Article 17 of Law No. 136 of 1981 was
unconstitutional in providing for the restriction of continuation of the lease
agreement to the Egyptian wife and her children from that lessee foreign
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husband whose residence in Egypt is terminated in fact or de jure and not
to the Egyptian husband and his children from his lessee foreign wife whose
residence in Egypt is terminated in fact or de jure.
1.4 Judgment dated 15 December 2002 in Case No. 201 of the 23rd
Judicial Year: see Mr. Alaa Abou Elmaaty Abou Elfoutouh v. the Prime
Minister and others.
In the case under review, the husband in a (khul ) divorce case alleged that
Article 20 of Law No. 1 of the year 2000 concerning the organisation of
some rules and procedures relating to litigation in personal status matters
was unconstitutional, because it contravened the Islamic sharia which provides
for the necessity of the husbands approval of the (khul ) divorce, and because
this article provided that the (khul ) divorce judgment was not subject to any
sort of recourse, and therefore contravened the right of litigation provided
for all in the Constitution.
The Court that was reviewing this divorce case allowed the husband to bring
the legal action for unconstitutionality before the Supreme Constitutional
Court, and the Court decided upon this question which was subject to heated
debates in Egyptian society, because Article 20 of the above-mentioned law
allows the wife the right to final divorce on condition of relinquishing all
her pecuniary legal rights and paying back the dowry to the husband if she
deems that in her opinion, their marital relationship cannot continue, because
she hates to live with her husband and fears that she will transgress the rules
of God because of such hatred.
Moreover, this Article also provides that the (khul ) divorce judgment may
not be subject to any sort of recourse.
The Supreme Constitutional Court again drew attention in its judgment in
this Case that Article 2 of the Constitution after its amendment in1980
provides that: the principles of Islamic Sharia are the principle source of
legislation, and that this means that a legislative act may not be in contradiction
with the Islamic sharia principles that are definitive in certainty as to the source
from which they derive and as to their meaning, and that those principles
alone are not subject to discretionary interpretation, because they represent
the overall principles and the lasting bases of the Islamic sharia that may not
be interpreted or amended.
The Court added that this is not so in relation to other rules where there is
no such certainty and that where the area of discretionary interpretation is
wide in organising the community, whose interests change and vary with the
evolution of life and the changes in time and place.
This discretionary interpretation is particularly necessary in the case of the
ruler, who has to apply his judgment where no rules exist, in order to achieve
the practical, just solutions which are in accord with the Muslim sharia.
The Court also stressed that the Muslim sharia does not consider the
opinions of any one canonist as sacred, and it allows its review and amendment,
taking into consideration the true interests of the community which do not
contradict those of the sharia.
Therefore the ruler may, within those parameters, use his discretion without
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being obliged to abide by the opinion of others, and in case of choosing
between two alternatives, he has to adopt the easier one unless it constitutes
a sin.
The Court also referred to the fact that although the rule is that marriage
should last, nevertheless divorce is allowed when hatred replaces friendship
and compassion, and this divorce, which is allowed to the husband within the
limits designed by God, has been countered by the right of the wife to divorce
for various reasons as well as the right to ransom herself by returning her
dowry, which is called the (khul ), and in either case she has to refer to the
judiciary who divorces her for one of the reasons of divorce or to judge her
(khul ) from her husband, as is explicitly confirmed in verse 229 of the Cow
Surah of the Holy Quran which provides that:
A divorce is only permissible twice, after that she should be retained in honour, or
released in kindness. It is not lawful for you [men] to retake any of your gifts from
your wives, except when they fear that they would be unable to keep within the limits
ordained by God, and if you fear that they would be unable to keep the limits ordained
by God, then there is no blame if she ransoms herself.
These are the limits ordained by God, so do not transgress them. If any do transgress
the limits ordained by God, such persons are the wrong doers.
This means that the right of the wife to ransom herself by the (khul ), in
order to obtain a divorce, is mentioned in the text of the Holy Quran which
is definitive in its certainty. Moreover, the Prophets actions (Sunnah) have
confirmed the (khul ) in practice as detailed in the book Sahih Elbokhari.
Therefore, the principle relating to the (khul ) is confirmed by definitive
provisions in certainty, in both the Holy Quran and the Prophets actions
(Sunnah). Nevertheless, its detailed rules are not contained in them and the
opinions of the canonists differ as to the right of the wife to the (khul ) with
or without the acceptance of the husband.
In such a case the legislator has to interfere in order to decide upon which
opinion to adopt.
The Article subject of the case did so within reason and in agreement
with the aims of the Islamic sharia and its principles, because separating the
couple in this case is in the interests of both the husband and the wife: on the
one hand, it is not right to oblige the wife to live without her consent with
a husband whom she hates, contrary to the basis upon which the marital
relationship stands, and on the other hand the husband does not incur any
material charges resulting from the (khul ) divorce, whilst holding to a wife
who hates him, and contrary to the Islamic belief which is based upon noble
behaviour.
And the Court decided that, for those reasons, the Article subject of the
case did not contravene the Islamic sharia, and therefore that it did not
contravene Article 2 of the Constitution.
The Supreme Constitutional Court then went on to examine that part of
the case relating to the alleged contravention of the above-mentioned Article
of the right to litigate.
The Court stressed that the principle is that the legislator has a discretionary
right to organise the rights including the right of litigation provided in Article
68 of the Constitution unless restricted in the Constitution by specific norms
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which include the necessity of non-arbitrary discrimination between those
in equal legal situations.
The Court then stated that not all legislative discrimination is contrary to
equality, because one should always consider the legal provisions as the means
designated by the legislator to achieve the results which he aims at. In other
words, one should examine the principle of equality before the law provided
in Article 40 of the Constitution in the light of the legality of those aims and
of the logical link between those means and aims.
The Court added that the limitation of litigation to one step is part of the
discretionary authority of the legislator to organise the rights, therefore limiting
litigation to one step based upon objective reasons does not reduce the right
of litigation guaranteed by the Constitution to all.
In view of the Court, the legislative organisation of the (khul ) as detailed
in the Article the subject of the case, is a complete unitary system which aims
at upholding the interests of both the parties of the marital relationship, and
as a consequence it is logical for the legislator to decide that the judgment
relating to the (khul ) is not subject to any recourse, taking into consideration
that this judgment is based upon the psychological condition decided upon
by the wife alone, and this totally negates the reason for the two-step litigation
which aims at correcting a fault committed by the lower court.
In essence the legal action for the (khul ) divorce is different from any
other legal action, necessitating that the judgment pronounced in it terminates
the dispute in its entirety, in order to prevent unwarranted malicious
prolongation of the dispute.
The Court then decided that in view of the above the Article subject of
the case does not detract from the right to litigate or from the right of equality,
and the Supreme Constitutional Court rejected the Case.
2 THE LAW OF THE ECONOMIC ZONES OF SPECIAL
NATURE
The Law of the Economic Zones of Special Nature (the Economic Zones
Law) was promulgated by Law No. 83 of 2002.
The economic zones areas and the authorities that manage them are
established by a Presidential Decree. The aim of each Authority is to encourage
investments in the economic zone under its responsibility for the
establishment of cultivation, industrial and services projects that are able to
compete with comparable ones abroad.
Each economic zone has a special customs and taxes administration system
that is established by the board of directors of the economic zone with the
approval of the Minister of Finance.
The Economic Zones Law provides for the possibility of terminating the
employment contracts of the employees in the economic zones, according to
terms easier than those prevailing under the Egyptian Labour Law, as well as
for the possibility of the establishment of a special system for the social
insurance of those employees.
Income tax in the economic zones is 10 per cent of the net income except
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for the income derived from the salaries of those working in them, which is 5
per cent.
The profits derived from bonds and from loans to establishments in the
economic zones are exempt from taxes, and no sales taxes or duties or other
direct or indirect taxes may be imposed in them.
Machines, raw materials, spare parts, components etc that are necessary for
the authorised activities in the economic zones may be imported without
permits, and are exempt form the customs taxes, the sales taxes and from all
other taxes and duties. The products of those establishments may be exported
without permits, and are subject to the customs taxes, the sales taxes and
other taxes and duties only on the imported components of those parts when
they enter the local Egyptian market.
Furthermore, the establishments operating in economic zones may not be
subject to nationalisation, nor may they be subject to sequestration, the freezing
of assets or to confiscation except by a judicial judgment, and those
establishments are entitled to decide on the prices of their products and
services without governmental interference.
3 LABOUR LAW
A work permit is required for foreigners who intend to work in Egypt.
The new Egyptian labour law promulgated by Law No. 12 of 2003 (the
New Labour Law) provides that the employer is allowed to employ the
employees on probation for up to three months and the employment contract
may be either for a definite or an indefinite period of time.
The legal maximum working hours are 8 per day or 48 hours per week
excluding overtime and rest meal periods, and the employees must get a weekly
rest which must not be less than 24 hours.
Employees have the right to 21 days of annual paid vacation days after
working for one year, and 30 days after working for 10 consecutive years or
reaching the age of 50.
With regard to employee sick leave, the general rule is that the employee is
entitled to six months of sick leave per year with pay between 75 per cent and
85 per cent of the normal wage.
The minimum overtime premiums are 35 per cent of normal pay for
overtime work during daylight, 70 per cent for work at night, and 100 per
cent for work on rest days and holidays.
Dismissal of the employee is legal if he commits a serious offence as defined
by the New Labour Law as detailed hereinafter.
We would here add that the New Labour Law has introduced a number of
major modifications relating to employment relationships which can be
summarised as follows:
(1) The New Labour Law provides for an obligatory annual increase of a
minimum of 7 per cent in the employees basic salary.
(2) The concerned Minister may designate certain activities which may not
be exercised by foreigners in Egypt, as well as the maximum number of
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foreigners allowed to work in establishments in Egypt.
(3) The ranges of disciplinary sanctions that may be imposed on employees
have been increased in order to allow for certain latitude in this respect.
(4) The jurisdiction to review the legal actions relating to employment
relationships has been transferred from the regular judicial Courts to
judicial committees composed of two judges one of whom presides
over the committee, a civil servant, a member representing the relevant
Labour Union, and a member representing the relevant Employers
Syndicate, and the decisions of those judicial committees may be subject
to appeal and to recourse to the Court of Cassation in accordance with
the general rules of Egyptian Law.
(5) The previous Labour Law of 1981 provided that renewal or continuation
of a temporary employment contract is considered a renewal or a
continuation of this relationship for an indefinite period of time.
The New Labour Law takes a different approach in this respect, which
accepts the multiplicity of renewals of temporary employment contracts.
The importance of this innovation is obvious because it allows, for the
first time in decades, to employ the employees on a continuous
temporary basis, which minimises to a great extent the number of legal
actions brought against an employer for abusive dismissal of their
employees.
(6) The New Labour Law mentions for the first time the possibility of
dismissal of the employees for incompetence in accordance with the
approved work regulations.
(7) The New Labour Law provides that the unjustifiable dismissal of an
employee by an employer allows the employee to claim damages before
the judicial committees referred to above, and the damages accorded
by the judicial committee in those cases must not be less than a sum
equal to two months of the total wage for each year of service.
(8) The New Labour Law provides that the age of retirement must not be
less than 60 years, and that the employer may terminate the employment
contract when the employee reaches the age of 60, unless he was
employed for a definite period which ends after the employee reaches
this age.
(9) The New Labour Law has introduced detailed provisions concerning
vocational training, including the creation of a fund for financing this
training, which is partially funded by 1 per cent of the net profit of the
establishment subject of this Law which employs more than ten
employees.
(10) The New Labour Law allows the employees for the first time to strike
peacefully through their labour unions, in defence of their professional,
economic and social interests, and in accordance with this Law.
The New Labour Law also provides that the strike must be approved
by a two-thirds majority of the Board of Directors of the relevant labour
union organisation.
On the other hand, employees in strategic and vital establishments
designated by the Prime Minister are not allowed to strike.
(11) The New Labour Law allows the employer for economic reasons to close
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his establishment totally or partially or to reduce its size or activity, after
approval of a committee whose membership and authority is designated
by the Prime Minister, and employers must pay to employees whose
employment contracts are terminated for economic reasons a sum
equal to one month of the employees total salary for each of his first
five years of service and one and a half months for each year of service
over and above the first five years.
4 PATENTS, TRADEMARKS AND COPYRIGHT
A recent Law No. 82 of 2002 (the Intellectual Property Law) on the protection
of intellectual property rights was promulgated by the Egyptian Peoples
Assembly, and it provides for extensive protection of these rights, particularly
in the following fields:
4.1 Patents
The Intellectual Property Law allows inventors to obtain patent protection
for 20 years from the date of application in Egypt.
The patent protection for utility designs is for seven renewable years starting
from the date of application in Egypt, and the patent protection for schematic
designs of integrated circuits is ten years starting from the date of application
in Egypt or the date of first commercial exploitation thereof in Egypt or abroad,
whichever date is prior to the other.
It is the patent holders exclusive right fully to exploit the invention. It is
also his obligation fully to exploit it, otherwise the patent holder may be
subjected to compulsory licensing in favour of a third party for failure to do
so, as detailed in this Law.
Undisclosed secret data and information also enjoy protection in accordance
with this Law.
4.2 Trademarks
The Intellectual Property Law provides owners of trademarks with a protection
period of ten years subject to renewals for similar periods. The owner of the
trademark is the one who effects the registration and uses the trademark for
the five following years, unless it is established that a third party had priority
for using it, and the person who had preceded the one in whose name the
trademark is registered has the right to challenge and declare null and void
the registration during those five years.
However, the trademark may be challenged and declared null and void
without a restriction period if it is coupled with ill will.
This Law provides that the owner of a famous trademark in Egypt and
worldwide has the right to enjoy the protection prescribed in the Law even if
the trademark is not registered in Egypt.
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4.3 Industrial designs and drawings
Industrial designs and drawings enjoy protection for ten years starting from
the date of application for registration in Egypt, and the protection is renewable
for five years.
4.4 Copyright
Copyright protection includes literary, technical and scientific works such as
architectural designs, speeches, musical works, theatrical pieces, maps,
photographic and cinematographic works, works for broadcast on television
or radio, videotapes, and computer software.
The protection extends to 50 years after the death of the author. If the
author is a legal entity then the protection begins on the date of first
publication.
The protection for applied arts works is for 25 years starting from the date
of their publication or the date they are made available to the public for the
first time whichever is the latter and broadcasting authorities enjoy the
exploitation protection for 20 years starting from the date of first transmission
of the programmes.
4.5 Botanical products
Botanical biological and non-biological products derived in Egypt and abroad
which are new, distinctive, homogeneous, durable and that have a distinctive
appellation enjoy the protection of the Intellectual Property Law once they
are recorded in the special register for botanical products the subject of
protection.
The duration of the protection is 25 years for trees and grapevines and 20
years for other agricultural products, and the general rule is that the protection
runs from the date it is granted.
4.6 International Conventions
Egypt is inter alia a signatory to the Paris Convention for the Protection of
Industrial Property, the Hague Agreement on Industrial Designs, the Madrid
Agreement on the International Registration of Trademarks, and the
International Patent Classification Agreement.
4.7 Egypt and the World Trade Organization
Egypt is a signatory of the final acts embodying the results of the Uruguay
round of multilateral trade negotiations at Marrakesh on 15 April 1994, i.e:
the World Trade Organization Agreements (WTO Agreement). The
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Egyptian Peoples Assembly ratified those Agreements on 16 April 1995. The
Egyptian Government has formed several committees to study the amendment
of Egyptian Laws and Regulations in order to conform with WTO Agreements
and several Laws and Regulations have already been promulgated in that
regard; for example the recent Law No. 82 of 2002 on the protection of
intellectual property rights.
5 BANKS AND FOREIGN EXCHANGE LAW
The new Central Bank, Banking System and Foreign Exchange Law No. 88 of
2003 (the Banking Law) introduced many new Concepts that are worth
noting and which affect investors in those fields.
(1) The first chapter of this law contains the provisions relating to the
Egyptian Central Bank, a public juristic entity that is dependent on the
President of the Republic, and which has wide-ranging rights in relation
to the control of various banks operating in Egypt as detailed herein
below.
(2) The second chapter deals with the organisation of the banking system
operations in Egypt.
Banks operating in Egypt and their branches abroad have to be
inscribed in special register held in the Central Bank.
The issued fully paid up capital of the bank must not be less than
L.E. 500 million and the capital earmarked for the operations of
branches of foreign banks operating in Egypt must not be less than
US$50 million or their equivalent in free foreign exchange.
Those banks are free to decide upon the prices and interests relating
to their banking operations.
On the other hand, banks may only terminate their activities after
obtaining the approval of the Central Bank, and the Central Bank has
the right to reject the appointment of the members of the board of
directors of banks, and of their top managers. Furthermore, the Central
Bank has the right to request the dismissal of any board member of any
bank and/or any of its top managers, if an investigation by the Central
Bank reveals that the concerned person did not abide by the safety
rules relating to the banks deposits and assets.
Egyptians and foreigners are allowed to own any percentage of the
capital of banks, nevertheless ownership of more than 10 per cent of
the issued capital of a bank or any percentage of its capital resulting in
control of a bank must be authorised by the Central Bank.
The Egyptian Central Bank is also empowered to lay down the rules
that ensure its control and supervision of bank operations in Egypt and
the norms under which they operate, as detailed in the Banking Law.
Finally, the Central Bank has the right to cancel the registration of
banks and branches of foreign banks operating in Egypt if they
contravene the banking law, or if they adopt policies that harm the
general economic interest or the interests of their depositors or their
shareholders.
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(3) The third chapter of the Banking Law deals with the management of
the public sector banks.
(4) The fourth chapter concerns the secrecy of banks accounts, which is
guaranteed with some exceptions, including the banks obligation to
disclosure if it is so decided by a judicial or arbitral judgment, or if so
provided in the Anti Money Laundering Law.
(5) The fifth chapter provides for the rules relating to the issue of Egyptian
currency and foreign exchange transactions.
In this respect it should be noted that every natural or juristic person has the
right to keep all the foreign exchange that he owns or possess and that he
may freely conclude local and foreign transactions through the banks and the
other authorised establishments that are accredited to deal in foreign
exchange. Nevertheless, it has to be noted there are certain restrictions with
regard to Egyptian exporters keeping the totality of the proceeds of their
export in foreign currency.
Sale and purchase transactions inside Egypt whether for goods or services
has to be effected in Egyptian pounds, and the rate of exchange of the
Egyptian pound vis--vis foreign currencies is determined by the market values
in the light of the rules relating to the organisation of the foreign exchange
market as decided by the Prime Minister on the recommendation of the
Central Bank.
In addition the Law ensures the right of travellers to bring in and to take
out foreign currencies on condition they disclose amounts over US$10,000 or
their equivalent, on entering or leaving the country.
6 THE COMMUNICATIONS LAW
A new Law was promulgated under No. 10 for the year 2003 relating to the
organisation of Communications in Egypt (the Communications Law).
According to the Communications Law, the National Authority for
Organisation of Communications (TRA) is the governmental Authority that
is responsible for applying this Law.
Article 21 of the Communications Law provides that no communications
network may be established or operated, or communications services to third
parties be offered, or international telephone calls be passed without a permit
issued by the TRA.
Requests to obtain permits are presented on forms prepared by the TRA
together with the data and documents that it designates and the request must
in particular contain the suggested basis for the pricing of the services and
the method of evaluation.
Furthermore, the TRA decides upon the fees for the permits and the rules
and procedures relating to its payment.
The Communications Law also provides that the already existing
Government owned Egyptian Company for Communications (Egypt
Telecom) is exclusively entitled until 31 December 2005 to establish, operate
and exploit the international correspondence networks between Egypt and
any other state through the international crossing points by maritime, land,
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microwave links, industrial telestars for fixed services, and also to pass
international calls and to offer telephone, fax telex and telegraph services
through those networks.
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Syria
Jacques el-Hakim*
1 TAXATION
1.1 Income tax law
A new law (No. 24 of 13 November 2003) on income tax has been promulgated
and was enforced as from the beginning of 2004. Up to now, the tax on global
income (promulgated, during the Union with Egypt, by Law No. 130 of
25 July 1961) has not been enforced in Syria. There are therefore separate
taxes on various sources of income which were governed by legislative degree
(leg. d.) No. 85 of 21 May 21 1949 as amended.
Those various sources of income are mainly: industrial; commercial and
non-commercial professions; real estate; inheritance and donations; salaries;
and negotiable capital (companies shares and bonds, negotiable instruments,
bank loans and deposits, securities etc). Income tax on professions covers
real income, appraised lump sum income and non residents. The tax was
progressive so that its rate was pro-rata of the range of income regarding each
category.
In addition, two increments have been added to the tax: one called war
effort varying between 10 and 30 per cent of the tax depending on its category,
and the other one called local administration varying between 2 and 10 per
cent of the tax, depending on the region (mouhafazat) where it is levied.
All this made the tax calculation quite difficult and in some cases made its
global amount exceed 100 per cent. The tax assessment was not, as before,
subject to the control of judicial courts as a last resort, but under the control
of appeal commissions where the Tax Department officers were
predominant. Only a few grounds of appeal (time limitation or levy of an
undue tax) were subject to the jurisdiction of the Administrative Courts
usually more complacent to the State than the ordinary courts.
On the other hand, the Syrian Authorities amended the previous law
providing for a four-year time limitation from the maturity date for all amounts
* Professor of Law, Damascus University, Attorney of Law.
196
due either by the State or the taxpayer to the other, as per the French legislation
in that respect. But on 19 July 1967, the equality was broken between the two
parties by leg. d. No. 92 (Article 28) and whilst the taxpayers dues were still
time-barred after four years, as before, the States dues became time-barred
after 15 years, which practically resulted in the absence of time limitation since
that limitation could be easily interrupted or suspended in the States favour.
The procedures followed by the Tax Authorities in assessing the income tax
were unfortunately far from fair. They did not allow taxpayers to deduct most
of their costs from their global returns to calculate their net income or to
adapt the purchase price of their assets when re-sold to the inflation rate in
order to calculate the real profits. This is why many taxpayers used to declare
only part of their real profits by holding double accounts. That behaviour has
now been punished by criminal penalties as per Law No. 25 of 18 November
2003 on tax evasion which is commented on below, and stripped taxpayers
from most of the advantages provided by Law No. 24.
Title I: Professional income
Despite its title, this category is not restricted to stable professions but also
covers all sources of income, even those derived from an occasional activity as
well as from the public sector, organisations or companies. It also covers
enterprises operating in Syria but linked with foreign enterprises. It is up to
the Finance Ministry (the Ministry) to assess the tax on the actual real profits
or on the lump sum appraised profit (this, in particular, applies to industrial
enterprises with real estate or equipment valued by the Ministry at 2 million
Syrian Pounds (SP) (approx US$40,000) or more.
The tax is imposed on profits realised in Syria if, at the beginning of the
calendar year, the taxpayer was performing his activity there. In case of several
enterprises, the tax is assessed on the head or main office located in Syria or
in the capital, Damascus (Article 3). Agricultural enterprises and cooperatives,
writers, composers, artists and nurseries are exempted from the tax, as well as
75 per cent of the net income of air and sea transport enterprises (Article 4).
Capital expenditure and the personal management salary paid to the owner
of the enterprise or the director of the partnership are not deductible from
the gross income to calculate the net assessable income (Article 9). Losses
can be deducted from the profits of the five following years (Article 12).
The tax rate is progressive and amounts to 35 per cent above 3 millions SP
about US$60,000. That rate includes war effort but not local administration.
Joint stock companies (Socit anonyme in French) with a head office in Syria
are subject to a fixed 20 per cent provided it has offered half of its shares to
public subscription when incorporated. Industrial joint-stock and limited
companies are subject to a fixed 25 per cent rate provided the value of their
industrial equipment exceeds 5 million SP about US$100,000.
The tax assessment made by the controller must be approved or amended
by a Finance Administration Committee and can be appealed from
subsequently before a first degree and appeal commission. All members of
those commissions are appointed by the Minister and the controller plays a
major part in the activity of the first degree commission as a rapporteur,
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although he cannot vote (Article 29, para. c/4).
Only one member of the Appeal Commission is a judge appointed by the
Ministry of Justice (Article 33/a) but he usually ignores the principles of
taxation and does not play any effective role as shown by the practice of the
last decades. The Administrative Court can only examine appeals against
second degree decisions in two cases:
(1) If the taxpayer is not subject to assessment at all.
(2) If the second degree commission amended the assessment of the
first degree commission by a 25 per cent increase or reduction (Article
40/b).
Title 2: Lump sum assessment
This assessment applies to taxpayers indicated by the assessment commissions
on the basis of the criteria indicated by the Ministry (Article 41) for five years
to come. This classification can be reviewed in case of a 25 per cent change in
the income of the taxpayer occurring after the first two years (Article 43).
This tax applies particularly to:
(1) Taxis (Article 44);
(2) The liberal professions: medical doctors, lawyers and engineers whose
part-time agreements with Public Sector entities are mandatorily subject
to that tax (Article 4) when full-time agreements with them is subject to
the tax on salaries (Article 45/a);
(3) Tax on the transfer of real estate lease agreements used for the
performance of the a/m professions (Article 45/d).
That tax is subject to a maximum tax rate of 23 per cent.
Taxpayers subject to that tax are classified and their income appraised by a
first degree commission of which all members are appointed by the Tax
Authorities except that the member representing the profession concerned
must be chosen among three delegates (experts) proposed by the respective
syndicate or Chamber of Commerce if existing (Article 48/c). The decision
of that commission can be appealed before a commission of which all members
are appointed by the Finance Ministry with the same reservation as above
regarding the representative of the particular profession (Article 50).
Title 3: Tax on non-residents
The following provisions govern the tax on real professional income and
salaries regarding an activity performed in Syria when the taxpayer (whether
a physical or a legal person) or its sub-contractors are foreigners. If that member
fails to attend the meetings of the Commission, he can be replaced by any
taxpayer or Public Sector employee appointed by the Ministry (Article 123).
A company is regarded as foreign when it is registered and has its head office
abroad. The tax rate then amounts to the following rates:
(1) For income tax:
(a) 5 per cent of the gross returns derived from the supplies and services
provided in Syria, when their agreement does not show a separate
appraisal for the supplies and for the services.
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(b) 10 per cent of the gross returns derived from services rendered in
Syria and from the lease of films or equipment or royalties received
there.
(2) For the tax on salaries:
(a) 1 per cent of the gross returns derived from supplies and services
provided in Syria when the agreement does not show separately the
returns derived from the services.
(b) 2 per cent of the gross returns derived from services and from the
lease of films or equipment or royalties in Syria.
Those rates are not subject to local administration or other increments.
These provisions do not apply to the registered branches in Syria of foreign
enterprises which import goods to sell in Syria for their own account, their
return therefrom being subject to the taxes enforced on residents (Article 61).
The non-resident tax must be withheld by the local enterprises paying for
the aforementioned supplies or services and paid to the Tax Authorities within
15 days from that payment (Article 62). The same rule applies to the payments
effected by non-residents to non-resident sub-contractors as a remuneration
for their services and they are both responsible therefore jointly and severally
(Article 63). That obligation is subject to a 10 per cent penalty if the tax is not
paid on time plus 10 per cent per subsequent year of late payment up to a
maximum of 30 (Articles 64 and 107).
Non-resident reinsurance companies are subject to a 10 per cent tax on the
premiums received from Syrian insurance companies (Article 65). Only one
State-owned, nationalised-company is now operating in Syria.
Title 4: Tax on salaries
That tax is due:
(1) On salaries received by residents or even by non-residents for services
performed in Syria.
(2) By residents or non-residents on salaries received from a public entity
(Article 66). Diplomats, the military, retired employees, house servants
and a few other categories are exempted from that tax (Article 67).
The tax rate is progressive and amounts to 20 per cent on the monthly net
range of salary above 30,000 SP about US$600 (Article 68). Also subject to
that tax are members of the liberal professions receiving a permanent salary
for their services (Article 70). The tax must be withheld when the salary is
paid (Article 72).
The assessment is subject to appeal before the commissions competent for
the professional tax on real income (Article 81).
Title 5:Tax on negotiable capital
The tax is imposed on income derived from:
(a) Bonds and loans certificates issued by companies and financial entities
with a head office or main office or assets located in Syria.
(b) Non-resident companies shares and bonds or State bonds (whether
Syrian or foreign) held by residents.
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(c) Interest paid on debts secured by mortgage, loans received on bank
deposits or current accounts, financial guarantees issued by a corporate
body except if covered by the income tax on banking activities (Article
83).
The tax rate amounts to 7.5 per cent plus local administration (Article 84).
Returns of foreign securities must be withheld by the local banks serving
the respective dividends or interests (Article 91).
The debtor and the creditor are jointly and severally responsible for the
payment of the tax, even it falls mandatorily on the creditor (Article 99).
Here again, the appeal of the assessment decisions is submitted to the
competent commissions (Article 103). Deposits in bank savings accounts are
exempted from that tax.
Title 6: Penalties and miscellaneous
Taxes which are not paid on time are subject to a 10 per cent penalty per year
of delay up to a maximum of 30 per cent three years (Article 107), in addition
to other penalties provided for in a specific provision. Material errors or
omissions can be objected to before the competent commissions (Article 111).
It is up to the Tax Authorities to compensate any amount due to the taxpayer
by a public entity (Article 119). Those entities cannot release the guarantees,
securities or bonds provided by Syrian individuals or entities without a clearance
certificate delivered by the Tax Authorities (Article 120). Any State employee
or third party who discovers or reports any income concealed from the Tax
Authorities is entitled to a bonus determined by the Finance Minister up to a
maximum of 25 per cent of the penalties due by the taxpayer (Article 121).
The State employee who discovers the false statements or documents submitted
by the taxpayer is entitled to a share not exceeding 10 per cent of the penalty
recovered by the latter (Article 122). The books of accounts and supporting
documents must be kept for ten years, otherwise they would be regarded as
concealed from the Tax Authorities (Article 124). Any assignment or winding
up of real estates or enterprises (whether industrial, commercial or others)
cannot be executed before a notary public, a real estate officer or another
authority competent to authenticate those deeds without a tax clearance from
the Tax Authorities (Article 125). The Minister must issue the executive decrees
implementing the aforementioned law (Article 128).
1.2 Law on tax evasion
We already pointed out how the unilateral assessment of income tax by the
Tax Authorities and their refusal to appraise the real profit subject to taxation
have encouraged taxpayers to conceal part of their profits and refrain from
presenting the respective documents to the Tax Authorities. A new Law,
No. 25 of 18 November 2003, was therefore promulgated immediately
after the law on income tax No. 24 of 13 November 2003 imposing
imprisonment and heavy fines on such behaviour. That law was also enforced
as from the beginning of 2004 and must be followed by circulars regulating its
enforcement.
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Definition
The law instituted in each region (mouhafazat), a Directorate of Tax
Information (the Directorate), aimed at repressing tax evasion. The latter
was defined in Article 2/a as any act committed by a taxpayer or its
representative or delegate to avoid full or partial payment of taxes and duties
by submitting to the Tax Authorities inaccurate statements, documents or
registrations, concealing or denying their existence or refraining from
submitting them on time (except due to force majeure), or destroying them
prematurely or performing an activity without informing the aforementioned
Authorities or concealing an activity that should be declared. Taxpayers
registered with the Tax Authority to be assessed with income tax or subject
to inheritance duties are only guilty of that offence if they fail to submit
the required statements on time after being duly summoned to do so (Article
2/b).
Prerogatives of the Directorate
The Directorate must repress tax evasion by gathering documentary
information on the financial status of taxpayers and the basis of taxes and
duties, conducting inquiries on tax evasion, complaints and charges thereon.
Its future employees must carry out special training (Article 3). Its Director
and main employees have the status of criminal investigators like Public
Attorneys and examining judges (Article 4).
Rules of investigation
The Directorates employees can examine all documents and information
regarding the assessment of taxes and duties, except for those subject to bank
secrecy. (There is no mention of the confidentiality imposed on the liberal
professions medical doctors, lawyers etc although their professional
regulations impose such confidentiality despite any law to the contrary.)
Taxpayers must provide with their tax returns the documents and
information required by ministerial decree in addition to the documents
required by the law on income tax and, if they are absent, must leave them
with a specific employee to be presented when requested by the Directorate
(Article 6). The investigation must be conducted jointly by two of the
Directorates employees in the taxpayers usual management offices during
normal working hours without hindering the work of that office. An official
report must be made if any concealed document is discovered during the
Directorates inquiry and that document is seized if the taxpayer refuses to
sign the aforementioned report. The public attorneys authorisation must be
sought if the concealed document is deposited outside the taxpayers office
and a report must be established on any attack or confrontation against the
Directorates employees (Article 7).
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Penalties
Any act constituting a tax evasion as defined in Article 2 is punished by one
months imprisonment and a fine amounting to 200 per cent of the evaded
tax or duty. Those penalties are doubled in case of a second offence and are
substituted by those provided for in the tax laws (Article 8). Corporate bodies
can be indicted in their own capacity or through their directors or
representatives, including the official partner in a sleeping partnership which,
under Syrian law, does not enjoy legal personality. The members of the
corporate body are jointly and severally responsible for any violation of the
law (Article 9).
Since any violation of the tax law constitutes the crime of tax evasion which
provisions prevail on the penalties provided for in the Tax Law No. 24 (1)
promulgated at the same date, one wonders why those penalties were
maintained in Law No. 24. One also wonders how a shareholder can be
responsible for a criminal act perpetrated by another partner, shareholder or
even employee against the basic principles of criminal and commercial law.
Objection and settlement
The Directors report with a summary thereof must be referred to the
competent Finance Directorate which must, within one year, take all action
provided for in the tax law. The Director must inform the Finance Directorate
of the final decision taken on the infringement and whether or not the fine
provided for in Article 8 has been paid (Article 11). Otherwise the report
must be referred by the Finance Directorate to the public attorney for
indictment of the offender (Article 12). The latter can ask the Settlement
Commission which should be put into place by decree of the Finance Ministry
for an amicable settlement of the fine (Article 13) under the procedure rules
to be defined in the same decree (Article 14). That settlement must provide
for the payment of the following amounts pro rata of the aforementioned fine:
25 per cent if the settlement takes place before indictment.
50 per cent if it takes place thereafter before any judgment .
75 per cent if it takes place after a non-final judgment (Article 15).
The payment of the tax or duty and of the fine so settled puts an end to the
criminal prosecution unless a final judgment has been rendered (Article 16).
Miscellaneous
Only 70 per cent of the fines and amounts are paid to the Finance Ministry.
Out of the balance:
10 per cent is paid to the informers or discoverers and in their absence,
to the Treasury.
10 per cent is paid to the persons effecting the seizure.
10 per cent is paid to the Finance Ministrys employees indicated by a
Ministers decree (Article 17).
Law No. 24 does not apply to the Customs and Stamps duties, which remain
subject to their specific laws (Article 18).
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Although a law cannot be amended by the Ministers circular providing the
regulations governing its implementation, the Syrian public nevertheless must
wait for those regulations which must be issued according to Article 20 of the
law, to organise its implementation.
2 ADMINISTRATIVE LAW
2.1 Merger of Ministries
There have been, until now, too many Ministries in Syria so that their efficiency
was reduced and their expenses doubled. This is why some of them were
merged on 5 October 2003.
The Ministries of Economy and Foreign Trade, on the one hand, and Supply
and Domestic Trade, on the other hand (which split on 3 August 1969 from
the previous Ministry of National Economy, to match the Eastern European
model) were merged again under the name of the Ministry of Economy and
Trade (leg. d. No. 2435).
The Ministries of Housing and Construction also merged into one new
Ministry (leg. d. No. 2436) and the Ministry of Environment (which had been
only a State Ministry dependent on the Prime Ministers office) was merged
with the Ministry of Local Administration.
2.2 Advisory Council
A leg. decree No. 60 of 22 September 2002, has created an Advisory Committee
of 30 members appointed by the Prime Minister for three years, renewable
among experts in the administrative, legal, economic, financial, technical or
other fields. Those experts may be recruited among civil servants, retired
employees or independent people. The Council should report to the Prime
Minister on the subjects referred to it by the latter. It is headed by a President
and managed by a Board of five members. The Council is divided into several
commissions whose composition, prerogatives and procedure must be
organised following a decree from the Prime Minister. The President, the
members of the Board and some Commission members must work on a full-
time basis. It is to be seen whether the Council will fulfil its aims and play a
positive role in drafting the decrees and other regulations to be issued by the
Council of Ministers and its President.
3 COMMERCIAL LAW
3.1 Foreign Trade Organisations
On 22 March 2003 (d. No. 843), several Foreign Trade Organisations
(Textiles, Foodstuffs, Pharmaceutical, Minerals, Cars and Machinery) which
split from the Public Organisation of Foreign Trade (organised under leg. d.
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No. 116 of 10 September 1966) merged again under their original name.
Only the years to come will prove whether that merger has been viable and
successful.
3.2 Public Organisations
New Public Organisations were also created, e.g.: the Public Gas Company,
based in Homs (d. No. 50 of 4 February 2003) and the Arab Company for
Transportation and Marketing of Crude Gas (leg. d. No. 38 of 12 July 2003)
following the ratification by Syria of the Convention setting up the Arab Gas
Organisation.
3.3 Free Zones
(a) New regulations for the exploitation of the Free Zones were issued as per
leg. d. No. 40 of 27 January 2003.
(b) New Free Zones have been created in the cities of Hassak, North Eastern
Syria (leg. d. No. 301 of 7 September 2002), Bou-Kamal on the Iraqi border
(leg. d. No. 302 of 7 September 2002) and Latakia city (leg. d. No. 315 of
16 September 2002).
3.4 Patents
On 1 February 2003, Syria ratified the Patent Convention of Washington,
1971.
4 TOURISM
On 20 November 2002, a law No. 65 was promulgated creating Tourism
Chambers and a national Federation thereof.
4.1 Aims
Article 4 defined the main aims of those Chambers, namely:
protecting the interests of the tourism-associated professions;
developing tourism and the planning of tourism in coordination with
the Ministry of Tourism (the Ministry);
developing the quality of tourism services at competitive prices;
advising on draft tourism legislation and regulations;
developing the promotion and marketing of tourism;
operating in tourism studies and statistics;
organising conferences, training sessions, fairs and conventions;
issuing pamphlets and advertising material;
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resolving disputes between members of the tourism industry and between
them and third parties;
organising arbitration and expertise; and
providing social and medical assistance to its members.
4.2 Fields of activity
Article 2 of the new law increased considerably the fields of activity of the
Chambers members without regard to their homogeneity. Until now, they
were organised in associations carrying out a similar activity. Under the new
law, the individuals, corporate bodies and State Organisations composing the
Chambers carry out such activities as hotels, spas, restaurants, entertainment
and leisure, movies and theatres, tourism and travel offices and agents, tourism
advertising, trade, marketing of hotel equipment, tourist transports, training
and guides (these were organised in as an independent profession under leg.
d. 54 of 8 September 2002).
One wonders how such a great variety of disparate activities could be jammed
into one single chamber when the existing Chambers of Commerce already
covered their activities. The law made it mandatory to all enterprises exercising
one of the aforementioned activities to join the Chambers (Article 5/I)
otherwise they would lose their tourist permit (Article 5/j).
4.3 Number of Chambers
Article 2/1 provided for the creation of six Chambers, each covering several
regions (mouhafazats). That number can be increased by splitting an existing
Chamber by Ministerial decree at the request of at least 40 members
representing six or more fields of activity.
4.4 Membership
Each member (except tourist guides) should first obtain a tourist licence
granted by the Ministry. He will be represented in the Chamber by a physical
person. The members are classified into three classes according to their
financial assets and activity (Article 5/k). When voting in the General Assembly,
they dispose of a number of votes corresponding to their class (Article 7).
They forfeit their membership in case of bankruptcy, damage to another
member established by a report of the general assembly approved by the
Minister or a decision from the competent Authority for frustation of a
contract.
The problem is that the law did not define the competent Authority issuing
such a serious decision and only a court of justice should be competent thereon.
The loss of membership causes the suspension or cancellation of the tourist
licence (Article 8).
If the Minister finds a member guilty of causing damage to another member
or contravening the aims of the chamber he can, upon the proposal of the
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Board of Administration, close the enterprise temporarily by up to three
months, suspend the membership for up to six months or cancel the
membership which leads to the loss of the tourist licence. The member can
then object to that penalty to the Minister himself who takes the final decision
thereon (Article 9). It is surprising to leave such a drastic measure to the sole
decision of the Minister. Under Syrian law, the member can nevertheless apply
to the State Council to cancel that decision.
4.5 Administration of the Chamber
The Chamber is administered by three bodies:
(1) A General Assembly composed of all members plus five representatives
of the Ministry. It elects the Board of Direction for a four-year term as
well as the Chambers representatives at the Federation and the auditor,
approves the budget, discusses the activity of the Chamber, ratifies the
Boards report and approves the Chamber regulations (Article 11).
(2) The Board of Directors composed of 18 members of which 12 are elected
by the General Assembly and six appointed by the Minister. Each of
the ten fields of activity must be represented on the Board. The Board
members elect among themselves a President, a Vice-President, a
Secretary and a Treasurer (Article 13).
(3) The Boards Bureau: this is composed of the President, the Secretary,
the Director of the Bureau and several employees selected by the Board,
as provided in the Internal Regulations established by the Assembly.
The Bureau sets the agenda of the Boards meetings, implements its
decisions and carries out the permanent management of the Chamber
Article 14). It is up to the Minister to ratify within 15 days the election
of the Board except if he finds it irregular (Article 15/2).
It is rather strange to leave it to the Minister alone to ratify the election of the
Board and his decision can certainly be annulled by the State Council at the
request of any member.
The Board must implement the decisions of the Assembly, prepare the
Chambers budget and carry out all acts which do not fall under the
competence of the Assembly (Article 16). The Minister can dissolve the Board
if it trespasses its prerogatives, violates the law or perpetrates a serious violation
of its duties. He should then convene the General Assembly to a meeting to
elect a new Board and meanwhile appoint a provisional Board pending the
election of the new one within two months (Article 17). The whole Chamber
can also be dissolved and wound up by the Minister with the approval of two
thirds of its members. Its assets are then liquidated according to the laws in
force (Article 18).
What is amazing in the absence of any law in force governing the winding
up of the Chambers assets and what is puzzling is that an elected body like
the Board should be hanging on the Ministers decision to annul it at any
time according to his own consideration. Here again, it is up to the State
Council to annul such a decision, but it would have been more legal to leave
it to the Courts to take such a serious decision, particularly since the Chambers
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are said to enjoy legal personality and financial and administrative autonomy
(Article 3).
4.6 The Federation
The Chambers of Tourism constitute the Syrian Tourist Chambers Federation
(Article 29).
(1) Prerogatives
Its prerogatives, which match those of the Chambers, also cover synchronisation
between the Chambers activities; developing tourism and investment in
the tourist private sector; establishing and implementing tourist plans and
studies; controlling training by the Chambers of new elements; holding
conferences and training sessions; participating, in collaboration with the
Ministry, in Tourism Organisations and similar international Federations
(Article 24 ).
(2) Bodies
Like the Chambers, the Federation has a General Assembly, a Board of
Directors and a Bureau. They are elected under a similar procedure illustrating
the overwhelming power of the Minister.
(1) The General Assembly is composed of the members of the Chambers
Boards (including those appointed by the Minister), those elected by
the Chambers and five members appointed by the Minister (Article
25). The Boards meetings are not legal without the presence of the
Ministers representative (Article 26/3).
(2) The Board of Directors is composed of 18 members of which 12 are
elected by the Assembly and 6 appointed by the Minister for four years
(Article 27/1).
(3) The Boards Bureau is composed of a President, a Secretary and a
Director in addition to administrative and financial officers as provided
for in the Statute of the Federation (Article 27/2). Here again, it is up
to the Minister to ratify the election of the Board within 15 days, failing
which a new Board must be elected.
(3) Budget
No donation can be accepted by the Chambers or the Federation without the
Prime Ministers approval (Articles 19/3, 20/c and 32/2).
(4) Dissolution
Here again, the Federations Board can be dissolved by the Minister if it
trespasses its prerogatives or perpetrates a serious contravention to its duties;
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and here again the Minister must appoint a provisional Board pending election
of a new one within two months (Article 34).
4.7 Statute
In addition to these prerogatives, the Minister can appoint a Constituent
Assembly to set out the statute (or internal regulations) governing the
Chambers and the Federation. The statute contains, inter alia:
(1) The rules of classification of the members.
(2) The composition of the councils representing, in each Chamber, the
ten various spheres of activities and the election of their representatives
on the Board of Directors.
(3) The composition of the Board of Directors in the training centres.
(4) The appointment and status of the employees.
(5) The number of delegates representing the Chambers in the Federation
(Article 35).
Article 37 provides that the Minister will issue the internal, accounting and
other regulations governing the Chambers and the Federation which
contradicts the provision of Article 11/a/6 granting the same power to the
Chambers General Assembly.
5 GUARDIANSHIP OF CHILDREN AND WOMENS RIGHTS
Under the Syrian law on Personal Status, the guardianship of children was
attributed to the mother until the age of 13, for girls, and 11, for boys. That
rule of Islamic law was quite detrimental to the interests of the child, who was
deprived of the affection and care of the mother at such an early age. The
mothers guardianship was therefore extended up to 15 years for girls and 13
years for boys by Law No. 18 of 25 October 2003.
It is suggested that this upper limit be extended until the age of majority
(18 years) or left to the appreciation of the Civil courts, since the Christian
Denominations are governed, from the Arab Conquest in 636, by their own
law regarding Family Law .
A Presidential decree No. 330 of 25 September 2002 has ratified the
international convention to eradicate segregation against women adopted by
the UN General Assembly as per its decision No. 34/180 on 28 December
1979 with reservations on the following provisions:
Articles 2 and 9 granting the children their mothers nationality.
Article 15/4 regarding the womans freedom of travel and residence.
Article 16, paras. 1/c, d, f and g, regarding equality during marriage and
after its dissolution with respect to tutorship, filiation, pension and
adoption.
Article 16, para. 2 on the legal effects of the childs engagement or
marriage.
The reason for those reservations is their contradiction with the provisions of
Islamic law.
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6 MARITIME LAW
6.1 Shipping agencies
On 31 July 31 1966, martial law order No. 30 confiscated the assets of the
Shipping Agencies of Mr. Mohammad Haroun-Shipco and on 30 December
1969, leg. d. No. 347 incorporated under the same denomination a State-
owned Company having the monopoly of shipping agencies in Syria (Article
1) and transferred to it all the assets and obligations of the confiscated company
(Article 3).
All ships calling at Syrian ports and all shipping companies operating in
Syria were then bound to appoint Shipco as their agent. The previous agents
had to cease their activity, although they continued to provide services to
ships calling at the Syrian ports or representing Protection and Indemnity
clubs.
On 8 September 2002, legislative decree No. 55 authorised ships and
shipping agencies transporting passengers or carrying goods to the private
sector or in transit to appoint Syrian nationals or companies as their agents as
per a licence granted by the Ministry of Transport, who would issue a decree
setting out the conditions of obtaining that licence and determining the fees
and commissions that should be paid to Shipco to put into effect the agency.
The second decree was issued on 10 September 2002 under No. 1100 and
set out the fees and commissions payable to Shipco according to the tonnage
of the ship. It was amended by decree No. 750 of 8 May 2003. On 10 September
2002, the Ministry also issued another decree No. 1101 setting the registration
conditions of an agency. That decree was later replaced by decree No. 751 on
8 May 2003. Under that last decree, the licence is granted for one year
renewable to Syrian nationals or Syrian companies entirely owned by Syrians
(Article 1). Shipowners carrying containers can freely select their agents
(Article 3). The agent represents his principal (whether shipowner, charterer
or operator) before the Authorities, the courts and third parties.
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Iraq
Sabah Al-Mukhtar*
Preface
This is the second time in ten years that I find myself driven to have a preface
to my survey. Ten years ago in 1994, when the first volume of the Yearbook of
Islamic and Middle Eastern Law first appeared, Iraq was in a unique situation
following its invasion of Kuwait and the ensuing war that devastated both Iraq
and Kuwait. Ten years ago there was a state which was almost reduced to a
U.N. mandate territory, as a result of several U.N. resolutions which came at
the rate of two a month.
Ten years on and there is no Iraq as a state. The land of the two rivers which
was called in olden times the fertile Crescent, Mesopotamia and its more
than 25 million people is less than a mandated territory. It is a territory that is
illegally occupied by the U.S. army with support from the U.K. armed forces
and smaller and mostly symbolic armies of other countries (Poland, Spain,
Korea inter alia) so that it is possible to claim that there is a coalition force
occupying Iraq.
In the closing days of 2002, the United States with support from the United
Kingdom, announced that they were to take action against Saddam Hussain
and invade Iraq on the grounds that it was a danger to International peace
and stability because it had weapons of mass destruction. The UK Attorney-
General advised HM Government that there was no need for a U.N. Resolution
to occupy Iraq.
The occupying force dissolved the army (about 400,000), all the security
services and police (about 250,000) and the ministries of Foreign Affairs,
Planning and Information (about 50,000). Additionally banned was the Baath
party, firing those who were members from their work (about 500,000). This
action alone disenfranchised almost 4 million Iraqis. The occupation was
followed by looting and destruction that destroyed the fabric of the country.
Courts, the land registry, census records, libraries, museums, every ministerial
building (except the Ministry of Oil) were destroyed, looted or burnt.
* Legal Consultant in Iraqi, Arab & Islamic Law, Arab Lawyers Network, London.
This contribution was written prior to the most recent developments, i.e. the announcement
that sovereignty would be transferred to the Iraqi people via an interim government on 30 June
2004. This has now been appointed with a Prime Minister, Iyad Allawi; a Cabinet of Ministers;
a President, Ghazi al-Yawer; and two Vice-Presidents. Its main functions will be to prepare for
elections to be held in January 2005. A U.N. Security Resolution giving effect to the new
arrangements was passed unanimously on 9 June 2004 (see post, Part III, pp. 391-398, for
full text).
210
The occupying force which calls itself the Coalition Provisional Authority
(CPA) is headed by Ambassador Bremer of the United States, who is called
Administrator. The Administrator has more powers than has had the
combined powers of all those who ruled Iraq from the British Political Resident
of the 1920s through the King (1932-1958) and the five presidents of Iraq
since then, including Saddam Hussain. He has all the Executive, Legislative
and Judicial authority.
Regulation No. 1 provides in section 1.2 as follows:
2) The CPA is vested with all executive, legislative and judicial authority necessary to
achieve its objectives, to be exercised under relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions,
including Resolution 1483 (2003), and the laws and usages of war. This authority
shall be exercised by the CPA Administrator.
The same Regulation provides that the applicable laws shall remain in force
which is consistent with the Geneva Convention protocols relating to an
occupying force. Section 2 provides:
Unless suspended or replaced by the CPA or superseded by legislation issued by
democratic institutions of Iraq, laws in force in Iraq as of 16 April 2003 shall continue
to apply in Iraq insofar as the laws do not prevent the CPA from exercising its rights
and fulfilling its obligations, or conflict with the present, or other Regulation or
Order issued by the CPA.
However, the practice is totally different. The CPA has issued Regulations that
are contrary to the Geneva Convention and changed many laws. Below are
some of the more important ones.
1 CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW
The Transitional Administration Law (TAL)
The Provisional Governing Council, which has no legal powers, being an agent
of the occupying power, is attempting to pass legislation. This is despite the
fact that the CPA has repeatedly declared that the Governing Council has no
power and is to be replaced by an Iraqi Interim Government. The main work
was to produce a Transitional Administration Law.
1
This has been done and
the final text has been confirmed. In general terms it is made up of 62 Articles.
It follows the standard structure of constitutions in use in many Arab countries,
including Iraq. Following are the main provisions:
Article 2 provides that during the transitional period (30.6.2004-
31.1.2005), TAL shall be applicable. During that period a transitional
government shall be formed, draft a constitution and hold an election
for a national assembly.
Articles 3-9 inter alia provide that: TAL shall apply throughout Iraq, Iraq
is a republic, Islam is a source of legislation, the Kurdish language may
be used throughout Iraq.
Articles 10-23 contain the basic rights which, inter alia, include: respect
for human rights and freedoms, recognition of duality of nationality.
Country Surveys
1 For full text, see post, Part III, pp. 391-417.
211
Articles 24-29 deal with the transitional government. They provide that
the organs of the state shall be made up of a presidential council, national
assembly, council of ministers and the judiciary. The powers of the federal
government are explicitly specified in Article 25. Existing laws shall remain
in force until repealed or amended, as well as those of the occupation
force (Coalition Provisional Authority, CPA). No militias shall be created
except by a federal law. The powers of the CPA and that of the Interim
Governing Council shall cease by 31.1.2005.
Articles 30-34 deal with a Provisional National Assembly which, inter alia,
provides that laws shall be made in the name of the people. They provide
that the National Assembly shall have 275 elected members who must be
at least 30 years old, have at least a secondary school certificate and who
must not have been a member of the Baath party or otherwise must sign
a declaration denouncing their past.
Articles 35-42 detail the functions and rights of the Provisional Executive
Authority, who are appointed by the Presidential Council and who are
answerable to the National Assembly.
Articles 43-47 deals with the Federal Judicial Authority whose members
are appointed by the government but is independent of it. A Federal
Court is to be set up whose jurisdiction is to determine differences
between Federal and local agencies. The Federal Judicial Authority does
not oversee the courts in the Kurdish area. Judges have immunity except
in certain circumstances.
Articles 48-51 accept that the establishment of the Special Court by the
CPA is ratified by TAL. Similarly the other entities set up by the CPA such
as the Council for the de-Baathification of Iraq and Property Claims
Commission were also accepted as ratified.
Articles 52-58 deal with matters relating to regions, local authorities and
municipalities. They provide that a system which prevents Iraq from having
a strong central government must be put in place. It recognises the
Kurdish Government as the proper authority in all the areas it controlled
as at the date of occupation (19.3.2003). The Kurdish Government shall
have full authority exclusively to operate that part of Iraq with the right
not to implement the Federal laws within the Kurdish area. Each
Govornorate will have the authority to appoint its own council, governor,
municipal councils. Article 58 addresses the questions of boundaries and
properties and repatriation and relocation of people who have grievances
or have claims that are disputed by other ethnicity such as the city of
Kirkuk, which the Kurds claim is a Kurdish city, while the Turkumans
and Arabs claim otherwise.
Articles 59-63 provide for the contents of the proposed constitution, the
manner of drafting, consultation and the referendum on its provisions
by 15 August 2005.
The CPA is hailing TAL as a model for democracy and the most advanced
constitution in the region. While certainly there is a major change from the
preceding Constitution (1970), the problems have always been in the
application and in the interpretation. Even at the time that the CPA and the
Provisional Governing Council are celebrating democracy, rule of law,
Iraq
212
accountability and human rights, they are holding more than 7,000 Iraqis
without any charge, access to legal representation or indeed even without the
basic human needs.
2 JUDICIARY
Order No. 13 established the Central Criminal Court. It provided for the
establishment of a Central Criminal Court to sit in Baghdad. It has two
chambers:
Investigative Court, and
Trial Court.
The Investigative Court has a single judge with jurisdiction over all criminal
offences. The Trial Court has three judges and has jurisdiction only when
matters are referred to it by the Investigative Court. The Order sets out the
qualification of judges amongst which is that they must have no affiliation to
the Baath party. The CPA administrators have the power to remove any judge
and the authority to appoint them. The CPA provides that the judges must be
independent and must be fair. Judges may not refuse to try a case. Hearings
are to be in public, with transcripts kept, and there must be a court registry.
The provisions are a shortened version of the provisions of the Iraqi Code
of Criminal Procedures and the Penal Code, except that this court is a specially
composed court set up by the occupying force, presumably to fulfil some
objective, as ordinary Iraqi criminal courts could be used.
To make the judiciary more acceptable to the occupying force, the CPA
issued Order No. 15 to set up a Judicial Review Committee. The Judiciary Act
of 1979 was suspended. The Committee is made up of three Iraqi and three
international members to review all judges and members of the judiciary
and to remove them from office. As a result, hundreds of judges were removed
from their post.
To further control the judiciary, a new Council of Judges was established by
Order No. 35. The Judicial Organisation Law No. 160 of 1979 and the Public
Prosecution Law No. 159 of 1979 were suspended. The new Council is headed
by the President of the Supreme Court and its members are the Presidents
and Directors General of the Public Prosecution Service and other senior
judges that have been appointed by the CPA being members. They are charged
with overseeing the work of the judges, hearing complaints, and disciplining
them when necessary.
All cases before foreign courts in which Iraq is involved were assigned to a
new Legal Department in the Ministry of Justice, in accordance with Order
No. 32. This is to replace the one that was attached to the Council of Ministers
prior to the occupation of Iraq.
The Governing Council was directed to establish a Special Court by Order
No. 48. The Court is to try Iraqis charged with crimes against humanity, war
crimes and crimes of genocide. Non-Iraqis may be appointed as judges.
Order No. 17 provides for total immunity from Iraqi legal process. Such
immunity is so wide it covers the CPA, its personnel, occupation forces, liaison
missions, contractors and companies. The immunity is in respect of any and
all matters.
Country Surveys
213
3 COMMERCIAL
Notwithstanding the Geneva Convention, which prohibits an occupying force
from changing the laws of the occupied territories, the CPA issued host of
orders doing just that.
These measures include the following:
Liberalising Iraqi trade by Order No. 12.
Issuing new currency by Order No. 43.
Setting up a Development Fund by Regulation No. 2 to deal with matters
concerning foreigners investing in Iraq.
Licensing telecommunications companies by Order No. 11.
The Central Bank of Iraq has been reorganised to be independent by
Order No. 18.
A new bank is established by Order No. 20 to deal with trade between
Iraq and the outside world with a capital of US$ 100 million. It is called
the Trade Bank of Iraq.
A new Banking Law was published as Order No. 30 to open the door for
foreign banks to open offices in Iraq.
A tax strategy has been established by the CPA as part of its function as
an occupying force in accordance with Order No. 37 Further Order No.
49 was published as the strategy for 2004.
4 LABOUR LAW
Order No. 2 dissolved tens of state entities resulting in a massive number of
people becoming unemployed. However, the CPA began establishing a new
police force, army and civil defence corps which has opened new job
opportunities.
Salaries of state employees were reformed by Order No. 30.
5 PROPERTY LAW
A number of Regulations and Orders were made to deal with property. These
include:
Regulation No. 4 for the Establishment of Iraqi Property Reconciliation
Facility.
Regulation Nos. 8 and 9 setting up Iraq Property Claims Commission
Order No. 6 deals with eviction of persons illegally occupying public
buildings.
Order No. 9 for the Management and Use of Iraqi Public Property.
The Law of Real Estate Nos. 56 of 2000 and 87 of 1979 were amended by
Order No. 29.
Order No. 25 provides for the confiscation of properties in the case of
certain crimes.
Iraq
214
6 CRIMINAL LAW
Certain provisions of the Iraqi Penal Code No. 11 of 1969 were repealed by
Order 7 of the CPA. Amendments include provisions that judges, prosecutors
and police are to enforce the CPA orders, that the penalty for those who were
members of the Baath party but were at the same time and covertly members
of other political parties would not apply. The penalty for abusing the President
of the Republic of Iraq is no longer applicable. The penalties for publication
offences are no longer applicable. More importantly, the whole chapter
containing Articles 156-219 dealing with crimes against the State, treason,
crimes against public officials and authorities are no longer applicable.
As a result, public officials, both civilian and military, became the target of
sometimes unprovoked violence, to the extent that doctors in hospitals stopped
working after a number of them were killed, injured or assaulted by patients.
Teachers and other officials who wanted or could work were abused and they
also stopped work. On the other hand, the CPA began without warrants or
due process detaining people on suspicion of being members of the Baath
party.
Capital punishment was suspended in Article 4 of the order, but revenge
killing and assassinations were being organised by various militias and
individuals. No arrests or attempt to stop these practices were made by the
CPA. The same article prohibited torture, cruel or inhumane treatment. The
CPA has detained more than 7,000 persons without access to any
representation. Reports of torture and inhumane treatment has been
repeatedly and consistently published by Iraqi as well as Western press.
Order 31 was made to address the breakdown of law and order in Iraq. The
CPA declared formally that it was a liberating force and not a police force to
keep law and order. The two most terrifying crimes were the kidnapping of
children for ransom and for kidnapping women and girls for indecent assault
and rape. The order amended the relevant provisions of the Penal Code and
Code of Criminal Procedures to impose life sentence for these two crimes.
Other provisions provided for the strengthening of sentences for destruction
of public property, utilities and for theft of vehicles and means of transport.
7 INTERNATIONAL LAW
The U.N. Security Council has issued three Resolutions in 2003 in respect of
Iraq:
UNSCR 1483 was intended to legitimise the occupation and lift the
sanctions by handing Iraq over to the United States.
2
UNSCR 1500 was passed to give legitimacy to the Provisional Governing
Council whose members were imported by the United States from outside
to rule Iraq.
3
Finally UNSCR 1511 was passed to condemn acts of violence.
4
Country Surveys
2 For full text, see post, pp. 381-387.
3 For full text, see post, p. 387.
4 For full text, see post, pp. 387-390.
215
8 EDUCATION
No orders or Regulations were made, as this subject seem to be less important
from the point of view of the CPA.
9 HEALTH
No orders or Regulations were made, as this subject seem to be less important
from the point of view of the CPA.
Iraq
216
Jordan
Hamzeh Haddad*
1 JUDICIAL AND LEGAL SYSTEM
1.1 This report appertains to the Acts published in the 2002 Official Gazette,
as per Annex I and other legal principles as enunciated by the Civil Court
of Cassation which are published in the Bar Association Journal for the
year 2002.
1.2 It is crucial to note that all the Acts contained therein are provisional in
accordance with Article 94 of the Constitution which stipulates:
(i) In case where the National Assembly is not sitting or is dissolved, the Council
of Ministers has, with the approval of the King, the power to issue provisional
laws covering matters which require necessary measures which admit of no
delay or which necessitate expenditures incapable of postponement. Such
provisional laws, which shall not be contrary to the provisions of the
Constitution, shall have the force of law, provided that they are placed before
the Assembly at the beginning of its next session, and the Assembly may approve
or amend such laws. In the event of the rejection of such provisional laws, the
Council of Ministers shall, with the approval of the King, immediately declare
their nullity, and from the date of such declaration these provisional laws shall
cease to have force provided that such nullity shall not affect contracts of
acquired rights.
(ii) Provisional laws shall have the same force and effect as laws enacted in
accordance with paragraph (ii) of Article (93) of this Constitution.
These Acts have now been referred to Parliament to deal with them in the
appropriate manner.
1.3 Court of Cassation Decision No. 1598/1999
Should there be a legislation governing a specific matter, it is impermissible to
resort to custom to derive the provisions of the law, but rather the text of the
legislation should be applied to the case at hand.
1
* Counsel and Attorney at Law, Law and Arbitration Center, Amman, Jordan.
1 Bar Association Journal, p. 389, 2002.
217
1.4 High Court of Justice Decision No. 348/2001
The Court is vested with the power of judicial review over the constitutionality of
the provisional Acts. It is competent to entertain and rule on any application for
the suspension of a certain provisional Act such as the Act pertaining to
parliamentary elections. The issuance of provisional Acts by the Council of
Ministers is not considered a sovereign act. The mere citizens and electorates and
parliamentarians or Heads of political parties does not entail that they have a locus
standi. They have to produce evidence that they have a direct and distinct interest
in the case and that they suffered as a result of the introduction of the Act and the
new administrative division of the electoral districts.
2
2 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
2.1 Reference is made to the following Acts:
(1) The Provisional National Committee for Humanitarian International Law Act
No. 63 for 2002.
(2) The Provisional National Centre for Human Rights Act No. 75 for 2002.
(3) The Provisional Amending Parliamentary Elections Act No. 27 for 2002.
2.2 Pursuant to the first Act, a National Committee for Humanitarian
International Law, a body corporate, was set up, comprising of 15 Members
distributed over a number of different walks of life ten from the Public
Sector, one from Parliament, three from the Private Sector and one from
the National Society of the Jordanian Red Crescent. The Committees
objective is to introduce, define, entrench and consolidate the principles
of humanitarian international law on the national level. In realising these
objectives the Committee should carry out the following:
(a) put in place a broad policy and programme aimed at diffusing
knowledge of, and awareness in, humanitarian international law;
(b) exchange information and experience with local, Arab and inter-
national organisations active in the sphere of humanitarian inter-
national law, including the International Committee of the Red Cross;
(c) conduct research, prepare Reports and issue pamphlets relating to
the subject matter.
(d) Participate in developing legislation pertinent to humanitarian
international law.
2.3 Pursuant to the second Act, a National Centre for Human Rights was set
up with the following aims:
(a) to strengthen principles of human rights in Jordan;
(b) non-discrimination between citizens on ground of race, language,
religion or gender;
(c) strengthen and promote democracy in Jordan;
(d) seek to induct Jordan in Arab and International Conventions
appertaining to human rights.
2 Bar Association Journal, p. 1898, 2002.
Jordan
218 Country Surveys
Amongst the Centres duties is to monitor violations of human rights and
public liberties in Jordan and to seek to put a stop on such violations.
2.4 Pursuant to the third Act pertaining to elections,
3
the following class of
persons is barred from running for elections unless he tenders his
resignation prior to election time and providing that the said resignation
is accepted by the competent authorities:
(a) employees at Ministries and other Government Departments and
Public Bodies and Corporations;
(b) employees of Arab, Regional and International Bodies;
(c) Ammans Mayor and members of the Mayoral Council and employees
therein;
(d) Heads of Provincial Councils, their members and employees therein.
2.5 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2425/2000
Resorting to court is a right that does not give the other party the right for
compensation for damages resulting from losing his case unless he [the plaintiff]
abused his right and intended to trespass on or abuse the other party.
4
2.6 High Court of Justice Decision No. 348/2001
The Court is vested with the power of judicial review over the constitutionality of
the provisional Acts. It is competent to entertain and rule on any application for
the suspension of a certain provisional Act such as the Act pertaining to
parliamentary elections. The issuance of provisional laws by the Council of Ministers
is not considered a sovereign act. The mere citizens and electorates and
parliamentarians or Heads of political parties does not entail that they have a locus
standi. They have to produce evidence that they have a direct and distinct interest
in the case and that they suffered as a result of the introduction of the Act and the
new administrative division of the electoral districts.
5
3 CIVIL LAW
3.1 Court of Cassation Decision No. 910/1999
Pursuant to the Civil Code, the age of majority is 18 full solar years; accordingly,
should a minor who has not attained that age dispose of his property, such sale
shall be rendered null.
6
3 It is worth noting that the Parliamentary women quota system was introduced in 2003 pursuant
to Regulation No. 17 for 2003 (The Official Gazette, p. 716, 2003). According to this Regulation,
six Parliamentary seats were reserved to women for one time, namely, when the first
parliamentary elections are to be held. However, it is permissible for the Council of Ministers
to extend the validity of this Regulation and apply it in successive Parliamentary elections
should public interest require so.
4 Bar Association Journal, p. 1514, 2002.
5 Bar Association Journal, p. 1898, 2002.
6 Bar Association Journal, p. 246, 2002.
219
3.2 Court of Cassation Decision No. 910/1999
Should a contract be dissolved by reason of nullity, the Parties thereto should be
restored to the position they were in prior to the contract; this entails that each of
the Parties should reimburse the other of whatever advance he received in
pursuance of the nullified contract.
7
3.3 Court of Cassation Decision No. 3396/1999
Anyone who had suffered harm as a result of a traffic accident shall be entitled to
moral damages for the deformity and handicap inasmuch as they might impact his
life and social standing.
8
3.4 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2677/1999
The detonation of a mine in the testator of the Plaintiffs renders the Ministry of
Defense and the General Command of the Armed Forces liable by virtue of being
the party who had placed the mines in the area and had failed to take the necessary
measure and precautions to stop people from coming near them and had also
failed to place warning signs. In this case, damages shall be assessed to the extent
of the damage the injured had incurred and his lost profit. Spouses and close
family members are entitled to moral compensation due to the death of the injured.
9
3.5 Court of Cassation Decision No. 772/2000
The Ministry of Education is responsible for the safety of the pupils during their
presence in the schools buildings and, accordingly, the said Ministry is held liable
for the fall of a pupil from the schools fourth floor window which had no security
irons.
10
4 CIVIL PROCEDURE AND EVIDENCE
4.1 Pursuant to Act No. 26 for 2002, which amended the original Civil
Procedure Act, a new department was set up at the Court of First Instance
to administer civil cases. This Department is comprised of a judge or more
with the following tasks:
(1) supervising the case file once it lodged at the Court;
(2) taking all necessary measures to notify the Parties expeditiously;
(3) setting a date for a Hearing and notifying the Parties thereof within
seven days;
(4) meeting with the Parties legal representatives in a Preliminary Meeting
and attempting to narrow down the points of agreement and
contention and spurring them to reach an amicable settlement to the
dispute between them;
(5) recording the settlement or any other agreement reached by the Parties
to the dispute.
7 Bar Association Journal, p. 460, 2002.
8 Bar Association Journal, p. 819, 2002.
9 Bar Association Journal, p. 1756, 2002.
10 Bar Association Journal, p. 772, 2002.
Jordan
220
4.2 Among this Acts provisions is a stipulation that authorises the judge, either
on his own accord or upon the request of either Party to the dispute, to
refer the said dispute to a mediator to settle the case amicably. The
mediator is required to issue his decision within three months from the
date of the referral, irrespective of the nature of the decision. Should the
mediator reach a settlement for the dispute, then settlement is subject to
being endorsed by the judge.
4.3 Court of Cassation Decision No. 1172/1999
In commercial matters, testimony is permitted as a means of submitting evidence
either to prove a debt or discharge therefrom. Admission by someone that he
issued promissory notes does not preclude him from proving paying their value
through testimony.
11
4.4 Court of Cassation Decision No. 310/2000
An accounting error does not nullify a judgment as long as said error is a material
one that could be rectified by the competent court pursuant to the Law of Civil
Procedure.
12
5 COMMERCIAL LAW
5.1 A number of Acts relating to commercial law were passed in Jordan; among
them are the following:
(1) The Provisional Amending Companies Act No. 4 for 2002.
(2) The Provisional Amending Lease Financing Act No. 16 for 2002.
(3) The Provisional Amending Companies Act No. 40 for 2002.
(4) The Provisional Transportation of Goods by Road Act No. 46 for 2002.
(5) The Provisional Competition Act No. 49 for 2002.
(6) The Provisional Amending Securities Act No. 55 for 2002.
(7) The Provisional Amending Oversight of Insurance Activities Act No.
67 for 2002.
(8) The Provisional Amending Companies Act No. 74 for 2002.
(9) The Provisional Amending Securities Act No. 76 for 2002.
5.2 Among the essential amendments to the Companies Act pursuant to Act
No. 4 for 2002 is its introduction of a new form of company, namely, a
private shareholding company. The main hallmark of these companies is
that they are with limited liability, in that shareholders liability is limited
to the amount of their contribution in the said company and does not
extend to their other personal assets and funds. Private shareholding
companies can be constituted by a sole person and their capital must be
no less than JD50,000 (equivalent to US$70,000). Administration of said
company is to be conducted in accordance with what the partners consent
to in its Memorandum of Association.
11 Bar Association Journal, p. 327, 2002.
12 Bar Association Journal, p. 840, 2002.
Country Surveys
221
5.3 In so far as the Lease Financing is concerned, it was unbeknown in Jordan
as a nominal contract prior to the promulgation of this Act, and its
provisions were subject to the general rules of contract. However, Act No.
16 for 2002 expressly acknowledged these types of contract and defined
them as contracts that apply to both movable and immovable property,
whereby the tenant (lessee) could enjoy the benefit of a certain property
in consideration for a rent payable to the landlord (lessor), and providing
that all risks relating to the leased property should fall on the lessee. At
the termination of the contract, the lessee shall have the option of owning
the property in return for the amounts he had already paid in rent, or any
other sums agreed upon between the lessor and the lessee.
5.4 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2486/1999
In a commercial agency contract, it is permissible for the Jordanian Agent and the
non-Jordanian Principal to agree to refer any dispute to arbitration outside Jordan
and to apply a foreign law to the said dispute.
13
5.5 Court of Cassation Decision No. 1965/1999
Any person who had suffered harm as a result of the using of his commercial name
without his permission, shall have the right to claim damages; this applies to both
natural and corporate persons.
14
6 LABOUR LAW
6.1 Two Acts have been passed during 2002, namely:
1. The Provisional Amending Labour Act no. 51 for 2002.
2. The Provisional Amending Labour Act no. 60 for 2002.
6.2 Among the basic provisions contained in the first Act is one relating to
the impermissibility, generally, of making someone work more than 8 hours
a day or 48 hours a week, rest and food breaks not included; however, it is
permissible to spread out the weekly working hours and rest times and
food breaks provided that it does not exceed a daily total of 11 hours.
6.3 Court of Cassation Decision No. 3378/1999
Labour Law has exempted from its application a class of workers, namely, domestic
servants, gardeners, cooks, and their likes. A private chauffeur does not differ from
a personal servant as far as the inapplicability of the provisions of labour Law on
them is concerned.
15
6.4 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2462/1999
There are no provisions in the Commercial Law that regulate letters of guarantee;
accordingly, the Court shall derive them through inference, judicial precedents,
13 Bar Association Journal, p. 348, 2002.
14 Bar Association Journal, p. 452, 2002.
15 Bar Association Journal, p. 1668, 2002.
Jordan
222
jurisprudence and the dictates of justice and equity. The Court of Cassation has
settled the principle that the guarantor banks obligation is independent from the
guarantees obligation. The letter is self-sufficient and no foreign element has any
bearing on the contents thereof once the amount falls due. The amount subject to
the guarantee is fixed and due upon issuance of the said letter by the bank and its
receipt by the beneficiary.
16
7 PROPERTY LAW
No (major) changes have occurred under this title.
8 INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY
8.1 Court of Cassation Decision No. 428/2000
The refusal to register a Trademark, DUMBO, to a certain individual on ground
that it is identical and similar to the Trademark, DUMBO, which is owned by Walt
Disney Company, and is registered under its name in a host of countries around
the world, is in accordance with the law.
17
9 FAMILY LAW
No (major) changes have occurred under this title.
10 CRIMINAL LAW AND PROCEDURE
During the year 2002, a number of Acts have been passes, namely:
10.1 (1) The Provisional Military Penal Act No. 30 for 2002.
(a) The Provisional Military Criminal Procedure Act No. 31 for 2002.
(b) The Provisional Formation of Military Courts No. 32 for 2002.
(2) The Provisional Amending Penal Act No. 33 for 2002.
(3) The Provisional Amending Drugs and Mental Influences Act No. 13
for 2002.
11 PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW
11.1 Jordan has joined and/or signed a number of international Treaties and
Conventions, both multilateral and bilateral, of which are:
16 Bar Association Journal, p. 1718, 2002.
17 Bar Association Journal, p. 106, 2002.
Country Surveys
223
Subject Page No. Issue No. Issue Date
A Treaty for Free Commercial
Exchange between Jordan and Kuwait 1107 4538 1/4/2002
Provisional Act No. 12 for 2002 The
Ratification of the Basic Law of the
International Criminal Court 1285 4539 16/4/2002
An Agreement to set up a Free Trade
Zone between Jordan and Syria 1728 4542 1/5/2002
Jordans Membership of the
International Centre for Genetic
Engineering and Vital Technology
in Italy 2437 4549 2/6/2002
A Treaty of Cooperation in the Sphere
of Higher Education and Science
between the Ministry for Higher
Education and Scientific Research in
Jordan and the Ministry of Education
and Science in Ukraine 2505 4549 2/6/2002
Commercial Treaty between Jordan
and Slovenia 2814 4551 16/6/2002
A Treaty Appertaining to Legal and
Judicial Cooperation between Jordan
and Algeria 2958 4553 1/7/2002
Ratification of the Documents of the
International Postal Union 3381 4556 16/7/2002
The Treaty on Economic and
Commercial Cooperation between
Jordan and Ukraine 3382 4556 16/7/2002
A Treaty on Commercial Navigation
between Jordan and Syria 3609 4558 1/8/2002
The International Treaty on Plant, Food
and Agricultural Genetic Resources 3618 4558 1/8/2002
Cooperation Treaty between The
General Agency for Youth and Sport in
Bulgaria and the Supreme Council for
Youth in Jordan 3646 4558 1/8/2002
Treaty for Cultural Cooperation
between Jordan and Slovenia 3906 4560 15/8/2002
Jordan
224
11.2 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2426/1999
A bilateral or a multilateral treaty enjoys a higher status than domestic law and
shall prevail in the event of a contradiction between the two, and there is no
room for the reciprocity argument as long as there is no such provision in the
treaty.
18
11.3 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2426/1999
The JordanianSyrian bilateral treaty has barred both Parties thereto from
imposing any duties or internal taxes on industrial goods exchanged between
them that exceed the duties and taxes imposed on identical goods produced
locally or on their raw materials. And since locally manufactured clothing is exempt
from taxes, it is impermissible to impose sales tax on clothing imported from
Syria.
19
12 PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW
12.1 Court of Cassation Decision No. 2549/1999
A competent court may not enforce a foreign judgment in Jordan if it is satisfied
that one of the following instances are present, namely, if the judgment is not
final and still subject to appeal; if the judgment is repugnant to public order in
Jordan; if the Party against whom the judgment was passed was not notified of
the judgment and did not appear before the court that passed the judgment.
The onus of proving any of the above instances falls on the Party against whom
the judgment was passed. On the other hand, law did not require the courts to
refuse an application to enforce a foreign judgment if the country that had passed
the judgment does not sanction the enforcement of judgments passed by
Jordanian courts, but left it to the courts discretion.
20
13 TAXATION
A new Act amending the Public Sales Tax Act No. 6 for 1994 was passed,
namely the Public Sales Tax Act No. 25 for 2002.
14 PRINTING AND PUBLICATIONS
No (major) changes have occurred under this title.
Country Surveys
18 Bar Association Journal, p. 1788, 2002.
19 Bar Association Journal, p. 1788, 2002.
20 Bar Association Journal, p. 433, 2002.
225
ANNEX I
1. The Provisional Amending Securities Act No. 67 for 2002.
2. The Provisional National Centre for Human Rights Act No. 75 for 2002.
3. The Provisional Amending Companies Act No. 74 for 2002.
4. The Provisional Amending Orphans Fund Development Foundation Act No. 73
for 2002.
5. The Provisional Amending Passengers Public Transportation Act No. 72 for 2002.
6. The Provisional Visual and Audio Media Act No. 71 for 2002.
7. The Provisional Amending Municipalities Act No. 70 for 2002.
8. The Provisional Amending Jordanian State Universities Act No. 69 for 2002.
9. The Provisional Amending Formation of the Ordinary Courts Act No. 68 for 2002.
10. The Provisional Amending Oversight of Insurance Activities Act No. 67 for 2002.
11. The Provisional Amending Roads Act No. 66 for 2002.
12. The Provisional Amending Tourism Act No. 65 for 2002.
13. The Provisional Amending Public Electricity Act No. 64 for 2002.
14. The Provisional National Committee for Humanitarian International Law Act No.
63 for 2002.
15. The Provisional Amending Jordanian State Universities Act No. 62 for 2002.
16. The Provisional Amending Civil Retirement Act No. 61 for 2002.
17. The Provisional Amending Labour Act No. 60 for 2002.
18. The Provisional Amending Postal Savings Fund No. 59 for 2002.
19. The Provisional Amending Urban and Rural Development Bank No. 58 for 2002.
20. The Provisional Amending Civil Defence Act No. 75 for 2002.
21. The Provisional Amending Jordanian Investment Corporation Act No. 56 for 2002.
22. The Provisional Amending Securities Act No. 55 for 2002.
23. The Provisional Amending Public Health Act No. 54 for 2002.
24. The Provisional Amending Traffic Act No. 53 for 2002.
25. The Provisional Amending Juvenile Act No. 52 for 2002.
26. The Provisional Amending Labour Act No. 51 for 2002.
27. The Provisional Amending Protection of National Production Act No. 50 for 2002.
28. The Provisional Competition Act No. 49 for 2002.
29. The Provisional Jordanian Media Act No. 48 for 2002.
30. The Provisional Amending Jordanian Maritime Authority No. 47 for 2002.
31. The Provisional Transportation of Goods by Road Act No. 46 for 2002.
32. The Provisional Amending Education Act No. 45 for 2002.
33. The Provisional Agriculture Act No. 44 for 2002.
34. The Provisional Jordanian Institute of Diplomacy Act No. 43 for 2002.
35. The Provisional National Commission for Industrialization Act No. 42 for 2002.
36. The Provisional Exemption from Public Funds Act No. 41 for 2002.
37. The Provisional Amending Companies Act No. 40 for 2002.
38. The Provisional Amending Jordanian Medical Council No. 39 for 2002.
39. The Provisional Amending Immovable Property Provisions Act No. 38 for 2002.
40. The Provisional Amending Municipalities Act No. 37 for 2002.
41. The Provisional Amending Enforcement Act No. 36 for 2002.
42. The Provisional Appended Act to the General Budget Act No. 35 for 2002.
43. The Provisional Amending Jordanian State Universities Act No. 34 for 2002.
44. The Provisional Amending Penal Act No. 33 for 2002.
45. The Provisional Formation of Military Courts No. 32 for 2002.
46. The Provisional Military Criminal Procedure Act No. 31 for 2002.
47. The Provisional Military Penal Act No. 30 for 2002.
48. The Provisional Amending Orphans Fund Development Foundation Act No. 29
for 2002.
Jordan
226
49. The Provisional Amending Aqaba Special Economic Zone Act No. 28 for 2002.
50. The Provisional Amending Parliamentary Elections Act No. 27 for 2002.
51. The Provisional Amending Civil Procedure Act No. 26 for 2002.
52. The Provisional Amending Public Sales Tax No. 25 for 2002.
53. The Provisional Amending Lease and Sale of Immovable Property for Non-Jordanian
Persons and Entities Act No. 24 for 2002.
54. The Provisional Amending Antiquities Act No. 23 for 2002.
55. The Provisional Act for the Repeal of the Institution for Agricultural Marketing
Act No. 22 for 2002.
56. The Provisional Amending Jordanian Nursing Council Act No. 21 for 2002.
57. The Provisional Amending Institute for Investment and Development of National
Resources Act No. 20 for 2002.
58. The Provisional Amending Jordanian Radio and Television Corporation Act No.
19 for 2002.
59. The Provisional Act for the Repeal of the Ratification of the Agreement on Economic
Cooperation and Regulating Commercial Exchange between Jordan and Syria Act
No. 18 for 2002.
60. The Provisional Amending Civil Status Act No. 17 for 2002.
61. The Provisional Amending Lease Financing Act No. 16 for 2002.
62. The Provisional Amending Ratification of the Concession Agreement Concluded
between Jordan and the National Petroleum Company Ltd. Act No. 15 for 2002.
63. The Provisional Amending Union of Veterinarians Act No. 14 for 2002.
64. The Provisional Amending Drugs and Mental Influences Act No. 13 for 2002.
65. The Provisional Ratification of the Basic Law of the International Criminal Court
Act No. 12 for 2002.
66. The Provisional Amending Juvenile Act No. 11 for 2002.
67. The Provisional Amending Professional/Vocational Licensing for the City of Amman
Act No. 10 for 2002.
68. The Provisional Amending Professional/Vocational Licensing Act No. 9 for 2002.
69. The Provisional Amending Communications Act No. 8 for 2002.
70. The Provisional Amending Petra Zone Authority Act No. 7 for 2002.
71. The Provisional Amending Education Act No. 6 for 2002.
72. The Provisional Amending Postal Services Act No. 5 for 2002.
73. The Provisional Amending Companies Act No. 4 for 2002.
74. The Provisional Amending Accounting Bureau Act No. 3 for 2002.
75. The Provisional Appended Act to the General Budget Act No. 2 for 2002.
76. The Provisional Appended Act to the General Budget Act No. 1 for 2002.
Country Surveys
227
Palestine
Anis Al-Qasem*
1 RELATIONS WITH ISRAEL AND THE PEACE EFFORTS
Activities of the Palestinian National Authority have continued to be greatly
hampered and its authority eroded by the continued Israeli restrictions on
the movement of President Arafat and meetings of the Palestinian Legislative
Council, the continuous Israeli military incursions and activities into territories
supposed to be under the exclusive control of the Palestinian authorities,
assassinations, curfews, blockades, destruction of homes, uprooting of trees,
arrests and detention of more and more Palestinians, with the figure now
exceeding 7,000 detained without charge or simply under administrative
detention. Attempts to free the detainees produced the release of a score of
individuals who had been sentenced to imprisonment for ordinary crimes
and those sentences had almost expired. The trial of the most famous detainee,
Marwan Bargouthy, had continued.
On 30 April 2003, a press statement from the Office of the Spokesman in
Washington announced, in agreement with the United Nations, Russia and
the European Union, what has become known as the Road Map
1
based on
a vision, declared by President Bush, of a two states solution to the Palestinian-
Israeli conflict. This was seen as a new vision, although it has been declared
by the U.N. General Assembly in its Partition Plan back in 1947, with the
active support of the United States administration of the time. Be that as it
may, the Road Map, which envisaged return to the 1967 boundaries and
termination of Israeli occupation, was accepted by the Palestinians, while Israeli
acceptance was made subject to a number of provisos. This Road Map was
later adopted by Resolution 1515 of the Security Council. However, like
previous proposals, no implementation saw the light of day, and conditions
on the ground have continued to deteriorate. The situation was further
aggravated by Israels activity, contrary to the Road Map and the Mitchell Plan,
previously accepted by Israel, of the expansion of existing Israeli settlements
in Palestinian territories and the creation of new ones, and more recently,
by the construction of the security barrier, or wall which, on completion,
* Barrister and Consultant on the Laws of the Middle East, London.
1 For full text, see post, Part III, pp. 430-434.
228
would have annexed, according to U.N. reports, about 16 per cent of the
West Bank and would make the creation of a viable Palestinian state, as
envisaged under the Road Map, almost impossible.
On 21 October 2003, the U.N. General Assembly, after the Security Council
has failed to agree because of another U.S. veto, took up the question of this
wall, and adopted a resolution deeming the construction of the security
barrier illegal under international law and called upon Israel to stop and
reverse construction. The voting on this resolution was 144 for, 4 (United
States, Israel, Micronesia and the Marshall Island) against and 12 abstentions.
Israel immediately declared its rejection of the resolution, and continued
construction. On 8 December 2003, the U.N. General Assembly adopted, by
more than a two thirds majority, a resolution to refer to the International
Court of Justice the question of the legality of the wall.
2
The Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation has also continued and is
now approaching the end of its fourth year. The three cease-fires declared by
the Palestinian resistance groups produced no similar response from Israel,
and the waves of terror and counter-terror continued.
Meanwhile, a private initiative, known as the Geneva Accord,
3
by some
Palestinians and Israelis, was launched in December 2003. The initiative
attempted to offer solutions to outstanding questions and was presented by
its authors as complementary to the Road Map. The initiative was immediately
rejected by Sharon and many Palestinians, though listened to by the U.S.
Secretary of State who met some of its authors in Washington. This initiative,
like other previous attempts and agreements, suffers from a fundamental
weakness: by not adhering to international legality, as declared by the U.N.
General Assembly and Security Council in their numerous resolutions on the
question of Palestine, it lacks the legal foundation for its acceptability and, in
fact, it gives legality to serious violations of those resolutions, particularly on
questions such as Israeli settlements, and the annexation of Jerusalem, both
declared illegal by the Security Council, and the right of refugees to return to
their homes. None of the agreements, proposals or initiatives, so far, has
attempted to give effect to these resolutions, although lip service reference is
frequently made to them, and that remains a basic failure to provide a
permanent solution to the problem.
4
2 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
There had been no constitutional developments to report, after the President
had promulgated the Basic Law and, later, the amendments thereto creating
the office of a prime minister. The first prime minister, Mahmoud Abbas, Abu
2 For documents regarding the wall, see post, pp. 419-428. See also Part IV, pp. 495-506.
3 For full text, see post, pp. 435-456. The main authors (protagonists) are Mr. Yosi Beilin (on
the Israeli side) and Mr. Yasser Abd-Rabbo (on the Palestinian side).
4 This contribution was written before the most recent developments involving Sharons plan
of a so-called withdrawal from the Israeli settlements in Gaza and the continuing targeted
assassinations of Hamas leaders and the attacks, killings and demolitions in Rafah (see post,
p. 428).
Country Surveys
229
Mazin, was appointed in March 2003, and his government won the confidence
of the Legislative Council. However, Abu Mazin had to submit his resignation
primarily because of disagreement with the President over the control of the
security services, loss of support of Palestinian public opinion and a lack of
positive steps on the part of Israel, which had been insisting on the appointment
of a prime minister and welcomed the appointment of Abu Mazin, to alleviate
the suffering of the Palestinian civilian population. A new prime minister,
Ahmad Qurei, Abu Ala, was appointed in September 2003, and made a
meeting with Israels prime minister conditional upon his fulfilment, on a
reciprocal basis, of the obligations under the Road Map and the removal of
restrictions on President Arafat. The new prime minister urged, and succeeded,
in getting the various Palestinian resistance groups to meet for the purpose of
declaring another cease-fire, conditional upon Israel doing the same. The
groups met in Cairo, under Egyptian sponsorship but, on 7 December 2003,
when the talks ended, they declared their agreement not to attack Israeli civilian
targets, while they disagreed on other points, including a common political
platform. Israel refused the conditions laid down by the Palestinian prime
minister for a meeting with Prime Minister Sharon and, in response to the
talks in Cairo, declared that it would only be ready to reduce the level of its
activities in the Palestinian territories, but not to cease such activities. The
situation has thus remained deadlocked.
3 LEGISLATION
The Legislative Council passed a Water Law, Jerusalem (the Capital) Law, and
the Banking Law. All of these have been signed by the President. More
legislation is in the pipeline, but the disruptions caused by Israel have frequently
prevented the Legislative Council from holding its meetings and conducting
its business. Attempts to use modern technology to overcome obstructions
on holding physical meetings have been made, but even these were frequently
hampered by curfews which prevented members from reaching video-camera
sites. Thus, the Council was able to hold only eight meetings in the period
from 5 September to 31 December 2002.
It is noticeable that more and more individual members of the Council
have been active in introducing private members bills, probably because of
the lack of a proper government legislative programme.
4 PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
ELECTIONS
Presidential and Legislative Council elections were held in 1996 and, according
to the Elections Law, the term of both the President and the Council was for
the interim period, which, according to the Oslo Declaration of Principles,
should have ended on 4 May 1999. Nevertheless, the President and the Council
have continued to exercise their powers to the present. On 10 September
2002, the President issued a decree setting 20 January 2003 as a date for general
elections. However, on 22 December 2002, the Palestinian leadership issued a
Palestine
230
statement postponing the elections indefinitely because of Israeli continued
incursions into Palestinian areas, sieges, curfews and restrictions on movements
of Palestinians, which made the holding of proper elections impossible. These
impediments and hurdles have continued and no date has yet been fixed. In
the meantime, a Committee has been working on making recommendations
for a new Electoral Law, and a Draft Electoral Law continues to be discussed
in the Legislative Council.
Country Surveys
231
Lebanon
Nayla Comair-Obeid*
Lebanons position at the crossroads between Asia, Africa and Europe, its
long tradition of a liberal economy, full currency convertibility, free movement
of capital and a solid and well-developed banking system, allowed it in the
past to develop as a major trade hub in the region. The long years of war and
its aftermath having tarnished this image, Lebanon is now eager to restore
and further develop these unique characteristics. In this context, the present
legal framework offers a relatively sound and secure basis for all types of
commercial transactions, although some laws have failed to adapt to changing
local and international circumstances. However, the special Reform Committee
at the Ministry of Justice is presently revising those outdated parts of the legal
framework.
The major problem of Lebanon lies in its heavy indebtedness. The Paris II
Conference, as well as the conclusion of the Euro-Med Association Agreement,
represent important steps in helping Lebanon tackle this issue.
After the Paris II Conference, the Government had to meet two priorities:
implementing economic reform and advancing on privatisation. Lebanon had
already started to develop a privatisation policy for many service sectors owned
by the public sector, such as telecommunications, electricity, Tobacco Regie,
water distribution, ports, M.E.A. etc; but there has been no political consensus
over the form and type of their privatisation: should the Lebanese government
entrust the private sector with the management and operation of these service
sectors while their ownership remains in the hands of the public sector, or
would it be a partial or total leasing or a selling of the public assets to the
private sector? It is possible to have more than one formula. In the meantime,
an institutional reform is being carried out to restructure these services and
improve their operational efficiency.
In line with the economic and financial reforms, the Association Agreement
with the Euorpean Union represents a vital cornerstone in Lebanons trade
liberalisation strategy.
The Euro-Med Agreement consists of financing technical assistance,
involving support for the modernisation of administration and related public
* Doctor of Laws, Professor of Law at the Lebanese University and Attorney, Beirut Bar.
232 Country Surveys
institutions, the liberalisation of trade, the exchange of knowledge and
experience and staff training and support. This Agreement aims at providing
an appropriate framework for political dialogue between EU member countries
and Lebanon, establishing the conditions for the liberalisation of trade in
goods, services and capital and promoting trade and social, economic and
cultural cooperation. The ultimate objective of partnership is the creation of
an Euro-Mediterranean free trade area by 2010.
It is also a step in the right direction towards Lebanons accession to the
WTO where Lebanon has had observer status since January 1999. Furthermore,
Lebanon has commenced tariff dismantling with regard to the Greater Arab
Free Trade Area. Consequently, Lebanons trade liberalisation policy will
inevitably render it a primary trade centre in the region and a central
intersection between the Greater Arab Free Trade Area and the Euro-
Mediterranean Free Trade Area.
Law No. 403 dated 5 June 2002 ratified Lebanons adhesion to the
Washington Convention, which became effective for Lebanon on 25 April
2003. Adhesion to ICSID aims to facilitate the settlement of investment disputes
between governments and foreign investors in view of helping promote
increased international investment.
In conclusion, no important legislative reform was carried out this year in
Lebanon, but many important decisions were rendered by the Lebanese Courts
in different fields, as detailed below.
1 CIVIL LAW
1.1 Court of Appeal decision: the preferential right is a personal right
1
The appellant requested that the registration of the estate, in her name, be
imposed on the respondents, arguing that she exercised the preferential right
stipulated in the co-ownership regulation. The judgment has raised the issue
of determining the effects of breaching the preferential clause, as stated in
the rules of building administration.
The Court ruled that both doctrine and jurisprudence currently admit that
the contract of preference constitutes a promise to tender contract, by priority,
to the promisee, and should the promisor fail to meet his promise, he will be
bound by a contractual liability which consists in a compensatory relief and
not in giving the thing. Thus, the obligation is an obligation to do and not an
obligation to give, i.e. to transfer ownership; as such, the right of preference
is not a chattels real but a personal right.
Therefore, the appellant cannot be vested with any right to deprive the
purchasers, i.e. the respondents, of their ownership in case the promisor
fails to comply with the right of preference. The lawsuit is, thus, due to be
rejected.
This judgment corroborates the jurisprudence position which considers
the right of preference as a personal right that entitles, if breached, to a right
1 Beirut Court of Appeal, Tenth Chamber: judgment delivered on 15 January 2003.
233
for compensation but not to the right of forcing the failing vendor to transfer
the estates ownership to the party who exercised the right of preference.
This is one of the rare decisions issued on the subject, as the Lebanese
courts have, up to now, dealt with the preferential right from the angle of the
right of pre-emption. This decision came to give the preferential right an
independent qualification from the right of pre-emption, considering it as a
personal right, whereas pre-emption is an option right that has been provided
for exclusively in Article 238 of the Code of Property Ownership.
1.2 Court of Appeal, decision on the masked donation and its provisions
2
A contract was concluded before the notary public between a mother, the
vendor, and her son, the purchaser, aiming at the sale of the ownership without
usufruct, reserving to herself usufruct as long as she lives.
The two contracting parties stated that the price indicated in the contract is
the real one and that the vendor cashed it totally; they also stated that, on the
conclusion of the contract, the mother was 75 years old and in quite a bad
state of health; she had been living at her sons house for two years. Facts
reveal also that, at her death, the mother did not have any significant sum of
money and that the amount indicated in the contract was still in the purchasers
house.
Based on these facts, the Court used its discretionary power providing its
proper qualification of the contract and ruled that, in this case, there is a
gratuitous cession of the mothers inheritance portion in favour of her son.
This cession had been given the form of an onerous sale contract whereas, in
fact, it constitutes a gratuitous cession: the relationship is between an old
mother and her son who offered his services; such cession induced a donation
from the mother to her son.
The Court has given a re-qualification of the contracts nature based on
Article 270 of the Code of Civil Procedure (CCP) which provides that the
qualification of the facts and the determination of the contracts nature do
not fall within the competence of the parties or witnesses but fall within the
competence of the courts. The facts belong to the parties, but it is up to the
judiciary to give the right qualification to legal acts, unless both parties agree
on a specific qualification, which is not established in this case.
Since this contract conceals a donation, it should thus be submitted to the
legal provisions related to the wills free portion, as provided for in Article 59
of the inheritance law for non-Muslims, dated 23 June 1959, in view of
safeguarding the rights of the privileged heirs.
The Court did not base its decision on the sale contract, but on the
presumption of kinship, in order to re-qualify the concluded contract as being
a donation, since the contractual relation binds an ascendant with a
descendent, i.e. a mother with her son. The novelty in this decision is that the
Court has based its decision on a presumption of intention to qualify the
contract of sale as donation.
2 Beirut Court of Appeal, Tenth Chamber: judgment delivered on 2 April 2003.
Lebanon
234
2 CIVIL PROCEDURE
2.1 Court of Appeal decision: judicial competence to hear cases not related
to mahr (dower)
3
The appellant (wife) and the respondent (husband) contracted marriage
before the Jaafarite religious court, and agreed that the mahr (dower) to be
offered by the husband would be a residential apartment. The husband
registered the apartment, the object of the case, in the appellants name.
Later on, a dispute arose between them on the apartments ownership,
pushing the wife to resort to the judicial courts. The husband alleged the
incompetence of judicial courts to deal with cases related to mahr issues, these
latter being of the sole competence of the religious courts.
The Court of Appeal ruled that this case comes within its competence, as it
is not related to mahr. In fact, although qualified as a mahr at first, the said
apartment had lost this qualification since its registration in the wifes name
and the lawful devolution of its ownership through registration in the Real
Estates Register, making it acquire the full qualification of real property.
Consequently, since the apartment entered into the wifes assets, disposing of
it amounted to disposing of a real property and not of a mahr.
This decision is important as it distinguished between matters relating to
personal status, which are for the Islamic religious courts jurisdiction, and
matters relating to real property, which are for the judicial courts jurisdiction.
The criterion of this distinction is the registration in the Real Estates Register.
The said registration has a constituent effect resulting in changing the mahr
into a real property which will then be under the judicial courts jurisdiction.
2.2 Court of Appeal decision: claim for restitution of the case file
4
Upon a claim filed before the Court of Appeal, requesting the latter to restitute
an irrevocable judgment it had previously delivered, the Court of Appeal
confirmed in its decision, delivered on 9/6/2003, the principle of judgment
restitution, despite the fact that no legal text provides for it in the Lebanese
legislation. The claimant alleged that the Lebanese Court of Cassation and
the Appeal Board for Expropriation in Southern Mount-Lebanon, had
previously allowed such a recourse for many judgments and that conditions
for restitution were met in the present case.
Having admitted the principle of restitution, the Court of Appeal set a narrow
framework and conditions to allow such a claim, which are:
The unavailability of any other means of recourse as to the judgment for
which restitution is claimed.
The judgment must include a procedural error.
3 Beirut Court of Appeal, Tenth Division: judgment No. 235/2003, delivered on 19 February
2003.
4 Beirut Court of Appeal, Eleventh Division: judgment No. 855/2003, delivered on 9 June 2003.
Country Surveys
235
The above-mentioned error shall not be an ordinary error that may be
corrected in the way a common error is corrected, as stipulated in the
law.
The procedural error must affect the lawsuit.
The procedural error does not ensue from an act of the party claiming
restitution.
The Court justified its acceptance of the recourse for restitution of the
judgment on the grounds that this ensures equity and puts an end to the
prejudice and injustice resulting from an irrevocable judgment. However, the
Court refused the restitution of the judgment in this case for non-fulfilment
of the required conditions for re-examination.
The Court of Appeal focused on the fact that only a procedural error, and
not a legal error, could justify restitution of the judgment.
2.3 Lebanese Court of Cassation decision: renvoi or restitution
5
In its judgment delivered on 21 January 2003, the Court of Cassation rescinded
the decision of the Court of Appeal hearing arbitration cases, which rejected
a request for the annulment of an arbitral award.
Instead of ruling directly on the case, as per Article 734 of the Code of Civil
Procedure, the Court of Cassation delivered a judgment ordering the renvoi
(remand) of the file to the Court of Appeal, so that it examines the disputes
issue within the mission fixed to the arbitrator.
This judgment gave rise to the doctrines criticisms and set forth, for
discussion, a so far indisputable issue which is the renvoi after cassation.
Some authors wondered whether the documents transfer to the Court of
Appeal, for the latter to look into the merits of the dispute, is considered
from a legal point of view as a renvoi or is it a mere file restitution?
It should be mentioned that the renvoi is not provided for in the Lebanese
legislation, unlike France where the legislation enjoins the Court of Cassation
to proceed, after cassation of a judgment, to its renvoi to a different Court of
Appeal from the one which rendered the dismissed judgment. Things went
differently in the present case where the Court of Cassation, without examining
the merits of the case, restituted the file to the same Court of Appeal which
had rendered the dismissed judgment. It thus declined the claim in rescission
of the arbitral award without examining the said award.
Therefore, the file restitution cannot be qualified as renvoi, in a juristic
sense of the word, which supposes the transfer of the dismissed judgment,
previously settled by a Court of Appeal, to another court of the same degree
to re-examine it.
In the present case, the file having been transmitted to the same court to
which it had previously been submitted, the said court had only declined the
claim in rescission of the arbitral sentence without ruling on its merits.
Therefore, the renvoi conditions are not met and the judgment is a mere file
restitution by the Court of Cassation to the Court of Appeal.
5 Court of Cassation decision, Fifth Division: judgment No. 11/2003, issued on 21 January 2003.
Lebanon
236
3 ARBITRATION
3.1 Council of State, judgment No. 447/2002-2003 issued on 15/4/2003:
validity of the arbitral clause inserted in the BOT contract
The dispute between the Lebanese State and one of the contracting parties
involved in the execution of a BOT contract was submitted to arbitration by
virtue of the arbitral clause included in the contract. The arbitral tribunal
delivered an award considering that public institutions may resort to arbitration
and that, furthermore, Article 809 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CCP)
had to be applied in the present case, owing to the connection of the arbitration
case with international trade interests. The claimant requested that, on the
basis of Article 795 of the CCP, the executive formula be given to the arbitral
award by the President of the Council of State, but the latter dismissed the
request.
The President of the Council of State based his decision on the fact that the
BOT contract is an administrative contract, therefore the dispute cannot be
settled by arbitration according to the prevailing administrative doctrine and
jurisprudence
6
and that, moreover, it is irrelevant to apply Article 809 of the
CCP, authorising the State and other legal public entities to resort to
international arbitration in issues concerning international trade interests,
because the application of this Article is restricted to contracts concluded by
the State when submitted to Private Law, which is not presently the case.
Furthermore, it is not possible to invoke Article 762, clause 2, of the CCP,
amended by Law No. 440 dated 29/7/2002, which empowered the State and
public entities to resort to arbitration, whatever the nature of the contract,
since the BOT contract was enforced prior to the date of promulgation of this
Law.
This decision has once again confirmed the jurisprudence position that
prevailed before the promulgation of Law No. 440 dated 29/7/2002,
considering that public entities are not authorised to resort to arbitration for
administrative contracts it concluded, because this would mean a waiver of
their sovereignty. Nevertheless, Law No. 440 authorised public entities to resort
to arbitration for administrative contracts, but only after authorisation by the
Council of Ministers.
6 Refer to judgment No. 2000-2001/639 dated 17/7/2001 delivered by the Council of State in
the dispute opposing the Lebanese State with FTML and LIBANCELL companies.
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237
4 CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW
4.1 The Council of State unanimously delivered an irrevocable judgment in
the recourse filed by the Maronite League against naturalisations, and
entrusted to the Ministry of Interior the task of re-examining the decree
and clearing it from its deficiencies. Judgment delivered on 7/5/2003
7
Nine years after promulgation, in 1994, of the naturalisation decree, the
Council of State remanded it to the Ministry of Interior in order to take action
with regard to the maintenance of nationality of whoever was entitled to it,
and withdrawing it from those who were not entitled. This ensued from a
final and irrevocable judgment delivered by the Council of litigation within
the Council of State, supreme instance in the administrative justice, subsequent
to the recourse that had been filed the same year by the Maronite League.
In the light of the Council of States judgment, it is for the Ministry of
Interior to reconsider each naturalisation file separately, revoke the decrees
that wrongly granted nationality to certain persons, or to persons having
acquired it by fraud or forgery, or decrees considered as seriously violating
the Lebanese Constitution or legislation.
The importance of this judgment lies in the fact that, on the one hand, it
did not invalidate the naturalisation decree and it did not, on the other hand,
dismiss the recourse of the Maronites League; rather, it adopted another way
which is the remanding of the file to the competent authority, i.e. the Ministry
of the Interior, for it to proceed to making the necessary amendments
according to four criteria, which are:
refusing Lebanese nationality to any person who does not fulfill the
required conditions to obtain it, or to the person who wrongly obtained
it;
disqualification of the person who obtained the nationality by fraud or
falsification;
non-violation of the Constitution, with regard to the requisites of
coexistence and avoiding foreigners settlement; and
the excessive violation of the law, such as the granting of nationality to
persons indicted in criminal judgments.
The most important juridical issues decided by this judgment are the following:
Consideration of the decree granting nationality as an administrative act
subject to the control of the Council of State, and not as a governmental
act that is not subject to any kind of control.
Admitting that the collective interest of the Maronite League entitles
the latter the right to contest the decree of naturalisation.
7 Judgment of the Council of State delivered on 7 May 2003.
Lebanon
238
5 COMMERCIAL LAW
Beirut Court of Appeal, third division, Judgment No. 1404/2003 issued on
9/10/2003.
5.1 Effect of publication in the Register of Commerce
The election of a new chairman of the Board of Directors entrusts him with
the capacity to represent the company as of his election, since the publication
in the Register of Commerce, even though mandatory, does not have a
constitutive effect but is meant as merely providing information for third parties
about the content of the publication; thus the powers and capacity of the
chairman of the Board of Directors are not linked to the publication of the
minutes of his election but to the very fact of his election as president.
5.2 Extent of application of the principle of publicity in arbitration issues
Lebanese law, which provides in Article 533 of the CCP for the necessity to
have judgments publicly pronounced, did not require this condition for arbitral
awards. Indeed, the rule of publicity which is a basic principle for legal
proceedings before the courts as it enables citizens, in the name of which
judgments are delivered, to be informed of their content, is not and cannot
be applied in arbitration, which is a special justice where secrecy is very often
required and proceedings carried out away from the public: this is the nature
and essence of an arbitration.
This decision deals with two important issues:
(1) The first one relates to the effect of publication in the Register of
Commerce: it confirms that publication in the said Register has a
declaratory and not a constituent effect. Thus the Register of Commerce
is a mere book in which the traders names are written down, together
with the main information that ought to be known about them to sustain
confidence and commercial trust and make this information available
to third parties. Consequently, the publication of the minutes of election
of the Chairman of the Board of Directors does not grant the latter a
capacity to represent the company, but it results in making this fact
available to third parties.
(2) The second issue relates to the publicity principle which is inapplicable
in an arbitration procedure. This is justified by the fact that arbitration
constitutes a special form of dispute settlement where the parties
themselves choose their own judges to settle their dispute, instead of
submitting it to the courts of their country. Therefore, as arbitration
springs from the parties will, it belongs to them alone to be
acknowledged of the arbitral award, since only they are concerned
thereabout.
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239
6 ENVIRONMENTAL LAW
On 29 July 2002, Law No. 444 was issued on environment protection. It
fixed a general legal framework for the implementation of the national
environment protection policy, and the prevention of all forms of
degeneration, pollution, and nuisance, and their containment, and the
promoting of a continual use of natural resources in order to safeguard a
healthy and stable life sphere, environment wise (Article 1).
The law also determined modes of keeping environmental milieus, i.e. the
coast, earth, maritime environments and soil, away from pollution. It also
determined how to prevent the effects of dangerous and harmful chemicals
and the possibility of fighting sonic nuisances and turmoil.
It also defined, for each Lebanese region, the modes of exploitation of
natural resources and safeguarding of biological species.
It enabled, as well, to take into consideration the provisions of the Code of
Obligations and Contracts, and those of the Penal Code, while tackling the
issue of their infringement, and determined the sanctions that may be imposed
in such cases.
7 PENAL LAW
Law 553: Addition of a new Article to the Penal Code in respect of
terrorism financing
On 20 October 2003, Article 316-bis was added to the Penal Code issued on
1/3/1943, wording as follows:
Whoever proceeds, intentionally and by any direct or indirect means, to finance or
contributes in financing terrorism or terrorist acts or terrorist organisations, shall
be condemned to hard labour for a period of not less than three years and not more
than seven years, and to a fine that shall not be less than the paid amount and shall
not exceed triple this amount.
8 BANKING LAW
8.1 Interim resolution dated 21/11/2003, setting Regulations of the
Centrale des Risques
All leasing companies operating in Lebanon are bound to notify to the Centrale
des Risques the cash facilities they grant to their customers.
8.2 Law No. 547, dated 20/10/2003, amending Law No. 318 dated
20/04/2001.
Article 1 of the Law No. 318, dated 20/04/2001, providing for ways to prevent
money laundering, has been substituted by the following provisions: illicit
Lebanon
240
funds means, under the present law, various kinds of money deriving from
the perpetration of one of the following offences:
(1) The cultivation, manufacture or trade of narcotic drugs.
(2) Acts undertaken by evil groups, as stipulated in Articles 335 and 336
of the Penal Code and internationally recognised as organised crime.
(3) Acts of terrorism, as stipulated in Articles 314, 315, 316 of the Penal
Code.
(4) Financing or taking part in financing terrorism or terrorist acts as defined
in the Lebanese Penal Code.
(5) Illegal trade of weapons.
(6) Crimes of robbery or spoliation of public or private funds with malicious
conduct, or by forgery or breach of trust against banks and operating
financial institutions.
(7) Counterfeit of money, credit and debit cards, Treasury bills or bills of
exchange, including cheques.
8.3 Decision issued by the Governor of Banque du Liban on 17 September
2003 concerning the amendment of the Rules for the supervision of
financial and banking operations
In conformity with the Law No. 318, dated 20/4/2001 (prevention of money
laundering), especially Article 5 thereof, and based on the provisions of the
basic decision 7818, dated 18/5/2001, related to the Rules for the supervision
of financial and banking operations in order to prevent money laundering,
the Governor of the Banque du Liban decided to replace the above-mentioned
Rules.
All banks and financial institutions operating in Lebanon shall have to ensure
the following:
(1) Ascertain the identity and activities of their correspondents and make
sure, when dealing with them for the first time, that they really exist.
(2) Exercise a control over the operations undertaken with their agents, in
order to avoid engaging in money laundering operations.
(3) Ascertain the agents identity and identify the party entitled to the
economic right (the real beneficiary) of the intended operation.
(4) The necessity for specialised administrative bodies to control some
operations with the aim of combating money laundering.
(5) All banks and financial institutions operating in Lebanon shall institute
a special commission made up of the General Manager, the Risks
Manager, the Operations Manager and the Treasury Manager. They
shall also institute a compliance unit which will have to ascertain that
all procedures, laws and regulations in force are being complied with.
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241
9 BILATERAL AGREEMENTS
9.1 Agreement between the Lebanese Government and the Federation of
Belgium and Luxemburg, aiming at the promotion and protection of
bilateral investments (Law No. 454, issued on 29/08/2002).
9.2 Agreement between the Government of the Lebanese Republic and
the Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on the protection
and encouragement of mutual investment (Law No. 511, issued on
16/08/2003).
9.3 Agreement for the encouragement and protection of mutual
investments between the Lebanese Republic and the Kingdom of Holland
(Law No. 508, issued on 16/07/2003).
9.4 Loan Agreement between the Lebanese Republic and the Kuwaiti Fund
for Arab Economic Development to contribute in the financing of
educational Premises in Beirut (Law No. 552, issued on 20/10/2003).
10 ACCESSION TO MULTILATERAL TREATIES
10.1 Euro-Mediterranean Convention
On 12 December 2002, Parliament approved Law No. 474, whereby the
government was allowed to ratify a Euro-Mediterranean Convention that
establishes a partnership between the Lebanese Republic, the European Union
and the member states thereto, signed in Luxemburg on 17/06/2002.
By virtue of this Convention, a partnership between Lebanon and the
European Union is established, aimed at:
Securing a suitable frame for a political dialogue between the two parties
in order to develop relationships, at all levels deemed necessary by the
parties.
Defining the conditions for a progressive liberalisation of the trade of
goods, services and capital.
Boosting trade and widening harmonious economic and social
relationships between the parties, through dialogue and cooperation, in
order to reinforce the development and prosperity process of Lebanon
and its people.
Promoting cooperation in the economic, social, cultural, financial and
monetary fields and in all other fields of common interest.
This convention emphasises that relations between the two parties be governed
by principles of democracy and the protection of fundamental human rights,
as stipulated in the international Declaration of Human Rights.
Lebanon
242
Libya
Mustafa El-Alem*
1 CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW
1.1 Reorganisation of the Secretariat of the General Peoples Committee
(GPC)
1
Popular administration means, under Libyan law, that all the administrative
units are administered by popular committees to be selected directly by the
Libyan citizens.
The General Peoples Committee (G.P.C.) is the highest administrative unit,
the equivalent to a council of ministers.
The G.P.C. is composed of the secretaries of the general committees
entrusted with the administration of different sectors (such as finance, foreign,
affairs, justice, etc.). Each general peoples committee is equivalent to a
ministry. The secretary of each committee is equivalent to a minister.
According to the resolution of the General Peoples Congress
2
issued on
6 March 2003, the Secretariat of the G.P.C. is to be reorganised as follows:
(1) Secretary of the G.P.C. (equivalent to a Prime Minister).
(2) Assistant Secretary of the G.P.C..
(3) Assistant Secretary for Production Affairs.
(4) Assistant Secretary for the Armed Services.
(5) Secretary of the G.P.C. for Justice and Public Security.
(6) Secretary of the G.P.C. for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.
(7) Secretary of the G.P.C. for Planning.
(8) Secretary of the G.P.C. for Finance.
(9) Secretary of the G.P.C. for Economy and Trade.
(10) Secretary of the G.P.C. for Tourism.
* Attorney at Law before the Libyan Supreme Court.
1 Previous reorganisation was surveyed in this Yearbook, Vol.6 (1999/2000) p. 227.
2 The General Peoples Congress is the highest legislative authority.
243
1.2 Administrative contracts
A new Administrative Contracts Regulation (A.C.R. ) came into force on 17
May 2002 repealing the Administrative Contracts Regulation which was issued
in 1994 (see Yearbook, Vol. 2 (1995), p. 185).
This new Regulation adopts the same structure and is in six parts as was the
old Regulation. It also adopts the same articles and provisions with some minor
amendments, in addition to some new provisions which introduced certain
legal innovations concerning foreign contracting parties which are worthy of
note.
The most important innovations are the following:
(1) A foreign party contracting with the Libyan Administration is entitled
to transfer a portion of the contract price to a transferable currency
according to the rate of exchange defined by the Central Bank of Libya
at the date on which the transfer is effected.
(2) The transferable portion shall amount to a percentage of the contract
price. For example, this percentage should not exceed 25 per cent of
the price of building contracts and contracts for the construction of
roads inside the cities. It should not exceed 40 per cent in contracts for
the construction of bridges.
(3) The contracts concluded for the study and performance of special and
strategic projects relating to very major scientific techniques shall be
exempted from the said percentage. Such exemption is to be decided
by a resolution issued by the G.P.C.
(4) The new Regulation imposes on the foreign contracting party certain
obligations such as:
employment of native technical workers not less than 25 per cent of
the total technical manpower, and at least 50 per cent of the non-
technical manpower.
Training a number of native workers not less than 20 per cent of the
total manpower working in the project which is the subject of the
contract.
The use of local products such as building materials, such as sand,
marble, bricks, etc. and materials totally or partially made in Libya
unless such local products or materials are not available.
The use of local means of transportation unless such means are not
available.
Allocation of at least 2 per cent of the contract price for the purposes
of advertising the project subject matter of the contract. This
percentage is to be deducted from the contract price and transferred
to the sector of mass media.
Transfer of all the rights of the technical knowledge know how
concerning the project when the administrative party so requests.
Both parties shall negotiate the arrangements for such transfer.
Investing a portion of the contract price in projects inside Libya. This
investment may be carried out only by the contracting party or in
participation with other investors when the administrative party so
requests. Funds invested accordingly shall be subject to the Foreign
Capital Investment A.C.T.
Libya
244
2 CIVIL PROCEDURE
Act No. 4/1371 came into force on 13 June 2003.
According to the provisions of this Act, Libyans are allowed to institute
lawsuits in Libyan courts against foreign states claiming compensation for
injuries caused by the illegitimate acts of such states whether those acts are
performed by the state itself or by individuals assisted or supported by the
state.
It is no matter whether the said acts occurred inside Libya or abroad, before
or after the coming into force of this Act.
This new competence of the Libyan courts is based on the principle of
reciprocity, i.e. the Libyan courts may adjudicate claims against a foreign state
only when the laws of such state allow the adjudication of claims against the
Libyan state.
The Libyan laws shall be applied to the events subject to this Act, irrespective
of the place where they occurred.
The claims subject to Act No. 4/1371 shall not extinguish by the elapse of
time.
3 FOREIGN CAPITAL INVESTMENT ACT
Act No. 5/1426 on the Encouragement of Foreign Capital Investment came
into force on 29 May 1997. It was surveyed in Vol. 4, 1997-1998, p. 305, of this
Yearbook. Some amendments and additions have been made to this Act by
virtue of Act No. 7 (1371) which came into force on 13 June 2003 which can
be summarised as follows:
(1) Local capital owned by Libyans may participate in the investment with
the foreign capital. The executive regulation of this Act sets out the
bases and rules of such participation.
(2) The investment project shall not be obliged to adopt any of the legal
forms prescribed by the valid Libyan legislation.
(3) The executive regulation sets out the legal forms to be adopted by the
investment projects that may be established under this Act, and the
rules to be followed for such establishment.
(4) The investment projects shall not be subject to registration in the
commercial, industrial, importers and exporters registers. The
executive regulation shall set forth the procedures to be followed for
registration in the investment register prepared for this purpose.
(5) The investment project shall enjoy the independent moral personality
upon registration in the investment register.
4 INSURANCE LAW
Article 6 of Act 28 (1971) pertaining to motor car insurance has been amended
by virtue of Act No. 44 (1369) which came into force on 29 March 2001.
3
3 See Libyan survey in this Yearbook, Vol. 8 (2001-2002 ), p.187.
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245
The said Article 6 has been amended again by virtue of Act No. 8 (1371)
which came into force on 13 June 2003.
Accordingly, the insurer is obliged to pay the sum of insurance to the injured
person in case of bodily injury. In case of death, the compensation must
be paid to the parents, children and spouse of the victim. It should be
distributed among them in proportion to the damage suffered by each one of
them.
The sum of compensation shall cover the material and moral damage,
and should not exceed the maximum limits to be prescribed by resolution of
the G.P.C.
5 PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW
By virtue of Law No.18/1371 which came into force on 13 June 2003, Libya
has ratified the following international convention and protocols prepared
by the United Nations:
Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and
Registration of Marriages.
Convention on Facilitation of International Maritime Traffic (FAL) 1965.
International Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage
(CLC) 1969.
International Convention on Tonnage Measurement of Ships
(TONNAGE) 1969.
Convention on Cooperation Regarding Patents 1970.
Convention on the International Regulations for Preventing Collisions
at Sea 1972 (COLREGS).
International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships 1973,
as modified by the Protocol of 1978 relating thereto (MARPOL 73/78).
International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue (SAR) 1979.
The 1988 Load Lines Protocol concerning the International Convention
on Load Lines 1966.
Optional Protocol on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
against Women 1989.
The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All
Migrant Workers and Members of their Families 1990.
The 1992 Protocol Modifying the International Convention on the
Establishment of an International Fund for Compensation for Oil
Pollution Damage (FUND).
Convention on the Prevention of Chemical Weapons 1993.
Protocol for the Protection of the Mediterranean Sea against Pollution
Resulting from Exploration and Exploitation of the Continental Shelf
and the Seabed and its Subsoil (Offshore Protocol).
Amendments to Section 2 to Article 43 of the Convention on the Rights
of the Child.
The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety 2000.
Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography 2000.
Libya
246
Protocol against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms,
their Parts and Components and Ammunition 2000.
The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime
and its Protocols 2000.
Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air,
supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational
Organised Crime 2000.
Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPS) 2001.
Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001.
Convention on the Prevention of Nuclear Experiments 1996.
Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict
2002.
The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish the Trafficking in Persons,
especially Women and Children 2002.
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247
Sudan
John Wuol Makec*
Soon after the acquisition of political power in Sudan on 30 June 1989 by the
Salvation Government, extensive legislation in the field of basic laws was
undertaken. Many previous laws were either amended or repealed and new
ones were enacted in conformity with the political objectives of the regime.
This period of extensive legislation continued up to the end of 1998. From
1999 to 2002, legislation largely concentrated on the promulgation of special
or departmental laws. Few amendments of basic laws or laws of general
application were carried out from 2000 to 2003. Important amendments made
during the stated period are the subject of the survey hereunder.
1 CRIMINAL PROCEDURE
(CRIMINAL PROCEDURE ACT 1991)
In the year 2002, amendments were made to sections 19, 39, 108 and 188 of
the Criminal Procedure Act 1991.
1.1. Section 19
Prior to 1991, the system of pre-trial in criminal cases was vested in courts or
with magistrates. This system was inherited from the Code of Criminal
Procedure 1925. But in 1991 pre-trial procedure was removed from the courts
and conferred on prosecution attorneys in the light of the new political
objectives. Prosecution attorneys are government lawyers in the Ministry of
Justice, which was formerly known as the Attorney-General Chambers. These
lawyers conduct the system of prosecution before courts in criminal cases.
Section 19 confers on the prosecution attorney:
(a) The supervisory power
(i) over the progress of criminal cases; and
(ii) their investigation;
* Justice of the Supreme Court, Khartoum, Sudan.
248
(b) Jurisdiction to direct the charge and conduct of prosecution before the
(criminal) court.
When the prosecution attorney exercises the authority conferred on him
by section 19, he has all the powers which regulate the investigation of criminal
cases under the Act (i.e. the Criminal Procedure Act 1991). But there are
excepted powers. In other words, section 19 expressly precludes from the
prosecution attorney power(s) to:
(i) obtain judicial confession from an accused person,
(ii) make the renewal of arrest made against an accused person, and
(iii)issue an order for the general search to be carried out by the police in
specific residential areas.
The amendment (which was made in section 19) preserved the bulk of its
original provision. The essence of this amendment was, however, the omission
of the excepted powers. In effect, the powers to obtain judicial confession,
make renewal of arrest and order a general search were removed from section
19.
It was, in fact, originally unnecessary to mention, under section 19, the
powers which were excluded from those (powers) conferred on the
prosecution attorney. There can never, of course, be a limit to powers which
are excluded from the prosecution attorney. Express mention of excepted
powers is just the same as their omission. Accordingly the mention of excluded
power did not add anything new to the original provision of section 19 and so
the amendment was justified.
1.2. Section 39
Before its amendment, section 39 had only one clause. But after the
amendment, the section has two clauses. The original provision of section 39)
conferred, on the prosecution attorney, the power to carry out the
investigation. Alternatively, it conferred this power for investigation on the
criminal police; but under the supervision of the prosecution attorney
in accordance with the provisions of the Act (i.e. the Criminal Procedure
Act 1991).
In the year 2002, the original provision was retained as clause (1), while the
new provision becomes clause (2). This new clause confers the power on the
prosecution attorney to conduct an investigation or complete it whenever he
deems it necessary, according to the circumstances. When the prosecution
attorney carries out the investigation or completes it, he may exercise the
functions or powers of a criminal police investigator.
1.3. Section 108
Section 108 of the Criminal Procedure Act 1991 contained a single provision
before its amendment in 2002. The amendment added to the section two
new clauses (sections 108 (2) and (3)). The original provision became clause
(1) when the amendment was made.
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249
Section 108, in fact, constitutes an exception to the provisions of sections
106 and 107 of the same Act, which prohibit the release of persons accused of
the commission of certain serious offences or crimes, for example, the
commission of the offence of gasus
1
unless the release would not result in
some danger or breach of public tranquillity.
Further, section 107 (1) prohibits the release on bail of a person accused of
the commission of a crime or an offence related to public property, or a
dishonoured cheque unless the accused person deposits, in court, an amount,
which is not less than the one for which he or she is charged.
Before the provisions of clauses (2) and (3) are considered, it may be
necessary to set out the original provision of the section, which is now clause
(1) (after the amendment).
(a) Section 108 (1)
Clause (1) provides:
Not with-standing the provisions of sections 106 and 107, a person accused for the
commission of any other crime may be released whenever he has made an undertaking
or provided surety, unless in the opinion of prosecution attorney or judge, on his
own volition or upon a written recommendation made by police in charge, he is
likely to escape or that his release may be detrimental to the course of his
investigation.
The phrase any other criminal act, in section 108 (1) means crime other
than any one of the crimes mentioned in sections 106 and 107 of the Act.
But on the face of section 108 (1), it is doubtful, in the absence of an express
provision or indication, whether it is the prosecution attorney or judge or
police officer in charge who has the power to release the arrested person
after he has given an undertaking or provided surety. However, this doubt
seems to have been indirectly answered in clause (1) and clause (2). This is
explained a little more in paragraph (b) below.
(b) Section 108 (2)
Under clause (2) of section 108, the police in charge of the station may release
an accused person charged with the commission of a crime mentioned in
Schedule 3 attached to this law, but only in the absence of a prosecution
attorney or judge. In such circumstances, the police in charge must, within 24
hours from the time of arrest, submit the case diary to the prosecution attorney
or judge. The prosecution attorney or judge may order a re-arrest of the
accused if he deems it fit.
It is implied under clause (2) that the person to release the accused under
clause (1) is the prosecution attorney or judge. It is further expressly indicated
under clause (2) that the police in charge can only order the release of a
person accused of the commission of a crime under Schedule 3 and only in
the absence of the prosecution attorney or judge. It means that the police in
1 Spying.
Sudan
250
charge have no power to release a person accused of any one of the crimes in
Schedule 3 if the prosecution attorney or judge is present. Further, the
submission of a case diary to the prosecution attorney or judge within 24
hours confirms that the police in charge have no power to release or arrest a
person or continue his or her detention. The police, of course, would not be
required to make a written recommendation against release if they had power.
(c) Section 108 (3)
Clause (3) prohibits the police officer in charge from releasing any arrested
or re-arrested accused person in execution of an order issued by the
prosecution attorney or judge; or an order made by any one of them for the
renewal of his or her (i.e. accused) detention.
It has already been shown in clause (2) that the powers of the police officer
in charge are limited. He or she may release a person accused of any of the
crimes specidfied in Schedule 3 only in the absence of the prosecution attorney
or judge. Even when he or she has made such release he must submit a case
diary to the prosecution attorney or judge within 24 hours from the time of
arrest. His act may be reversed. Hence if the police officer has no power or
has a very restricted power only in specific cases, he or she cannot be expected
to disturb an order issued by prosecution attorney or judge. The wisdom behind
the incorporation of the contents of clause (3) is doubtful since the police
officer receives and executes orders from the prosecution attorney or judge.
1.4. Section 188
The Criminal Procedure Act 1991, at the time of its enactment, conferred on
the Supreme Court or Appeal Court, under section 188, the power of review.
This power entitles the Supreme Court or Appeal Court to act on is own
volition or on written request submitted to it by one of the parties, to call for
judicial proceedings of any criminal case or suit before any criminal court
within its jurisdiction for the purpose of review. The objective of the review is
to enable the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal to ascertain the correctness
of judicial proceedings, or the possibility of attainment of justice by that court
(i.e. the criminal). After the review of judicial proceedings of a criminal case,
the Supreme or Appeal Court may make any necessary order.
The section in effect confers a supervisory role on superior courts to guide
subordinate courts towards the achievement of justice in the early stages of
the suits. Justice must not be achieved only in the final stages of judicial
proceedings or trial by passing a correct decision. The procedure must also
be fair. Justice must not only be done, but must be seen to be done.
Prior to the amendment of section 188 the legislative authority realised
that it is not enough to exercise a supervisory role over the subordinate courts
through the power of review but it is also essential to ensure the attainment of
justice in the Supreme Court, which is the highest judicial authority in the
land. A mechanism for making revisions to the decisions of the Supreme Court
became necessary.
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251
Clauses (1), (2) and (3) were therefore added to section 188 for this purpose.
The original provision, which confers powers of review, was retained. The
additional clauses provide as follows:
(1) The Chief Justice may nominate a panel of five judges of the Supreme
Court for the purpose of revising its decision when it appears to him
that such decision (of the Supreme Court) violates principles of sharia
law or that it constitutes a mistake in the law or its application. The
panel decision is passed by the majority of its members (judges).
(2) The formation of the panel for revision must consist of a majority of
judges who did not take part in the decision which is subject to the
revision.
(3) Revision must be made within a period of 60 days commencing from
the second day the applicant obtained notice of the judgment, subject
to revision, if he was not present in court when the judgment was
delivered.
The words: Review and Revision, apart from in section 188 of the Criminal
Procedure Act 1981 (amended 2003), also appear in other laws. There is
judicial review in the Constitutional and Administrative Cases Act 1996
(amended 1997). Revision is also embodied in section 215 of Civil
Procedure Act 1983. It may, therefore, be necessary to explain the differences
or similarities in the meanings of review and revision under these laws.
These will be discussed under the following headings:
(1) Distinction between review and revision under section 188 of the
Criminal Procedure Act 1991 (C.P.A.) (amended 2002).
(2) Review under section 188 of the Criminal Procedure Act 1991, and
(judicial) review within the provisions of the Constitutional and
Administrative Cases Act 1996 (amended 1997).
(3) Revision under section 188 of Criminal Procedure Act 1983 and
revision under section 215 of the Civil Procedure Act 1983.
(1) Review and revision under section 188, C.P.A. 1991
The differences between review and revision under section 188 may be
stated as follows:
(a) in exercise of the review power, the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal
calls for judicial proceedings for the mere purpose of examination in
order to ascertain the possibility of achieving justice or the correctness
of the proceedings in the trial by the Criminal Court.
On the other hand, in case of revision it is not the Revision Panel which
calls for case papers or the decision of the Supreme Court to be revised. It
is the Chief Justice who has the initial decision for the revision of the decision
of the Supreme Court when he fears that such a decision may have violated
the principles of sharia law or the law. The purpose of revision is to correct
the violation of the sharia rules or the law.
(b) In case of review, the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal may act in
exercise of its inherent power. Hence in exercise of this power, it may
on its own volition call for judicial proceedings even if no request has
been made by one of the parties.
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But in case of revision, the Revision Panel has no inherent power. The call
for revision comes, as stated above, from the Chief Justice. Unlike the
Supreme or Appeal Courts, the Revision Panel has no permanent existence.
It is an ad hoc body created only for the purpose of revising a particular
decision of the Supreme Court and then it automatically ceases to exist
(after making its decision). Hence, since the Revision Panel comes into
existence when convened by the Chief Justice it has no inherent power to
call for case papers to carry out revisions.
(c) When the Supreme Court of Court of Appeal carries out the review of
judicial proceedings it does not make its decision on the merits of the
suit, but in the case of revision, the Revision Panel must make its decision
on the merits of the suit or the case.
(d) Review is carried out by the Supreme or Appeal Court before the
Criminal Court (below) has passed its final decision on the merits of
the suit. On the other hand, revision cannot be carried out before the
Supreme Court has passed its final decision on the merits of the suit.
The Revision Panel may come into existence only after the Supreme
Court has passed its final judgment.
(e) Review may be carried out at any time before the criminal or lower
court has passed its final judgment. But revision must be exercised within
a fixed period of 60 days, as indicated early.
(2) Review under the Criminal Procedure and Administrative Laws
(a) In case of review under section 188 of the Criminal Procedure Act 1991,
the Supreme Court of Court of Appeal calls for judicial proceeding in
exercise of its inherent power or when a request has been submitted to it
by one party. But the administrative court under the Constitutional And
Administrative Cases Act 1996 (amended 1997) calls for case papers before
administrative authority for (judicial) review only when a written objection
has been submitted to it by an aggrieved party. In other words, the
administrative court has no inherent power to call for case papers.
(b) The Supreme Court of Court of Appeal under section 188 of the Criminal
Procedure Act 1991 calls for case papers or judicial proceedings before a
final decision or judgment has been passed on the merits by the criminal
court concerned. Judicial review under administrative law, however, is
exercised by the administrative court after the highest administrative
authority has passed its final decision on the merits of the dispute.
(c) Review of judicial proceedings before a criminal court does not require
the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal to determine or decide on the
merits of the suit. On the other hand, review or judicial review under the
Constitutional and Administrative Cases Act 1996 (amended 1997),
requires the administrative court to make its decision on the merits of the
case or legal dispute.
(d) The Supreme Court or Court of Appeal under section 188 of the Criminal
Procedure Act 1991 (amended 2002), may exercise review at any time
before the final decision is made on the case by the criminal court. There
is no time limitation for exercise of this power. But (judicial) review is
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exercised by the administrative court within a period of 60 days
commencing from the date of publication of that decision in the Official
Gazette or on the date the applicant (i.e. the aggrieved party) received
the notice of that decision (i.e. whichever case is early).
(3) Revision under the Criminal Procedure and Civil Procedure Laws
It should be noted that the objective and requirements for revision under
both laws (i.e. section 188 of Criminal Procedure Act 1991 (amended 2002))
and section 215 of the Civil Procedure Act 1983, are substantially the same.
The objective and requirements for revision under these sections may be
summed up as follows:
(a) In both laws the objective of revision is to prevent or correct the violation
of principles of sharia law. But one of the differences between the
provisions of the two laws is that section 188 of the Criminal Procedure
Act expressly extends the power of revision to cases in which a mistake
in law or its application has been committed in the decision subject of
revision. On the other hand the provisions of section 215 of the Civil
Procedure Act do not expressly make such extension. However, judicial
decisions made after the incorporation of the power of revision in section
215 extended the revision to cases where a mistake in the law or its
application has been made by the Supreme Court in the decision which
is subject to revision. These judicial decisions held that any violation of
the principles of sharia law equally constitutes a violation of the law
and vice versa.
2
It follows that the power of revision must be extended to
such cases (violation of the law of sharia rules).
The amendment of section 188 of the Criminal Procedure Act 1991,
in the year 2002 (which, in fact, came after the extension of the revision
power in section 215 of the Civil Procedure Act 1991, to cases of violation
of law) had to extend the power of revision in criminal cases to cases of
mistake in the law or mistake in the application of law in the light of the
authority of the stated judicial decision.
(b) In both laws, a revision panel of five judges of the Supreme Court is
convened by the Chief Justice (to correct the violation of sharia rules
or law).
(c) In both sections the decision which is the subject of revision, must have
been passed by a panel of Supreme Court judges.
But there is an apparent difference between the provisions of the
two sections. Unlike section 215 of the Civil Procedure Act 1983, section
188 of the Criminal Procedure Act 1991 does not expressly provide for
the finality of the decisions of the Supreme Court. As a consequence
of this silence, section 188 does not show or state that the revision under
it constitutes an exception to the principle of finality of the decisions
of the Supreme Court.
Despite the silence of s. 188, it is implicit from the constitution of the
courts (i.e. criminal division) that the decisions of the Supreme Court
are final because there is no other appellate court above it.
2 See case of Syrian Club v. Kabab Co. Ltd. (1995-1998) SLJR 60.
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However, the finality of the decisions of the Supreme Court (civil or
criminal divisions) is currently put to the test by the new concept adopted
by the Constitutional Court, which was set up in 1998 under the
Constitutional Court Act 1998. This Court has always assumed
jurisdiction to review (or revise) decisions of the Supreme Court
(whether criminal or civil), a fact that has always been contested by
advocates or criticised by many lawyers and some judges. The concept
is that all laws are part of the state Constitution. Hence any violation of
law by a decision of the Supreme Court violates the Constitution. From
this concept it follows that the decisions of the Supreme Court must be
subject to review by the Constitutional Court. The revision power extends
to cases covered by private law.
(d) Under both laws the time limitation for the exercise of the power of
revision has been prescribed as 60 days (as previously stated).
2 JUDICIARY (JUDICIARY ACT 1986, AMENDED)
Provisions of the Judiciary Act 1986 were revised up to the year 2000. In the
year 2003, section 30 of the Act was amended by adding two clauses to regulate
the appointment of special judges. There are now two categories or types of
judges appointed under the Act and these are:
(a) ordinary judges who are appointed under section 22; and
(b) special judges appointed under section 30. While the ordinary judges
are appointed by the President of the Republic upon the
recommendation submitted to it by the High Judiciary Council, special
judges are appointed by the Chief Justice.
2.1. Appointment of Ordinary Judges
Under the provisions of section 22 of the Judiciary Act 1986, the President of
the Republic appoints the Chief Justice, deputies to the Chief Justice, Judges
of the Supreme Court, judges of the Court of Appeal, judges of the General
Courts (i.e. Provincial judges) and judges of the District Court. He also has
power to remove them from their posts.
There are two types of conditions for the appointment of judges:
(a) General Conditions for appointment in judicial posts
General conditions for appointment of a person in a judicial post are
provided under section 23 of the Judiciary Act 1986. A person must be:
(i) A Sudanese of sound mind.
(ii) At least 25 years of age for the post of District Judge; 30 years of age
for Provincial Judge; 35 years of age for an Appeal Court judge and
40 years of age for a Supreme Court Judge.
(iii) A holder of a (law) degree from a recognised (i.e. by Sudan)
university.
(iv) Of exemplary conduct and of good reputation.
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(b) Other (special) conditions of appointment in judicial posts
Other (or special) conditions of appointment for judicial posts are
prescribed for various courts. These conditions are set out in section 25
for the Supreme Court, section 26 for the Appeal Court, section 27 for
the General (Province) Court, section 28 for the District Court and
section 29 for legal assistants. In other words these sections define other
conditions for appointment of persons to various courts, ranging from
the Supreme Court to the post of legal assistant.
The common requirements in these sections are summed up as
follows:
(i) specific provision of professional class or group of persons from
whom appointment may be made, and
(ii) the fixing of minimum period of legal experience in case of persons
to be appointed outside the Judiciary.
2.1.1. Persons from whom appointment may be made
As stated above, appointments may be made within or outside the judiciary as
follows:
(a) Appointment of persons outside the judiciary:
Appointment may be made from within the judiciary, from the Judges
of the succeeding Court (i.e. the next Court below).
(b) Appointment outside the judiciary:
Appointment of persons outside the judiciary may be made from the
following persons:
(i) Previous judges from the same court for which the appointment is
being made, or previous judges from the succeeding court (or the
next court below);
(ii) Legal counsellors from the Ministry of Justice (i.e. lawyers from
the Attorney-General Chambers);
(iii) Advocates;
(iv) Teachers of law from recognised (by Sudan) universities.
2.1.2. Minimum period of experience
Minimum period of experience in the legal profession is necessary in case of
appointment of persons outside the judiciary. The candidate or person
appointed from outside the judiciary must have at least served in the legal
profession for a period of 18 years. But previous judges of the same court or
of succeeding court are exempted from this condition.
2.2. Appointment of Special Judges (section 30)
As stated earlier the Chief Justice has power under section 30 of the Judiciary
Act 1986 to appoint special judges. Prior to the amendment made in 2003,
section 30 contained two clauses, namely clauses (1) and (2). The provision
of these clauses are considered hereunder:
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CLAUSE (1)
First, clause (1) confers power on the Chief Justice to appoint special judges.
Secondly, the clause provides qualifications of persons who may be appointed
as special judges. These qualifications are:
(i) Experience;
(ii) Capability;
(iii) Confidence of the Chief Justice. This means that the person must enjoy
the confidence of the Chief Justice, and further;
(iv) The person to be appointed must be a Sudanese citizen.
There is no indication in the section that the experience and capability have
been acquired through the legal profession. It follows that the Chief Justice is
free to appoint experienced and capable citizens from outside the legal
profession. He may, for instance, appoint former administrators or retired
police officers. In fact the Chief Justice, has from time to time, appointed
professional administrators or retired police officers under this authority.
The Chief Justice may also appoint by this clause a special judge as first or
second grade and must state specifically the District Court in which he will
carry out his functions.
CLAUSE (2)
Clause (2) provides, in general, that the decree for appointment of special
judges must state the conditions of his employment. But since the clause does
not specifically mention the conditions, the Chief Justice has the discretion to
state what he thinks will be the conditions of employment. In this respect, it is
not clear whether the conditions of employment for special judges will always
be uniform.
It appears that these observations were realised by the proponents of the
amendments, which were made in 2003. This can be noted in clauses (3) and
(4) of section 30. But the relationship between conditions of employment in
clauses (1) and (3) poses a question.
CLAUSE (3)
Clause (3) specifies the conditions or the category of persons from whom the
Chief Justice may appoint special judges. Appointment is made from groups
of legal professionals as referred to in sections 25-29 of this Act. The Chief
Justice must also observe the minimum period of experience as prescribed in
these sections (i.e. sections 25-29). The amendment took note of experience
in the legal profession for a reasonable period.
But the question is: what is the relationship between clause (1) and clause
(3)? Clause (1) in fact had not been repealed. Hence, the next question is
whether the Chief Justice is free to choose to appoint special judges according
to conditions (or qualifications ) in clause (1) or clause (3)?
CLAUSE (4)
Clause (4) provides that:
The contract for appointment of special judges, in accordance with clause
(3), must prescribe the functions to be exercised by the concerned judges.
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The contract must also fix the period and conditions of employment.
Prescription of conditions of employment in the contract is not, of course,
new because it is already provided for in clause (2). The new elements in
clause (4) are:
(i) The fixing of the period of employment; and
(ii) The mention of functions of special judges in the contract of
employment. This indicates that the contract of employment must
expressly provide the functions to be exercised by the special judge.
Clause (1) merely assumes the existence of functions to be carried out by the
special judge.
2.3. Power to create or convene a special court
While the Chief Justice has power, under section 30 of the Judiciary Act 1986
(amendment 2003), to appoint special judges, he also has power, under section
10(e) of the Act, to create or convene a Special Court. He exercises this power
by issuing a warrant of establishment, which he signs. The warrant of
establishment prescribes the formation of the court, fixes its site or centre; its
jurisdiction and procedure. The Chief Justice exercises his power under section
30 to appoint a special judge or judges for the Special Court. Alternatively, he
may transfer the judge or judges already appointed to the ordinary court or
courts under section 22 of the Act to run the Special Court. The Chief Justice
may, on his own volition or on the recommendation of the circuit judge, confer
on a judge or judge of the Special Court, for a fixed period, the powers of a
senior judge (section 21 (2)).
2.4. Justification and the negative aspects of special appointments
At this juncture, two important questions pose themselves for answer. The
first question is whether it was necessary to confer power on the Chief Justice
to appoint special judges (under section 30) or to set up Special Courts (under
section 10(e)).
The second question is whether the special judges or judges of the Special
Courts are expected to be always free from influence, which is likely to affect
their independence.
The following are some of the reasons which justify the conferment of powers
on the Chief Justice to appoint special judges; or to set up Special Courts:
(a) Inadequacy of the number of ordinary judges or courts to administer
justice in the whole country;
(b) The need to use, in the administration of justice, the experience and
capability of former judges, or advocates or distinguished members of
other branches of the legal profession, such as senior legal counsellors
of the Ministry of Justice or teachers of law;
(c) Some cases, by nature, demand the appointment of special judges and
the convening of Special Courts. For example, it may be necessary to
set up temporary Special Courts and appoint special magistrates or
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special judges who have specialisation in particular types of cases. Such
cases may relate to, for instance, customary law (in which many judges
lack experience), bank transactions, telecommunications or customs
duties and so forth. The Chief Justice, in exercise of his powers under
section 10(e) and section 30, has appointed many judges for various
courts and convened many Special Courts for the settlement of cases
concerning Sudatel, customs, banks etc. Apart from the reasons stated
for the vesting of powers on the Chief Justice, some other reasons have
also been advanced by critics in an attempt to answer the second
question. Whilst fear of the negative aspects expressed by the critics
may not be true, nor can it also be stated with certainty that these reasons
are groundless or unreasonable. These negative aspects include the fear
that:
(i) Since the appointment of special judges is carried out on a
temporary basis and subject to renewal at the expiry of the fixed
period, such judges may perform their judicial functions with the
aim of gaining favour from the authority who appointed them so
that they may procure the renewal of their short-term contracts
(of employment);
(ii) The appointment of special judges by one person may bring persons
who are ethically weak and subject to manipulation by authority;
(iii) The ordinary courts of law may be avoided by referring cases of
interests to Special Courts;
(iv) Since the (economic) institutions for which Special Courts are
created for the settlement of their legal disputes (may) provide
vast facilities (which are not proved in ordinary courts) to the
appointed judges, it is likely that such persons may not be able to
non-suit or dismiss cases of their facilitators.
3 ELECTIONS (ELECTIONS ACT 1998)
In 2003, sections 16 and 29 of the Elections Act 1998 were amended.
3.1. Section 16
This section deals with the conditions which a candidate must fulfil so that his
or her nomination may be accepted by the Authority or the General Elections
Authority (provided under section 4).
Prior to its amendment, section 16 provided that:
Nomination for the membership of the National Assembly or the State Assembly or
the Local Council, shall not be complete except by presenting to the Authority the
following:
(a) Admission of commitment to the Constitution.
(b) A certificate of acceptance of the candidates resignation if he is a public
servant, provided that the eligibility of the candidate of the workers does not
lapse;
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259
(c) Declaration by the candidate that he is independent or belongs to an
Organisation registered according to the Political Association Organisations
Act 1998.
In 2003, the following amendments to section 16 were made, as follows:
(a) Paragraph (b) was repealed;
(b) Paragraph (c) became paragraph (b).
A new paragraph was added to section 16 as follows:
Section16(a): A member of the National or State Assembly or Local Council who
holds a post of public servant may choose whether to submit his resignation (from
his post as a public servant) or treat his assembly or Councils period as leave without
pay.
Some comments may be made here with respect to the amendments
introduced in section 16. In the first place, since paragraph (a) in the original
provision (section 16(a)) was not repealed, the newly added paragraph cannot
again be regarded as section 16(a). In the second place, the contents of the
original paragraph (b) (i.e. section 16(b)) required public servants who wanted
to join politics to submit their resignations from their public posts before
their nominations were accepted by the authority (i.e. the General Elections
Authority). The only employees who were exempted from this requirement
or condition were workers. This condition was previously incorporated into
the law by the General Elections Authority in conformity with the general
principle of separation of the executive power from political power. But it
appears that this amendment was later presented to the National Assembly by
some other authority without consultation with the General Elections
Authority.
3.2. Section 29(1) and (3)
Clause (1)
When the amendments were made in the year 2003, clause (1) of section 29
was repealed and a new provision was put in its place (i.e. as section 29(1)).
The contents of the previous section 29(1) (i.e. before its repeal) fixed
membership of the State Assembly according to the population of each state.
For example, in section 29(1)(a), the number of members or the state
representatives was fixed as 48 if the (State) population did not exceed one
million. In section 29(1)(b) the number of State representatives was fixed as
60 if the State population was more than one million.
The amendment, which replaced the previous provisions of section
29(1)(a-d) states:
The State Assemblies shall be composed of numbers of members (representatives)
fixed according to the (States) populations as follows:
(i) Where the State population does not exceed three million, it shall be
represented by thirty-six (36) members;
(ii) Where the State population exceeds three million, it shall be represented by
forty-eight (48) members.
There is a difference between the previous provisions of section 29(a-d) and
the new or amended provisions. The difference is that under the previous
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provisions the number of State representatives varied from 48 to 84 (i.e. when
the States population varied from one million to more than three million).
But after the amendment the number of State representatives is either 36 or
48 according to its population. The amended provisions reduced the numbers
of State representatives in order to reduce expenses.
3.3. Clause 3 (i.e. section 29(3))
Clause (3) of section 29 was also amended in 2003. It is again essential to state
the contents of the previous paragraph (3) in order to understand the
amendments made. Section 29(3) provided that one quarter of the State
Assembly members shall be members coming through special or indirect
election, as follows:
(a) one-third of them female elections in the State (four, five, six or seven
female members according to the number of the Assembly);
(b) one-third of them scientists from the electors of the scientific category
in the state (four, five, six or seven members according to the number
of the Assembly);
(c) one-third of them from professional categories in the State (four, five,
six or seven members, according to the number of State Assembly).
The amendment made in this clause (3) removed or repealed in each
paragraph (i.e. a, b and c) all the words between the brackets. That is, the
words, four, five, six and seven members according to the number of the
State Assembly were removed from each clause. The amendment was realistic
or logical because the mention of these figures (i.e. four, five, six or seven)
was merely superfluous, as it did not add anything new to the provision of
clause (3).
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Kuwait
Fadi B. Nader*
The first half of 2003 was marked by the Iraqi crisis which had a direct and
severe effect on the Kuwaiti economy and halted the legislative reforms long
sought by the Kuwaiti government.
1 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
In the parliamentary elections held on July 2003, tribal and other supporters
of the ruling al-Sabah family won about half of the 50 seats in the National
Assembly, with Islamists winning a further third, leaving liberal reformers with
only three seats, as compared to the previous eight. As a result, the government
is expected to have a freer hand in passing new laws and in activating previously
enacted legislations.
2 FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT LAW,
PRIVATISATION AND TRADE
The Foreign Direct Investment Law passed in 2000 has been finally
implemented with the issuing of the executive regulations in early 2003. Still
pending are reforms of the tax regime as well as the long-awaited privatisation
law.
Progress on other liberalisation initiatives has also been slow, pending
approval of the new Parliament, most notably Project Kuwait, which allows
international oil companies to participate in the development and operation
of northern oil fields. Foreign firms still may not invest in the upstream
* Regional Attorney, Middle East, Africa & South Asia American Life Insurance Company
(member of American International Group-AIG). Holder of LLM from Queen Mary College,
University of London, London (1986) and LLB from Universit Jsuite Saint Joseph, Beirut
(1985); member of the Beirut Bar Association and the International Bar Association.
262
petroleum sector, although they are permitted to invest in petrochemical joint
ventures.
It should be noted that foreigners are still limited to 49 per cent ownership
of banks, while the insurance sector is open to foreign investments. Acquisition
of real property remains restricted to Kuwaiti and GCC-nationals.
Moreover, foreign-owned firms and foreign-owned portions of joint ventures
are liable to corporate income tax, which applies to domestic and offshore
income. Corporate tax rates can be as high as 55 per cent of gross profits.
Legislation put forward by the government to reduce the maximum rate to
25 per cent is still pending its approval by the new Parliament.
Kuwaiti firms are not subject to the corporate income tax, but local
companies listed on the Kuwait Stock Exchange are required to contribute
2.5 per cent of their national earnings to the Kuwait Foundation for the
Advancement of Science (KFAS). The National Employment Law levies an
additional 2.5 per cent tax that will fund a programme granting Kuwaitis
working in the private sector the same social and family allowances provided
to Kuwaits government workers. Kuwait levies no personal income tax.
On the other hand, the five-year privatisation programme announced by
the Kuwaiti government on July 2001 has only been partially implemented.
The plan outlines a wide range of activities without elaborating on the action
plan or execution mechanism. The Plan calls in its first year for the privatisation
of the countrys gas station outlets and part or all of Kuwait Airways. Year two
initiates privatisation of post office, telegraph, and telecommunications
services. Years three and four were targeted to complete the telecommunica-
tions privatisation and initiate the privatisation of the Ports Authority and
Public Transport Company. The fifth and final year targets the power and
water sectors, as well as Kuwaits Petrochemical Industries Company (PIC).
Both the five-year plan and sector-specific privatisation efforts still await
approval by Kuwaits National Assembly, which has made clear that any
privatisation programme will have to insulate consumers from significant rate
increases and protect the jobs of Kuwaiti employees.
The new executive regulations of the Foreign Direct Investment Law facilitate
the entry of expatriate labour, authorise land grants and duty-free import of
equipment, provide guarantees against expropriation without compensation
and the right to repatriate profits, and protect the confidentiality of proprietary
information in investment applications, with penalties for government officials
who reveal such data to unauthorised persons. New investors will be
grandfathered against any future changes to the law. Full benefit of these
incentives, however, will be linked to the percentage of Kuwaiti labour
employed by the new venture. The foreign investor will also be obliged to
preserve the safety of the environment, uphold public order and morals, and
comply with instructions regarding security and public health.
The Foreign Investment Law stipulates that Kuwaiti courts alone are
responsible for adjudicating any disputes involving a foreign investor and
other parties, although arbitration is permitted. The Kuwaiti judicial system
recognises and enforces foreign judgments only when reciprocal arrangements
are in place. Kuwait is a signatory to both the 1958 New York Convention and
the International Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID,
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263
i.e. the Washington Convention). Kuwait has been a GATT member since
1963 and has signed the WTO agreement. However, Kuwait is not a signatory
to the GATT Government Procurement Code.
Despite the enactment of the new Foreign Investment Law regulations, many
restrictions continue to hinder the influx of foreign capital into Kuwait,
affecting the free investment climate and preventing investors from seeking
opportunities in the Kuwaiti market. Some of these obstacles are incorporated
into the Kuwaiti legislation, making it more difficult for companies to negotiate
a waiver or apply an exception.
Law No. 37 of 1964 (Articles 43 and 44) requires contractors to use locally
manufactured products when available and prescribes a ten per cent price
advantage for local firms in government tenders.
On the other hand, the Counter-Trade Offset Programme in force since
1992 and amended in 2003 imposes an offset obligation on civilian contracts
of KD 10 million (US$33.3 million) and on defence contracts of KD 1 million
(US$3.3 million) or more. The obligation will amount to 35 per cent of
the contract value to be invested in an approved offset business venture. The
programme was initially intended to provide new investment opportunities in
Kuwait; aid the transfer of technology to the private sector; create training
opportunities for Kuwaitis; help market local products outside of the country;
and provide foreign aid. The foreign investor is required to submit a bank
guarantee totaling six per cent of the offset obligation.
Kuwait continues to have a stringent visa regime and most work permits
require a local sponsor; although the Foreign Investment Law is expected to
relax this rule for new investors under the new legislation.
In the banking and financial sector, Kuwaiti law severely restricts the types
of collateral to which creditors may have recourse in the event of default by a
borrower. Banks may not foreclose on residential real estate property or
personal possessions in the event of default, although they may sue the
borrower for the balance due under the loan contract.
3 LABOUR LAW AND FOREIGN WORKERS
Also throughout 2003, the government of Kuwait has continued to adopt
policies intended to limit and discourage the resident expatriate population.
The government has instituted a quota system on work permits and imposed
on private firms, exceeding their allotted quota of expatriates, additional
charges for each work permit issued for any employee hired in excess of the
permitted quota.
The Kuwaiti government has also restricted the transfer of workers from
one sponsor to another within the private sector, and levied new fees on
expatriate workers and their families in order to raise the cost of employing
foreign workers. At the same time, however, the government has reduced the
minimum salary required for expatriates to be eligible to bring their families
to Kuwait.
Under Kuwaiti Law, Kuwaiti workers have the right to organise and bargain
collectively, but they are prevented from forming more than one union for
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any one sector or profession and from establishing more than one general
confederation. Foreign workers, who constitute the vast majority of the work
force, are permitted by law to join unions as non-voting members after five
years of continuous residence in Kuwait. The right to strike is also recognised
for private sector workers, though that right is limited by provisions requiring
compulsory negotiation and arbitration in the case of disputes. Kuwaiti labour
law prohibits anti-union discrimination.
Separate Kuwaiti labour laws set work conditions in the public and private
sectors, with the oil industry treated separately. Forced labour is prohibited
and the minimum age for employment is 18 years. Youths as young as 14,
however, may work part-time in some non-industrial positions. A two-tiered
labour market ensures high wages for Kuwaiti employees while foreign workers,
particularly unskilled labourers, receive substantially lower wages. There is no
minimum wage for the private sector; in the public sector, the current effective
minimum wage is KD 226 (US$741) per month for Kuwaiti bachelors and
KD 301 (US$987) per month for married Kuwaitis compared to KD 90
(US$295) for non-Kuwaitis. The basic labour law also limits the working week
to 48 hours, provides for a minimum of 14 days of leave per year, and establishes
a compensation schedule for industrial accidents. Domestic servants are not
protected by the Kuwaiti Labour Law.
Notwithstanding the slow pace of the reforms, certain efforts were made
during 2003 to reactivate the economy and to introduce a few laws allowing
the implementation of desired changes.
4 INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS
In April 2003, the Kuwaiti Parliament approved the GCC Customs Union
Agreement and resolved to begin its implementation in Kuwait as of May
2003. The customs union unifies customs duties of the six-member GCC and
promises to promote increased inter-regional trade.
Finally, it should be noted that Kuwait had entered into investment
agreements with the following countries: Austria, Bulgaria, China, Croatia,
Czech Republic, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy,
Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Malta, Mongolia, Morocco, Pakistan, Poland, Romania,
Russia, Switzerland, and Tajikistan, Turkey.
In 2003, Kuwait signed a bilateral investment agreement with Pakistan and
a free trade agreement (FTA) with Jordan.
Kuwait has initialled agreements on bilateral investment with Belgium,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Denmark, India, Latvia, Lebanon, Lithuania, the
Netherlands, Thailand and Ukraine.
Kuwait concluded an agreement with the United States on investment
guaranty programmes, which facilitated the extension of programmes from
the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) to Kuwait. Kuwait is also
a member of the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). In 2003,
Kuwait signed a Double Taxation Treaty with Canada.
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Saudi Arabia
Fares Al-Hejailan*
1 INTRODUCTION
A number of significant legal developments have recently taken place in Saudi
Arabia. Several long-awaited legislative changes in the fields of capital market
and money laundering have recently materialised. In addition, there have
been new developments in the areas of tax law in the Kingdom.
2 CAPITAL MARKET LAW
The new Capital Market Law (CML) was passed in accordance with Ministerial
Resolution No. 91 dated 16/4/1424AH (corresponding to 16 June 2003). The
date of the publication of the CML in the Official Gazette was 1/7/1424AH
(corresponding to 28 August 2003). This law is seen as a major landmark for
economic liberalisation in the Kingdom, which will create a legal and regulatory
framework for all capital-related activities, such as trading in securities,
increased transparency and accountability as well as attracting foreign
investment. The CML is to take effect 180 days after publication.
The CML comprises of 67 articles dealing, among other things, with the
setting up of the Securities and Exchange Commission,
1
the Securities Deposit
Center,
2
broker regulations,
3
investment funds and collective investment
schemes,
4
rules on market manipulation and insider trading,
5
sanctions and
penalties
6
and the general conditions for the operation of the Saudi Arabian
Securities and Exchange.
7
Additionally, Articles 1 and 2 include definitions of
* LLB; LLM; Attorney of the Law Firm of Salah Al-Hejailan.
1 Articles 4 to 19 of the CML.
2 Articles 26 to 30 of the CML.
3 Articles 31 to 38 of the CML.
4 Article 39 of the CML.
5 Articles 49 to 50 of the CML.
6 Articles 55 to 67 of the CML.
7 Articles 20 to 25 of the CML.
266
important terms and phrases used in the CML such as the Executive Rules
and Securities, which constitute principle terms under the CML.
Under Article 2 the term Securities means:
(a) company negotiable and tradable shares;
(b) negotiable instruments of debt issued by companies;
(c) investment units issued by investment funds;
(d) instruments representing profit participation rights and/or rights in
distribution of assets, or any thereof; or
(e) any other rights or instruments, which the board believes, the public
interest and the protection of investors calls for being treated as
securities. The Board can also exercise its power to exempt from the
definition of a security any rights or instruments (that otherwise would
be a security under (a) to (d) of this Article) if it believes the public
interest and the protection of the investors do not require being treated
as security.
Article 3 has specifically excluded commercial bills, documentary credits,
money transfers, instruments exclusively traded among banks and insurance
policies from the definition of Securities under the CML.
2.1 The Securities and Exchange Commission
The CML envisages the creation of a Saudi Securities and Exchange
Commission (SSEC)
8
to regulate capital markets and license foreign entrants
into the market. Within three months after the passage of the law, i.e. on 26
November 2003, SSEC is to start accepting applications from qualified entities
to permit them to enter the Saudi securities market. We anticipate that SSEC
will, in due course, start licensing such entities to sell securities, as that term
has been defined in the CML, directly in Saudi Arabia.
The SSEC has been provided with a wide range of powers, outlined under
Articles 5 and 6, these include, among other things, the ability to set forth
policies and plans that are necessary in achieving SSEC objectives, to achieve
fairness, efficiency and transparency in transactions as well as the power to
carry out inspections in order to determine whether any person has violated
any provisions of the CML or any of the bylaws to be laid down by SSEC from
time to time. Under Article 7, the SSEC is to be governed by a Board of
Commissioners, comprising of five members who shall all be Saudi nationals
appointed, by Royal Order, for a term of five years, renewable only once.
2.2 The Securities and Exchange Market
The Saudi Securities and Exchange Market (Exchange) will have the status
of a joint stock company and will be the sole entity authorised to operate in
the trading of securities in the Kingdom. Article 20(c) provides that the purpose
of the Exchange includes:
8 The official translation of the title of SSEC is not yet fixed; we therefore use a general term.
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(1) ensuring fair, efficient and transparent listing requirements, trading
rules and technical mechanisms and information for securities listed
on the Exchange;
(2) providing through its Share Deposit Center reliable and rapid settlement
and clearance procedure;
(3) establishing and enforcing professional standards for brokers and their
agents; and
(4) assuring the financial strength of its brokers through establishing and
periodically reviewing compliance with its capital adequacy require-
ments, including such arrangements as it believes appropriate to protect
the funds and securities in the custody of brokers.
The Exchange shall be managed by its own board of directors who, among
other things, shall propose the bylaws, rules and directives necessary for the
operation of the Exchange. This board will consist of nine members appointed
by resolution of the Council of Ministers by nomination of the SSEC Board of
Commissioners. The membership will be as follows:
(1) a member representing the Ministry of Finance;
(2) a member representing the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
(3) a member representing the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA);
(4) four members representing licensed brokerage companies; and
(5) two members representing joint-stock companies listed on the Exchange.
2.3 Rules governing brokers
Some of the more important rules in the CML are those relating to the
regulations of brokers in the Kingdom, which is of particular interest to
international banks wishing to set up in Saudi Arabia. Previously, the only
means available to international financial institutions wishing to enter into
the Saudi market was to do so in association with a licensed Saudi banking
facility, subject to approval by SAMA. However, the CML under Article 31
clearly states that brokerage business is to be allowed subject to the holding of
a valid licence. A broker is defined as a joint-stock company that works as a
broker, or any agent working for a brokerage company, and carries out part
or all of the following:
(1) acts in a commercial capacity as an intermediary in the trade of securities,
other than persons working on the basis of contractual arrangements
as defined in paragraph (b) of this Article, including a person who
commercially acts as a custodian for securities;
(2) presents in a commercial capacity offers to other for obtaining financial
assets in the form of securities by opening an account by means of which
transactions in securities may be effected;
(3) effects in a commercial capacity securities transactions for his own
account, other than by the way of the issue of securities, in order to
maintain a market in securities or to profit from the difference between
bid and offer prices of securities;
(4) acquires or places in a commercial capacity securities for an issuer or
one in control of an issuer; or
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268
(5) acts as an intermediary other than persons who act on the basis of a
contractual arrangement as defined in paragraph (b) of this Article,
and is involved in a commercial capacity, in arranging currency and
securities swaps.
9
In addition, the CML makes a clear distinction between the roles of brokers
and that of portfolio managers who, on the basis of a contractual arrangement
or otherwise manages either securities owned by a person or investment funds
owned by a natural or legal person which are intended for investment in
securities. This illustrates a particular desire on the part of the Saudi legislature
to regulate so-called existing portfolio managers currently operating in
contravention to existing restrictions enacted by SAMA. One of the most
interesting provisions contained in Article 32 are those outlined under
paragraph (c) which effectively allows SSEC to provide exemptions from the
application of paragraphs (a) and (b) of the same Article, relating to the
prerequisites for brokers and portfolio managers, as it believes consistent with
the safety of the Exchange and the protection of investors. There has been a
great deal of speculation on the application of this provision which if exercised
liberally may effectively open the door to a wide range of potential participants
in the market.
2.3 Dispute resolution under the CML
A welcome addition to the CML has been the inclusion of an independent
quasi-judicial court, namely the Committee for the Resolution of Securities
Disputes (CRSD), to settle suits and complaints arising under the CML,
including any complaints against the decisions of or actions made by SSEC or
the Exchange. The CRSD has been conferred a wide jurisdiction
10
and the
power to issue subpoenas, impose sanctions, issue orders to submit evidence
and documents, as well as the power to indemnify afflicted persons as a result
of the decisions and actions of SSEC or the Exchange.
It is interesting to point out that the CRDS will not consist of sharia-trained
judges but, under Article 25(b), legal counsels qualified in the doctrines of
transactions, the law and securities and exchanges, and conversant in
commercial and financial affairs and securities. Appeals from the decisions
of the CRDS will not be referred to the Saudi courts, as is the case with some
other quasi-judicial committees in the Kingdom, but a separate Appeals Panel
to be formed by the Council of Ministers.
11
2.4 Other provisions
As mentioned above, the CML seeks to regulate a wide range of activities in
relation to the operation of the Saudi Securities and Exchange, such as,
9 Article 32(a) of the CML.
10 See Articles 27 and 35 of the CML.
11 Articles 25(f) and (g) of the CML.
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investment funds and collective investment schemes, rules on market mani-
pulation and insider trading. However, we hesitate to give a more complete
outline of the law beyond this as we are still awaiting the Implementing
Regulations for the CML to be finalised, as well as instructions from SAMA
determining their views on the laws practical applications, and how, if at all,
the CML will alter existing banking control regulations currently observed by
Saudi banks.
3 ANTI-MONEY LAUNDERING LAW
In an effort to combat and fight money laundering activities, the Saudi Council
of Ministers has approved the anti-money laundering law (AML), which was
published in the Official Gazette (the Council of Ministers Resolution No.
167 dated 20/6/1624AH). The enactment of the AML is considered as a
major legal development in the Kingdom in terms of combating money
laundering crimes and other dangerous crimes, such as terrorism and other
international organised crimes. The AML contains 29 Articles, Article 29 of
which states:
These Regulations shall be published in the Official Gazette and shall become effective
three months from the date of publication.
Accordingly, the AML has come into force as of 16/9/1424AH.
3.1 General measures and procedures
This Law establishes a balance by taking into account the good faith principle,
one of the vital principles of the Islamic sharia. It also aims to set the standards
for commercial and financial transactions in the Kingdom through providing
for a number of unprecedented measures and procedures, the most important
of which are as follows:
financial and non-financial institutions may not carry out any financial,
commercial or similar operations under anonymous or fictitious names.
They must verify the identity of the client, on the basis of official
documents, at the start of dealing with such client or upon concluding
commercial transactions therewith in person or in proxy. They must verify
the official documents of juristic person that indicate the name of the
entity, its address, names of its owners, managing directors, and other
data stated in the Implementation Rules;
12
financial and non-financial institutions must maintain, for at least ten
years from the date of concluding the operation of the closing of
the account, all records and documents that explain the financial,
commercial and monetary transaction, whether local or foreign, the files
12 Article 4 of the AML.
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270
of commercial accounts and correspondence and copies of the
identifications;
13
financial and non-financial institutions must have in place an internal
precautionary and supervisory measures to detect and foil any of the
offences stated in these regulations, and comply with all instructions issued
by the concerned supervisory authorities in this area. Therefore, these
institutions must comply with all instructions issued by SAMA;
14
upon gathering sufficient indications and evidence regarding complex
and unusual large and suspicious transactions or operations related to
money laundering, terrorist acts or terrorist organisations, financial and
non-financial institutions must take the following measures:
(a) immediately inform the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) (a unit
established by these regulations with the role of combating money
laundering and to be responsible for receiving and analysing reports
and prepare reports on the suspicious operations from all financial
and non-financial institutions) about such transactions or operations;
(b) repair and submit to the FIU a detailed report including all available
data and information on the parties involved therein;
15
and
upon confirming the suspicion, the FIU may order financial and non-
financial institutions and direct the concerned authorities to attach
properties, proceeds and instrumentalities committed in money
laundering for a period not exceeding 20 days. If further extension is
needed, the order must come from the competent court.
16
3.2 Punishments and penalties under the AML
In addition to the above internal and precautionary measures to detect money
laundering activities, the AML also imposes stiff punishments and penalties
on perpetrators of money laundering offences. A perpetrator could be jailed
for up to ten years in addition to a financial fine of up to SR5 million, or to a
punishment or confiscation of the property, proceeds and instrumentalities
connected with the crime.
17
Under Article 17, the punishment could even be
stiffer, as the perpetrator would be subject to a jail penalty of up to less than
15 years and a financial fine of up to less than SR7 million if the offence takes
place under the following circumstances:
(a) if violence or arms are used in the crime;
(b) involvement in a crime committed by an organised gang with which the
perpetrator is affiliated;
(c) if the perpetrator was a public servant and the crime is connected with
such position, or if the perpetrator used his influence and powers in
the crime;
13 Article 5 of the AML.
14 Article 6 of the AML.
15 Article 7 of the AML.
16 Article 12 of the AML.
17 Article 16 of the AML.
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(d) in case women or minors were lured or exploited; and
(e) if the offence was committed through a reform, charitable or educational
institution or through a social service facility and if the perpetrator was
subject to previous local or foreign sanctions, specifically for similar
offences.
Further, the AML also imposes other penalties on the chairmen and members
of the board of directors of financial and non-financial institutions, their
owners, managers, employees, authorised representatives or anyone acting in
such capacity, in case that any of them violates any of the obligations stated in
the AML. Also, financial and non-financial institutions that violate the
provisions of Articles 2 and 3 of the AML may be subject to a fine ranging
from SR100,000 up to the value of property involved in the offence.
18
3.3 Other provisions
As mentioned, the AML also takes into account one of the most important
legal principles of Islamic sharia, namely, the good faith principle. It states
under Article 21:
The proceedings and sanctions provided for herein shall not apply to those acting in
good faith.
Further, under the AML the competent court may relieve the owner, possessor
or user of the property, proceeds and instrumentalities connected with a money
laundering offence if he reports to the authorities, before their knowledge,
about the confiscated property, the proceeds and the identity of the
accomplices without benefiting from the income of such property. By offering
these incentives, the AML encourages individuals to come forward and inform
the concerned authorities about the money laundering offences and the
resources of the illegitimate properties, as such crimes are usually surrounded
with complete secrecy, and it would, therefore, be extremely difficult to discover
by the concerned authorities.
However, observing public freedoms through the guarantee of fair trial
and other basic human rights is perhaps one of the most distinctive features
of the AML, as Article 26 thereof provides:
Public courts shall have jurisdiction over all offenses provided for herein.
Further, Article 27 of the AML provides:
The General Prosecution and Investigation Authority shall investigate and prosecute
crimes provided for in these Regulations before general courts.
Therefore, despite the dangerous economic and security threats associated
with such crimes, no private courts, judicial or administrative commissions
would have jurisdiction under the AML. Also, authorising the General
Prosecution and Investigation Authority to investigate and prosecute money
laundering crimes is completely in line with the provisions of the Code of
18 Articles 18 to 19 of the AML.
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272
Criminal Procedures,
19
under which the General Prosecution and Investigation
Authority have jurisdiction to initiate and follow up criminal proceedings
before the competent courts.
It is worth pointing out in conclusion that in order that this law be effectively
enforced, the Implementing Regulations as provided for by Article 28 thereof
must be issued:
The Minister of Interior, in agreement with the Minister of Finance and National
Economy, shall issue the Implementing Rules for these Regulations within ninety
(90) days from the date of its promulgation.
4 TAX LAW
The Ministry of Finance, Department of Zakat and Income Tax has recently
issued the following ministerial resolutions:
20
Ministerial Resolution No. 1729 dated 11/8/1424AH (corresponding to
7 October 2003) which limits tax loss carried forwards; and
Ministerial Resolution No. 1739 dated 11/8/1424AH (7 October 2003),
which requires taxes on certain specified loan and reinsurance premium
transactions.
4.1 Limits to tax loss carried forwards
Pursuant to Ministerial Resolution No. 1729, the amount of allowed losses
carried forward in a taxable year shall not exceed 25 per cent of the recognised
income during that year. The remaining balance will be carried to subsequent
years.
4.2 Taxes on loan and reinsurance premium transactions
The Income Tax Regulations (ITR) imposes income tax on profits of non-
Saudi companies operating inside the Kingdom only or inside and outside
the Kingdom at any one time, and pursuant to Article 3 of the ITR gross
income subject to income tax is to include profits and earnings of whatever
kind, and in whatever form paid, resulting from all kinds of industry and
commerce such as buying and selling, financial or commercial transactions.
Pursuant to Minister of Finance letter no. 4/9976 dated 2/5/1394AH, income
tax was extended to include interests on loans borrowed from abroad.
Traditionally, amounts relating to lending and reinsurance transactions
preformed inside the Kingdom were exempted from income tax, in order to
encourage lending and reinsurance activities, as was required by the economic
19 See Saudi Arabia Country Survey in E. Cotran (ed.) Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law,
Vol. 7 (2000-2001).
20 The Minister of Finance is authorised under the Income Tax Regulations issued by Royal
Decree No. 3321 dated 21/1/1370AH and its amendments.
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circumstances of the time. However, due to the increasing number of such
transactions, performed from within the Kingdom, the new Ministerial
Resolution No. 1739 intends to subject these amounts to income tax as follows:
(1) Subjecting the income recognised from lending transactions to income
tax in any of the following cases:
(a) if the loan is collateralised with movable and non-movable properties
existing inside the Kingdom;
(b) if the borrower is resident in the Kingdom; or
(c) if the loan relates to operations in the Kingdom.
(2) Subjecting reinsurance premium payments made by any insurance
company operating locally, whether directly or indirectly to any foreign
reinsurance companies, to income tax in any of the following cases:
(a) if the insured item is in the Kingdom;
(b) if the insured person is resident in the Kingdom; or
(c) if the insurance relates to operations in the Kingdom.
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United Arab Emirates
Terence Witzmann* and James Abbott