15th International Meeting of Communist and Worker's Parties Information Bulletin

2
IB 2014 n www.solidnet.org
217 Philippine Communist Party (PKP-1930)
223 Communist Party of Poland
227 Portuguese Communist Party
237 Socialist Alliance Party, Romania
241 Communist Party of the Russian Federation
247 Communist Party of the Soviet Union
251 New Communist Party of Yugoslavia
257 South African Communist Party
259 Communist Party of Spain
263 Communist Party of Cataluna
267 Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain
271 Communist Party of Sri Lanka
275 Sudanese Communist Party
281 Communist Party of Sweden
287 Syrian Communist Party
293 Communist Party of Turkey
297 Labour Party, EMEP, Turkey
301 Communist Party of Ukraine
305 Communist Party, USA
Documents
313 Press Release
316 Press statement of the KKE
Solidarity statements
n The world situation and the struggle of the
workers and the peoples
n Front against the imperialist war - no compla-
cency
n Solidarity with the struggles of the working
class in Europe
n Resolution regarding the reinscription of
Guadalupe concerning the ONUs list on countries to
decolonize
n Solidarity Statement
n Solidarity with the working class of Latin
America
n RESOLUTION on the Cyprus Problem
n Resolution on the Arab region
Issued by the 15th International Meeting of the Com-
munist and Workers Parties
n Resolution in solidarity with the struggle of
peoples of Middle East for peace, democracy and
progress
Parties that participated

Redlinks
PORTUGUESE
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OPENING SPEECH BY
JERONIMO DE SOUSA
Dear Comrades,
On behalf of the Central Committee of the Por-
tuguese Communist Party, I welcome you to
Portugal and convey to you the fraternal
greetings of the Portuguese Communists.
We are very pleased with the presence of
so many delegations, in an obvious sign of the
importance which the process of Internation-
al Meetings of Communist and Workers' Par-
ties has acquired within the world Communist
and revolutionary movement.
Among those present, there are Parties which
are in power and which place as their goal the
edification of socialism, but the vast majority
have come from countries where, as in Portu-
gal, an intense class struggle is being waged,
a struggle that is very demanding for the Com-
munists; from countries where anti-Commu-
nism is an official State policy and where cruel
dictatorships are forcing the revolutionaries
to confront the perils and hardships of the
clandestine struggle; from regions where im-
perialism sows war, death and destruction.
You have come, even when domestic tasks of
great importance also demanded your pres-
ence at home.
We are here, in this 15th International Meet-
ing, united by the common ideal of liberation,
by the common conviction that Socialism is
the alternative to the barbarity of capitalism,
and that the day-to-day struggle in defence of
the interests of the workers and the peoples,
and for the progressive and revolutionary
transformation of society, requires stronger
Communist Parties, with a stronger interna-
tionalist cooperation, which has class solidar-
ity and proletarian internationalism at its
core.
We are here to exchange information and ex-
periences, to bring up to date our assess-
ments of the complex international reality
and of the main trends in international devel-
3
opments; to become better acquainted, with

greater mutual understanding and stronger
relations of friendship and solidarity between
our Parties; to define lines and initiatives of
cooperation and common or converging ac-
tion.
In a time of imperialist globalization, when,
with the disappearance of socialism as a
world system, the capitalist system is extend-
ing its tentacles over the whole world and is
deepening its exploitative, oppressive, preda-
tory and aggressive nature, at a time when big
capital and the big imperialist powers, despite
their rivalries and contradictions which the
crisis is making more acute, are closely articu-
lating their class offensive against the work-
ers and the people of the whole world, the co-
operation of Communist and Workers' Parties
becomes more necessary, as does their coop-
eration with other revolutionary and anti-im-
perialist forces, in order to build a broad and
militant anti-imperialist front.
This process of International Meetings of
Communist and Workers' Parties, which is not
and should not be a structure, nor be subordi-
nated to any illusionary attempt at homo-
geneity, is undoubtedly the most important
instrument to facilitate such an international-
ist cooperation. It is a process that we should,
and can, improve, as will be debated during
this Meeting. But it is a process that must be
defended and preserved, consolidating what
our practical experience has shown to be use-
ful and seeking to solve any problems that
may result from the very development of the
process and from the need to ensure that it in-
creasingly meets the needs of the struggle.
Each of our Parties has its own historical expe-
rience, has to struggle in very diverse eco-
nomic and social contexts, defines Programs
that respond to its specific conditions of
struggle and puts forth differentiated short-
term tasks. Confronted with the complex
challenges that we Communists face, the ap-
pearance of differences of opinion, or even
disagreements, is almost inevitable. We do
not ignore the diversity of points of view which
exist in our movement regarding issues of His-
tory, theory and revolutionary praxis. But it is
the PCP's profound conviction that what
unites us is much stronger than what may di-
vide us, on this or that issue, or at any given
moment. And that, with mutual respect and
an effort at mutual understanding, there is no
difficulty which cannot be overcome, through
collective work, through a frank and fraternal
debate and, above all, through cooperation in
common actions that are geared towards the
masses. And this is the main thrust towards
the desirable convergence of positions and to
strengthen the unity of the world Communst
and revolutionary movement.
In Portugal we are undergoing the most vio-
lent offensive against the living standards and
the rights of the workers and the people, since
the days of fascism. An offensive in which do-
mestic big capital is allied with, and subordi-
nate to, transnational capital. The interven-
tion by the IMF and the European Union, with
the so-called memorandum of understand-
ing (which we correctly call a Pact of Aggres-
sion) that was signed by the Socialist Party
(PS) and the [current] Government Parties
with the foreign troika, is heightening ex-
ploitation, impoverishing the Portuguese peo-
ple and destroying the country's economy, liq-
uidating national sovereignty, attacking the
democratic regime and the Constitution
which enshrines it.
4
It is an offensive which, in its fundamental
lines, is part and parcel of the capitalist sys-
tem's response to the crisis which it is con-
fronting. The brutal intensification of the ex-
ploitation of the workers and the peoples and
the ever greater tendency for parasitic ren-
tierism is how finance capital seeks to com-
pensate the tendential decrease in the rate of
profit. When compared with other capitalist
countries, there are some particularities,
which result from the fact that our country ex-
perienced a revolution that destroyed State
monopoly capitalism and carried out pro-
found changes in the social and economic
structure, which placed Portugal on the path
to Socialism. Although the major achieve-
ments have been destroyed throughout 37
years of counter-revolutionary process, this
unfinished revolution is still present in
achievements, experiences and values - such
as the Constitution of the Republic - which the
ruling class is doing its utmost to destroy, but
which the PCP seeks to defend and project
into the future of Portugal, incorporating them
into its Party Program.
The Advanced Democracy which the PCP pro-
poses to the Portuguese people, as the cur-
rent stage of the revolution in Portugal,
stands in historical continuity with the demo-
cratic and national revolution; it has an anti-
monopoly and anti-imperialist class nature
and is an integral and inseparable part of the
struggle for Socialism and Communism in Por-
tugal. Many of its fundamental tasks are al-
ready tasks of the Socialist society.
It is with this prospect that the PCP is carrying
out its day-to-day struggle in defense of the
interests of the workers and the people, for a
break with over 37 years of right-wing policies
and with the process of European capitalist
integration, for the downfall of the govern-
ment and the convening of early general elec-
tions, which are a necessary condition to bring
to a halt the current course of plunder and na-
tional disaster, and to open the way for a pa-
triotic and left-wing policy and government.
The situation which we face is difficult and
very dangerous for the rights of the workers,
for the democratic regime, for national inde-
pendence. But the reactionary government is
increasingly discredited and isolated. Rising
up against the anti-people and anti-national
offensive, there is a growing broad front of re-
sistance and struggle which, in these very
days, is expressing itself in very diversified
struggles in the workplaces and on the
streets, with General Strikes and other large-
scale mass actions, such as the demonstra-
tions of October 19th on the bridges of Lisbon
and Oporto. In this front, the working class
and the class trade union movement name-
ly the CGTP-IN trade union central is playing
a fundamental role. But other anti-monopoly
classes and strata which are also severly hit
by big capital are also increasingly taking
part. And in the recent local government elec-
tions, in which the PCP and its allies within the
Braod Democratic Coalition [CDU] scored a
good result, the ruling parties suffered a seri-
ous defeat. Practice is confirming that, as in
other moments of the Portuguese people's
struggle for its emancipation, the intensifica-
tion and broadening of the mass popular
struggles is the road to victory.
At the same time, it is of fundamental impor-
tance to strengthen the Party, by increasing its
ranks, rooting it in the workplaces and shop
floors, strengthening its links with the masses.
There is no alternative without the PCP, and
much less so, against the PCP. And the more
5
our Party is rooted in our national reality and
the more it is committed to its class and na-
tional duties, which are inseparable in the Por-
tuguese revolutionary process, the greater will
be our internationalist contribution.
We are a Party that asserts and defends with
conviction our class nature, our Marxist-
Leninist ideological basis, a necessarily cre-
ative view of the world, contrary to dogmati-
zation, as well as to the opportunistic revision
of its fundamental principles and concepts;
our inner-Party democracy based on the cre-
ative development of democratic centralism;
our mass line; our project of a socialist soci-
ety; our patriotism and internationalism. We
are a Party that, with justifiable pride, takes
into its hands the rich revolutionary legacy of
comrade lvaro Cunhal, whose centenary we
are marking this year.
We are a Party that is the product of the devel-
opment of the Portuguese working-class
movement, and which is proud to have been
born under the impact of that extraordinary
event that was the October Socialist Revolu-
tion, when the Russian proletariat, under the
leadership of Lenin's Bolshevik Party, seized
power and launched, with heroism and cre-
ativity, the construction of the new socialist
society. In greeting the 96th anniversary of
those ten days that shook the world, we are
convinced that the path that we have treaded
since then, with its extraordinary achieve-
ments and conquests, and nonwithstanding
the dramatic defeats, confirms the need for,
and the superiority of, the new economic and
social system, and that the cause for which
we fight is just and invincible.
In hosting in Lisbon this 15th International
Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties,
we wish to contribute to strengthen the world
Communist and revolutionary movement,
considering with great conviction that what
best serves its unity is the respect for the
principles of equality, mutual respect, non-in-
terference in internal affairs and mutual soli-
darity. We have done, and will continue to do,
whatever we can to ensure the success of our
International Meeting and to consolidate, fur-
ther and improve the IMCWP process.
In the same way, your presence here, in a for-
tunate simultaneity with a major moment in
the commemoration of lvaro Cunhal's cente-
nary, with the commemorative rally on
November 10th to which you are all invited, is
seen by us a gesture of solidarity with our
Party and its struggle.
Comrades,
Capitalism is enmeshed in contradictions that
cannot be solved within the framework of the
system and which demand a revolutionary
outcome. The crisis of overproduction and
over-accumulation of capital which ecloded
with the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy, con-
tinues with no end in sight. An unprecedented
centralization and concentration of capital
and of power is accompanied by the brutal in-
tensification of exploitation, the assault
against wages and labour income, the growth
of poverty, unemployment, precarious labour,
the dismantlement of any existing social
functions of the State. Big business and the
big imperialist powers, first and foremost the
USA, have not given up on trying to impose
their hegemony upon the world, and daily sow
death, destruction and terror in the four cor-
ners of the world.
But imperialism does not have its hands en-
tirely free. Although unequal and irregular, ev-
6
erywhere the resistance and struggle of the
workers and the peoples continues, often
with major popular struggles as has been the
case in Portugal and other countries of Eu-
rope; with novel processes of asserting
sovereignty and social progress, as in Latin
America; in valuable expressions of struggle
against imperialist aggressions. And as the
social basis of support for capitalism becomes
increasingly narrow, so does the rejection of
capitalism, and the need for its alternative,
Socialism, grow in the consciousness of the
peoples.
The situation in which we are living, on a world
level, is an extraordinarily complex situation,
which embodies risks of a dramatic civiliza-
tional regression and even of a catastrophe
for Humankind. But at the same time, it is a
situation that contains great potential for pro-
gressive and revolutionary developments.
It is a situation that confronts the Commu-
nists with great responsibilities, both towards
the working class and the people of their
countries, in which their rooting is indispensi-
ble and irreplaceable; and on an international
level, with the necessary strengthening of
their friendship, cooperation and solidarity.
What the workers and the peoples expect, and
have the right to receive, from the Commu-
nists, is a message of unity, of organized
struggle, of revolutionary confidence. This is a
message that no one else can deliver on our
behalf. You may be certain, comrades, that
the PCP will do whatever is in its reach to live
up to this responsibility.
7
ALGERIA
PARTY FOR
DEMOCRACY
AND
SOCIALISM
(PADS)
GEORGE PERLES
The crisis of the international capitalist sys-
tem continues to worsen . As continue grab-
bing the fruits of the working class labor by
the bourgeoisie and capitalist accumulation.
As the rate of profit tends to fall, capitalism is
inevitably confronted with the over-accumu-
lation of capital that Marx had predicted and
deeply analyzed . This phase tends to reach a
peak due to the extension of capitalist rela-
tions of production in depth and width at an
international scale . The result is an incredibly
small size of the capital expansion field in the
world, that creates serious difficulties in
achieving a normal rate of profit. This high-
lights clearly and obviously the characteristic
of imperialism as the highest and last stage of
capitalism, as defined by Lenin. Relocations,
privatization and appropriation operations of
public services , attacks against the social
gains of the working class and the exploited
strata decreasing of nominal wages and not
only real ones , rising unemployment , exces-
sive flexibility of the employees condition,
postponing the age of retirement - the brutal
challenge to the sovereignty of the economi-
cally dominated countries peoples, the dic-
tates of the imperialist states economic and
financial institutions, financial speculation ,
are the concrete expression of multiple eco-
nomic and social aspects of this crisis essence
. Collective body of the bourgeoisie, the capi-
talist state and the set of supranational insti-
tutions ( such as the European Union) are
conducting a ruthless social war to intensify
the working class exploitation , reduce the
price of their labor to allow capitalists to re-
verse the downward trend in the rate of profit
and try to find a solution to the crisis . This war
is exacerbating the capitalist system crisis as
it has the effect of further reducing the pur-
chasing power of workers , increasing the
problems of goods flow and investment capi-
tal , pushing to seek solutions in foreign mar-
kets . By these means each capitalist tries to
increase the mass of profits , increase its rate
9
of profit or make excessive profits . The work-

ing class exploitation in different countries,
the monopolization of strategic sectors such
as energy , telecommunications, and other
economic branches , extortion of huge inter-
ests at the expense of workers and the toiling
strata through a vicious debt held by capitalist
states , contribute to the disproportionate in-
crease in profits of the capitalists. Poverty af-
fects large social groups while the wealth held
by the bourgeoisie has reached unprecedent-
ed summits . But ultimately it is the working
class that is subject to over-exploitation of
unprecedented ferocity, who bears the crisis
additional burden as the most exploited class.
The crisis that began in 2008 accelerated the
concentration of capital and wealth. It has in-
creased inequality in income distribution . The
bourgeois press admits as a scandalous fact
that 1% of the world population owns nearly
half of the planet's wealth. At the internation-
al level , the most powerful imperialist states
are waging a battle without mercy to monop-
olize the market , maintain and expand their
influence sphere, particularly in trying to hin-
der the rise of new imperialist rivals, called
"emerging markets". The bourgeoisie of these
countries are trying to snatch their share of
the global market to solve the internal class
contradictions , including difficulties in selling
their products in their local markets, difficul-
ties due to the low purchasing power of work-
ers subject to fierce exploitation. Regimes of
these countries have the same goals as the
old imperialist states : extract maximum gain
within and outside their borders. The same
basic contradiction opposes the "Brics" bour-
geoisie and the old capitalist countries to the
entire working class, the toiling strata in all
countries. Contradictions that oppose the im-
perialist states at the international level are
secondary to the fundamental antagonism
between capitalists and the proletariat. These
contradictions can be exploited by the states
ruled by workers provided that they do not
forget the fundamental laws that govern the
imperialist system and do not create illusions
in demobilizing workers. The aggression, the
military interference, the pressures of all
kinds, political and economic sharp and grow-
ing disputes, reflect attempts by different
groups of capitalists and their governments to
solve the intractable problems of capitalism
in the mercyless struggle they deliver be-
tween them to defend and extend their
spheres of influence and domination in the
world. The imperialist aggression in Libya , in-
tervention in Mali, the threat of air strikes
against Syria, deadly interference in many
African countries, maneuvers to destabilize
Latin American regimes that want to loosen
the grip of the U.S. imperialism, foreshadow
the extension of war situations in the world.
One must not be deceived about the real rea-
sons for disagreements on Syria which op-
pose the USA, France, Great Britain, on one
hand, and Russia and China, on the other, on
the Syrian issue. It is not because of friendship
for the people that these two countries block
in the UN Security Council the other imperial-
ist states attempts to give "legal" cover for
their hawkish operations to place puppet
head of the Syria. The differences between
the members of the Security Council express
the struggle to preserve the areas of influence
of each of them. People threatened by military
interventions have the potential to exploit the
inter-imperialist contradictions. But the com-
munist revolutionary forces should aim to
gain a leading role in the anti-imperialist re-
sistance, working to raise up the level of
awareness, mobilization and organization of
10
the working class and the popular strata so
that imperialism is not replaced by another,
and to create the subjective conditions for po-
litical and social revolutionary transforma-
tions in the perspective of socialism. Russia
and China oppose the board of the UN Security
plans U.S., France and Britain on Syria. At the
same time they give in the Security Council,
their approval to France to intervene militarily
in Mali. This is an illustration of the fact that
the UN has been transformed since the
demise of the USSR in a declared instrument
of sharing or division of the world between the
imperialist powers, of open interference in the
internal affairs of nations in violation of the UN
statutes which limit military intervention for
resolving conflicts between countries. The im-
perialist powers use every means to impose
their law on the Arab peoples. They have used
and continue to use the ultra- reactionary
forces disguised under the banner of Islam to
divide the masses , weaken the influence of
communists by the combined action of
spreading backward ideas and using extreme
violence, create the battle of wills for the ap-
plication of anti-worker and anti-people eco-
nomic and social policies that benefit to
multinationals and their associated local cap-
ital forces. The U.S., French and English impe-
rialists, in particular, with the active support
of social democracy either support these re-
actionary forces to crush the workers and
anti-imperialist forces, or use the contradic-
tions arising between "modernists" and "Is-
lamic" currents in the bourgeoisie to get the
maximum benefits to ensure their domination
over these countries, or still try to build "mod-
ernist" and " Islamists" coalitions that allow to
dismantle the working class resistance
against exploitation and oppression. Between
1990 and 2000 the U.S. imperialists and the
French Socialist Party had hoped the victory of
the Islamists in Algeria to put the country
under their dominance, including sacrificing
"modernist" currents of the bourgeoisie. Be-
fore the defeat of the attempt by the conver-
gence that has been installed between popu-
lar patriotic and progressive and modernist
bourgeois currents, both threatened in their
physical existence by the forces of the obscu-
rantist reaction, to prevent takeover by the Is-
lamists, these imperialist states supported
and pushed for the creation of mutually bene-
ficial arrangements between modernist and
Islamist currents of the bourgeoisie. These ar-
rangements have excluded the most back-
ward "Islamists", hostile to "the West" for ide-
ological reasons. These arrangements have
created a very favorable climate for economic
penetration of multinationals in Algeria, busi-
ness prosperity of the local bourgeoisie in the
diversity of its cultural inclinations and its vi-
sion of the place of religion in politics. The
workers paid the bill of the resulting compro-
mises. To safeguard the interests of the Alge-
rian bourgeoisie, the government has signed
economic agreements with the EU and the
U.S., has reduced the sovereignty and au-
tonomous decision-making capabilities of Al-
geria and destroyed the Algerian productive
potential for the benefit of importers powerful
groups: free trade agreement with the EU (and
the Arab countries), linkages with NATO under
the pretext of fighting against terrorism, etc..
But imperialism has an insatiable appetite
that drives him to seek even more conces-
sions, as the total dismantling of barriers to
the movement of capital, the absolute control
of energy resources, the installation of mili-
tary bases and other benefits. Hence its con-
stant pressure using the pretext of "human
rights" for complete freedom of action of their
11
most docile intermediate, or intrigues through
the manipulation of armed Islamist groups, or
supporting the armament of the Moroccan
monarchy shaking periodically land claims at
the expense of Algeria. Algerian Communists
denounced the abandonment of the defense
of the country's sovereignty by the bour-
geoisie. They undertake a propaganda work
towards workers to explain that there is noth-
ing to expect from the bourgeoisie, that they
are the ones who have an interest in defend-
ing the sovereignty and decision-making ca-
pacity of the country in order to boost the in-
dustrialization to meet their aspirations to im-
prove their living conditions. The construction
of the productive forces that ensure full em-
ployment and the welfare fer the working
class and popular strata requires the estab-
lishment of a power led by the working class
in alliance with the middle strata who live by
their work. It is this system that can thwart
the interference of imperialist countries,
apply in full sovereignty measures for workers
and create mutually beneficial economic and
cultural relations between the authentic so-
cialist regimes which are appearing thanks to
the revolutionary struggles of the working
class in other countries and their consequent
communist parties.
Long live to proletarian internationalism !
Let us Strengthen our union to destroy
capitalism imperialism and its last and
highest stage !
Socialism is the future, the future is
socialism !
12
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
ARGENTINA
GUSTAVO PANASIUK
Queridos y queridas camaradas de todas las
latitudes del planeta:
Resulta de gran importancia que estemos re-
unidos los partidos comunistas y obreros del
mundo siguiendo las mejores tradiciones del
marxismo en la construccin de la unidad in-
ternacionalista de los trabajadores y los
pueblos.
En nombre del Partido Comunista de la Ar-
gentina, saludamos la tarea del Grupo de Tra-
bajo, y agradecemos en especial al Partido Co-
munista Portugus, por el ejemplo que nos
brinda, y por ofrecernos tan excelente
recibimiento.
Llegamos desde el hemisferio sur, a una Eu-
ropa sacudida por la crisis de un capitalismo
senil, en el cual un pequeo grupo de corpora-
ciones, brega por sostener y engrosar su inau-
dita tasa de ganancia a costa de arrojar a mil-
lones a la exclusin social, incrementar la ex-
plotacin del trabajo, empobrecer a los sec-
tores medios, negar futuro a la juventud, y
barrer con las soberanas nacionales.
De este modo, pretende asegurarse el abastec-
imiento de los recursos naturales, que deman-
da su irracional desenvolvimiento, mediante
una dominacin global. Para esto, no vacila en
emprender guerras de agresin y sometimien-
to, cada vez ms sofisticadas y letales.
Lo que est sucediendo en Europa y EEUU, nos
muestra a dnde llega la degradacin
econmica, social, moral y por supuesto
poltica del capitalismo, cuando alcanza los
ms altos niveles de su desarrollo.
Su ms alto grado de desarrollo es el de-
sempleo, el hambre, los desahucios, la cada
del salario, la falta de futuro.
Su ley ms sagrada, es a la hora del peligro del
naufragio, el salvataje de los bancos.
Queda a la vista de millones de personas, que
el rgimen del capital, no est ya en condi-
13
ciones de ofrecer a la Humanidad, un futuro

de prosperidad, democracia, justicia social y
paz.
Esto abre renovadas perspectivas, a un pen-
samiento y una prctica post capitalista de la
cual, los comunistas tenemos mucho que
decir, por nuestro balance histrico y nuestras
posibilidades actuales.
Los comunistas, encabezamos revoluciones
que demostraron la posibilidad de los traba-
jadores de conquistar el poder y de alcanzar
con ello, logros gigantescos.
Ayer se cumplieron 96 aos de aquella gesta
histrica, que transformo definitivamente el
panorama mundial. La gloriosa revolucin
bolchevique, que con Lenin y el partido comu-
nista, llevo a la otrora Rusia de los zares, a los
niveles ms altos de desarrollo de las fuerzas
productivas, de las ciencias, y de las artes.
Al mismo tiempo, podemos hoy sealar con el
espritu de autocrtica que debe caracteri-
zarnos, que ningn proceso es irreversible, si
no se desarrollan las fuerzas de los que pro-
ducen con su trabajo, las riquezas, el poder
popular, la conciencia de clase, de pueblo, y de
un patriotismo empapado de internacionalis-
mo revolucionario.
Para consolidar los cambios econmicos, so-
ciales y polticos que benefician a una parte
importante de nuestra clase y de otros sec-
tores de nuestro pueblo, no alcanza con de-
fender esas conquistas, hay que profun-
dizarlas!!
Se trata tambin de construir con los pueblos,
las condiciones de distribucin de la riqueza, y
el poder que aseguren un digno bienestar so-
cial y medioambiental para todos, donde
reinen la justicia, la belleza y la alegra.
Qu lejos est el capitalismo, siquiera ya
de engaarnos con esa perspectiva!!!
Los dolores actuales de las poblaciones euro-
peas, los sufrimos con fuerza los argentinos,
cuando en la dcada de los 90, cay con toda
la saa sobre nosotros, el recetario neoliberal
fondo monetarista.
Y debemos decir que an hoy lo estamos
sufriendo, porque a pesar de que se aplican
desde el actual gobierno, medidas contra
cclicas, y reformas que atenan los efectos
ms dolorosos de la crisis, aun no se saltan las
vallas que ha dejado la ortodoxia econmica,
ni se superan sus consecuencias nefastas.
En nuestro pas, existen otras organizaciones
llamadas de izquierda, divididas y desorien-
tadas, que juegan un rol que favorece a la
derecha poltica.
Por eso los comunistas argentinos, que aun no
contamos con una fuerza numerosa, le otorg-
amos importancia a los cambios producidos, a
partir de las rebeliones populares del 2001, y
del gobierno surgido en el 2003.
Esto permiti la recuperacin de algunas es-
feras del patrimonio pblico, los juicios y las
condenas a los genocidas, la aparicin de los
archivos secretos de la dictadura cvico mili-
tar, y algunas reparaciones sociales, as como
significativos avances en la unidad y la inte-
gracin latinoamericana y caribea, con un
hito fundamental en el NO al ALCA del cual
este 5 de noviembre, se cumplieron 8 aos.
Sin esa unidad, nuestra regin no podr ser un
actor de peso en el mundo multipolar y multi
cntrico, que se gesta en el marco del incre-
mento de la crisis, y de la agresividad del im-
perialismo, particularmente norteamericano.
Pero al mismo tiempo, no perdemos de vista
14
que no se superan las profundas desigual-
dades sociales
A cada paso, constatamos los lmites de clase
e ideolgicos, del actual gobierno y del proce-
so en curso.
Este slo podr prosperar, si las fuerzas avan-
zadas de diversa procedencia, nos unimos en
amplitud, logramos una correlacin de
fuerzas favorable a los cambios de fondo,
asentados en polticas pblicas, que aseguren
una efectiva distribucin de la riqueza, la
plena disposicin de nuestros recursos natu-
rales, una ruptura definitiva con los centros
globales del poder financiero, y un camino
consecuente de unidad regional, en el camino
de la Patria Grande. Este es el legado de los
prceres de nuestra primera Independencia.
Y en la bsqueda del Socialismo, que en nue-
stro continente se recrea con nuevos y con-
sistentes aportes, iluminados con los ejemp-
los de Ernesto Che Guevara, Fidel Castro y
Hugo Chvez.
Por ello respaldamos la activa presencia ar-
gentina, en el MERCOSUR con la incorporacin
de Venezuela y en proceso de mayor am-
pliacin; en la UNASUR y la CELAC, y ahora
como miembro observador del ALBA.
Ello expresa una nueva realidad continental,
que vive un proceso que debemos atender
cuidadosamente.
Abierta sin dudas por el herosmo socialista de
la Revolucin Cubana, hoy en la Venezuela Bo-
livariana, en Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua y
otros pases, se recrea el ideal socialista, y
ello facilita la toma de decisiones autnomas
en varios de nuestros pases.
Pero como sealamos antes, ningn proceso
puede considerarse irreversible.
Y los comunistas, debemos ser los primeros
en denunciar los planes injerencistas del im-
perialismo y sus aliados locales, que se hacen
fuertes en la Alianza del Pacfico y desde all
intentan palanquear sus polticas restaurado-
ras, que ya tuvieron xito en Paraguay y Hon-
duras.
All estn tambin, las ms de 70 bases mil-
itares distribuidas en nuestro continente, y la
IV flota que navega nuestros mares.
Un capitulo aparte, es la amenaza a la paz que
representa la base militar de la OTAN, en las
Islas Malvinas que cuenta con 1500 efectivos,
adems del equipamiento.
Los comunistas argentinos, seguimos reivin-
dicando, junto a la mayora de nuestro pueblo
y de nuestra regin, nuestra soberana.
Lo hacemos por razones histricas, en defen-
sa de la paz y con una firme condena al colo-
nialismo.
Por eso repetimos junto a nuestros ex com-
batientes. Volveremos a Malvinas, de la
mano de Amrica Latina
Ello reclama incorporar a nuestras tareas, un
plan global de solidaridad con nuestros her-
manos venezolanos que hoy soportan la con-
centracin de buena parte de la contraofensi-
va restauradora en nuestro continente.
En los prximos das, ellos debern afrontar
las elecciones municipales por lo que de-
seamos al PCV, al PSUV y al GPP los mayores
xitos, cruciales para todo el continente.
Del mismo modo, seguimos solidariamente a
las fuerzas que levantan la candidatura popu-
lar, democrtica y de izquierda en las prontas
elecciones de Honduras, as como a las que se
unen para derrotar a la derecha chilena.
15
La contradiccin central en Argentina y en
muchos pases de la regin, es entre la pro-
fundizacin de los cambios en un sentido an-
timonopolista y antiimperialista, o la restau-
racin neoliberal con su carga de recortes y
represin.
En estas tierras, no podemos dejar de sentir la
influencia del camarada Alvaro Cunhal, quien
nos deca:
Ser comunista, no consiste solamente en
tener un objetivo poltico y luchar por su real-
izacin.
Es una manera de sentir y de vivir.
Y eso significa que los comunistas no solo
tienen objetivos polticos y sociales, no solo
tienen una ideologa y un ideal de transforma-
cin de la sociedad.
Adems, Cunhal, nos convocaba a superar la
moral de la burguesa, es decir a construir lo
que el comandante Ernesto Che Guevara
llamo el hombre nuevo, y que hoy reformu-
lamos como la mujer y el hombre nuevo.
Esa es la batalla de hoy, para desbrozar el
camino al socialismo que est en el centro de
nuestra lnea estratgica:
el desarrollo de un gran Partido Comunista y el
aporte a la construccin de un frente unido,
que pueda llevar a la victoria una Revolucin
Socialista de Liberacin Nacional.
Viva la unidad de todos los comunistas y de
todas las fuerzas antimperialistas,
populares, democrticas y revolucionarias!
16
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
AUSTRALIA
BOB BRITON
The crisis of capitalism has not abated. De-
spite assurances from authorities in the US
and other imperialist centres to the contrary,
the severe economic downturn continues to
deepen and it is the people who are being
forced to pay the price of capitalist attempts
at recovery. Austerity has become the by-
word of governments dancing to the tune of
the big banks and winding back the role and
responsibilities of states to provide for the
well-being of their people. Further spending
cuts and privatisation of public assets are
being demanded of governments by supra-
national financial institutions. People's saving
are being raided to bail out banks guilty of the
theft of the wealth of whole nations. People's
rights to defend themselves against injustice
are being curtailed and, once again, fascist or-
ganisations are being readied to shore up cap-
italism and divert the disaffected from turning
to the socialist alternative.
This is the nightmare scenario facing the peo-
ple of large sections of the world's population,
even in formerly, relatively wealthy countries
such as those of Europe. Neo-liberal policies
have left governments with fewer levers to
deal with aspects of the bust phase of the
business cycle. Lower corporate and personal
taxes and the sale of public enterprises have
depleted the reserves previously available for
pump-priming or stimulating the domestic
economy. Free trade agreements designed
to aid transnational monopoly interests fur-
ther restrict the options open to national gov-
ernments to protect jobs and even whole in-
dustries. The austerity measures have a con-
tractionary impact on economies, deepening
the crisis and setting governments up to fail.
Where is all of this heading? Already bankers
have been brought in to head several Euro-
pean governments. Will the next step be to
sovereign bankruptcies and the direct
takeover and running of governments by
transnational corporations overt dictator-
17
ship of capital. Governments have already

contracted out many of their functions and
operations, why stop at that and not privatise
the whole of government? Deregulation has
considerably eroded the sovereignty and
powers of the state.
Workers, pensioners and other vulnerable
people in developed countries are being pre-
pared for a stripping back of social conditions
to something like the level imposed on the
peoples of developing capitalist countries.
The treatment of workers, pensioners and
other less privileged people in the UK, Ireland,
Spain, Portugal, Italy, Greece, Cyprus and else-
where is a clear warning. Alternatives to the
haircut inflicted on the victims of capitalist
crisis are attacked by the media-industrial
complex and kept away from the people who
might benefit.
The process of capitalist globalisation has not
lifted millions out of poverty as was once
claimed by the triumphalists who celebrated
the demise of the USSR and East European so-
cialist countries. What it has done is to push
workers who once enjoyed the benefits of the
long post-World War 2 boom into a new situa-
tion of insecurity and declining living condi-
tions.
Ruling circles are not only convinced that they
must act to defend their power and interests.
They also believe the time is ripe to press
ahead and use the crisis to take back hard
won gains made by the working class over
more than a century of struggle. They have
declared that the age of entitlement is over,
that governments cannot afford or should not
be providing social security and other services
as in the past. The absence of the former so-
cialist countries has removed considerable
pressure on them to at least provide some of
the benefits that workers in socialist coun-
tries received. The take-back is on in a big
way, with the aim of driving wages, working
condition and living standards down to the
lowest common denominator on a global
basis with workers pitted against each other
on a global labour market. Cheap labour from
the poorer countries is being imported like a
commodity to be exploited at far higher rates
than local labour in the richer nations. The
third world countries continue to be subject-
ed to imperialist wars, carved up and plun-
dered, their lands stolen, their peoples dis-
possessed and millions still subjected to ab-
ject poverty without basic needs being met.
Trade unions are historically weaker in a num-
ber of countries, including Australia. Many
have completely abandoned class struggle
and see their role as offering a service rather
than organising workers to advance their in-
terests against the capitalists that exploit
them or electing social democrat govern-
ments. Individualism has been successfully
fostered, with young people in particular en-
couraged to shun membership of organisa-
tions and collectivism. Racism, xenophobia
and anti-Muslim attitudes have been promot-
ed to split the working class and divert atten-
tion from the real causes of peoples hard-
ships.
Legislation ushered in the guise of preventing
terrorism following the September 11 attacks
in the US has been used to deal with dissent. A
new wave of destruction of protections under
the law is underway in many countries. Intelli-
gence agencies spy on their own people, the
people of other countries and governments,
both friend and foe. People resisting and ex-
posing these realities, such as Wikileaks' Ju-
18
lian Assange and Edward Snowden, have been
hounded into virtual imprisonment or exile.
The escalation of the imperialist offensive
US imperialism has not left off its drive for
global dominance. In fact, the looming eclipse
of global economic dominance by the US and
the decline of its currency as the world's re-
serve currency has added a sense of greater
urgency to achieve different regional targets.
Destabilisation, drone attacks and proxy wars
have been added to the armoury of the US as
the limitations of their capacity for direct in-
vasion become clear. The tactic of regime
change via colour revolutions has been en-
hanced with the insertion of ruthless merce-
naries, the imposition of blockades and,
where possible, a no-fly zone. The tactic was
successful in the case of Libya but has fallen
short of its objectives in Syria. The US has not
won the peace in Afghanistan and the con-
tradictions are mounting as it attempts to ex-
ploit Muslim extremists to destabilise govern-
ments and terrorise populations while at the
same time continuing its support for Zionist
expansion.
Access to or control of the Middle East's oil re-
serves may be a less pressing short-term goal
given the development of non-conventional
gases in the US but it remains a major deter-
minant of foreign policy. Iran is still on the
short list of regimes to be overthrown.
The US has not let up in its plans to overturn
progressive governments in Latin America.
The passing of Venezuelan President Hugo
Chvez was a crucial test of strength for
forces wishing to continue the Bolivarian Rev-
olution towards socialism and those aligned
to US interests. Attempts to intimidate other
progressive governments, such as those of
Bolivia and Ecuador, have become more out-
rageous. The socialist Republic of Cuba re-
mains a prime target of US ambitions, its ille-
gal blockade remains despite UN General As-
sembly resolutions calling for it to be lifted.
The international campaign to free the Cuban
Five is gaining in strength, including inside the
US, but their freedom has still to be won.
The major shift in US policy in recent times is
known as the Pivot to the Asia-pacific and
Indian Ocean regions. The clear objective of
this shift in military priorities is to contain the
growing influence of the Peoples Republic of
China and accelerate war preparations
against it. Investment by Chinese companies
is on the rise worldwide and has seen dramat-
ic growth in Latin America, South-East Asia
and Africa in recent times. The creation of the
US Africom Unified Combatant Command in
2006 must be seen in this context.
A major expansion of military bases in the
Asia-pacific and Indian Ocean regions is un-
derway. A new base for the rotation of US
Marines was created at Darwin in Australia's
Northern Territory following a visit by US Pres-
ident Barack Obama to Australia in 2011. Aus-
tralia is already host to more than 30 US bases
or military facilities. Australia's military
spending has increased considerably in re-
cent years with the acquisition of hugely ex-
pensive non-defensive military equipment
from the US.
The integration of Australia's military with the
US war machine continues. Military spending
has been effectively quarantined from the
cuts that health, education and other services
are experiencing. Budget cuts have obliged
19
federal governments to conceal the size of
their militarycommitment which is opposed
by an estimated 70 percent of the Australian
population. The lifting of the ban on US and
Australia uranium exports to India because of
its failure to sign the nuclear non-proliferation
treaty is part of this diplomatic offensive.
The US has supported violent separatist
movements in China, carried on a media cam-
paign about human rights abuses, aggravat-
ed tensions over disputed islands with its
neighbours and in every way possible sought
to contain and destabilise the country. While
they persist with all these tactics they have
clearly failed and so a military solution is
being prepared. The destruction of the Demo-
cratic Peoples Republic of Korea is part of this
drive.
The realignment of forces on the interna-
tional level
As mentioned, the US economy has continued
its precipitous decline and the role of its cur-
rency as the world reserve is being challenged.
Countries around the world see this weakness
and are considering alternatives. The coun-
tries of the BRICS grouping have been consid-
ering an alternative. ALBA in Latin America has
already instituted a trading currency called the
Sucre. Libya's late leader Muammar Gaddafi
was gathering support for an African currency
based on gold when he was deposed and as-
sassinated by the imperialists.
For all these economic difficulties, the US con-
tinues to fund the world's biggest military ma-
chine by far. It has managed to keep NATO in
its orbit even while political pressures within
member countries have toned down the belli-
cosity of the language in support of US mili-
tary adventures. The chaos left in the wake of
the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan has un-
dermined what little public support existed for
such attacks excused, as they were, in part by
a desire to install democratic governments
in those countries. The Japanese government
remains loyal to the strategic aims of the US
and has changed the character of its armed
forces even further away from the defensive
role demanded at the surrender at the end of
World War 2.
The alternative economic formations have
strengthened their position relative to US im-
perialism in the recent period and this has had
consequences for the ability of the US to as-
sert its will. The position of Russia has been
enhanced through its involvement with BRICS.
The strength of its opposition has been vital to
the survival of Syria in the face of the imperi-
alists' drive to smash it up.
The present situation does not necessarily
improve conditions for peace. The US may re-
spond to developments with acts of despera-
tion. The threat with most potential for devas-
tation involves attacks on the People's Repub-
lic of China. While the US economy is now de-
pendent on trade with China and the Chinese
government's purchase of US treasury bonds,
US imperialism does not tolerate rivals. It is
aware that the privileged position of the US in
the post-WW2 world economy relies on abso-
lute military supremacy to enforce the domi-
nance of US corporations.
The role of the working class and the Com-
munists tasks
With such destructive forces at work in the
world, the tasks of the working class and the
Communists have become even more urgent.
20
The choice between socialism or barbarism
has become stark. The urgency for measures
to head off global warming and provide a sus-
tainable environment for the peoples of the
world has added another element of crisis to
the present situation.
Circumstances vary greatly from country to
country. Some peoples have a history of
struggle against colonialism, the outlawing of
the Communist Party, underground struggle
against fascism and even civil war. Others
have had decades of liberal bourgeois
democracy and access to some benefits
during the post-WWII boom. Some have trade
unions with class-conscious leaderships pre-
pared to struggle for social advancement.
Other countries have trade unions under the
almost total sway of class-collaborationist
social democrats.
There is no one formula for Communist parties
that could be applied in all these differing con-
ditions. There must be respect for the judge-
ment of Communist parties to chart the way
forward based on knowledge drawn from inti-
mate involvement in the struggles of their
working class and other exploited people.
Some parties are in a more leading position of
the organisations of their respective working
classes and others.
In Australia our Party needs to build its num-
bers and fighting capacity rapidly to meet the
challenges described above. It must work at
building left and progressive alliances in the
course of defending the interests of working
people that are under a concerted attack. We
cannot wait until we have sufficient strength
to go it alone in these battles. Parties in other
countries may well be in a position to do so
but not in Australia.
While Communist and workers parties work in
very different social, economic and political
circumstances, they do operate in an increas-
ingly globalised context. The sharing of expe-
riences and, especially, the development of
solidarity actions remain high priorities. The
opportunity presented by the International
Meetings of Communist and Workers Parties is
invaluable. Unity in action around agreed ob-
jectives should be preserved and enhanced
greatly in the challenging period ahead.
21
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
AZERBAIJAN
TELMAN NURALLAYEV
Dear comrades!
The first thing I wanted to express my appreci-
ation to that the Communist party of Portugal
invited us for such quorum of the Communist
and workers ' parties and for the excellent or-
ganization of the seminar.
Portuguese Communist Party founded in
1922, beginning from 1926 to 1974, has
waged a relentless revolutionary struggle in
harsh conditions underground under the mili-
tary-fascist regime. Therefore, the commu-
nists and the people of Portugal are well
aware of the forms and methods of struggle in
modern conditions.
But in the system of globalization internation-
al bourgeois regime, although pulled on his
"democratic" curtains, shows sophisticated
fascism! The so-called "democratic" methods
globalizers create sensitive area and under
the motto "Alliance for peace", seize foreign
lands and subordinate the will of the people to
global capitalism.
In this issue, they cunningly play the national-
ist card. Manipulating the consciousness of
the peoples, they sow ethnic hatred. Thereby
globalists have created sensitive area in the
Caucasus and in other places.
Here already more than 20 years of tensions
continue between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
20% of Azerbaijani lands are under occupa-
tion, more than a million Azerbaijanis have
been expelled from their native hearth. Al-
though the four resolutions of the U.N.O. and
even the decisions of the Lisbon Summit on
Karabakh issue are still on paper.
All questions with the problems of Karabakh
initiators of the destruction of the socialist
foundations associated with the Communist
party, which ruled the country. The Communist
party of Azerbaijan recreated again in 1993
hardly proves that the regional conflicts in the
hand of the bourgeoisie, who want to
23
"strangers Gorbach" generate well-being and

the life of Paradise. At that as much as possible
to exploit the population of the Third world.
In October 2013 in our Republic passed the
so-called presidential elections. As in the
bourgeois offices they elect who faithfully
serving the global world. Not only to his
people, who participate in voting. And the
pensioners, mainly consists of a majority of
the voters are retiring little more than 150
Euro.
In such conditions, the communist party of
Azerbaijan hardly leading the struggle for so-
cialism.
Comrades, so long as our party are revolution-
ary and fight for the establishment of the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat, the national ques-
tion is, at the present stage paramount and as
Stalin said: "the national question is the Gen-
eral question of the proletarian revolution,
part of the question of the dictatorship of the
proletariat" (I.V. Stalin v.6, page 141).
It would be nice if one of the sessions was
dedicated to national issues.
Comrades!
Very unfortunately fragmentation among the
communist and workers ' parties gives us lead
a decisive struggle against the combined
forces of imperialism.
By the way, after "Khrushov thaws" in the in-
ternational communist movement began
fragmentation of communist and workers '
parties. These trends were reflected, after the
collapse of the USSR and to the communist
parties of the post-Soviet space, except of
course in Tajikistan. And in our Republic, there
appeared also several communist parties.
Proceeding from the principles of Marxism not
all of the Communist party can be called a
Communist.
Using the abbreviations of the Communist
party leaders of these parties from the high
tribunes say as the Communists, and in the
cases they are totally different.
Therefore, workers, that is, the working class
is having a very difficult who to believe!? In
these conditions the revolutionary struggle of
the working class is gained. If the case goes so
in the near future success not wait.
We believe it is time to stop sharing the Com-
munist parties of left and right. The commu-
nist parties must be in positions of Marxist
leninist principles. For the communist party,
when it is actually the communist party an ac-
ceptable version of fighting, mostly revolu-
tionary. Everything else is a deviation from
Marxism .
Some communist and workers ' parties insuf-
ficient struggle against opportunism and revi-
sionism within their parties. And without
crushing blow on opportunism and revision-
ism we will not be able to unite all the pro-
gressive forces.
Russian Communist Workers' Party.
We believe that the attempt with somebody's
manipulations, to withdraw from the compo-
sition of the Working Group, the members of
the RCWP is the serve to opportunism.
We think that comrades have made a right
choice.
Comrades!
Yesterday or rather on October 7th was 97
years of the great victory of the October Revo-
lution. Let me congratulate the communist
and workers parties and everyone who
24
steadily follows the path of the Great October
Revolution and of course we congratulate the
Head of the Communist Party Sergey Alexan-
drovich Mozgovoy for his great work in Marx-
ism-Leninism. We are deeply convinced that
the Communist Party, newly reconstituted in
2004, under the leadership of Oleg Semy-
onovich Shenin who is a tireless fighter for the
cause of Great Lenin, will unite all left-wing
forces of post-Soviet space in the coming
years and the banner of Socialism will rise
once again above the powerful state of the
USSR!
And in this cause the international communist
movement must comprehensively support all
initiatives of the Communist Party to recreate
renewed socialistic state.
Thanks for your attention.
25
DEMOCRATIC
PROGRESSIVE
TRIBUNE,
BAHRAIN
ABDULNABI SALMAN
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31
WORKERS'
PARTY
OF
BELGIUM
(PTB)
BAUDOUIN DECKERS
1. Capitalism has known three global and
systemic crises. The first, at the end of
the 19th century, was countered by im-
perialism and war for the redivision of the
world but this was also followed by the
bolchevik revolution and the birth of the
Soviet Union. The second, in the 1930s,
led to the Second World War and the rise
of US imperialism but also to the exten-
sion of the socialist camp and to a wave
of national liberation struggles. The third
and current crisis of overproduction and
capital over-accumulation has its origins
in the early 1970s. It had been dampened
by several decades of neoliberal policies,
of new opportunities for big capital upon
the counterrevolution in the Soviet Union
and the European people's democracies,
of intensified exploitation of the Third
World through Structural Adjustment
Programs and the debt burden, and by ar-
tificial consumer spending through cheap
credit. But the crisis exploded fully since
the bursting of the financial and housing
bubbles in 2008.
2. Today we are confronted with its dire
consequences in the economic, social
and ecological fields. At par with this eco-
nomic crisis is a democratic and ideologi-
cal crisis in bourgeois society. And at the
international level, there are important
changes in the correlation of forces and
new threats and of local conflicts and
wider wars have become apparent.
3. Five years after the bankruptcy of
Lehman Brothers that brought the world
financial system to the brink of collapse,
the false idea persists that this was a fi-
nancial crisis. The opposite is true: the
widespread financial doping had tem-
porarily masked the true character of this
severe disease of capitalism, the disease
of overproduction, that only came to light
with the bursting of the financial bubble.
33
But overproduction is of course situated

in the realm of production, in the very core
of the capitalist system. That is why nei-
ther a neoliberal nor a keynesian re-
sponse can solve the current crisis and
eradicate its root causes. Two scenarios
are possible for the near future: either a
double dip with a rapid further decline of
the economy, or a longer period of relative
economic stagnation based on an ever
more intensive exploitation of the labour
force.An important factor in today's world
constellation is the position of the world's
hegemonic imperialist power, the United
States. While politically the US can claim
to be the only superpower, having con-
cluded the Cold War to its advantage and
having taken advantage from 9/11 to
reaffirm its military dominance, economi-
cally the US is in dire straits. The US econ-
omy continues to live beyond its means
thanks to massive foreign credit and
thanks to the dollar's status as world
prime currency. But sooner or later, the
strongly negative balance of trade and
balance of payments will take their toll
and diminish the US' stature in the world
or push it to even more aggressive mili-
tary adventures against previously exist-
ing or recently emerging competitors.
4. The crisis of the euro zone reveals a com-
plete unbalanced European construction,
with the uneven development of capital-
ism in the EU member states and no
mechanisms in place to remedy this
through transfers from the more devel-
oped regions to the less developed ones.
To the contrary, the major European capi-
talist economies are involved in a race
among themselves to become the
biggest exporter and, therefore, the
harshest exploiter. Which entails a race
to the bottom regarding unemployment,
working conditions, flexibility, contractu-
alization, social and trade union rights,
and finally also regarding democratic
rights. The economic and social crisis in
the euro zone can lead to further social
upheavals and major political crises,
which may result in serious troubles
throughout the euro zone and even in its
explosion.
5. But yet the very crisis of the euro zone
has pushed the European bourgeoisie to
accelerate the construction of the Euro-
pean supra-national State, the European
Union, in a more and more authoritarian
way. Because the European transnational
corporations desperately need an infras-
tructure and a superstructure capable of
waging economic war and, later on,
possibly real war against the US, Japan
and the emerging economies, and
against its own working class. Since
2010, the EU has advanced much faster
in the direction of a centralized federal
European State, particularly with the
budgetary treaty (the Treaty on Stability,
Coordination and Governance or TSCG),
which gives the European Commission
not only the right to intervene in member
State's fiscal and economic policies, but
also in its social policies, imposing com-
petitiveness in the economic sphere and
eternal austerity in the social sphere.
6. Because the European Union only serves
the interests of European big capital and
is based on competition and inequality, it
has to be challenged in its core and not at
its margins. Major popular movements
34
with a revolutionary orientation will be
necessary throughout the continent for
the workers and peoples to turn their
back to the construction of this supra-
national bourgois state and build a Eu-
rope based on solidarity and cooperation,
a socialist Europe.
7. In the world correlation of forces, new
players have come to the fore, the more
important among them having been erro-
neously lumped together under the
acronym BRICS. During the past five years
of crisis in the 'old world', they have acted
as a strong and counterbalancing motor
of growth, which is different from the sit-
uation pertaining in the 1930s. But the
motor of the BRICS is also starting to
sputter. More importantly, the fact of
contesting the economic hegemony of
the US and the other major imperialist
powers doesn't make the emerging
economies anti-imperialist. For uneven
development is a basic feature of capital-
ism and imperialism. The growth in
strength and influence of the BRICS coun-
tries could only acquire an anti-imperial-
ist character if it were to challenge the
foundations of the imperialist world
order, break with the world capitalist ac-
cumulation and contribute to the libera-
tion of the worlds workers and peoples
from the yoke of big capital. Instead, in
most cases their success rather seems to
stem from a competition to obtain a bet-
ter place in the world capitalist system.
As to alliances of countries that aim to
radically break with imperialist domina-
tion as was the case in the 1960s and
1970s, today it is hard to see any compa-
rable and genuinely anti-imperialist al-
liance, apart from the ALBA in Latin Amer-
ica and the Carribean, centered around
socialist Cuba and the Bolivarian Republic
of Venezuela.
8. The People's Republic of China consti-
tutes a particular case. It still affirms to
be on the path of socialism, and while it
has adopted many characteristics of a
market economy and while itself defin-
ing its economy as a socialist market
economy strong State intervention in
the economy remains. But it cannot be
denied that capitalist elements in the do-
mestic economy are already creating
typical problems such as a housing bub-
ble and a mini credit crisis. International-
ly, China's economy is intensely linked to
those of the US and Europe, and has to
conform to the laws of the international
capitalist market, often to the detriment
of the workers and the people in the tar-
get countries.
9. But it would be wrong to consider China
for this reason alone as an imperialist
country. The international agreements
that China concludes on energy, raw ma-
terials and agricultural products broadly
respect the principle of mutual advan-
tage. Its development cooperation and
agreements on trade and investments
generally assist developing countries to
build an infrastructure, to develop an in-
dustrial base and to accumulate capital
with which an indepent course of devel-
opment can be charted. China does not
possess military bases abroad and does
not threaten any country with interven-
tion or aggression. Objectively, it offers
third countries more possibilities to fol-
low an anti-imperialist road.
35
10.The systemic and prolonged character of
the world capitalist crisis, the changes in
the international correlation of forces
and the examples of workers' and peo-
ples' struggles and revolts around the
world point to the growing opportunities
for developing the forces of revolution
against the forces of reaction, and for the
growing confidence that in the course of
the 21st century, we will see the advance
of the only societal alternative to capital-
ism: socialism.
36
BRAZILIAN
COMMUNIST
PARTY
(PCB)
EDMILSON COSTA
The Central Committee of the Brazilian Com-
munist Party (PCB) salutes all the communist
and workers parties here present and con-
gratulates the host party, the Portuguese
Communist Party, a reference to workers and
communists around the world in recognition
of its historical struggle against capital.
Our XV Meeting is celebrated in a complex in-
ternational context both to workers and to the
capital. The world economic crisis has been
punishing the capitalist system for almost six
years. It is a long, deep and devastating crisis
challenging all the bases of the old capitalist
order framed after the war.
This crisis clearly makes evident the articulat-
ed action of the capital in order to take over
states finances, to cut workers rights and se-
curities, and to confiscate public wealth.
From a political point of view, the capital is im-
posing governments directly managed by rep-
resentatives of the capital whose actions fos-
ter the repression against workers and limits
the already limited bourgeois democracy.
We are facing a permanent state of war
against the workers and the people of the
world, a war in which the capital seeks, by one
hand, to get out of the crisis placing all the
burden on the workers shoulders and, by the
other hand, to promote a plunder war against
the peripheral countries, especially those
with non-renewable natural resources.
The growing crisis, the difficulties in managing
it and the workers and peoples struggles
against the capital are making imperialism
more and more aggressive. Besides, the inva-
sions of Iraq and Afghanistan, imperialism has
invaded Libya, assassinated its president and
robbed their immense oil resources. It threat-
ens to invade Syria and Iran; uses unmanned
aerial vehicles (drones) in many countries, vi-
olating international law and victimizing inno-
cent people; makes threats against Cuba,
Venezuela, and North Korea.
37
Facing this operation theater, workers acquire

more and more conscience of the context in a
process of learning faster than in times of
calm. As in all capitalist crises this is a mo-
ment when the system has more difficulties in
administering its hegemony. This opens win-
dows of opportunities to the emergence of
people and workers movements. Gradually
workers exercise mass actions, demonstra-
tions, strikes, organize forces, causing class
struggle to intensify.
In a first wave, the answer of workers was less
expressive once all were taken by surprise by
the crisis. However, as governments started
to take concrete measures against wages,
pensions, rights and securities, workers start-
ed a resistance with street demonstrations
and general strikes. These manifestations
spread all over the continents, from Europe to
North of Africa, from India to South America,
even to the United States.
Remember that in Europe, by the end of last
year, a promising event took place: for the first
time workers performed an international gen-
eral strike, involving 25 countries, making ac-
tual the call of the founders of Marxism:
workers of the world unite! In spite of the
spontaneous character of these struggles,
without a revolutionary direction to lead
workers in the fight against capital, without a
unifying anti-capitalist program, we can say
that the class struggle moved to another level
and the fissures open in the old capitalist
order give space to an emergence of the peo-
ples actions.
In a globalized world in which the speed of in-
formation becomes extraordinary, the actions
and demonstrations in one country are peda-
gogical to other countries, in spite of the ma-
nipulation of the media. Nevertheless, they
cannot hide anymore the popular demonstra-
tions and this influences the psychology of
the grassroots for the struggle: people is los-
ing fear and gathering energy to collective ac-
tions.
In such context we consider fundamental to
direct the combat not only towards capitalism
and imperialism, but also towards reformism.
As a matter of fact, the reformists are, more
than ever, serious enemies of the socialist
revolution since they deceive workers and de-
mobilize them, simplifying the work of capital.
It is more and more senseless to choose al-
lies in the field of imperialism and even among
their emerging coadjutors. We understand
that there is no such thing as good imperial-
ism or bad imperialism. The difference is
only in the form, not in content. However, we
cannot underestimate contradictions existing
between them, but we understand that they
have identical goals.
Also, we must not conciliate illusions of tran-
sitions to socialism by fundamentally institu-
tional ways, parliamentary majorities or occu-
pation of institutional spaces. The struggle of
masses in all its forms adapted to different
local realities is and will always be the only
weapon in the hands of workers for the con-
quest of power.
We have also considered that the present
model of meetings of communist parties has
an important role of resistance but must be
adapted to the complex necessities of the
present world context, with somber perspec-
tives in a short term and possibilities of en-
hancement of the class struggle with the
growth of workers actions. We think that it is
necessary to end the meeting-ism in which
38
at the end of events our parties elaborate a
generic document and decide the place of the
next encounter, and say farewell, until next
year.
In order to increase the potential of a protago-
nist role of the communist and workers par-
ties in a world sphere of action it is necessary
and urgent to construct a political coordina-
tion not working as a new International, and
which will have the task of organizing regional
and world campaigns of solidarity, contribute
to the debate of ideas, socializing information
on the struggle of the people.
Otherwise, besides the indispensable articula-
tion of the communists, it seems important to
form a broader front of anti-imperialist char-
acter where would fit political forces and pro-
gressive individuals identified with the strug-
gles for self determination of peoples, of peace
among them, of preservation of natural envi-
ronment, of natural resources, of labor, social
and political rights, and against the imperialist
wars and fascist influence over societies. In
synthesis, the struggles for humanity.
We make clear that our Party considers all
forms of struggle. We cannot give place to op-
portunism disregarding peoples right to re-
bellion and armed resistance. In many cases,
it is the only way to face the violence of capital
and overcome it. People can count only on
their own force.
For this reason we salute our Colombian
brothers that resist in cities and mountains
through various forms of action against the
terrorist state of their country. We understand
that there is no military solution to the Colom-
bian conflict. In this sense we salute the dia-
logues aiming to look for a political solution to
the conflict. This dialogue was made possible
by the development of Marcha Patriotica, a
combative and broad Colombian movement of
masses.
We salute people that face the harder battles:
the Greek, Portuguese, Spanish workers who
have already risen in national strikes and
demonstrations, and other workers of Europe,
resisting to terrible plans of capital trying to
tame the crisis. We salute the Palestinian
people in their long lasting and painful con-
frontation against Zionism that occupies their
territory, suffocates and oppresses the peo-
ple, destroys their houses and farms, arrests
their best sons and obstructs their right to a
sovereign state.
We salute our beloved Socialist Cuba in its
fight against the criminal blockade imposed
by the USA. We salute the five (now four)
heroes submitted to the injustice of arrest in
the dungeons of the Empire. We salute the
changes in South America directed by govern-
ments of Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, changes
now at a cross-road between advancements
or setbacks in the process.
We are nevertheless very much concerned
about the real military siege the imperialism is
providing in Latin America: the reestablish-
ment of the IV fleet with a fire power larger
than the combined power of all Latin Ameri-
can countries bringing threats to sovereignty
and peace in the region. The settlement of
several US military bases in the region dis-
turbs Latin American people. Now we have
the construction of a Yankee military airport in
Paraguay, aiming to control the triple border
(Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay), where the
largest world reserve of fresh water lies, the
Guarani water source. But it is not only the im-
perialism of the USA that sieges Latin Ameri-
39
ca. In 1986, OTAN built at Soledad Island,
Malvinas archipelago, the big military base of
Mount Pleasant, with a huge airport and a
naval port suitable for atomic submarines and
with silos for nuclear weapons and barracks
for thousands of troops. This fortress antago-
nizes the Resolution 41 of the UN that consid-
ers the South Atlantic a zone of peace and co-
operation, free of nuclear weapons and de-
vices.
The military occupation of South Atlantic per-
mits the control of maritime routes between
South America, Africa, and Antarctica, and the
connection with the countries of the Pacific
through the Magellan Straight. Besides that,
it allows the control of natural resources of
the continental platform of South Atlantic.
That is how Latin America is surrounded by
sea and land by the military imperialist pow-
ers, with the oversight of most of the local
governments.
The government of capital and the social
struggles
Regarding our country we would like to stress
that we have a government that poses itself
internationally as a progressive one, but it ob-
jectively works for capital leaving to the peo-
ple only crumbs of a policy of social compen-
sation. Never before in Brazil the bankers, the
big undertakers, the agribusiness and the mo-
nopolies had so huge a profit. The economic
external policy of the Brazilian state serves
the purpose of making Brazil a large capitalist
power in the frame of imperialism. Multina-
tional corporations of Brazilian origin lever-
aged by public financial institutions already
dominate some markets in Latin America.
Today the Brazilian government is the orga-
nizer of the transfer of a large part of income
and wealth produced by the country to the
dominant classes through the payment of in-
terests of the public debt and by an unjust re-
gressive tax system. Around 50% of the bud-
get is directed to pay interests and amortiza-
tion of this debt for the satisfaction of profi-
teers and large national and international
monopolies.
The world crisis also reached Brazil. Albeit
without the gravity of that of central coun-
tries, the economic, social and political crisis
is a reality in our country. The economy regis-
ters a low growth in spite of privatizations
performed by Dilmas government, disguised
as public private concessions. Right now
they are delivering to private capital the larger
oil basin of the country.
From the social point of view the situation is
not the best: an urban chaos, with a public
transportation that takes an average of four
hours of the workers day. Health services are
privatized and what remains of public health
services requires users to wait for days in lines
at the attendance posts and the patients are
left in stretchers on the floor in most public
hospitals. The lack of housing forces 25 mil-
lion people to live in shanty-towns, without
sanitary infrastructure, with open sewage and
no water supply nor garbage collection.
Against this state of things millions of Brazil-
ians demonstrated in the streets in more than
600 cities in June this year. These rallies were
the result of an accumulation of social, eco-
nomic and political problems bringing people
to demonstrate indignation against the domi-
nant order and against the social-liberal gov-
ernment of the so called Partido dos Trabal-
hadores (PT).
40
We understand that these demonstrations
started a new cycle of political and social
struggles in Brazil. Now the masses are gath-
ering their experience with the government of
PT and are looking for new alternatives to
solve their concrete problems. It is more and
more clear that PT is a manager of interests of
national and international monopolist capital,
bankers and agribusiness. It manipulates the
mass organizations such as CUT Central
Unica dos Trabalhadores and has no role in
orienting workers. These organizations were
absent in the demonstrations of June.
With these rallies a whole generation is inte-
grated to action of class struggle all over the
country. They show also a serious crisis of
representation in Brazil. The institutional ap-
paratuses of Executive, Legislative and Judi-
ciary are not recognized by the people as rep-
resentative, because of a lack of response to
their claims and because of the truculence of
police against the poor people and workers.
The political parties of the bourgeoisie are
also demoralized by corruption, swindles and
no commitment to campaign promises.
The Brazilian Communist Party understands
that the June demonstrations represented an
extraordinary movement of action of the
Brazilian people. We are just in the beginning
of a crescendo of social unrest whose devel-
opments are impossible to foresee. We recog-
nize that the struggle is ahead. The Brazilian
people lost the fear and the passivity generat-
ed by illusions planted by the governments of
PSDB and PT. The people felt the power of the
action in the streets understanding its force
as a possibility of conquests and perspectives
of deep changes in society. Action is still in-
tense, in new forms and with better organiza-
tion, with more convergence of political pro-
posals. We are working hard for that in this
new journey in order for the revolutionary left
to have a protagonist role.
Long live the international struggle of
workers!
41
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
BRAZIL
(PCDoB)
RONALDO CARMONA
Comrades,
1. The Communist Party of Brazil (PC do B)
welcomes the Portuguese Communist
Party, and in its name, the workers and the
people of Portugal, waging a robust and
combative struggle in defense of the na-
tion, the gains of the April Revolution,
democracy, economic and social rights de-
velopment in a context of great difficul-
ties. At this time, when honoring the PCP,
we join the tributes to the great Por-
tuguese communist revolutionary, lvaro
Cunhal, whose centenary birth is celebrat-
ed this year.
2. In our days, the international situation is
characterized by uncertainty, instability,
conflicts and threats to peace, national in-
dependence and sovereignty and the
rights of peoples. The crisis of capitalism,
entering its sixth consecutive year, per-
sists and shows no signs of cooling; on the
contrary, proves to be of long and unpre-
dictable duration.
3. Monopolies, composed of large financial
conglomerates, and the political forces
and governments that serve to them,
seek to throw the burden of the crisis onto
the workers, reducing labors share in na-
tional income levels and increasing the
dramatic situation of exploitation and un-
employment. Internationally, the U.S. and
the imperialist countries of Europe ma-
neuver with measures that seek to im-
pose on developing countries the effects
of the crisis, manipulating the exchange
rate with the so-called unconventional
monetary policies and proposing new
round of trade liberalization through
asymmetric treaties, seeking to increase
exports to developing countries at any
cost.
4. Developing countries, especially those en-
dowed with large domestic mass markets
43
and under expansion, seek to resist the

crisis advocating, to a greater or lesser de-
gree, their national economies. This is the
case of the BRICS countries, which not only
denounce the maneuvers of the imperial-
ist countries, but also take important
measures to resist the impositions of the
dominant international financial system.
Measures such as trade among BRICS in
their national currency putting into
question the domain of the dollar as domi-
nant currency , the recent creation of a
common fund reserves, and the imminent
creation of the Development Bank of the
BRICS are some examples of these impor-
tant actions.
5. The alliance of the BRICS countries is per-
haps the most visible movement of a
major contemporary international trend of
transition in the context of the world pow-
ers, with the decline of U.S. hegemony. The
current capitalist crisis accelerates this
transition, which simultaneously gener-
ates, as we said, more uncertainty, insta-
bility and conflict.
6. This escalation of instability we fear can
lead to a new wave of wars of aggression.
The U.S. president, Barack Obama, in a re-
cent speech at the UN, breaks down any il-
lusions about his conversion to multilater-
alism. On that occasion, Obama not only
declared his adhesion - if anyone doubted
it - to the thesis of American exceptional-
ism, but also renewed its threats against
Syria, continuing the State action that
moves the United States in an attempt to
reconfigure the Middle East. At this time,
the communists of the world should reaf-
firm their support and solidarity with the
Syrian people, for the defense of the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of
Syria, now in the spotlight of the continu-
ing onslaught of American imperialism
against the peoples of the world.
7. Likewise, in the analysis of the interna-
tional situation, we propose that the com-
munist parties renew their solidarity with
the peoples of Latin America, important
popular resistance laboratory and which
has been giving it contribution to the re-
vival of the struggle for socialism in the
world, based on its unique conditions - no
decal or copy, as the distinguished Peru-
vian Marxist, Jos Carlos Mariategui, said in
his famous quote. At this point, the coun-
tries of Latin America face an imperialist
and rightwing counteroffensive in each
country, but follow the course of deepen-
ing progressive changes, seeking to renew
the goals and objectives of the political
cycle that began in 1998, and which has
completed 15 years in 2013 .
8. The countries of the socialist regime, in
Asia China, Vietnam, Laos and the Peo-
ples Republic of Korea , as well as in
Latin America the Caribbean Cuba ,
have played a prominent role in the strug-
gle of the peoples. Their strength as
sovereign nations, their efforts to make
their people, under the leadership of com-
munist parties, in order to enable the na-
tional development strategies and the
transition to socialism, their actions and
international cooperation for peace, have
support and solidarity of PCdoB.
9. In the current phase, the new struggle for
socialism, beyond the socialist regimes,
one must understand and also support the
new capabilities and new revolutionary
44
processes that begin to awaken and de-
velop, especially in Latin America.
Comrades,
1. In just one week begins the 13th Congress
of the Communist Party of Brazil, to be
held in So Paulo and to which many of
your parties will give us the honor of at-
tending. The biggest event of the Brazilian
communists under the motto Advancing
on changes, big challenge for the next pe-
riod for our Party and our people.
2. The central theme of the 13th Congress of
PCdoB is holding a large stock of advances
and dilemmas faced by democratic and
popular forces in the last decade, a period
in which a broad coalition of political and
social forces is ahead of the government
of Brazil. That is, since 2003, a new gov-
ernment takes office in Brazil, as the prod-
uct of the protracted struggle against the
previous government and its neoliberal
policies. To take stock of the meaning of
this decade is the basis for renewing the
goals aimed at advancing more, which is
the greatest aspiration of the Brazilian
communists and our peoples.
3. President Lula took over the national gov-
ernment in Brazil inheriting what was
called a cursed legacy. Since the crisis of
the national developmental period of the
late 70s, Brazil entered into two decades
of regression and prevalence of neoliberal
orientation. The cursed legacy prevented
further progress and limited the pace of
change.
4. Having participated and been active player
in the unit that led the leftist parties and a
broad coalition to the national govern-
ment since 2003, the Communist Party of
Brazil from the beginning assumed, for the
first time in its history of over 90 years, re-
sponsibilities under the federal govern-
ment. Since then, the party is replaced by
a new tactical guidance to advance the ac-
cumulation of revolutionary forces, and
popular mobilization as a driving force of
change and jockeying for position in the
elections, parliamentary and majoritarian
elections, as occurs today in most coun-
tries of Latin America.
5. Participation in the federal government
and sub-national governments and parlia-
ments is combined with two other dimen-
sions of a system of party work aiming to
promote the accumulation of revolution-
ary forces. Other dimensions are the
movement of workers and popular masses
and the struggle of ideas.
6. PCdoB carries out the balance of this
decade of democratic and progressive
governments in Brazil - first with the elec-
tion of President Lula in 2002 and since
2010, with President Dilma - with refer-
ence to the Socialist Program of our Party.
A decade that begins with what our Party
understands to be a period of transition
and of struggle for a new National Devel-
opment Program to pave the way to a
achievement of the political power by the
vanguard forces and for a revolutionary
rupture to lead Brazil into socialism. This
Brazilian path to socialism is not without
contradictions, and even partial defeats.
7. We understand that in the last decade our
country has recorded significant progress.
The country had a sovereign foreign policy,
45
advocating causes dear to developing
countries and peoples, especially plat-
forms such as the opposition to imperialist
wars and the defense of the rights of peo-
ples to develop autonomous national pro-
jects. Brazil also promoted the integration
with the countries of South America and
Latin America and the Caribbean, and al-
liances with developing countries in other
continents. We have progressed in the de-
mocratization of the State, now more
open to the people and their organiza-
tions, even though we still face a struggle
for the democratization of the media. We
have also progressed in terms of more
rights for workers and peoples through ac-
tive policies of income distribution and
valoration of labor, fighting against a lega-
cy of high levels of social inequality.
8. A strong reaction of the right-wing forces,
supported by the media monopoly, tried to
destabilize the government of President
Lula in 2005. At this time the labor move-
ment and other social movements de-
fended the mandate of the president and
rejected the action coup. The second Lula
government, from 2007, marked a new
phase, with a resumption of the states
role in promoting economic development,
particularly in fostering infrastructure, in
the expansion of social policies, and soon
after, in the search to regain control by the
State over the huge oil reserves discov-
ered in the South Atlantic and also over
Petrobras itself.
9. The election of President Dilma Rousseff in
2010 marks the third victory of democrat-
ic and popular forces. Her election gives
rise to a third phase in the trajectory expe-
rienced during the decade, where ad-
vances in macroeconomic policy change,
making a strong cut in interest rates and
devaluing the currency, seeking to create
conditions more conducive to economic
development.
10.In June this year, massive popular demon-
strations came about in all large and medi-
um cities. The schedule of events, diffuse,
seeked to defend better living conditions,
particularly higher quality in health and
education. Quickly, the monopolized
media and sectors of the rightwing at-
tempted to influence the mobilization
campaign against strong political organi-
zation, trade unions and popular organiza-
tions - with outstanding destabilizing pur-
poses.
11.PCdoB, which since its 2009 Congress had
been advocating the need for profound
structural reform agenda as the basis for
the government to go further in achieving
changes, reaffirmed and continues to
reaffirm this question. President Dilma
rightly proposed to rely on the strength of
the streets to carry out these reforms and
thus proposed initiatives that are based on
the schedule that you hear on the streets -
and in turn, the thesis that our party had
been arguing with emphasis, for example
the allocation of resources of the oil rev-
enues of the pre-salt to education and
health, and the binding of 10% of GDP to
education by 2020.
12.The next period poses a challenge that our
13th Congress has been describing as the
need for a new rush; that is, the need to
advance the progressive agenda. For this,
the great challenge facing the national
plan is to win a fourth victory of the people
46
in the presidential and parliamentary elec-
tions in 2014, developing a clearer pro-
gressive program, and strengthening a
popular and advanced block to fight for
change.
Comrades,
1. We conclude with the appreciation of the
critical importance of the unity of the in-
ternational communist movement in the
current global context. The current pro-
cess of International Meeting of Commu-
nist and Workers Parties need to continue
in the next period as an important forum
for discussion and united action of our
movement.
2. For this we must promote our political and
ideological unity, which exists and is based
on Marxism-Leninism, while respecting
the different strategic positions and tac-
tics of each party, defined based on specif-
ic national and continental realities.
3. We must absolutely not get lost in smaller
debates on organizational forms. In our
opinion, long has been the time when the
international communist movement
needed a single center and had a unique
strategy. Our challenge is to get the high-
est possible degree of ideological and po-
litical unity, and develop joint actions and
internationalist campaigns.
4. There are major challenges which sum-
mon the communist and workers parties
in a historical context of structural and
systemic crisis of capitalism, instability,
wars and uncertainties. A lot of drive and a
lot of determination and perseverance will
be needed to face this historical period, in
the long journey towards the emancipa-
tion of the world proletariat.
Long live Marxism-Leninism and interna-
tionalism!
Long live the unity of the communist and
workers parties!
47
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
BRITAIN
JOHN FOSTER
It is an honour to attend this meeting and to
bring greetings from the Communist Party of
Britain.
This annual meeting is of particular impor-
tance to small Communist parties such as
ours. The existence of a unified world move-
ment provides critical encouragement and
support.
The Communist parties gathered here struggle
in different circumstance. But all are ultimate-
ly united in seeking to achieve socialism.
Our internationalism and unity is a key part of
our strength as Communists.
The Communist Party of Britain is indeed small
and we have to struggle against a ruling
class that still represents one of the great
centres of imperialist power.
Today, however, the British ruling class is itself
weak and parasitic.
I want to focus on the contradictions it faces -
which Communists and their allies seek to ex-
ploit.
British finance capital has only a very limited
base in productive industry. Its ability to ex-
ploit depends disproportionately on finance.
Its international power rests on its long-term
alliance with the US. US banks use London to
control financial markets in Europe.
Politically Britains role in the EU is to defend
these banking interests and to ensure that
the EU is tied to the wider geo-political objec-
tives of the US and NATO.
What are the contradictions that arise ?
The extent of financialisation has meant that
Britain is still saddled with a mountain of com-
mercial and financial debt. Over 400 per cent
of GDP. Far higher than any other major impe-
rialist power.
Investment in the wider economy has col-
lapsed.
49
The governments response has been two-

fold.
One is to seek to resolve the crisis at the ex-
pense of working people: to deepen exploita-
tion still further. Real wages have been cut by
over 11 per cent since 2008: more than any-
where else in Europe apart from Greece and
Portugal.
The other is to impose cuts in public expendi-
ture that again match the worst elsewhere in
Europe. Equivalent to 10 per cent of GDP. The
object is to cut labours social wage but, even
more, to give the government the funds to
bail-out the banks when the next crash oc-
curs.
The result has been to prolong Britains reces-
sion indefinitely. Its economy remains 3 per
cent smaller than it was in 2008.
However, this has in turn brought significant
political challenges for finance capital in
Britain.
First, its own wider political base is eroding.
Small business, the self-employed and the
traditionally xenophobic sections of the work-
ing class are deserting to support the anti-im-
migrant, anti-EU UKIP.
Second, the trade union movement has moved
to the Left threatening the role of the Labour
Party as the alternative government for fi-
nance capital a party that under Blair served
as the advance guard of US imperialism.
This change was illustrated in the historic
vote in parliament this September when the
Labour leadership was obliged to oppose
armed intervention in Syria.
The ruling class response has been to attack
the organisational and financial links that still
exist between the trade unions and the
Labour Party. In order to end the threat of fur-
ther working class mobilisation, it wants to
depoliticise the trade unions and fully capture
the Labour Party.
In terms of its own electoral base it has im-
posed racist anti-immigrant policies and
taken a posture of criticising the EU.
But let there be no mistake. It is only a pos-
ture. The Conservative Party has no intention
of pulling out of the EU. The Americans would
not let them. Finance capital would not let
them.
Instead, the Conservatives intend to use the
threat of an EU referendum to extract further
concessions on behalf of the City of London.
Currently Cameron is forging a tactical al-
liance with Germany to push for even harsher
anti-working class policies across the EU.
This is why the Communist Party of Britain op-
poses the EU and supports withdrawal.
We see the EU as representing the collective
interests of the imperialist powers within Eu-
rope including our own ruling class and its US
allies. The EU is systemically bound to big
business policies. It represents the interests
of the most powerful monopoly capitalist
states against the peoples of Europe. Its fur-
ther integration is designed to destroy the po-
tential for democratic transformation and
popular sovereignty within the nations of Eu-
rope.
Today our task as Communists in Britain is to
win an understanding of these class forces: to
be at the forefront of the mass defensive
struggles but at the same time expose the na-
ture of our ruling class and exploit the contra-
dictions within its base.
50
We back the Peoples Assembly movement.
This is led by the trade unions and aims to
unite organised and unorganised workers,
local communities, the womens movement,
peace and ecology and to do so in struggles
to develop the principles of anti-capitalist
democracy and public democratic ownership.
In this work we are immensely strengthened
by the existence of the wider Communist
movement, by the achievement of Commu-
nists and their allies elsewhere.
Dear comrades.
Long live Communist internationalism!
Long Live socialism!
51
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
BULGARIA
ALEKSANDAR DIMITROV
,
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55
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56
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
CANADA
ELIZABETH ROWLEY
It is a great honour and a privilege to speak
from a platform in the homeland of the great
Communist internationalist and theorist Com-
rade Alvaro Cunhal. Would that he were with
us now to give us his thinking on the very diffi-
cult problems facing the international work-
ing class and the Communist and Workers
Parties today. No doubt he would counsel
unity of the international Communist move-
ment as an essential ingredient in the strug-
gle against imperialism, war and reaction, and
for social advance and socialism.
Last spring, our 37
th
Convention determined
that our Party Program which outlines our
strategy for socialism in Canada should be re-
viewed and updated prior to the 38
th
Conven-
tion in 2016. The central question is the tran-
sition to socialism, the phases of transition
and the objectives of each phase, and the al-
liances necessary to achieve those objec-
tives.
In addition, the national question in Canada
and the national rights of the Qubcois(es)
and of Aboriginal peoples across the country,
is a central factor that affects all aspects of
the struggle for socialism, and for a united
mass resistance to imperialism and war
abroad, and austerity and reaction at home.
As we prepare for this discussion, which is
about the role and objectives of our small rev-
olutionary party in non-revolutionary condi-
tions, we reiterate our conviction that we are
in the epoch of the transition from capitalism
to socialism and that there is no other rung on
the ladder of social and human history but so-
cialism. We also reiterate that the transition
to socialism occurs in each country according
to a timetable determined by the objective
and subjective conditions obtaining in each
country, including the strength and unity of
the working class and its allies, the strength
and influence of the Communist Party, the de-
velopment of class and political conscious-
55
ness among the people, and the development

of a revolutionary situation.
More than twenty years after the fall of the
USSR and the socialist bloc, we can say that
the greatest damage to our revolutionary
cause, in Canada, was the widespread con-
clusion that socialism doesnt work and is
therefore not the alternative to capitalism
that working people are searching for in in-
creasing numbers today. This is the conse-
quence of the end of the history proclama-
tions, which while they are quite wrong, have
had widespread effect in the advanced capi-
talist countries, including Canada. We have
an enormous job to do politically and ideolog-
ically to counter the state sponsored anti-
communist campaigns, and to recreate the
magnetism of socialism working class
power that galvanized workers for social-
ism in the past. Developments In Cuba and
Latin America have sparked the hopes of mil-
lions of people that imperialism can be de-
feated and that a new world order, based on
democracy, sovereignty, peace, environmen-
tal security, and socialism, can be achieved
through the peoples struggle.
We are confronted with new problems, includ-
ing the environmental catastrophe that is en-
gulfing the whole world; the result of unbri-
dled capitalist greed and development. We
must become the champions of peace and the
environment, linking these issues to the need
for profound and fundamental change, to the
Communist agenda, and to socialism.
In this same time, we have seen the crisis of
social democracy play out internationally and
in Canada, where the New Democratic Party
has abandoned all responsibility and account-
ability to the working class and the organized
labour movement, and has jettisoned its pro-
gressive policies in favour of neoliberal dogma
all in pursuit of government power and cor-
porate approval.
The CPC has long since abandoned its 1971
policy of seeking cooperation with the NDP
when the NDP leadership abandoned social-
ism as its stated goal; all references to social-
ism have been finally purged from that partys
program and constitution earlier this year.
Yet there are many socialist-minded mem-
bers of the NDP with whom we work closely in
the labour and peoples movements, who are
horrified by the NDPs positions in support of
war and against the best interests of the
working class and working people. The NDPs
electoral gains in the last election could easily
melt away in the 2015 election, as those
votes were mainly against the Conservative
austerity policies; not in support of social
democratic policies of austerity.
As austerity bites deeper into wages and living
standards, as unemployment and social con-
ditions worsen, and as the attack on labour
and democratic rights sharpens, there is also
a growing demand for an organized economic,
social and political resistance lead by labour
and its social and community allies.
A sharp struggle has opened up in the labour
movement between left and right social
democrats over the direction of the trade
union movement, their view of mass indepen-
dent labour political action, and their relations
with the NDP. The central issue is class strug-
gle or class collaboration.
Communists in the trade unions and peoples
movements are fighting for escalating mass
independent political action that will put tens
of thousands of people in the streets against
56
austerity and anti-labour, anti-democratic at-
tacks, including Conservative efforts to break
the trade union movement and eliminate the
right to strike with US styled, right-to-work
laws. We fight for a peoples agenda of jobs,
rising wages, incomes and living standards,
for strong public services, affordable housing,
quality public and post-secondary education,
universal public healthcare, expanded labour,
social, civil and democratic rights, for peace
and environmental security, for sovereignty,
and for the right of nations to self-determina-
tion up to and including the right to secession.
While we do not advocate secession, and in
fact warn against secession in the current po-
litical context, we defend and uphold the right
to nations in Canada to choose secession, in
the same way we defend and uphold the
rights of men and women to divorce if that is
their choice.
In upholding these rights, we create the es-
sential conditions for unity on an equal, volun-
tary basis in a socialist Canada. We also create
the conditions for unity of the working class in
English-speaking Canada, in Qubec, and
among Aboriginal Peoples, in the struggle to
resist capitalist globalization, austerity, war,
and reaction today, and for socialism tomor-
row.
Our objective is to build a broad-based Peo-
ples Coalition which, with labour at its core, is
an alliance that can launch an extra-parlia-
mentary counter-offensive against the corpo-
rations and their right-wing governments. We
anticipate that this will lead to new forms of
cooperation and alliances that will have a po-
litical parliamentary expression, able to curb
corporate power, and introduce far-reaching
and fundamental social and economic re-
forms. This will not unfold without the strong,
revolutionary leadership of the Communist
Party.
Canadian Communists recognize that the spe-
cific conditions in Canada, as an advanced
capitalist country deeply integrated into the
US economy and being rapidly integrated into
the US war machine, will not be the same as in
other countries where objective and subjec-
tive conditions are different. Lenin looked for
the weak link in imperialisms chain, reflecting
the dialectics of the class struggle nationally
and internationally.
What is universal is the transition to socialism
as a historical necessity, based on the specific
conditions and alignment of forces in each
country. We recognize and respect those
specificities, while also expressing our strong
support for more coordination and unity of the
World Communist Movement and of the inter-
national working class movement.
In conclusion, we would like to thank the Por-
tuguese Communist Party for generously
agreeing to host this important meeting.
Thank you.
57
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
CHILE
MARCOS SUZARTE
Estimadas compaeras y estimados com-
paeros
Agradecemos la posibilidad de intervenir en
este encuentro de reflexin sobre los pro-
cesos que nuestros partidos llevamos ade-
lante en nuestras pases en pos de cambios
sociales revolucionarios. Las experiencias
de cada uno nos ayudarn a todos a enri-
quecer nuestras polticas.
En nuestro caso, este intercambio coincide
con la conmemoracin de 40 aos del golpe
militar fascista que derroc el gobierno po-
pular revolucionario que encabez Salvador
Allende que avanz un proceso de transfor-
maciones encaminado a la construccin de
una sociedad socialista. Pese a la dura de-
rrota experimentada, el proceso vivido en
los aos del Gobierno Popular y la posterior
resistencia al fascismo, es una fuente de
experiencias, que incluye logros y tambin
errores que, apreciados razonadamente,
deben contribuir al xito de nuestras luchas
por cambios de fondo en el presente.
Lo que la mayora de las fuerzas de izquier-
da asumamos en el perodo anterior al
golpe, con matices y diferencias, era que en
las condiciones de Chile de entonces era
posible abrir camino a la generacin y con-
solidacin de un proceso revolucionario que
lograra un poder de nuevo tipo.
Los logros democratizadores eran sobre
todo producto del accionar de la izquierda y
de su capacidad de abrir espacio a alianzas
y convergencias con las fuerzas democrti-
cas de centro.
Tenamos tambin presente que era obliga-
torio prevenir giros drsticos de la situacin
que implicaran la incorporacin de otras
formas de lucha, incluyendo la probable ne-
cesidad de formas armadas. Se inici en-
tonces un proceso de formacin de cuadros
militares, especialmente jvenes, apoyn-
61
donos en la solidaridad internacional.

Pugnbamos por una va no armada, pero
debamos considerar que eso no dependa
solo de nosotros. No obstante, los hechos
mostraron una falencia grave del desarrollo
de esa poltica militar lo que vale tambin
para los tres aos del gobierno allendista
pese a la valiosa actitud del Presidente
Allende y de relevantes cuadros militares
institucionales.
La Unidad Popular se defini como alianza
orientada a abrir paso a un cambio de fondo
del sistema poltico social imperante. La
conquista del gobierno era un importante
logro, pero debamos convertir esa victoria
en conquista del poder sobre la base de
trasformaciones sociales y polticas que
condujeran a la construccin de una socie-
dad socialista.
En el avance de ese proceso se llev a cabo
el golpe militar fascista que instal la dicta-
dura de Pinochet durante 17 aos, con sus
secuelas de represin generalizada contra
el pueblo y la instalacin de las polticas ne-
oliberales que han llevado a nuestro pas a
ser el smbolo mundial de la desigualdad
social como lo acreditan las estadsticas re-
copiladas por la ONU.
Una agrupacin de partidos democrticos,
desde el Partido Socialista hasta la Demo-
cracia Cristiana, con exclusin del Partido
Comunista, agrupados en la llamada Con-
certacin Democrtica, gobernaron desde
el fin de la dictadura (1990) hasta que la
derecha gan la eleccin presidencial con
Sebastin Piera en 2010. Esa derrota fue
el resultado previsible de las polticas de la
Concertacin que mantuvo en lo esencial el
neoliberalismo instalado por la dictadura.
Aplicando su poltica de revolucin de-
mocrtica aprobada en su XX Congreso del
ao 1994 y ratificada en su XXI Congreso,
nuestro Partido est empeado hoy en la
generacin de lo que hemos denominado
Una Nueva Mayora Nacional que haga po-
sible la convergencia del ms amplio arco
de fuerzas democrticas para conquistar un
gobierno capaz de superar la preeminencia
que desde la dictadura y por aos ha man-
tenido el neoliberalismo como esencia de la
poltica de sucesivos gobiernos incluyendo
los gobiernos de la Concertacin y, con
mayor razn del actual gobierno de dere-
cha.
Ya en el Manifiesto Comunista Marx y Engels
plantearon que la poltica del proletariado
deba asentarse en la perspectiva de hacer
converger en la accin en pro de la revolu-
cin a todas las fuerzas sociales y polticas
cuyos intereses chocaran con el dominio de
clase existente. Escribieron all: los comu-
nistas trabajan en todas partes por la unin
y el acuerdo entre las fuerzas democrticas
de todos los pases y apoyan por doquier
todo movimiento revolucionario contra el
rgimen social poltico existente.
Es claro que la contradiccin fundamental
en las sociedades modernas es la que en-
frenta a los proletarios y el gran capital ex-
terno y oligrquico. No obstante, debemos
constatar que no solo los proletarios son
vctimas de esa dominacin sino tambin
vastos sectores intermedios. En ese cua-
dro, apreciamos que la contradiccin prin-
cipal del perodo es la que enfrenta los inte-
reses del imperialismo y las oligarquas
agraria, financiera e industrial con los inte-
reses de los trabajadores de la ciudad y el
campo, pero tambin de la intelectualidad,
62
de la juventud, de pequeos propietarios y
de sectores de la burguesa vinculadas
esencialmente al mercado interno. Crear
condiciones para reunir en un frente comn
esa diversidad de clases y capas sociales y
sus distintas expresiones polticas es el
fundamento objetivo de la construccin de
una correlacin de fuerzas polticas y socia-
les capaz de enfrentar con xito el poder de
las clases dominantes y el imperialismo y
hacer realidad la conquista del poder y con
ello la capacidad de construir una sociedad
de nuevo tipo.
En esa realidad la Nueva Mayora Nacional
es concebida como un espacio integrador
de todas las expresiones polticas y sociales
que se enfrentan a la permanencia del mo-
delo neoliberal instalado por Pinochet y los
suyos y que no fue desplazado por los go-
biernos de la Concertacin y tampoco, por
cierto, por el actual gobierno de derecha de
Piera, que es consecuente promotor y sos-
tenedor del neoliberalismo.
La batalla por la unidad es una lucha com-
pleja, un proceso que experimenta avances
y retrocesos, convergencias de aliados y
tambin prdidas. Es esencial mantener
firme la vocacin unitaria fundada en sus
bases objetivas (intereses de clases y
capas sociales que tratamos de unir tras el
objetivo comn del cambio social) as como
garantizar el rumbo hacia el cambio de
fondo que funda la unidad en la diversidad.
Intransigencia ante los sostenedores del
sistema social que proponemos cambiar,
flexibilidad y tolerancia ante los dems.
Lo principal es siempre la organizacin del
movimiento popular: la experiencia confir-
ma que las batallas de las organizaciones
sociales del ms diverso espectro generan
situaciones que presionan por cambios de
fondo y promueven acciones de sectores di-
versos. Las organizaciones sindicales, el
movimiento estudiantil, las estructuras de
variada composicin que emergen en regio-
nes, han significado despertares que abren
camino a los cambios que promovemos.
Actualmente, nos encontramos a una se-
mana de la eleccin Presidencial, conjunta-
mente con las elecciones Parlamentarias y
de los Consejeros Regionales (que actan a
nivel de cada una de las 15 regiones del
pas). Como coalicin de la Nueva Mayora
logramos coincidir en el apoyo a una candi-
data presidencial nica, la ex Presidenta Mi-
chelle Bachelet, una lista nica de candida-
tos al Parlamento y de Consejeros Regiona-
les, y lo que es fundamental para nuestro
Partido- concordamos en un Programa
comn que se propone iniciar transforma-
ciones estructurales en el pas, destacn-
dose la decisin de cambiar la actual Cons-
titucin, que es an una herencia de la dic-
tadura. El xito de esta nueva etapa de
cambios profundos depender de muchos
factores, pero fundamentalmente de la
fuerza de los movimientos sociales para
asegurar el cumplimiento del Programa y la
obtencin de una slida representacin de
la Nueva Mayora en el Parlamento. Ser
muy importante la solidaridad internacional
con este proceso para ponerlo a resguardo
de las agresiones y eventuales acciones de-
sestabilizadoras del imperialismo.
El Partido Comunista de Chile saluda este XV
Encuentro Internacional de los Partido Co-
munistas y Obreros con la firme conviccin
de que la lucha en contra del imperialismo,
del capitalismo en su fase neoliberal, dirigi-
63
da en la mayora de los pases del orbe, por
fuerzas de izquierda, por comunistas y re-
volucionarios, continuar sin tregua hasta
alcanzar el socialismo.
VIVA EL SOCIALISMO
VIVA LA PAZ
Gracias
64
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
CHINA
ZHOU YUYUN
Im happy to have this opportunity to attend
the 15
th
International Meeting of the Commu-
nist and Workers Parties representing the In-
ternational Department of the Central Com-
mittee of the Communist Party of China. I
would like to express my sincere thanks to the
kind invitation and hard work of Chairman and
the Portuguese Communist Party and I wish
the Meeting a great success!
Comrades,
The world today is undergoing profound and
complicated changes. The trends toward a
multi-polar world, economic globalization,
cultural diversity and IT application are gain-
ing momentum. Technology revolution is
conceiving new breakthroughs. Global coop-
eration is expanding at multiple levels. With
the overall strength of emerging and devel-
oping countries continuously improving, the
international power structure is shifting in
favor of world peace and there are more fa-
vorable conditions to maintain overall stabili-
ty of the international landscape. However,
the other side of the picture is a world still far
from being tranquil. The global financial crisis
is producing a far-reaching impact on the
world. World economic growth is overshad-
owed by growing factors of instability and un-
certainty, and imbalance in global develop-
ment has worsened. There are signs of in-
creasing hegemonism, power politics and
neo-interventionism, and local turmoils keep
cropping up. Global issues such as food secu-
rity, energy and resource security and cyber
security are becoming more pressing. This
complicated picture of our world has pro-
foundly changed the domestic and external
environment of communist and workers par-
ties, presenting both rare opportunities and
daunting challenges for the development of
socialism.
On the one hand, the international financial
crisis has flung capitalism into a structural
63
dilemma, testifying to Marxs criticism on

capitalism. The socialist values of fairness,
justice, solidarity and mutual help have taken
deeper roots. We have come to realize that
savage capitalism has to be reined in by ef-
fective democratic control and regulation.
The development model of neo-liberalism
can no longer sustain itself, bearing out the
need for a change and readjustment. A devel-
opment pattern must be introduced that
combines market economy and government
control, ensures balanced development be-
tween real economy and virtual economy and
addressing both fairness and efficiency. On
the other hand, we must not fail to see the
capability of capitalism to conduct self-ad-
justment and the flexibility of its institutions
and systems. A number of capitalist countries
are shifting the burden of crisis onto others
through financial and monetary leverages
and the spillover effect of their monetary
policies has posed external pressure on the
economic development of emerging and de-
veloping countries. To address the economic
crisis, some countries cut down public ser-
vices and social welfare which eroded work-
ers rights and interests. In the international
field, unilateralism and power politics in vio-
lation of the UN Charter and the basic princi-
ples of international law are manifest from
time to time. Some capitalist countries have
stepped up efforts to scramble for domi-
nance over the new round of industrial revo-
lution and globalization and a head start in
reshaping international rules, so as to restrict
the space of development and discourse of
socialism via inequitable competition, irra-
tional order and unfair rules. Therefore, we
communists must be united to pursue our
own development through cooperation.
Comrades,
The 18
th
National Congress of the Communist
Party of China held in November 2012 laid out
the two centenary goals of the Chinese com-
munists. First, by 2020 when we mark the
centenary of the founding of the Communist
Party of China, we will double Chinas 2010
GDP and per capita income of urban and rural
residents to reach 80.3 trillion RMB and
25,016 RMB respectively and complete the
building of a moderately prosperous society in
all respects. Second, by 2049 when we mark
the centenary of the founding of the Peoples
Republic of China, we will have built China into
a modern socialist country that is prosperous,
strong, democratic, culturally advanced and
harmonious and attained the Chinese dream
of prosperity, national renewal and peoples
well-being.
The Communist Party of China believes that
under new conditions, the Party faces compli-
cated and severe long-term tests in exercis-
ing governance, carrying out reform and
opening up and developing the market econo-
my as well as tests from the external environ-
ment. And the whole Party is confronted with
increasingly grave dangers of lacking in drive,
incompetence, being out of touch with the
people, corruption and other misconduct.
Therefore, this year, the Communist Party of
China has launched a mass line education
campaign characterized by principles of serv-
ing the people, being pragmatic and uphold-
ing integrity. Party members are required to
thoroughly examine themselves, detect and
then correct whatever problems they have. As
the General Secretary put it, we must look in
the mirror, tidy our attire, take a bath and cure
our sickness. The campaign seeks to
strengthen the ruling partys style of work,
64
and address the root cause for tackling for-
malism, bureaucracy, hedonism and extrava-
gance so as to maintain the partys close ties
with people. The Communist Party of China
has all along been committed to the notion of
establishing the party for the people and as-
suming power to serve the people. Following
the mass line is the fundamental approach for
us to maintain the partys advanced nature
and purity and address various risks and chal-
lenges in ruling. Tomorrow, on November 9
th
,
the third plenary session of the 18
th
CPC Cen-
tral Committee will be held. The Communist
Party of China holds that China is in the prima-
ry stage of socialism and will remain so for a
long time to come. As reform is the source of
all impetuses for socialist development, the
plenum will lay out a comprehensive plan for
deepening reform in all respects with a view
to resolutely eliminating the structural and in-
stitutional obstacles that hinder the develop-
ment of productivity and social fairness and
justice, to ensuring inclusive growth and to
delivering the fruits of development to all
people.
Comrades!
We are living in an interdependent world, a
world that is increasingly becoming a commu-
nity of common destiny. In this new historic
era, all the progressive forces in this world
must join hands and work in concert to safe-
guard world peace, promote common devel-
opment and achieve social advancement.
China will hold high the banner of peace, de-
velopment, cooperation and mutual benefit
and pursue equality, democracy and inclu-
siveness so as to make the international order
and system more just and equitable. Based on
the principles for party-to-party relations of
independence, complete equality, mutual re-
spect and non-interference in each others in-
ternal affairs, we will be committed to
strengthening exchanges and dialogues with
communist parties, workers parties and other
progressive forces of various countries to
share experience in governing the party and
the country, to explore ways to address global
challenges and to promote the continuous
development of the cause of socialism in the
world!
Comrades!
After 14 years of persistent efforts, the Inter-
national Meeting of the Communist and Work-
ers Parties has become an important plat-
form for communist and workers parties of
various countries to conduct exchanges of
ideas and theories and develop friendly coop-
erative relations, thus contributing remark-
ably to the exchanges, dialogues and cooper-
ation among communist and workers parties
across the world. Though Lisbon is in the sea-
son of late autumn, the warmth of my fellow
comrades at todays meeting has made me
feel like in spring. As an ancient Chinese say-
ing goes, Nothing can separate people with
common goals and ideals, not even moun-
tains and seas. As long as all the worlds pro-
gressive forces including communist and
workers parties work together with united
strength, the ideal of socialism will be real-
ized!
Thank you!
65
PEOPLES
VANGUARD
PARTY,
COSTA RICA
WRITTEN CONTRIBUTION
Estimados compaeros: Reciban un cordial
y revolucionario saludo de los militantes del
PARTIDO VANGUARDIA POPULAR.
Lamentamos profundamente no poder par-
ticipar en el ENCUENTRO, diversas razones,
entre ellas nuestros problemas financieros,
nos han impedido estar presentes.
Esperamos que el movimiento comunista,
en ese Encuentro, logre articular un modelo
de unidad, cooperacin y lucha, para enca-
rar los nuevos fenmenos sociales, polti-
cos, econmicos y ticos. Contamos, como
es evidente, con el formidable arsenal te-
rico que nos legaron Marx, Engels y Lenin,
enriquecido por la actividad revolucionaria
y el pensamiento de grandes dirigentes re-
volucionarios, entre los que cabe destacar a
Fidel Castro, Ho Chi Ming, Mao Zedong, Che
Guevara, Jos Carlos Maritegui, Hugo Cha-
ves y muchos ms. Estas ideas, estas expe-
riencias, sumadas al enorme caudal tico
de aquellos que entregaron sus vidas gene-
rosas en la lucha por la justicia social, la so-
berana de los pueblos; muchos de ellos en
tareas internacionalistas.
El imperialismo est sufriendo una profun-
da crisis que se ha extendido a los pases
dependientes, lo cual configura una crisis
generalizada en todo el mundo del capital.
Esta crisis se mantiene ms all de los ci-
clos propios del modo de produccin capi-
talista. La crisis interna, la resistencia y re-
belin de los pueblos, pensamos nosotros,
son ya ms activas en los procesos polticos
que el poder de las armas, incluyendo las de
destruccin masiva con que cuentan las po-
tencias imperialistas. En lo que va del siglo
XXI las aventuras militares no les han dado
los resultados esperados por los dirigentes
del imperio, destruyeron pases pero al
mismo tiempo se ganaron el repudio de
todos los hombres y mujeres decentes del
mundo.
Nos parece que las experiencias revolucio-
narias en Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador,
67
la creacin del ALBA, la unidad latinoameri-

cana en el CELAC, el fortalecimiento del
Mercosur, han fortalecido al movimiento re-
volucionario, sobre todo por la originalidad
de estos procesos de construccin de una
conciencia nacional y denuevos caminos
para la transicin del capitalismo al socia-
lismo.
Estos hechos aqu apenas bocetados nos
indican que es la hora de la unidad de los
comunistas, que deben ser una fuerza pol-
tica capaz de aportar los caminos ms cer-
teros para el proceso de la lucha antiimpe-
rialista y anticapitalista.
No propugnamos una hegemona formal,
sino ser una vanguardia real capaz de reco-
nocer los mritos revolucionarios de los que
luchan desde otras trincheras y, en todo
caso, trabajar siempre por la unidad popu-
lar.
Estimados compaeros: El Partido Vanguar-
dia Popular cumpli 82 aos de existencia.
Obviamente nuestra historia es compleja.
Hemos pasado por periodos de auge y otros
de debilitamiento. Hemos sufrido ataques
diversos, entre ellos divisiones internas que
han sido especialmente daosas. Todo esto
nos debilit pero no logr destruirnos. Esta-
mos en la lucha y haciendo esfuerzos por el
fortalecimiento de nuestras filas.
Nos despedimos con fundada esperanza
que esta reunin fortalezca la unidad de los
comunistas y de todos los luchadores por la
independencia nacional y la justicia para
todo el pueblo.
Largo y difcil ser el camino, pero la huma-
nidad y el medio ambiente sern salvados
por el socialismo. Y solo por el socialismo.
El neoliberalismo es la muerte, la lucha, la
vida.
Viva la unidad de los comunistas y de
todos los revolucionarios!
Viva la Unidad de todos los pueblos!
Proletarios de todos los pases, unos!
68
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
CUBA
OSCAR MARTINEZ CORDOVES
Esteemed Comrades:
First of all, we would like to express our grati-
tude to the Portuguese Communist Party for
hosting the organization and holding the
15
th
International Meeting of Communist and
Workers Parties, which has meant an addi-
tional effort in its daily work amidst the diffi-
cult conditions imposed by the just struggle
for the peoples and workers rights as a result
of the deepening of the capitalist crisis that
affects them. We would like to express to you
our acknowledgement and our solidarity sup-
port.
This event takes place in the context of the
centenary of the birth of the historical leader
of the Portuguese Communist Party, comrade
Alvaro Cunhal, an impeccable and principled
communist, a champion of the national inter-
ests and the Portuguese workers rights and a
true friend of the Cuban Revolution. To him,
our eternal homage.
We hope that this meeting will be a fruitful
space of reflection and debate on key issues
that will allow us to coordinate our efforts to
find alternatives, so that our parties con-
tribute resolutely to face and transform the
realities of our peoples.
The Communist Party of Cuba considers that,
at a time of a difficult and complex interna-
tional situation, characterized by the eco-
nomic, financial and global crisis of capital-
ism, the destabilization of the international
order, and the aggressive policy of the U.S. im-
perialism and NATO, which has led to wars and
conflicts for a new sharing of the wealth, it is
more necessary than ever the exchange and
cooperation, in the first place, among the
communist and workers parties, and also with
the political forces, social movements and left
and progressive parties.
We, communists, should have the necessary
ability to face the imperialist offensive at
world level and take advantage of everything
that unites us to advance swiftly and firmly in
identifying our true main enemies and the
69
common objectives to be pursued, as well as

to establish strategies and alliances which
allow us to rally the big dissatisfied masses
and to lead them in the struggle against impe-
rialism. It has been shown that with political
will, big obstacles can be overcome and im-
portant transformations can be made.
In the Latin-American and Caribbean context,
the Sao Paulo Forum is a privileged space of
unity of the left and progressive forces, differ-
ent among them but united in the undertaking
of building societies with more social justice.
This experience can be encouraging and use-
ful for our communist and workers move-
ment.
Today our country is facing a far-reaching pro-
cess for the continuity of the Revolution. The
6
th
Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba,
held on April 2011, and the First National Party
Conference, held on January 2012, gave conti-
nuity and, at the same time, a transforming
boost to Cuban socialism.
The commitment to build a prosperous and
sustainable socialism, where social owner-
ship over the main means of production and
the need of development will prevail as the
basis for achieving a state of wellbeing and
prosperity, is one of the postulates of the con-
ceptualization process of the social and eco-
nomic model that signals the present and fu-
ture direction of Cuba.
It is about managing the economy with for-
mulas which develop the productive forces
and where planning is the main tool in the
search of the macroeconomic balance, and
the socialist state enterprise is the essence of
the Cuban economic model and, thus, there
are plans to adjust its norms of operation, giv-
ing it more freedom and autonomy.
The increase of the domestic economic effi-
ciency implies, above all, an increase of the
work productivity, and it is in this context
where the reorientation of the work force in
the state sector plays a role by widening the
possibilities in the non-state and cooperative
sectors and welcoming other economic com-
ponents.
For Cuba, only socialism is a condition for de-
velopment. Therefore, it will continue to pre-
serve the main social gains that made the
Cuban model a reference for many in the
world.
We are making the changes without copying
from others, but we do take into account the
positive experiences from other models,
mainly considering our own experiences and
cultural-historical conditions, as well as the
situation of a small and underdeveloped
country of 11.2 million people which, in spite
of having few natural resources and being
subjected for more than half a century to the
tightest and most brutal economic, commer-
cial and financial blockade imposed by the
United States, does not cease in its efforts to
favor a better life for the people.
Likewise, the Latin-American and the
Caribbean region is experiencing today a
unique time in its history of struggle against
neo-liberalism. It is facing a counteroffensive
of the Empire and the right in the region,
aimed at defeating the progressive and left
processes and undermining the integrationist
effort expressed at the Community of Latin-
American and Caribbean States (CELAC), an
organization which is set to promote regional
integration and consolidate a space of coordi-
nation without the United States, a relevant
event for the progressive forces.
The recent setting up of the Pacific Alliance is
actually a redesign of the Free Trade Agree-
ment for America, since it promotes a big area
70
of free trade in Latin American and the
Caribbean to facilitate a bigger penetration
and control of the big trans-nationals, espe-
cially those from the United States, bringing
about a bigger loss of sovereignty. It is a tool
to reverse the process of change in this part of
the world, and it is depicted with a face of
noble objectives, something we have to warn
about.
A clear example of the deployment of this
counteroffensive is Venezuela, where a big
scale destabilizing plot, exacerbated after the
physical disappearance of President Hugo
Chvez Fras, is betting on the disaster of the
Bolivarian Revolution. Its strategic objective is
not limited to the failure of Nicolas Maduros
legitimate government, but it is also aimed
against the left and progressive processes in
the region, using modern technologies of
communication to carry out all types of ma-
nipulative, diversionist and slandering cam-
paigns. On the face of this, we should be alert
in order not to be confused.
Finally, I take up this opportunity to express
our gratitude to the communist and workers
parties here for their militant solidarity with
our struggle against the blockade, which has
been tightened at present in a clear disregard
of the claim made by the overwhelming ma-
jority of the international public opinion. Just a
week ago, for twenty one times in row, Cuba
achieved a convincing condemnation of the
economic aggression after the voting at the
General Assembly of the United Nations, in
which the United States was let practically
alone with Israel.
Esteemed friends:
We reiterate that Cuba will continue strug-
gling to improve its socialism; it will continue
demanding the lifting of the blockade and the
end of the hostility and subversion against its
Revolution; and it will continue struggling for
the return of the Five Cubans unjustly incar-
cerated in U.S. jails. And, in those endeavors,
we count on our right and your solidarity.
Thank you very much.
71
AKEL,
CYPRUS
COSTAS CHRISTODOULIDES
Comrades,
Against the background of a complex assault
of the ruling class at the level of propaganda,
the working class is at a better condition to
understand some fundamental issues regard-
ing the capitalist crisis. Can capitalism be re-
formed in the direction of a real progressive
society? The answer is, no. Not only because
it has been scientifically proven that it cant
but also because it is clear today in the midst
of a grave capitalist crisis. Big capital, assisted
by the bourgeois governments, whether so-
cialdemocratic or of the Right, can only push
for increasingly more reactionary changes to-
wards the concentration of production, sell-
ing-off of public wealth and over-exploitation
of labour force. Right now, the big bourgeoisie
is implementing, for example in the European
Union, all that is envisioned in the Lisbon
Strategy and the Treaty on the Functioning of
the EU. They are crushing the working class.
They present themselves as generous, of-
fering the working class underpayment and
semi-employment without rights, as redemp-
tion from the spectre of unemployment. They
are increasingly concentrating production and
wealth in the hands of a smaller and powerful
handful of monopolies. The billionaires today
are earning more than before the beginning of
the crisis of capitalism, according to Forbs
magazine.
At the same time the poor have become poor-
er. They are imposing the single market to
serve the ruling class of the imperialist
forces. Reducing sovereignty, even more. This
trend corresponds to the level of develop-
ment of the productive forces of the powerful
capitalist countries, on the basis of uneven
development. Not only they are exploiting the
local working class, but they are also creating
the conditions for exploitation and their in-
tervention in the rest of the European Union
countries. The response of big capital and
governments of the EU is the same. Our polit-
ical work is to unmask the propaganda of the
establishment institutions and to formulate
79
through our class struggle the premises for a

fundamental change into the minds of ordi-
nary people, the poor strata, the army of the
unemployed, the working class and even
other strata.
Currently, AKEL is evaluating the experiences
of the government of President Christofias.
Certainly the work produced was significant,
bearing in mind that the main issue in decid-
ing our choice was the achievement of a fair
under the circumstances solution of the
Cyprus problem. However, many attacks were
organised by the establishment, both local
and foreign. With the Cyprus problem remain-
ing unsolved, the occupation by Turkey, the
non-implementation of UN resolutions for lib-
eration and reunification of our country and
people as a whole, Greek Cypriots and Turkish
Cypriots, our position is that the policy of co-
operation at grassroots level and at the
broader political level must be utilised - tak-
ing also into account and having analysed be-
forehand how far we can go and what we can
achieve based on the international and local
situation. But the most important parameter
is the empowering of the Party of the working
class, its ties to the people. The factor of class
struggle and its organization, the response to
systemic options, the projection of popu-
larised proposals that create the precondi-
tions for the working class and other strata to
understand who their real allies are is a factor
that must always be analyzed and prepared.
NATO today is intensifying the struggle for the
redistribution of wealth resources. It wants to
create a web of governments under their con-
trol either through economic dependencies,
or through war. This is taking place in the Mid-
dle East, Asia, Africa and Latin America. AKEL
supports the struggle of the fraternal parties
and peoples against the imperialist policy of
the monopolies and the governments of the
US and others. Cyprus is a victim of this policy
and its people is still suffering. The current
right wing government is bringing Cyprus
closer to NATO.
On the issue of the Working Group and In-
ternational Meetings
What are the general conditions? Do they
allow the functioning of a Working Group op-
erating according to binding decisions? The
answer is no. Are there differences between
us on issues of struggle? The answer is, yes.
Must there be a consensus or at least a clear
majority for the inclusion of a party in the
Working Group? In our opinion, the answer
again is yes. Such a decision must also be
based on objective criteria. We agree with the
position that the Working Group should not
become a forum for confrontation, not be-
cause different answers do not exist, but be-
cause these are given through the projection
of the positions of parties in the International
Meetings, through their actions etc. We have a
duty to safeguard the International Meetings.
This is not to the detriment of our bilateral ac-
tivity or our other international initiatives. It is
not to the detriment of our own character.
The conditions still demand, in our view, that
consensus should prevail. Yes, we have to
work together in order to share our experi-
ences in our countries, maintain and
strengthen a body of join initiatives. Constant-
ly work together even if at this point we do not
share the same evaluations in some. When we
say that in our view the content of our cooper-
ation and solidarity should be enhanced, we
mean that, for example, it is important to or-
ganize meetings on the consequences for the
working class, the poor strata, small busi-
nesses, arising from the implementation of
the Memoranda and Memoranda demolishing
80
policies in the EU. We should exchange views
and experiences, to connect the imposition of
the Memoranda as the systemic imposition of
the advanced stage of capitalisms develop-
ment, which is the imperialist era, where the
monopolies and finance capital impose their
levelling policy. We should express precisely
our common struggle against the system and
all its inhuman manifestations; prepare
through joint proposals, not the acceptance
of this situation as a fait accompli but project
together with our analysis, our own alterna-
tive proposals and also our conviction in over-
coming the misery and exploitation through
Socialism. We are not only a force of resis-
tance; we are forces that open up a perspec-
tive for the people and the working class. In
our view, we need to undertake such initia-
tives.
Socialism stands as the opposing force to the
system of exploitation and maximisation of
profit by a handful of oligarchs. We resist their
selfish policies and their system. We must and
will keep this faith in our ideals of an ad-
vanced developed society, of equality and jus-
tice despite the anti-communist hysteria, the
overt or disguised war waged by big capital.
81
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF BOHEMIA
AND
MORAVIA,
CZECH
REPUBLIC
FILIP VOJTECH
Dear comrades,
As an introduction, let me convey to all of you
as well to all members of your political parties
the most sincere comradely greetings, the
fervent one in todays times of agonizing capi-
talist crisis, from both the leadership and the
membership of the Communist party of Bo-
hemia & Moravia.
In the same time, Id like to give our greetings
to our friends and comrades from Portuguese
Communist Party, with my congratulation for
their significant success in recent local elec-
tion, winning 11 % with 34 seats of mayors in
the framework of the third most powerful po-
litical group in the country, the Coalition of
democratic unity. I am happy to see the num-
ber of chancellors to be increased here, in the
host city of our 15
th
IMCWP, in the beautiful
tourist pearl of Lisbon. The power of our
movement can grow only if the voters will ex-
press their favour towards us by their votes in
elections.
Today, I also can say you, with proudness, that
the Communist party of Bohemia & Moravia
(the KSCM) has been very successful with al-
most 15 % of voters in recent early election to
the Lower House of Czech Republics Parlia-
ment, to be third most powerful political
party, with 33 MP seats. By this, our goodwill
of very powerful Communist Party within the
EU has been confirmed. The work of KSCMs
officials, activists and members, but also of
the supporters, is signed under this our good
result. What is also important it is the fact,
that our country maintains in deep crisis, the
longest one in our history, when lasting more
than one and half year, with Czech economy
falling down amongst three the worst working
EU economics. In the same time I must note
that our potential Czech ally, Czech Soc-Dem
Party, has won the election, but less percent-
age than expected - only with 20 % of votes,
eliminating so a possibility to create any Left-
wing coalition, and looking for coalition part-
ners from political centre. The Left in Czech
Republic wasnt able to repeat an important
73
success, the demonstration of its power from

last January, when Left-wing President, Milos
Zeman, was elected into the lead of the coun-
try through a joint efforts of all Left-wing par-
ties, the KSCM included. During the Parliamen-
tary election, the KSCM had to struggle heavi-
ly against mass-media anti-communist cam-
paign, to oppose new populist political parties
to be promoted by Czech mediocracy, of which
the ANO political movement of Czech billion-
aire Andrei Babis managed to persuade more
than 18 % of voters, becoming so one of the
winners of Czech early election. I must note
there in the programmes of the populist par-
ties I had read about building up of a socially
fair society as the goal, but when looking for
any concrete measures this goal to be fulfilled
by, I was finding solely empty phrases. It was
shown in this election again, that wide strata
of Czech political centres voters have been
still remaining in the captivity of empty ideo-
logical slogans by collapsing European neo-
liberalism, taking up rather reserved positions
towards programmable postulates about so-
cial changes of socialism, to be promoted by
the KSM.
By all means, we in the KSM feel encouraged
into next struggles by the fact that we have
received now 150 000 votes more than in
2010 election. This growing support means
that the voters have really found interesting
our programmable priorities like the mea-
sures to start the economical growth and to
decrease the rate of unemployment, to set
the progressive taxation, to push through the
financial disclosure reports and the law given
to the general referenda, to abolish both the
Church Restitutions Bill and so-called second
pillar of the pension reform. Just now, it is up
to the KSCM officials to formulate these prior-
ities even more affectively towards our possi-
ble both supporters and future voters.
In this point, Id like to give our most cordially
thanks to all the parties sending us their con-
gratulations to this election result.
Dear comrades,
In the draft of 15
th
IMCWPs Final Document,
all of us have attempted to define every hot
issue of current world, as to be seen by our
communist and workers movement. The
KSCM sees no problem to sign this document,
maybe except it to be a bit unnecessarily both
long and large. In my speech, Id like to pay
more attention to some internationally-politi-
cal issues as well as to some socio-political
phenomena and aspects the current commu-
nist and workers movement is working in.
Above all, my point here is the highest value of
the civilization; the issue of both the interna-
tional peace and the security all around the
world. The international development of 2013
shows us clearly that a definitive collapse of
the neo-liberal capitalism has come nearer
again, although the dying liberal economics
strives for its the longest possible survival. In
the end of last summer, as a consequence of
imperialist aggressiveness of the NATOs
member states, the whole world came dan-
gerously nearer to some kind of big, all-em-
bracing international war conflict around
Syria. It is possible to say that the world finds
itself in transitional stage between the peace
and the war. Solely the mobilization of all
peaceful forces all around the world can stop
and reverse this trend, to be so self-crushing
for the human civilization. Currently, the com-
munist and workers movement has its duty
to define clearly, who jeopardizes most the in-
ternational peace - the NATO member states
to be headed by the USA, with some US Euro-
pean allies behaving especially in military
way, the Hollandes France the most. Both
Russia and the Peoples Republic of China
74
under the Communist party of China stay just
on the opposite side, both performing today
as the main guarantors of international both
the peace and the security. These two UN Se-
curity Council members, together with pro-
gressive countries of Asia, Africa and Latin
America, currently guarantee successful
countering of the frontal attack of defenders
of fading neo-liberalism on the most impor-
tant and the most effective tool of the inter-
national politics - the modern generally
democratic international law. This interna-
tional law, as it had arisen from mutual com-
petition between the global socialist order
and the global capitalist one after the World
War II, constitutes currently the most impor-
tant tool for securing of international both the
peace and the security. The countries of the
Euro-Atlantic area, to be associated in the
NATO under US leadership, strenuously rank
with weeds the international law with both
the institutions and the categories having no
support by the international law, no matter ei-
ther the written one or the customary one. For
example, one of these categories is the princi-
ple of responsibility for protection, on the
ground of which Libya was destroyed, to be
thrown several decades back. Similar sce-
nario was prepared for Syria; however, they
met their match there, the imperialist offen-
sive being eliminated for now. It is a great re-
sponsibility of the international communist
and workers movement to face successfully
to the attacks against the international peace
and security, to define and to name clearly
who, as well as which country, is the enemy of
the peace and the defender of the war, and
who is both the protector and the guarantor of
the international peace and security.
I presume both our movement and the docu-
ments to be passed by us should pay more at-
tention to the danger of ultra-right fascist
both the forces and the parties rise in some
of our countries. My point here is to be able to
warn in good time, as well as to proceed
against the rise of both the fascism and the
ultra-right within our European political
space. When seeing an increasing popularity
of the extreme right-wing in France, watching
the case of murder of Left-wing activist in
Greece with the fascist Golden dawn behind,
or looking at the persecution of Bla Bisku, a
communist of 92 of age and a minister of
Jnos Kdrs government, to be intended by
Viktor Orbns allegedly democratic govern-
ment to punish him for meeting his duties
given by the law to maintain the constitution-
al order after 1956 events, I must to ask my-
self, if we are able to defend ourselves against
fascist tendencies to be spread across the EU.
Similarly, we should more resolutely mark and
denounce in our documents the tendency to
equal the communism with the fascism, to be
promoted by some EU political elites, but to be
in contradiction with the logic of European
history. We must, day by day, to remember to
those losers-their-way, those forgers of his-
torical true, that no EU would be created with-
out the victory of the socialist Soviet Union
over the fascism. It is a simple historical true.
There in our Final Document, we maybe
should pay more attention to the practice of
current anti-communism, to which the com-
munist and workers parties are facing in the
countries where these parties had been con-
temporarily rid of their ruling power after
1989. Both the aggressiveness and the so-
phistication of the anti-communism escalate,
as we witnessed, too, in pre-election cam-
paign in Czech Republic. The KSCM faced not
only to the anti-communist ideological ma-
nipulation by the mass media, but also to
rough campaigns of various anti-community
societies as well as of our ideological oppo-
75
nents activities. Amongst extremely disgust-
ing attempts to disgrace us immediately be-
fore the election I must mention the dummies
to be hung on the streets with the slogan I
marched against the KSCM, as it had oc-
curred in some larger city agglomerations.
Unfortunately, at current legal culture in
Czech Republic, no legal protection is possible
from expressions of the ideological vandalism
like this. Thats why we would welcome more
solidarity from the international communist
and workers movement with the struggle of
communist and workers parties from the
post-Soviet political area against the fierce
anti-communism in these countries.
In the context of the 15
th
IMCWPs Final Docu-
ment, Id like to pause briefly at the philosoph-
ical category of Marxist criterion of the true.
Both Marx and Lenin had clearly perceived the
unambiguous need to confront permanently
every theory with the praxis, enriching it and
correct it retroactively just so. Looking at the
development in our movement, I have a feel-
ing sometimes like we would be failing to
avoid the damnation of global revolutionary
movement - splitting of the theory from the
praxis. Even I have an oppressive feeling to
hear again the cry The shame to the praxis, if
it doesnt agree with our theories. However,
we must be aware of the fact that we cannot
build up the socialism if the majority wont be
obtained for its ideas. Neither our theoretical
works, nor our the very best programme of
revolutionary changes, but just developing of
forces of production with its consequences on
the running of human society will determine
the future development of our civilization. In
our ideological weaponry, there is the dialecti-
cal historical materialism, witch, in its
essence, respects the necessity for both the
perpetual changes and the new paths of
mankinds development. Thats why I am
ready to hear our Chinese, Vietnamese, Cuban
and other comrades how they do overcome
the difficulties when building the socialist so-
ciety. Thats why I am also ready to inform you
how Czech communists strive after returning
into the position of our societys leading force,
the position, by the way, to be lost primarily
due to our own mistakes. Of course, to reach
our programmable goals, the building up the
socialism, we must earn the allies. There are
many ways of struggles to be mutually dialec-
tically interconnected; amongst others, the
resistance against anti-social, anti-people
politics, the defence of both the national
sovereignty and the democracy, the concrete
goals of sovereign economical development
of each nation, both the cooperation and the
solidarity to resist the trans-national mea-
sures, the critics of capitalist integration as to
be represented by the European Union etc. In
these issues as well as in other ones we can
carry on the cooperation, finding our allies
there in the left spectre of current European
political discourse. To shut ourselves or even
to prohibit ourselves any cooperation on the
left, it is in total contradiction with the Marxist
understanding of the criteria of the true.
On its last, VIII. Congress, the KSCM has reaf-
firmed its invariable political goal, building up
the socially fair society, respecting both the
demands and the needs of the 21
st
century.
The socialist society to be created by us will
respect the values of sustainable develop-
ment, what means to strive for the accor-
dance between the economical and social
progress, maintaining the quality of the envi-
ronment. The social welfare will be condition-
al on the sustainable development of the so-
ciety with some certain limits of the material
well-being. The socialism the KSCM strives for
will be of the internationalist characteristics,
of course.
76
Dear comrades,
On Sunday, November 10, we commemorate
the 100 anniversary of comrade Alvaro Cun-
hal, a great son of Portuguese nation, the rev-
olutionary and the communist, whose all the
long and rich both political and artists life had
been connected with the troubled history of
20
th
century. In my personal memories, there
is a picture of this gray-haired revolutionary
with distinctive characteristics, how it was
mediated by global media into the socialist
Czechoslovakia after the Carnation Revolu-
tion from April 1974, to be recorded forever. I
wish, from the bottom of my heart, to current
European young generation, to get also a pos-
sibility to find some inspiring personalities -
heroes, like our generation had found in com-
rade Alvaro Cunhal.
In the end of my address, Id like to give my
thanks to our host, the Portuguese Commu-
nist Party, as well as to all the organizers, for
an excellent organization of our both impor-
tant and successful meeting.
Thank you for your attention.
77
COMMUNIST
PARTY
IN
DENMARK
BETTY FRYDENSBJERG C.
Since the first beginnings of the present crisis,
the widest and deepest in the history of capi-
talism, we have accurately analyzed how it
would develop; predicting that Capital and its
state-monopolistic governments would find
ways to shift the costs unto the shoulders of
the working class. Their tricks have cost the
working class and the middle layers dear and
will continue to do so. Using the crisis as an
excuse, big business and employers exploit
the situation to sharpen the class struggle by
presenting the workers with ever new de-
mands for wage cuts, longer working hours,
and higher productivity.
The financial crisis as such has passed. Share
prices and profits are again rising, and new
speculative bubbles are sprouting. 87 per
cent of the worlds accumulated capital is
speculative capital and does not contribute
to value creation. Economic policy is devoted
to building up reserves that can save finance
capital when the next collapse occurs. Again,
the costs are borne by the working class and
the middle layers. In Europe, state monopoly
capitalism coupled with the European Union
has been built up to a supra-state monopoly
capitalism that without inhibitions of any
kind robs the working class. Capitalisms
biggest political and economic problem is the
classic one: the absence of consumption. In
the first round, this has harmed the middle
layers, small businesses and small shops. In
the next round, the larger chain stores will be
hit. The Danish conglomerate Maersk has al-
ready prepared for this and is now planning to
sell its worldwide discount store chain called
Netto.
With stagnating and even to a large extent re-
duced wages, the Danish government decided
to lower the tax on work, as per the agreed
terms in the Fiscal Pact. This measure was
called a Kick Start to stimulate consumption
which in its turn allegedly would create jobs.
The kick, however, never happened, and for
an obvious reason. Lowering taxes means
cutbacks and firings in the public sector and
83
with increased unemployment and worsening

conditions for the unemployed, people do not
dare spend money.
What, then, are the consequences of unem-
ployment, and how does it influence class
consciousness? The demand for efficiency
that is, higher productivity has led to an ex-
plosive rise in work-related injuries, mental
disorders making up a considerable propor-
tion, and the number of workplace accidents
on building sites has also climbed. The latter
fact is due not least to foreign companies and
their imported workforce which do not follow
safety regulations. Danish employers as well
as employers in other countries speak about
competitiveness in order to keep wages low.
But in fact the Danish wage level squarely
matches the high Danish price level with re-
gard to housing and food, and the prices re-
quire that every family needs two incomes.
Wage dumping from low-cost countries is a
major problem and forces wages in Denmark
down. This goes for all areas from agricul-
tural production to the building industry and
computer technology. In this way, unemploy-
ment hits all population layers with the ex-
ception of the very rich. The fear of being fired
acts very destructively on the needed solidar-
ity in workplaces and makes those that do
have job work overtime to an unreasonable
extent. A single ray of hope was recently pro-
vided by the slaughterhouse workers. The
food monopoly Danish Crown had threat-
ened to move all of its production to Germany
and Poland unless the workers agreed to a pay
decrease. To compensate for the pay cut, the
concern promised to invest the saved wage
expenses in pork production, thereby ensur-
ing that the workers would have jobs in the fu-
ture. The shop stewards (!) supported the
proposal, but a large majority of the workers,
however, voted it down.
On November 19, Denmark holds local elec-
tions to city councils and regional councils. Al-
legedly in order to rouse the populace to cast
their vote, a grand campaign has been
launched in all institutions of education and in
the media, aiming to teach the voters to prior-
itize. Both we, the candidates for the councils,
and the voters must choose between such is-
sues as for instance, Should the municipality
spend money on creating jobs or on public
transport? Should money be spent on casual-
ty wards or cancer treatment? This consti-
tutes gross manipulation in one of the worlds
richest countries, but it is yet another element
in the ideological war waged by those in
power: divide and rule. Like attempt to split
among employed and unemployed, foreign
law paid workers and Danish workers. We
communists and the progressive unions do a
huge work to ensure solidarity between peo-
ple with jobs and the unemployed, between
Danish and foreign workers in our workplaces,
demanding equal conditions at the highest
possible wage level.
For us, the communist workers parties, the
main challenge is to put action behind the
words, Workers of all countries, unite! Let us
stage joint campaigns against being played
off against each other campaigns for com-
mon demands and solidarity.
84
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
DENMARK
HENRIK STAMER HEDIN
A question we have been posing ourselves at
these meetings since the beginning of the
current world crisis is: Has the crisis put so-
cialism on the agenda? Are the conditions ripe
for a new revolutionary surge?
Three years ago we stressed in the Tshwane
declaration the transition from capitalism to
socialism as a necessity for civilisation. And
two years ago, in Athens, at the meeting
named Socialism is the future!, we wrote:
Today the conditions have been formed for
the construction of wide social antimonopoly
and anti-imperialist alliances capable of [...]
promoting deep progressive, radical, revolu-
tionary changes.
So, what are these alliances like?
The great revolutions of world history come in
waves or surges. Each of these surges is char-
acterized by a specific coalition of revolution-
ary classes carrying through a specific trans-
formation of society in a range of countries.
Then the revolutionary thrust ceases, having
exhausted its power, the world enters a new
equilibrium, so to speak, or even a phase of
counterrevolutions, which cancel some of the
revolutionary gains, but not all. We are in such
a phase of counterrevolutions just now or
perhaps we are already on the brink of leaving
it for a new revolutionary surge to take its be-
ginning.
This pattern can be traced back more than
half a millennium, and it is fascinating to
study. But that is not what I am going to talk
about. I am going to talk about the latest rev-
olutionary surge, that of the 20
th
century, and
of the one to come.
The revolutionary surge we have been wit-
nessing throughout most of the 20
th
century
was characterized by the alliance of workers
and peasants. This is almost a truism. It is a
fact familiar to us all. We are also familiar with
the great results obtained by this revolution-
ary alliance: The October Revolution and the
Soviet Union, the emergence of workers and
87
peasants republics, the first steps towards

building of socialism in a third of the world.
Even in countries like my own, where change
did not take on a revolutionary guise, power
was assumed and progress shaped by an al-
liance of workers and small peasants, inspired
by socialism or socialist ideals.
This epoch of history, or rather its central
phase, during which the revolutionary drive
had its full thrust, lasted roughly from 1917
until 1959. The Cuban revolution was the last
of the great, victorious revolutions of this era;
later revolutionary uprisings, e.g. of the 70s,
were either put down or did not possess the
strength to push through to socialism. The al-
liance of workers and peasants was losing its
power to initiate revolutionary change. A few
decades later, the counterrevolution set in.
What is the reason for this? Throughout the
world, there are still workers and peasants;
they are still oppressed and exploited. In
many countries, the alliance of workers and
peasants may still represent a relevant per-
spective. But in a number of countries, among
which some of the most developed, a drastic
change in the class structure of society has
occurred.
In my own country, e.g., Denmark a country
of world-wide renown for high-quality agricul-
tural produce there are no peasants left.
There is no peasantry any more. The farmers
are few, they own very large estates and com-
mand huge capitals. They are not peasants
anymore, they are highly specialized en-
trepreneurs. Neither are they capitalists, for
the capitals they command are not their own;
they are heavily indebted. In spite of the size
of their estates, they have no or very few em-
ployees; they work the lands and tend their
livestock themselves. But they are not work-
ers, for they have no employers. In a way, they
are still exploited, for they pay heavy interests
to their banks and real estate credit institutes.
But the solution to their plight lies not in col-
lectivism but in further concentration and
capitalization. At least, that is how they see it,
and they act accordingly. Thus, they get fewer
and fewer and are rapidly losing their power to
influence politics; the liberal and radical par-
ties which used to base their existence on the
peasantry are still influential, but they have
shifted their electorate emphasis to the afflu-
ent urban middle strata and partly to back-
ward sections of the working class. The pre-
sent Danish government is still composed of
Social Democrats and Radicals, the traditional
worker-peasants alliance; but the Radicals
are not a peasants party anymore, and ac-
cordingly, the policies of the alliance have
shifted far to the right of what they used to be.
This disappearance of the peasantry is not
confined to a few affluent and highly devel-
oped countries. It occurs in slightly different
ways in less developed countries too. The
concentration and specialization of agricul-
ture takes place here too, but the peasant
masses are widely excluded from this devel-
opment; they are driven from the land and
forced to migrate to the huge, expanding
slums around the cities, where they lead an
existence as a modern pauper proletariat. We
described this development in the Tshwane
declaration.
So, if the peasantry is disappearing it is no
wonder that the alliance of workers and peas-
ants is losing its revolutionary thrust. What is
going to replace it? Where will the working
class have to seek its allies for the struggles
ahead? How do we forge the alliance capable
of bringing about the revolutionary surge of
the 21
st
century? What revolutionary strate-
gy will be needed?
88
My party, at its 33
rd
Congress last year, con-
sidered this problem and decided to carry
through a strategy development year. We
are still in the middle of this, but being a very
small party I doubt that we will be able to pro-
vide a definite answer to the problem. Perhaps
some other party of greater resources will
even be able to phrase the problem more pre-
cisely than I have done. But we do think that
these things need to be thought about in the
global Communist and Workers Parties Move-
ment. A new surge of revolutionary clashes is
bound to be upon us in a few decades, if not
earlier. The Communist and Workers Parties
have to arm themselves for victory for the
victory of socialism in the new century.
89
EGYPTIAN
COMMUNIST
PARTY
SALAH ADLY
Dear comrades,
Allow me in the beginning to thank the Por-
tuguese Communist Party for hosting this im-
portant meeting and to convey to your parties
greetings from our comrades in the Egyptian
Communist Party for your position in support
of the revolution of the Egyptian people and
their struggle against tyranny, religious fas-
cism and international imperialism.
Comrades,
Four months have passed since the outbreak
of the Egyptian peoples revolution on June
30, which is considered the second wave,
more profound and mature, of the January 25,
2011 revolution, as they rose up to rectify the
wrong track of the January Revolution and re-
moved the greatest danger suffered by Egypt
in its modern history, namely the risk of
seizure of power by the fascist religious right
led by the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies of
terrorist groups; those forces whose political,
economic and social orientations represent
the most parasitic, corrupt, authoritarian, fas-
cist, racist and reactionary segments of capi-
talism. They conspired to kidnap the January
Revolution and threatening Egyptian and Arab
national security for the benefit of a plan led
by the United States of America and interna-
tional Zionism, implemented under the aus-
pices of Qatar and Turkey. They seek to enable
the Muslim Brotherhood and fundamentalist
currents to control over Egypt and the region,
igniting sectarian wars and dividing and dis-
mantling Arab countries and destroying na-
tional armies which represent a potential
threat to Israel. These associations are being
adapted to serve U.S., Zionism and imperial-
ism agendas and continue integration into the
globalization policies of capitalism and com-
mitment to the neo-liberal approach associ-
ated with World monopolies.
No doubt, the success of June 30 Revolution
which brought down the rule of Muslim Broth-
erhood and their allies, in which tens of mil-
lions of people came out in unprecedented
89
peaceful popular demonstrations. The army

sided with them to implement the will of the
people and save the country from civil war
and sectarian strife; dealing a major defeat for
these schemes. This explains the wrath of the
United States and European Union govern-
ments and their deliberate media and political
distortion of the revolution, especially that
the position of the army leadership opposed
the United States for the first time in forty
years.
No doubt also that thwarting the plot of U.S.
military aggression on Syria and opening the
door to a political solution confirming the
unity of Syria and achieving the will of the
people in democratic and social transition led
to deepening the rift within the imperialist
camp and stressed the positive shifts taking
place in the world, after long years of reaction
and retreat in the global revolutionary pro-
cess... That change is due to deepening of the
structural crisis of capitalism and its reaching
critical levels after the 2008 crisis. It is also
the result of the beginning of the revolution-
ary and progressive tidal wave the world is
witnessing in many parts of the world since
the beginning of the third millennium, which
we expect to escalate at a rapid pace in the
coming years and decades.
Comrades,
Despite our reservations on some points in
the Map of Future, on which the national
forces agreed for the transitional period after
June 30, as well as the formation of the transi-
tional government, which we do not consider
to be revolutionary yet it is a reformist tech-
nocrat government not having enough
courage and initiative to implement the ur-
gent demands to achieve the goals of the rev-
olution at this stage. Yet, we believe in the ne-
cessity to continue implementation of the
Map of Future as we can not go backwards.
Public pressure is a must for the implementa-
tion of these demands, including:
Dropping the fascist religious right project
once and for all, and elimination of their ter-
rorist resistance to the revolution. This re-
quires the need to consider the Brotherhood a
terrorist group and prohibiting its activity as
well as its allies and confiscation of their prop-
erty and funds.
Issuing a civilian democratic constitution -
which is underway in the Fifty Persons Com-
mittee - and caring that it becomes decisive
in the direction of a civil state, neither reli-
gious nor military committed to the econom-
ic and social rights of workers, peasants, la-
borers and the rights of women and minori-
ties.
Achieving the urgent economic and social de-
mands of the laborers and the poor.
Completing issuing legislations granting free-
dom to form political parties, trade unions,
federations and associations.
Completion of parliamentary and presidential
elections before the middle of next year.
These goals will not be decisively achieved ex-
cept through the struggle of socialist parties
and forces represented in the Revolutionary
Democratic Alliance, which includes socialist
parties and forces and some progressive
movements and organizations. This alliance
shall accelerate to form a unified joint com-
mand, and work at the same time to form a
popular progressive mass through alliance
with nationalist and Nasserist parties and
forces nearest to left positions. This mass
shall also include labor, peasant and youth or-
ganizations and movements and social move-
ments that explode all over in every place for
the formation of a broad front with national
90
democratic progressive orientation to correct
the balance which is currently unbalanced in
favor of rightist forces in the community, so
that the left can be an active participant in
both of the upcoming presidential and parlia-
mentary elections.
Comrades,
The revolutions and uprisings of the Arab peo-
ples, especially the Egyptian and Tunisian rev-
olutions, have raised many questions and put
many issues on the table for theoretical and
practical research, which we think should be
taken care of by our revolutionary parties and
our research centers. Perhaps the most im-
portant of these are:
Re- raising the issue of the national demo-
cratic revolution in the new changing condi-
tions of development of imperialism and in
the light of the tremendous advances made
available by the communications and infor-
mation revolution, and developments that
have taken place on the class map in develop-
ing countries and the need for our parties to
accommodate the new movements in the
context of a broad front for radical social and
political change. It is necessary to recognize
that what is happening in Egypt now will have
implications on the Middle East and its Euro-
pean reach for sure.
The limits of bourgeois democracy in general,
and in our countries where there is oppres-
sion, dependency and underdevelopment in
particular; and the validity of perception for
which several of our parties are prisoners,
namely sanctifying the electoral polls and
recognizing them alone as a single form of ex-
pressing the popular will, especially in periods
of revolutionary transformation and periods
of transition. This opens the door to our ur-
gent need to create new forms of social par-
ticipatory democracy... especially when clear
contradictions between the goals and the de-
mands of revolutions and the results of the
elections being contradictory because of the
traditional mechanisms of the electoral pro-
cess and their being dominate by right-wing
forces and political money power.
Role and tasks of communist and workers
parties in the face of the great impact and
massive influence of the media and uncover-
ing the media of world monopoly that can dis-
tort the facts and launch media wars against
revolutions and uprisings of the peoples
standing against the interests of imperialism
and using them to convince the world public
opinion of different results contrary to what
happens on the ground. The Egyptian revolu-
tion has suffered from hegemony of this
media image made by Channels like Al-
Jazeera, the CNN, the BBC, and France 24 etc.
This media war has an enormous impact in
misleading the people and isolating revolu-
tions and uprisings, which will have a negative
effect politically and morally.
The issue of the necessity to renew theoreti-
cal and political Marxist thought and the im-
portance of starting from the actual concrete
reality away from systematic analyses and
saved stereotypes, recognizing the changes
that have occurred in the last hundred years.
On the other hand the need to respect the ex-
periences and struggles of local revolutionary
forces and dealing in a critical revolutionary
spirit in order to absorb the lessons and suc-
cesses and also learn from mistakes of such
live experiences in a comradely manner.
Finally Comrades,
We also see that the coming years and
decades will witness major changes in the di-
rection of victory of peoples struggle against
imperialism, and that the socialist option will
prove being the only alternative capable to
91
face disasters caused by global capitalism;
being capable to achieve the alternative hu-
manitarian and democratic globalization for a
new world free of exploitation, oppression,
wars and poverty; a World worthy of humans
in the Twenty-First Century.
92
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
ECUADOR
WINSTION ALARARCON
Camaradas asistentes al decimo quinto en-
cuentro de los Partido Comunistas y obreros
reciban el saludo fraterno y revolucionaro del
Comite Central del Partido Comunista del
Ecuador en particular quiero destacar y agra-
decer al Partido Comunista Portugues por su
hospitalidad y esfuerzos por el exito de este
encuentro, Partido Comunista, digno heredero
del pensamiento y practica del querido cama-
rada Alvaro Cunhal.
America Latina vive un proceso de importan-
tes cambios revolucionarios que se manifies-
tan en la practica y ejecucion de reconoci-
miento de los derechos de los pueblos por los
que tantos anos se a luchado.
Esta practica revolucionaria se la debemos en
buena medida a la tenaz e imbatible constan-
cia de la lucha del pueblo cubano, del camara-
da Fidel, Raul y el Partido Comunista de Cuba.
Es asi, que sin lugar a dudas, el pueblo vene-
zolano comandado por el comandante Hugo
Chavez, hoy representado por el companero
Nicolas Maduro, el pueblo Boliviano, dirigido
por el companero morales. El pueblo Nicara-
guense con el Comandante ortega la cabeza y
por que no decirlo el pueblo de Ecuador donde
el Presidente Rafael Correa ha presentado una
dura batalla al imperialismo, a la oligarquia
nacional y propaganda mediatica, abriendo
paso a los objetivos inmediatos de una pro-
puesta de liberacion nacional. En si los pue-
blos de Brasil, Uruguay, Argentina encamina-
nan su lucha por cambios profundos, desta-
candose la lucha por la Paz revolucionaria del
pueblo Colombiano. Es que no es solo una
lucha por sus propios intereses sino una lucha
por la integracion latinoamericana politica,
social y tambien economica para no depender
jamas del Fondo Monetario Internacional,
Banco Mundial con la formacion del Alba, Mer-
cosur y todo lo que ayude a la integracion.
Nuestro pais desde el ano 2008, se dio una
Constitucion que reconoce los derechos de
obreros, campesino, indigenas, pueblos y ciu-
dadanos en general, que incluyen los dere-
93
chos a la salud, a la educacion, al trabajo, los

derechos de las mujeres, de los jovenes y pue-
blo en general.
Estos derechos permiten reconocer la partici-
pacion de la mujer en la vida publica y social
dando ejmplo el gobierno donde mas del 50%
del gabinete son mujeres, la Asamblea Nacio-
nal esta encabezada por Asambleistas muje-
res y muchos cargo publicos lo tienen las mu-
jeres.
Los jovenes cada dia y en mejor forma tienen
oportunidad para la educacion y el trabajo. Se
encuentra, los jovenes a puertas del Festival
Mundial de la Juventud y los Estudiantes.
Aunque nuestra constitucion reconoce los de-
rechos laborales, la lucha por esos derechos,
al trabajo, por la estabilidad laboral el bienes-
tar laboral es todavia parte de nuestra gran
lucha,lo mismo que los a la tierra donde se
plantea un combatee decidido por una refor-
ma agraria democratica que no solo entregue
la tierra al campesino, al indigenas sino que le
de apoyo logistico y economico.
Nuestro pais, y en particular el gobierno enca-
bezado por el Presidente Rafael Correa man-
tiene una firme posicion soberana y antiimpe-
rialista no solo con declaraciones sino que a
puesto fuera a la base naval de Manta, a la
Embajadora de los Estado Unidos, funciona-
rios impertinentes y logrado sacar de las
manos del imperialismo al cuerpo de la Policia
Nacional donde tenia funcionario pagados,
cuerpo policial que participo en la asonada
golpista del 30 de Septiembre que el pueblo y
las fuerzas revolucionarias y democraticas y
progresistas derrotaron.
La teoria y practica del neoliberalismo como
expresion economica ha sido dejado de lado y
se manejan nuevas reglas economica de res-
cate de nuestras riquezas naturales, antes los
reditos del petroleo el 80% iban a favor de las
empresa petroleras extranjera y solo un 20%
iba para el pais que para colmo el 10% de ese
valor iba para pagar la deuda externa, hoy es
al contrario, el 80% es para el pais. La empre-
sa petrolera Chevron, Texaco, esta obligada a
pagar los danos causado a la tierra y a nuestro
pueblo, salvaguardano la vida y el medio am-
biente.
Los principios de solidaridad se mantienen
con los pueblos como, Irak, Afganistan, Pales-
tina, Siria, etc. que sufren la agresion criminal
del imperialismo en especial del norteameri-
cano.
La lucha junto a Cuba por la terminacion del
bloqueo y la libertad de los 5 heroes.
La crisis del capitalismo en Europa y de los
propios Estados Unidos no puede caer sobre
los hombro de los pueblo y de sus trabajado-
res
La existencia y unidad del movimiento comu-
nista interncional y de los Partidos Comunis-
tas en todos los paises es fundamental para
los procesos revolucionarios, para mantener
los gobiernos socialistas y revolucionarios y
su liderasgo Economico como China y de
ejemplo como Cuba en nuestra America, e alli,
la importantancia de este 15 encuentro para
ejercer la lucha coordinada de nuestros parti-
dos contra el capitalismo, el neoliberalismo, el
imperialismo en particular del imperialismo
norteamericano.
Viva el 15 encuentro de los Partidos
Comunistas
Viva el Internacionalismo Proletario
Por la liberacion Nacional y el Socialismo
viva el Marxismo-Leninismo.
94
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
FINLAND
JUHA-PEKKA VAISANEN
Comrades,
Communist party of Portugal,
International collective,
The globalization of the economy, technology,
politics and culture has created increasingly
wider and closer mutual dependencies. At the
same time, it has also meant exploitation, op-
pression, and internationalization of many
other conflicts. The contradiction between
labor and capital, democracy and capital, na-
ture and capital, peace and the pursuit of
profit by capital deepens.
It is of high importance to be able to share
some actual political points of views with You
all here in Lisbon present. Thank You for the
possibility. Thank You for the hospitality.
We wish to lift up questions of imperialisms
faces such like nature catastrophes, mass un-
employment and oppression of the minorities.
We also give information about resent
changes in our party.
Dear comrades,
Mining industry, search for natural recourses;
uranium, gas and petrol is increasing in north-
ern Finland, Scandinavia and in the Arctic re-
gion.
There are catastrophic examples how interna-
tional mining business destroys local natural
resources. Partly nationally owned Talvivaara
uranium mine has been run with extremely
low environmental precautions causing a
huge environmental catastrophe polluting
local waters.
Imperialism is showing every day a more and
more violent face.
In our Northern regions, in Lapland mining
business and the growing international inter-
est in the Arctic is oppressing the process of
the Saami people in their just demand for
their rights to land, culture and language. For
us finnish communist it is important to de-
clare here internationally that we firmly stand
95
with the right of the saami-aboriginals for

their basic democratic rights. We demand the
Finnish government to approve the ILO 169
declaration.
Big capital is safeguarding its own interests.
We really experience special times. Mass un-
employment, especially unemployment of
the young people is in figures of war times.
State is shutting down public services and
combining our local government to a bigger
market areas suitable for international corpo-
rations.
At the same time we have extremely broad-
based government of six parties, running
down what is left from the welfare state built
up by the working class movement in the
past. Today parliamentarian left and social
democrats approve all the austerity mea-
sures, cutting lists and politics of the Troika -
Central European bank, European commission
and International monetary fund.
We are living under dictatorship of the values
of the European Union:
free movement of the capital,labour, goods
and services. In EU-elitpolitics labour rights
and peoples basic rights have place only in the
empty bourgeois talks.
European union is not the answer to this prob-
lem. It is the problem.
***
Party congress made a radical change to lead-
ership of the party. 25 % of our CC is now
younger than 30. These young members face
many challenges including process of updat-
ing our party program. Even though we are
young, our guidelines in this process are ideas
of Marx, Engels and Lenin.
Many members in our central committee are
now taking positions and responsibility from
senior comrades. Our new general secretary is
Heikki Ketoharju, 24 years old activist and IT
enthusiast - Also present here at this interna-
tional meeting. Please welcome Heikki to the
collective.
Europarlamentarian elections for us commu-
nists function as a visible tool to invite radical
left and green activists to join a new truly left
and communist front to oppose the current
system and neoliberal right wing politics, na-
tionalism and racism. We have a slogan that
says it is time to whistle an end the business
play of the bourgeois.
We absolutely dont want to leave the politi-
cal floor to the neoliberal, ultra right and na-
tionalist parties to occupy the political de-
bate.
With the guide lines of Lenin we will partici-
pate in the EU-elections creating speaker
platforms for comrades to demand referen-
dum about European union agreements. We
have to get rid of those antidemocratic chains
in order to rebuild a Europe of peoples, demo-
cratic Europe and a socialist Europe.
Comrades,
...To finish my speech
Central committee of the party underlines the
role of the international work as key element
in the class struggle.
Communist parties of Russia, Finland, Norway
and Sweden meet yearly in the Arctic North
region. Last meeting was held this year in
spring in Tromsin Norway.
In the declaration of the nordic communist
parties it was underlined that international
growing need for more and more natural re-
courses does not safeguard the nature, cli-
mate and communities in a sustainable way.
96
Troms declaration says clearly that the only
sustainable way is long-term economic and
ecologic thinking.
Communist party of Finland wishes that the
collective of the world communist parties and
workerss parties start to pay more attention
to environmental issues.
Fossil energy resources like oil and gas pollute
and emit greenhouse gases. The use of these
energy resources must be reduced. We com-
munist should clearly demand a proper envi-
ronmental processing of energy (gas) and raw
materials (minerals) in local integrated indus-
trial complexes with zero emissions of CO2
(carbon oxide). We say the only alternative is
to invest in renewable energy solutions. We
vote for Sun-, wind-, water- and wave power.
We vote for the future.
Defending workers rights, working conditions
and agreements should not have any borders.
There should not be any need to pay attention
to the origin, skin color or any other criteria of
the worker. We stand against racism, homo-
phobia, gender inequality, fascism and all kind
of discrimination. All workers should have the
same right to a just pay of the work done.
There for workers of the world unite! Long live
class struggle! Long live the communist inter-
national collective!
97
FRENCH
COMMUNIST
PARTY
GILLES GARNIER
Comrades,
It is a great pleasure for me to speak to you
today on behalf of the French Communist
Party. As we meet here in Lisbon, where the
winds of the April Revolution blow anew, I
bring you all our heartfelt, fraternal greet-
ings, and especially wish to thank our com-
rades from the Portuguese Communist
Party who have extended such a warm wel-
come.
The Portuguese people, through their massive
mobilisation, are standing up to shake off the
deadly politics of austerity, of social and
democratic regression, that capitalist forces
in Europe now more discredited than ever
seek to impose on Portugal and indeed on all
the peoples of Europe.
France is not spared, and it was in the same
spirit of struggle that we ejected Nicolas
Sarkozy from office in in 2012, rejecting the
most vindictive right wing our country has
seen since 1945; a right wing that attacked
our hard-won social and democratic progress.
These forces, joined with the German right
under Angela Merkel, have sought to subject
all of the people of Europe to the iron rule of fi-
nancial capitalism.
In the spring of 2012, the PCF and our allies in
the Left Front made a major contribution to
the resounding defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy. We
joined forces with other parties of the left to
beat Nicolas Sarkozy, although we had no illu-
sions about the choices that Franois Hol-
lande was likely to implement.
Some Europeans harboured illusions about
the consequences of the election of Franois
Hollande: not us. We refused to take part in an
administration that did not clearly strive to
halt the politics of austerity nor to defend
workers against the forces of capital. We de-
cided that we would pass judgement on this
administrations work, and take action in Par-
liament and in the street based on our unqual-
ified criteria: the interests of the workers and
the interests of the country as opposed to
101
those of the banks, the multinationals and big

business.
In fact, the first measure taken by the new
president was the ratification of the European
Budget Pact without changing a single line; he
accommodated demands for reduced public
spending and increased competitiveness and
flexibility.
We fought against the budget pact, the French
inter-professional labour agreement, and a
new pension reform in fact the French Sen-
ate rejected that reform three days ago.
Each of our battles included the demonstra-
tion that alternative solutions are possible.
And we are continuing the battle of ideas and
actions, undertaking a major national cam-
paign to show just what capital costs us.
So-called austerity policies in the European
Union, led by the Commission and the Euro-
pean Central Bank, along with the idolisation
of the principle of free and undistorted com-
petition, are cracking the foundations of the
social state in our countries; these founda-
tions were laid following World War II or after
the fall of fascist regimes in Portugal, Spain
and Greece.
The crisis of capitalism, their crisis, not ours,
has enabled the dismantlement of social and
democratic advances. In France, as in many
European countries, the social movement has
not yielded. We resist in the difficult context of
collective, organised despair that is fostered
and nurtured by governments in place, forces
on the right, the far right, and actively kept up
by big business, supported by compliant
media.
This is why we believe the position of the Eu-
ropean Trade Unions Confederation is ex-
tremely positive and significant: for the first
time it rejected the proposed European treaty.
Another positive sign is the opening of dia-
logue and joint actions in many countries
among citizens movements and our parties
and organisations. This new development
brings us hope.
Mobilisation against the transatlantic agree-
ment is underway in our country and we are
actively participating in an information and
awareness campaign that needs to be ampli-
fied in order to cut this agreement at the
quick. A first success was setting culture out-
side the scope of the negotiation; now a broad
association of citizens, trade unionists and
political forces is growing. It encompasses the
same progressive forces that enabled us to
defeat the 2005 Constitutional Treaty.
*
The socio-liberal choices that the French
president and his administration have chosen
to follow also determine a three-pillar foreign
policy: conquering market shares for multina-
tional corporations that are French in name
only, the NATO-isation of national and Euro-
pean defence and foreign policy, and the mili-
tarisation of international relations with a
goal to establish France as a so-called mid-
dle power.
Certainly the crisis in Syria, alongside the
overall situation in the Middle East and North
Africa raises global questions on international
security today, and on the need to question
the politics of powers and the logic of force.
And we are all aware of the extent to which
neo-imperialist strategies at work in this re-
gion and elsewhere in the world have had dev-
astating and destabilising effects that bring
great danger to bear on all people.
But while we must develop our solidarity with
popular democratic uprisings against despot-
ic, oppressive regimes, we must also stand
102
firm in our rejection of foreign intervention.
Mali is an example of the way in which France
views its relations with African countries and
its role on the African continent.
Denying the responsibility of France, the EU,
the IMF and the United States as regards the
breakdown of Malian society and the failure of
the Malian state, the French military interven-
tion was a stopgap solution. Other means
could have been called into play, over the
years, to prevent the penetration of jihadist
groups in society. The future of Mali is for
Malians to decide and this is the task that
France should set for herself, beginning by
abandoning practices that belong to the past.
I will pass over the shame and anger we felt
when the French government prevented Pres-
ident Morales from flying over French territo-
ry. The pretexts advanced to justify this act of
aggression and violation of international law
speak volumes about the degree of French
submission to Atlanticism a shackle it is
high time we throw off.
Events in the Latin America have shown how,
over the past 15 years, through the develop-
ment of struggles and popular movements,
left wing and progressive governments have
been able to take political power and estab-
lish development strategies that have pushed
back the hegemony of the United States and
neo-liberalism.
Democratic, economic and social advances
are unprecedented: re-appropriation of natu-
ral resources, human development pro-
grammes that have brought millions out of
poverty, nationalisations in strategic sectors
and important steps forward for democracy
and workers rights. Until now, such progress
had been possible in Cuba alone.
*
Communists, whatever their position, are not
dedicated to protest, although that is neces-
sary, but rather to innovation, to finding solu-
tions, acting and uniting to open the path to
liberation.
Our goal is to give workers, employees, work-
ing women and youth, and the underem-
ployed confidence and courage.
In 2013, as at the beginning of the 20
th
cen-
tury, the problem remains the confiscation of
economic and political power by the few. The
battle today is to return power to the people
everywhere, where the bourgeoisie and big
business have seized it from the people, and
where the people have never held power, that
is in companies and at the workplace.
National and European institutions have
reached the end of the road the Fifth Repub-
lic in France, with its emphasis on the person
of the president, has become an obstacle to
democracy. We want to move beyond this. Our
institutions provide no protection from neo-
liberalism because they are its defenders.
We work to strengthen the broadest possible
coalitions against the Europe of austerity. This
is the meaning we give to re-foundation,
based on a clear break from the current EU
treaties; it bears the demand for a completely
new regional concept grounded in solidarity
among peoples and social, economic, envi-
ronmental and democratic progress for all.
Indeed it is because the very logic of the sys-
tem is at the heart of todays social, economic,
political and democratic crises, that the force
of capital have no scruples, once again, in al-
lowing the fascist threat to rear its head; fas-
cism feeds on the confusion and disappoint-
ment that neo-liberalism has engendered. We
are clearheaded. This battle requires a com-
plete about-face in French policy, and an un-
103
precedented union of the left. But we will not
stand by while the peoples of Europe are di-
vided and set against each other in hatred.
Local elections will be held a few weeks be-
fore European elections in France, and both
are key moments, each in its own right. There
will be major efforts to weaken capacity for
resistance and prevent the people from taking
power. Around the country, communists are
preparing for the successive elections with
three clear objectives: defeat the right, block
the far right, win anti-austerity left majorities
to put people at the centre of social choices.
Paul Vaillant-Couturier wrote, Communism is
the youth of the world. Our task is tremen-
dous, and whatever the paths we choose in
our countries, whatever the assessments we
make of different national choices, it is essen-
tial that we maintain forums like this one
where we gather today.
We are convinced that these gatherings will
enable progressive forces to act to transform
our societies; capitalism is turning back the
clock on human civilisation we say it is time
to move forward instead.
Dear friends and comrades,
We need an international movement, indeed
the communist identity has always been in-
ternational, through our contributions to
broad assemblies of people who fought and
are fighting still to defend communist ideals.
Our international engagement may take new
forms, but it will always be forged in struggle
and union.
We strengthen that bond here today, in Portu-
gal, homeland of Alvaro Cunhal, a great revo-
lutionary at the head of the Portuguese Com-
munist Party. He carried the hopes of Por-
tuguese people and workers, at a time when
other countries were also casting off the fas-
cist yoke, hopes to walk freely along to path to
liberty, equality, social justice and democracy.
Thank you.
104
UNIFIED
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
GEORGIA
ELIA KHACHATUROVA
Dear comrades,
The current general crisis of capitalism is the
crisis of neo-liberal model of capitalism. It
takes a different specific outlines in different
conditions. We will try to describe briefly how
this crisis reveals itself in the case of Georgia.
As it is known Georgia is like a marionette in
the hands of the United States. It is called the
second Israel in the Caucasus. After the so-
called Rose Revolution in 2003, Georgia was
declared by Americans as a lighthouse of
democracy and as an example of successful
implementation of neo-liberal capitalism
model.
As a result of 9-year accelerated neoliberal
experiment, which lasted until October 1 of
2012, that is, until the defeat of the ruling
elite in the elections, in Georgia was indeed
created a kind of classical system of neoliber-
al capitalism. Was developed around the same
system of capitalist dictatorship, as in
Pinochets Chile.
But the policy of total privatization of the
economy and the social system in combina-
tion with a completely flawed, hostile to Rus-
sias foreign policy, the country has led to a
complete economic collapse . As a result,
Georgia was overtaken by a deep social crisis.
The crisis obscured the harsh repression. Neo-
liberalism is increasingly showed its fascist
gist. We are not casually use the term. All or
almost all of the major signs of fascism ap-
peared: social demagogy, nationalism and
Russophobia , militarization and total control
of all aspects of social life , collapsing bour-
geois democracy and anti-communism , mo-
nopolization and centralization of the econo-
my and even a hoax, as the important element
of the official propaganda. All of this in any of
opportunity could soon turn into a political
crisis. By the autumn of last year, it just hap-
pened.
In one word, at one point, the neo-liberal capi-
talist system began to devour itself. The need
to turn left, at least within the private-capital-
103
istic system, became apparent. Without such

a rotation, system would collapse under its
own weight as exhausted and paralyzed to
death. Therefore, coagulation of neoliberal
madness has become imperative for the rul-
ing clans too. There was a split in the ruling
oligarchic elite. There was formed a powerful
bourgeois opposition ready to soften the
above economic line and police brutality and
guide a more moderate foreign policy.
The main objectives of the present govern-
ment, a new, more moderate neo-liberal rul-
ing elite team - is the salvation of the oli-
garchic power as such. But it is possible pri-
marily by easing social tensions.
Here is how the current government makes it:
To alleviate social tensions by reviving the real
economy, the new government has to go
against the principles of neo-liberalism and
strengthen the role of the state in the econo-
my, which had previously been reduced to al-
most zero.
Main bet for the restoration of the economic
potential is made for a quick recovery of agri-
culture. It is significant, that collective farms
are legally recovered. Georgian agricultural
goods have been partially re-admitted to the
Russian market.
In the social sphere is a certain turn of the
person to humans. The new state budget
showed signs of social orientation. Are sensi-
tively increased health care costs, increased
pension fund and salary of the lower layer of
public servants. The spending on education is
also increased. For example, per student
state now spends about twice as much as
last year.
Old Labor Code, which was the legal registra-
tion of disenfranchisement of the working
man, changed to a new one. Expands the right
to strike, complicate the conditions of release
from work, concepts the idea of the collective
agreement. In short, there are signs of worker
and trade union rights.
If earlier, few could organize opposition to
tyranny significant employers in enterprises,
now the police and other security agencies
cannot openly suppress working resistance.
Not surprisingly, that after softening the total
police pressure, in a few companies strikes
began. Against the background of the flash
strikes is also arises the revitalization of trade
unions. Therefore the demands of the workers
and trade unions do not go beyond the eco-
nomic principles.
In the sphere of democratic rights committed
significant shift in the direction of improving
the situation. If during the period under
Saakashvili was practically forbidden propa-
ganda against NATO, calling for the restora-
tion of good-neighborly friendship with Russia
and relations with Abkhazia and South Ossetia
(with a separate regions of Georgia), now ex-
pressing of an opinion on these issues will not
lead to reprisals.
Propaganda of socialism had more favorable
conditions. Even though, the law continues to
operate banning of the Soviet symbolic and
Soviet ideology. By this law the activities of
the Unified Communist Party of Georgia is ac-
tually prohibited. The new composition of the
Parliament of Georgia is once again openly
anti-communist and is not expected to repeal
this law.
In other words, the neo-liberal fascism fell,
but the situation in Georgia - both political and
social, remains difficult.
Comrades, the struggle of the Georgian Com-
munists for the working people interests is in-
tertwined with the struggle against national-
104
ism. Russia is now more covert, but still, is
taught as the cause of all social evils and mis-
fortunes of Georgia. In Russia itself, the labor
migrants are exposed to increased exploita-
tion. Nationalism again divides the working
people of the two countries.
In Georgia, from time to time are also being
strengthened anti-Armenian or anti-Azerbai-
jani sentiments, which is in parallel feed by
the anti-Georgian nationalism in the neigh-
boring republics. Therefore, a necessary task
for the communists in our region remains an
analysis of the current situation in terms of in-
ternationalism and overcoming differences in
our visions of the solutions of national issues.
Comrades, we would like to pay your attention
as well to one specific part of our activity. In
the conditions of capitalist restoration, reli-
gious institutes play an important role in for-
mation of public consciousness almost in all
Post-Soviet republics. In Georgia the church
directly will get into political processes. Un-
fortunately, communistic movement in Geor-
gia, as well as in some other countries, is ex-
posed to a certain influence from official reli-
gious institutes. The matter is that there was
a specific situation: traditional religious insti-
tutes appeared in opposition on the relation of
the American imperialism in reply that they
underwent the strong competition from gen-
erously financed by the West and different re-
ligious trends imported from the West. There-
fore communists mistakenly consider church
the ally in fight against the American hegemo-
ny and almost ceased to criticize their frankly
reactionary, disorientation role in workers
masses.
At this stage, in front of the Unified Commu-
nist Party of Georgia, the task of strengthen-
ing the organizational and ideological after 9-
year-old pro-fascism dictatorship. The party
had to re-create the material basis for the ele-
mentary political activities.
Taking part in the recent presidential elec-
tions, we have seen once again that the idea
of socialism in Georgia is strong. The fact is
that for 20 -plus years of profound and per-
manent crisis of capitalism clearly demon-
strated all the Advantages of the socialist ex-
perience. Middle and older generation in its
absolute majority with approval remembers
Georgias Soviet past and curses replace the
current social system. In all meetings and
several television appearances that could or-
ganize as part of the presidential election, we
felt the enthusiasm and moral support from
the population.
The Central Committee of the Unified Commu-
nist Party of Georgia thanks the Portuguese
comrades for organizing a major international
meeting, which is absolutely necessary for
the ideological improve, to strengthen our
ranks and international solidarity!
Thank you!
105
GERMAN
COMMUNIST
PARTY
PATRIK KOBELE
Dear comrades,
The global crisis of capitalism has seriously
affected hundreds of millions of human be-
ings, many states and many peoples. It con-
firmed: Who talks about the crises must not
remain silent about capitalism, and who
wants to overcome the crises must overcome
capitalism.
The rulers did a lot to cover up capitalism in
its imperialist phase as the true cause of the
crisis.
Capitals propagandists claim the revival is
coming and the crisis overcome. There is lit-
tle incidence for this. Too deep are the Euro-
pean Unions structural distortions. In addi-
tion, we know that cyclical interim highs and
periods of recovery but prepare the next cri-
sis.
The economic crisis und the role of German
imperialism require a special consideration.
The financial capital in Germanythe amal-
gamation of the banking capital and the in-
dustryhad made use of the previous gov-
ernments, green and social democratic as
much as conservative and neoliberal, to con-
vert Germany into a low-wage country com-
pared to its extremely high productivity, and
to lower the real wage.
As a result, German imperialism was able to
consolidate its hegemony in Europe even dur-
ing the crisis. It developed an economic ag-
gression as a kind of export juggernaut, which
primarily the so called peripheral European
countries are suffering from. In this field it is
supported by its financial and technological
superiority and its dominance within the EU
administration.
Hence, a large share of the German capital has
come through the crisis more or less un-
harmed. And so they succeeded to maintain il-
lusions of partnership of wage labour and cap-
ital among a large share of the working class.
This has been exacerbated by nationalist ten-
dencies based on the tales of the diligent
107
German different from the lazy Greek, the

lazy Spaniard, the lazy Italian, and so on
and so forth.
The result of the latest federal elections must
be viewed against this background.
Basically, it expresses the general conscious-
nessalso among the working classin our
country. Large parts follow localist logics and
identify themselves with their enterprise,
their bosses, and their superiors. Their
motto is My company is my castle. The par-
ticularly market radical Liberal Democratic
Party (FDP) is no longer represented in the
parliament. But a new right-wing partythe
Alternative for Germany massively gained
votes and only narrowly missed the threshold
for parliamentary representation. There is
strong incidence they will have deputies in the
European Parlament from 2014.
In this situation, apparently there will be a
grand coalition between social democrats and
conservatives.
For the working class in our country, and also
for the peoples in Europe and the world this
will not be an advancement. Internationally
and on EU level, both agree on politics which
will try to fortify and expand German imperial-
isms hegemony in political, economical and
military terms. Any illusions would be mis-
leading.
German imperialisms abstention from the
war against Libyawhich ignored all interna-
tional lawdid not express its desire for
peace. It was simply hoping for their interests
to be put forward more effectively another
way.
The parliamentary opposition now is formed
through deputies from the Green Party and
The Left party.
In most districts we, the German Communist
Party, called on voting for The Left party. We
did not do so, because they would substitute a
communist party, but because there is an ac-
cordance in topical demands, and because
they had a realistic chance to enter the parlia-
ment.
Regarding their objective role and their plat-
form, The Left party is a leftist social demo-
cratic force. However, induced by its historic
origin in the Socialist Unity Party of Ger-
manySED, in the past the Marxist-Leninist
ruling party in the GDR, there still is a number
of members who consider themselves com-
munists.
In that party, there is a permanent struggle
between various currents. However, it is less
prevalent between communists and so called
democratic socialists, but rather between
those forces who leer at coalitions with
Greens and social democrats, and those who
are more or less fundamentally opposed.
Dear comrades,
As you might know, last spring the 20th na-
tional congress of our party has resulted in a
change in the partys leadership.
To a journalists question about which mood
among the majority of the members of our
party was expressed through this, I respond-
ed: I believe, the vast majority of the DKP
members is convinced that developments
which we observe globally, in Europe, and
also in Germany, and which we experience
ourselves, do not demand for less, but for
more of a communist party. And I am sure
that this majority of members also agrees
upon how to understand this. It is the desire
for a party which analyses the world with
Marxs, Engelss, and Lenins ideas, and which
considers its pivotal task to advance the
108
working class from a class as such to a class
for itself by making it realise that finally the
contradiction between wage labour and cap-
ital is behind the manifold single contradic-
tions. They desire a party which is aware of
this contradiction only to be sublated by the
revolutionary break of the prevailing rela-
tions of property and in society, and which
wants to convey this awareness. Finally there
is the desire for a party which states that this
break requires the working class to take over
the power from the bourgeoisie in alliance
with others, if you want to build socialism as
an alternative to capitalism. All this makes
the necessity for the communist party as an
autonomous organisation, and the vast ma-
jority of the members of DKP wants this not
only to be confirmed in theory, but also wants
to demonstrate this in the streets. In this re-
gard the 20th national congress of DKP has
taken important decisions through its main
motion DKP responds to the crisis, through
resolutions on tasks in labour and union poli-
tics, on the demand for a 30 hour working
week with full wage and staff compensation,
on the orientation towards more intense
communist local politics and on collaboration
with the friendly Socialist German Workers
Youth SDAJ. Of course, discussions inside
DKP have not come to an end. We will have to
continue the contentual debates, and at the
same time we have to prevent fractional
hardenings. The combination of discussion
and joint action will be crucial here.
On the international level, the 20th national
congress has decided for the priority of col-
laboration with communists and workers
parties. It also decided to effectuate DKPs
status as but an observer in the European Left
Party, and to decide on remaining in or with-
drawing from the ELP on the 21st national
congress.
Thus, we attach high value to the collabora-
tion of communist and workers parties and
hope that also this our meeting serves to in-
tensify the collaboration.
109
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
GREECE
GIORGOS MARINOS
Dear comrades,
We thank the Portuguese Communist Party for
the hospitality and we salute the representa-
tives of the CPs, which participate in the
15
th
International Meeting of the Communist
and Workers Parties.
The KKE honours the communist Alvaro Cun-
hal, General Secretary of the Portuguese Com-
munist Party, an illustrious figure of the comu-
nist movement, on the occasion of the 100
year anniversary of his birth this year.
Alvaro Cunhal devoted his life to the struggle
for the interests of the working class, for the
cause of socialism, was a strong supporter of
the principle of proletarian internationalism.
The struggles of this generation of commu-
nists inspire us to continue our struggle more
decisively in order to implement the tasks
that we have ahead of us, to overthrow the
outdated capitalist system.
Dear comrades,
The developments we are witnessing confirm
the assessment that capitalism is becoming
continually more reactionary and dangerous,
it gives rise to crises and wars. It condemns
millions of workers to unemployment, pover-
ty, it can not satisfy the expanded needs of the
people.
This situation manifests itself all over the
globe and the communist movement is
obliged to make the greatest possible ef-
fort for its own independent ideological,
political and mass struggle, to acquire a
unified revolutionary strategy.
We assess that it is precisely this issue that
must take its due position in all the discus-
sions of the CPs in combination with the co-
ordinated activity on the peoples problems
in conflict with capitals forces.
The communist movement must answer
this crucial question, with what strategy
will it be able to stand on solid ground and
express as effectively as possible the inter-
111
ests of the working class, the popular stra-

ta in a line of conflict with capitalist barbar-
ity. Treating socialism not as a goal for the
distant future, but as an issue of the daily
activity as its timeliness is highlighted by
the torments of the peoples.
From this standpoint, we would like to focus
our attention on issues where different opin-
ions, disagreements are expressed in the
communist movement, taking into account
that the position which argues that we can
proceed on the basis of what we agree on
leads to complacency, does not allow a deep-
er examination of the weaknesses and the
taking of measures in order to deal with mat-
ters of strategic importance, which are neces-
sary for the regroupment of the communist
parties, so that they can fulfill their role as the
vanguard of the working class.
First, the problem of the crisis also concerned
us in previous international meetings, but un-
fortunately we observe that there remain ap-
proaches that talk of a crisis of neo-liberal-
ism, a financial crisis. These approaches are
limited to incriminating a form of capitalisms
management, exonerating the social-demo-
cratic, neo-Keynesian management, the capi-
talist system itself. These positions absolutize
the role of banking capital, underestimating
the role of other sections of capital, bypassing
the reality of the merging of industrial and
banking capital, the role of finance capital
that is a characteristic trait of capitalism in its
highest imperialist stage today.
The problem is deeper and is related to the
laws of the systems operation. The crisis
manifests itself periodically in the capital-
ist states, irrespective of the form of bour-
geois management.
The peoples are facing a capitalist crisis of
over-production and capital over-accumu-
lation, the preconditions of which were cre-
ated in the conditions of the growth of the
capitalist economy.
The capitalist crisis which stops the ex-
panded reproduction of social capital has
its basis in the basic contradiction of the
system, in the social character of produc-
tion and in the capitalist appropriation of
its results due to the capitalist ownership
of the means of production. It is precisely
this that is the source of surplus value and
exploitation, the source of the anarchic and
uneven development that characterizes
the system.
The strengthening of the monopolies, the in-
ternationalization of the capitalist economy
sharpen the anarchic development, sharpen
the contradictions with greater intensity and
lead to deeper crises, to a tougher competi-
tion amongst the major business groups and
the capitalist states, and bring imperialist
wars closer.
Problems emerged during the crisis which
are related to the struggle of the CPs and
the labour and peoples movement and
allow us to provide some examples.
The bourgeois governments, liberal, social-
democratic, and with the participation of the
governmental left, imposed harsh anti-people
measures in Greece. Memoranda and loan
agreements with the EU, the European Central
Bank, the International Monetary Fund were
signed, but the attack on the working class
and peoples rights is not exclusively related
to the memoranda, as the European Left Party
and other opportunist forces claim in order to
support the anti-memorandum line and to
exonerate the more general strategy of capi-
tal.
112
The truth is that the measures that were im-
posed are included in the strategy of the Eu-
ropean Union, in the strategy of the monop-
olies, using the capitalist restructurings
since the beginning of the 1990s. This
strategy seeks the reduction of the price of
labour power, the strengthening of the
competitiveness of the European monopo-
lies against their competitors, especially
against the major business groups of the
emerging capitalist powers of China, India,
Brazil where the levels of the price of
labour power are very low .
In this framework, the anti-people measures
are not only implemented in states that have
signed a memorandum but also in many other
capitalist states in Europe and all over the
world.
The confrontation over the forms of man-
agement of the capitalist economy is inten-
sifying during the crisis.
Two blocs of economic and political forces
have been formed in Greece. The one with as
its core the ND-PASOK government together
with the EU which is in favour of the harsh fis-
cal policy and the other with SYRIZA, the Inter-
national Monetary Fund and the USA, which
support a more relaxed fiscal policy with the
aim of strengthening the state-funding of the
monopolies. These management proposals
respond to the needs of specific sections of
capital and are a part of the more general
inter-imperialist competition.
In conclusion, we can say that each form of
bourgeois management serves the prof-
itability of the monopolies through the im-
position of the anti-people measures, the
intensification of the exploitation of the
working class, the deterioration of the situ-
ation for the popular strata.
On the basis of the different forms of bour-
geois management of the system, (liberal or
Keynesian), the reformation of the political
scene is being promoted in Greece so that the
bourgeois class can control the develop-
ments, impede the class struggle, insert every
kind of barrier in the face of the struggle of the
KKE and the class-oriented movement. The
reformation is expressed through the creation
of a centre-right pole with the liberal ND party
as its axis and the centre-left pole with SYRIZA
as its axis.
Our party wants to inform the CPs that the ELP
and other opportunist forces are attempting in
a planned way to distort the reality and pre-
sent SYRIZA as a pro-people force, which is
fighting for the interests of the workers
against capital. The truth is that SYRIZA as an
opportunist formation which developed into a
pillar of social-democratic management is
supported by sections of the bourgeois class, it
is a defender of capitalism and the European
Union. It is a party that extolled the political
line of Obama as progressive and fostered the
myth that a new wind would blow for the work-
ers in Europe with the election of Hollande.
A feature of the reformation of the bourgeois
political system in Greece is also the criminal
fascist organization of Golden Dawn.
Golden Dawn is the creation of capitalism, it is
supported by the bourgeois state and its
mechanisms. It developed with the toleration
of the bourgeois parties in order to operate as
capitals force of repression to strike against
the labour and peoples movement, against
the communists.
Our party argues that the isolation and
crushing of Golden Dawn is a matter for the
organized struggle of the working class,
the peoples alliance. This struggle can not
be carried out through the so-called anti-
113
fascist fronts which bourgeois and oppor-
tunist forces propose, but through the
struggle that has as its goals the abolition
of the causes which give rise to fascism,
the overthrow of capitalist exploitation, the
conflict with the EU which has anti-commu-
nism as its official ideology and promotes
the anti-historical equation of fascism with
communism.
Second, reality demonstrates that in condi-
tions of capitalist crisis the inter-imperialist
contradictions are sharpening, as well as the
competition for the acquisition of new areas
to invest accumulated capital, for the control
of natural resources. On this terrain, the caus-
es of military conflicts and multifaceted inter-
ventions are being formed. This is something
that we are experiencing in the region of the
Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East, the
Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea, in many regions
of the globe.
The KKE is opposed to the imperialist wars,
is fighting against Greeces involvement
and has clarified that in any case, whatever
form Greeces participation in an imperialist
war takes, the KKE must be ready to lead
the independent organization of the work-
ers-peoples resistance, so that this strug-
gle is linked to the struggle for the defeat of
the bourgeois class, both of the domestic
bourgeois class and the foreign one as an
invader.
The KKE must take the initiative, in line with
the specific conditions, for the formation of
the workers and peoples front with as its slo-
gan: the people will bring the liberation
and the way-out from the capitalist sys-
tem, which as long as it prevails brings war
and peace with the gun to the peoples
head.
This position is of particular importance for
the international communist movement
and protects the peoples from being en-
trapped by the one or the other section of
the bourgeois class, by the one or the other
imperialist alliance. This is even more impor-
tant as in recent years there is an attempt for
the view about a so-called multi-polar world
to be adopted and for false dilemmas to be
posed which aim at manipulating the peoples
and entangling them in the inter-imperialist
competition.
Third, the stance of the communists and the
peoples against the imperialist system and
the imperialist union is of great importance.
When he spoke about imperialism as the high-
est stage of capitalism, Lenin was speaking
first of all about the economic basis of the
system, the dominance of the monopolies. In
his work Imperialism, the highest stage of
capitalism, he mentioned that:
Unless the economic roots of this phe-
nomenon are understood and its political
and social significance is appreciated, not a
step can be taken toward the solution of
the practical problem of the communist
movement
This position is of great importance for our
analysis.
The European Union is not dangerous only due
to its course of unification (integration) but
also due to the fact that it is an inter-state,
imperialist union of the monopolies. Both the
European Union, as well as the other unions
that emerged in Asia or in Latin America and
also the BRICS have a specific economic base,
they are supported on the cooperation and
merging of the strength of the major business
monopoly groups and despite the contradic-
114
tions that manifest themselves in their ranks
their basic criterion is their own interests, the
control of the markets and consequently they
are against the peoples and their rights.
Imperialism is not merely an aggressive
foreign policy, it is capitalism in its final,
highest stage, it is a system in which the
capitalist states are assimilated and they
take their position in line with their eco-
nomic, military and political strength.
In these conditions it is very important to
deal with the issues of dependency and
sovereignty on a class basis. The issue
must begin to be discussed, we must con-
cern ourselves because it has very serious
political consequences, the mistaken treat-
ment of this leads to the support for man-
agement solutions and to an alliance policy
with sections of the bourgeois class, with
political forces that are defenders of the
exploitative system.
The 19
th
congress of the KKE assessed that in
the framework of uneven development Capi-
talism in Greece is in the imperialist stage of
its development, in an intermediate position
in the international imperialist system, with
strong uneven dependencies on the USA and
the EU.
That is to say, the basic issue is the uneven
development of capitalism which forms re-
lations of uneven dependency and interde-
pendency and for this reason positions that
present Greece as well as other states with
a lower position in the imperialist pyramid
as being occupied, as being colonies have
no basis.
Of course, as long as the bourgeois class has
the reins of power it builds international rela-
tions according to its class interest and on this
basis it cedes sovereign rights. The concepts
of independence, sovereignty are con-
cepts with a class content and they must be
dealt with in a direction which stresses that
the working class with its own power can be-
come the master in its own country, choose
the path of development that corresponds to
its own interests and build the respective in-
ternational relations with disengagement
from the EU, NATO and the other imperialist
unions.
In addition we want to note that the colonies
as an element of the historical course of capi-
talism have disappeared. This is the undeni-
able reality. Colonialism was overthrown
through the struggle of the peoples and the
major contribution of socialism. This page has
been turned and unfortunately today posi-
tions are reviving which present the uneven
relations of capitalist states inside the imperi-
alist system as a phenomenon of neocolonial-
ism. Countries with developed monopoly capi-
talism, with a strong bourgeois class and
bourgeois state are characterized as new
colonies, an intermediate stage is being
adopted as a form of bourgeois management
for the resolution of these problems.
Fourth, the character of our era is a funda-
mental issue for the elaboration of the revolu-
tionary strategy. The objective facts prove
that, irrespective of the counterrevolution-
ary overthrow of socialism in the Soviet
Union and the other socialist countries, our
era continues to be an era of transition
from capitalism to socialism.
Why? Because capitalism has decayed; be-
cause it is plagued by insurmountable con-
tradictions; because it has exhausted its
historical limits. The emergence and the
development of monopolies, of the big
joint-stock companies, the emergence and
115
development of the working class, the en-
trance of capitalism into its higher imperi-
alist stage underline that the material pre-
conditions have matured which allow for
the construction of the new socialist-com-
munist society. This is a defining element of
the Marxist-Leninist analysis of the devel-
opments as it shows the direction of the
struggle of the communist parties that
have the obligation to prepare themselves
in a multifaceted way so as to meet the
needs of the struggle for socialism-com-
munism; so as to contribute to the matura-
tion of the subjective factor, to the prepara-
tion of the working class as the vanguard
class in the capitalist society, in order for it to
play the leading role in the alliance with the
popular strata and to struggle for the power.
The formation of the political class conscious-
ness cannot be carried out with the old tools
for managing the system. Political positions
that trap the working class into the bour-
geois management with the form of inter-
mediate stages between capitalism and so-
cialism, political positions that support the
participation in the one or the other govern-
ment of bourgeois management which is
labeled either as left or progressive
have no place in the era of transition from
capitalism to socialism.
The power will be either in the hands of the
bourgeois class i.e. the capitalists or in the
hands of the working class. The means of
production will be either under capitalist or
social ownership. Regardless of their inten-
tions, the solutions within the framework
of the system not only do not constitute a
form of approaching the socialist solution
but on the contrary they favour the perpet-
uation of capitalism, they buy time for it,
they foster illusions among the working
people.
Our party does not at all diminish the impor-
tance of historical experience; it takes seri-
ously into consideration the complex charac-
ter of the political and social processes.
It studies the developments in Chile but also
in Portugal in the 1970s, it studies the recent
experience in Cyprus and the developments in
Latin America.
On the basis of this study we can make the
case and on the basis of the results that no
management solution has been confirmed
as a way for the transition to socialism and
it could not have been otherwise. Because
this path perpetuates the contradiction be-
tween capital and labour, can not prevent
the capitalist crises, unemployment, ex-
ploitation because it maintains the causes
that breed them, because capitalist profit
continues to be the criterion of develop-
ment.
The choice of the intermediate stages vio-
lates a commonly accepted position, the
position that between capitalism and so-
cialism-communism there is no intermedi-
ate socio-economic system, no intermedi-
ate political power.
Of course the communists struggle inside the
bourgeois parliaments for the promotion and
the defense of the peoples rights combining
and giving priority to the extra-parliamentary
activity but this has no relation with the adop-
tion of parliamentary views that sow confu-
sion that a pro-people solution can emerge
through the bourgeois institutions.
The parliamentary path which historically
has been extolled by the opportunist forces
is one of the most significant factors that
lead to the assimilation of strong Commu-
nist Parties, to the reduction of the de-
mands of the working people.
116
History teaches.
The rationale of reforms and the rejection of
the revolutionary path, the rejection of the so-
cialist revolution, constitute a painful retreat
and negation of the most basic element that
characterizes a Communist Party.
The class struggle has its own laws which
are founded on the contradiction between
capital and labour which has a universal
character and concerns the capitalist
states as a whole. The class struggle is not
restricted to the development of struggles
in order to determine the conditions for the
sale of labour power. But it is determined by
the issue of the abolition of the capitalist
exploitation, of the struggle for the con-
quest of power.
The Communist Party in each country has the
obligation to study the specific situation, the
development of capitalism, the course of the
sectors and the branches of economy, the
changes in the superstructure, the class and
social structure in order to chart a revolution-
ary strategy. However, this is totally different
from the positions which in the name of na-
tional particularities negate the revolutionary
strategy and replace the struggle for social-
ism by governmental solutions and a policy
for alliances which correspond to the bour-
geois management.
The treatment of socialism merely as a dec-
laration is causing great damage. It down-
grades the strategic goal itself, the goal
that determines the tactics, the stance of
the Communist Parties as a whole, their
work in the labour and peoples movement,
their policy for alliances.
In their programmatic declarations Eurocom-
munism and the other opportunist currents
referred to socialism but their political line
negated the revolutionary path. In the name
of national peculiarities they fought against
the laws of the socialist revolution and con-
struction. In the works of Carrillo and
Berlinguer the term socialism appears de-
prived of its essence: without the working
class power, the dictatorship of the proletari-
at, without the socialization of the means of
production and central planning. They were
talking about transformation, the democrati-
zation of the bourgeois state, of the dictator-
ship of the monopolies, they were fostering il-
lusions about pro-people solutions through
the parliamentary path, through the bour-
geois government, the alliance with social
democracy.
Today, opportunist platforms have emerged
which are equally dangerous as Eurocommu-
nism, such as market socialism, socialism
of the 21
st
century, which oppose scientific
socialism. There is talk of a social economy,
the utopia of a humanized capitalism is
sought. In several cases there is an attempt to
reduce, to negate the crucial importance of
the class struggle at a national level in the
name of globalization.
In any case, the front against opportunism is
an element of the confrontation with the cap-
italism system, with imperialism and any tol-
erance or retreat has a corrosive effect at the
expense of the communist movement and its
prospect.
The so called European Left Party which is
forming networks all over the world with
the funds of the EU is causing great dam-
age to the communist movement; it is a ve-
hicle that promotes the strategy of the EU
in the labour movement, it is inextricably
linked with social democracy and it must be
dealt with in a strict ideological-political
way.
117
Its core consists of forces which celebrated
the overthrow of socialism, forces which in
the framework of anticommunism identify
themselves with various bourgeois and
other reactionary forces in the name of
anti-Stalinism.
As a conclusion we can say that the class
content and consequently the contempo-
rary content of the ideological-political and
mass struggle today is determined by the
rupture, the conflict against the monopolies
and the capitalist system, against the impe-
rialist organizations. It is determined by the
organization of the working class in the
workplaces, by the formation of the alliance
with the popular strata, the multi-faceted
preparation for the overthrow of capitalism,
for the socialist-communist society, for the
abolition of the exploitation of man by man.
Our duty is to reflect on the fact that Marx and
Engels in their era, which was an era of bour-
geois revolutions, spoke about the indepen-
dent ideological-political struggle of the
working class. Our duty is to take into account
how deeply they studied the experience of the
Paris Commune in 1871 and that they spoke
of the necessity of the working class power, of
the smashing of the bourgeois state.
We have the duty to reflect on the experience
of the great October Revolution in 1917 and to
contribute to the adjustment of the program-
matic directions of the Communist Parties, of
their strategy to the requirements of our era.
Imperialism is the eve of the social revolution
of the proletariat stressed Lenin.
A revolutionary situation was formed after the
First World War in Germany, in Hungary, in Slo-
vakia, in Italy. A revolutionary situation was
formed in Greece in 1944 but the possibility
was not transformed into a reality.
The crucial factor in order to wage decisively
the battle is the prompt preparation of the
communist parties and the working class for
tough class confrontations that correspond to
the needs of our era.
The bourgeois democratic character of the
revolution corresponded to the period of
the overthrow of feudalism, when the bour-
geois class was a revolutionary class. Now
capitalism has replaced feudalism, the
basic contradiction between capital
and labour is sharpening.
The programme of the KKE, which was ap-
proved unanimously by the recent
19
th
Congress, makes the following refer-
ence: The Greek people will be liberated
from the bonds of capitalist exploitation
and the imperialist unions when the work-
ing class together with its allies carries out
the socialist revolution and moves for-
wards to construct socialism-commu-
nism. The KKEs strategic goal is the con-
quest of revolutionary working-class
power, the dictatorship of the proletariat,
for the socialist construction as the imma-
ture phase of the communist society.
The revolutionary change in Greece will be
socialist.
The motor forces of the socialist revolution
will be the working class as the leading
force, the semi-proletarians, the oppressed
popular strata of the urban self-employed,
the poor farmers, who are negatively af-
fected by the monopolies.
The programme of the KKE analyses the issue
of the objective factors that may lead to a rev-
olutionary situation (those below who no
longer wish to live as they used to and those
above who cannot govern as they used to). It
gives a particular emphasis to the deepening
118
of the capitalist crisis and the involvement of
Greece in an imperialist war, it paves the way
for the preparation of the party, and the labour
and peoples movement.
The KKE and PAME play a leading role in the
class struggle and have a significant contribu-
tion to the development of dozens of strike
mobilisations and other multifaceted strug-
gles. Nevertheless, we note that the labour
and peoples movement was not well pre-
pared and organised so as to deal with the ag-
gressiveness of capital in the conditions of the
capitalist crisis. The negative correlation of
forces, the impact of the employer and gov-
ernment-led trade unionism, the role of op-
portunism, social democracy, the labour aris-
tocracy, which support the strategy of capital,
are crucial factors.
Today in conditions of non-revolutionary situ-
ation our party gives priority to:
The regroupment of the labour movement so
that it becomes capable of meeting the needs
of the class struggle, so that the working class
fulfils its role as the vanguard class in society,
as a vehicle of the revolutionary change.
The regroupment of the labour movement
means strong, mass trade unions that will
struggle in a class direction, based on the
workers, on the young working people, the
women, the immigrants, through collective
procedures that safeguard the participation in
decision-making and the implementation of
the decisions. Strengthening of PAME, of the
class-oriented rally in the labour movement,
the change of the correlation of forces at the
expense of the forces of reformism, oppor-
tunism, employer and government-led trade
unionism, the vehicles of social partnership.
Strong party organizations in the factories, in
enterprises of strategic importance.
The labour movement is struggling in a mili-
tant and organized way concerning all the
problems of the working class based on the
criterion of the contemporary needs, achiev-
ing the orientation of confrontation against
the forces of capital for the overthrow of the
capitalist exploitation as well as a high level of
class unity.
The working class with its vanguard stance
must play the leading role in the construc-
tion of the peoples alliance that provides
an answer to the question regarding the or-
ganization of the struggle to repel the bar-
baric anti-labour- anti-people measures, to
organize the peoples counterattack.
The Peoples Alliance expresses the interests
of the working class, the semi-proletarians,
the self employed and the poor farmers, the
young people and the women of the poor pop-
ular strata in the struggle against the monopo-
lies and capitalist ownership, against the as-
similation of the country into the imperialist
unions. The Peoples Alliance is a social alliance
and struggles in terms of the movement, fol-
lowing a line of rupture and overthrow.
Today it is being formed on the basis of the
common struggle of PAME, the class-oriented
rally in the labour movement, of PASY among
the poor farmers, PASEVE among the self-em-
ployed, MAS among students, OGE among
women.
It struggles for salaries, pensions, for an ex-
clusively public and free system for health-
care, welfare, education, for all the problems
of the workers and the people.
It supports the view that the struggle for a
pro-people way out from the crisis is inextri-
cably linked with the struggle for the disen-
gagement from the EU, the unilateral cancel-
lation of the public debt.
119
The struggle for the disengagement from
the EU is linked with the struggle against
the power of the monopolies and the strug-
gle of the working class and its allies, for
working class- peoples power.
The Peoples Alliance adopts the socializa-
tion of the concentrated means of produc-
tion, the central planning, the workers-so-
cial control.
The rallying of the majority of the working
class with the KKE and the winning over of
vanguard sections of the popular strata will
go through various phases. The labour
movement, the movement of the self-em-
ployed in the cities and the farmers and the
form of their alliance, the peoples
alliance, with the anti-monopoly and anti-
capitalist goals, with the vanguard activity
of the KKEs forces in non-revolutionary
conditions, constitute the first form for the
creation of the revolutionary workers and
peoples front in revolutionary conditions.
In the conditions of the revolutionary situa-
tion, the revolutionary workers and peoples
front, using all forms of activity, can become
the centre of the peoples uprising for the
overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeois
class, for the prevalence of revolutionary in-
stitutions that undertake the new organiza-
tion of society, the establishment of revolu-
tionary working class power which will be
based on the productive unit, the social ser-
vices, the administrative units, the producer
cooperatives.
Under the responsibility of the workers
power:
The means of production will be social-
ized: in industry, energy-water supply,
telecommunications, construction, repair,
public transport, wholesale and retail trade,
import-export trade, the concentrated tourist
restaurant infrastructures.
Land will be socialized as well as the capital-
ist agricultural cultivations.
Private ownership and economic activity in
education, health-welfare, culture, sports and
mass media will be abolished. They will be
organized exclusively as social services.
State productive units will be created for
the production and the processing of agricul-
tural products.
Agricultural producer cooperatives will be
promoted.
Central Planning integrates the labour
force, means of production, raw materials
and other industrial materials and re-
sources, which will be used in the organiza-
tion of production, social and administra-
tive services. This is a communist relation
of production and distribution that links the
working people with the means of the pro-
duction, the socialist organizations.
The overthrow of socialism is a heavy blow for
the communist movement and the causes of
the overthrow teach the essential compliance
with the laws of the socialist construction, the
observance of the revolutionary principles for
the construction and the functioning of the
Communist Parties, the ideological-political
alertness for the prevention of opportunist
mistakes and deviations. This is a duty of high
importance. Nevertheless, the counterrevo-
lution cannot overshadow the irreplaceable
historical contribution of socialism which
was constructed in the 20
th
century to so-
cial progress. The stance of each commu-
nist party is judged in relation to the de-
fense of socialism against the slanderous
attacks of bourgeois and opportunist
forces.
120
Dear comrades,
The KKE, which undertook the responsibility
for the organization of the International Meet-
ings after the counterrevolution, will continue
the effort for the joint action and the forma-
tion of a unified revolutionary strategy of the
communist movement, despite the difficul-
ties.
It will continue to contribute to the Interna-
tional Meetings of the Communist Parties in-
sisting on the preservation of their communist
character confronting views or plans that sup-
port the transformation of the meetings into a
space of the left.
Our party is decisively opposed to the trans-
formation of the Working Group into a guiding
center, directly or indirectly, and rejects the
adoption of positions that violate tested com-
munist principles, introducing positions that
lead to the support of the bourgeois manage-
ment.
The KKE devotes its forces, as it has always
done, for the coordination of the struggle of
the Communist Parties in Europe and consid-
ers that the INITIATIVE of communist and
workers parties to research and study Euro-
pean issues is a great achievement for the
strengthening of the struggle against the im-
perialist EU.
In the conditions of the crisis of the commu-
nist movement our party supports the idea of
the creation of a discrete Marxist-Leninist
pole and supports the effort of the Interna-
tional Communist Review in which 11 theo-
retical journals of communist parties take
part.
121
PEOPLES
PROGRESSIVE
PARTY
OF
GUYANA
NAVIN CHANDARPAI
Dear Comrades,
The Peoples Progressive Party of Guyana ex-
tends warm revolutionary greetings to all par-
ticipants of this 15
th
International Meeting and
to the glorious Parties they represent.
We express also our special thanks to our
hosts, the Communist Party of Portugal for the
excellent working conditions they have pro-
vided for the success of our meeting.
Our 15
th
Meeting is taking place with our plan-
et continuing to suffer from the effects of the
global economic and financial crisis that has
rocked the world since 2007.
The crisis which has been described as the
worst since the late 1920s and early 1930s
must be clearly seen as a structural crisis of
capitalism.
While it originated in the USA and spread to
Europe and other Developed countries initial-
ly, the impact has been disastrous for devel-
oping countries the word over.
Our own region, the Caribbean, was also hard
hit. Many of the regions economies went into
shock as tourism declined sharply and unem-
ployment soared.
The region is still feeling the severe impact of
the crisis where huge debts have been accu-
mulating in some countries and development
efforts are greatly restricted.
The people of the Caribbean are highly influ-
enced by the ruling class in the USA resulting
from the USAs treatment of the region as its
backyard. We need to give greater attention to
the developments in the Caribbean particular-
ly in the context of the special vulnerability of
these small island and low lying coastal de-
veloping states referred to in the UN system
as SIDS.
The effects of the crisis, however, are not con-
fined to any particular region. There are dev-
astating social impacts on people throughout
the world.
The developed economies have adopted vari-
123
ous forms of austerity programmes, cutting

back on public expenditure and social spend-
ing.
According to the International Labour Organi-
sation (ILO) some twenty seven million per-
sons lost their jobs since the crisis began.
Wages and salaries are still not at the pre-cri-
sis level.
In fact many employers, even those compa-
nies that are making healthy profits, have
taken advantage of the crisis conditions and
are forcing workers to accept cuts in salaries
to keep their jobs.
Added to this is the fact that thousands of
people have lost their homes and many more
have been devastated because they have lost
their life savings as many banks went
bankrupt.
In some parts of the world, including in the de-
veloped world, this has given rise to regrowth
in poverty including hunger and malnutrition.
The paradox in this situation is that the world
is producing more than enough food to feed
the population. Yet hunger and poverty still
persist.
It is all the more distressing when we consider
that according to the UN Food and Agricultural
Organisation (FAO) a huge quantity of food is
dumped or spoilt daily.
Something is fundamentally wrong with the
system which breeds poverty and starvation
in the midst of plenty.
The global economic and social conditions
have generated a great response from work-
ing people across the world. Much of this is
still reverberating.
We have seen the growth of popular move-
ments and they are raising very serious issues
as to the root causes of the crisis.
The responses in countries have varied in
terms of the types and extents of actions, the
objectives and the leading forces. There is a
great need for our Parties to increase our in-
fluence in these processes.
A major hurdle has been the strong impact of
the anti-communist propaganda which hides
the true nature of the crisis and prevents the
large majority of people from even thinking of
the socialist alternative.
Our collective task is to skillfully educate the
masses on the major contradictions inherent
in the capitalist system as they relate to the
manifestations of the current crisis.
We cannot expect them to accept these ideas
easily at this time. However, we have to return
to the time-tested method of consistent, per-
sistent, pain-staking work to win the battle of
ideas.
In the same way, we cannot expect the various
forces protesting against the impacts of the
crisis to agree in all aspects with our objectives
and tactics. Our challenge is to find ways to de-
velop strong working relations and to engage
together in actions which, though limited, can
win even the short term gains. These victories
can help to prevent some of the intended mea-
sures to transfer the impacts of the crisis onto
the working people, increase the contradic-
tions, build confidence and encourage ad-
vances to higher levels of struggle.
We cannot afford to trail the popular actions.
We need to assert our vanguard role through
creative approaches to diverse forces against
the common enemy of monopoly capitalism
and its oppressive actions.
Dear Comrades,
On the global scale, it is necessary for us to in-
tensify our work with the worlds democratic,
124
peace loving and progressive forces to bring
solutions to the global problems of the day.
As Parties across the globe promoting the in-
terests of the masses, we need to make our
voices heard in the global debate centered at
the United Nations on the post 2015 develop-
ment agenda.
Many Governments are content to promote
minimal measures to effect cosmetic treat-
ment for the chronic diseases affecting global
development. We have to seek ways to move
world leaders to deal with the systemic issues
critical to achieving genuine sustainable de-
velopment with emphasis on poverty eradica-
tion and reducing inequality in its various
forms.
It may be useful for Governing Parties here
present to take the lead in influencing the
Governments of the Group of G 77 and China
to pursue measures to this effect. It is also
necessary for our Parties in the BRICS to en-
sure that their Governments also work to-
wards this objective.
Towards this objective, the call made by the
late founding leader of our Party and Presi-
dent of Guyana Dr. Cheddi Jagan for a New
Global Human Order rings much more loudly
today than ever.
At the World food summit in November, 1996
Dr Jagan proposed a new approach to devel-
opment which he described as a New Global
Human Order.
My friends, we need a scientific, realistic and
people centered development strategy. This is
why, I have advocated the need for a New
Global Human Order premised on sustainable
economic development, equity, social and
ecological justice and based on the creation of
a separate Global Development Fund for as-
sistance to both the North and the South.
We must put in place a system whose objec-
tives will be to invest directly in the poor, to
seek out opportunities for entrepreneurship
among the marginalized, and to provide the
social and infrastructural services which
would enable the poor to become self reliant
and productive members of the global com-
munity.
In this regard, it was a very welcome develop-
ment that the President of the UN General As-
sembly convened a High Level Meeting on In-
equality as a direct result of resolutions of the
UN entitled The Role of the United Nations in
the promotion of a new global human order.
There is a need for a new architecture for
global governance based on genuine coopera-
tion among all states - developed and devel-
oping, big and small.
This is especially necessary in view of the ad-
ditional burdens to vulnerable nations created
by the reality of climate change and the in-
creasing incidence of natural disasters.
Such an architecture must seek to reduce the
growing gaps between and within countries,
providing effective forms of assistance to the
less developed nations and removing those
harsh measures such as the Trade rules of the
World Trade Organisation which strangle the
less developed economies and undermine
their efforts for socio-economic growth.
Dear Comrades,
In Guyana, there are some national peculiari-
ties in the development of our political land-
scape since the beginning of the cold war that
may be helpful in understanding the dynamics
in countries which obtained political indepen-
dence only after the end of the Second World
War.
Our Party, the Peoples Progressive Party was
125
formed in 1950 and immediately became a
strong national movement for political inde-
pendence with a socialist orientation. It re-
peatedly won parliamentary elections in both
the pre-independence and post-indepen-
dence periods.
Before Independence which finally came in
1966, it was twice removed from Government
through the intervention of Imperialist pow-
ers. The first was in 1953 by the British Colo-
nial power which sent British soldiers in two
warships to the country and then in 1964 by
the combined manoeuvres of the US and
British with direct involvement of the CIA in
subversive activities and by constitutional
manipulations by the colonial power.
The result was that at the dawn of Indepen-
dent Nationhood, a puppet pro-imperialist
coalition government had been installed. That
initiated a period of 28 years of dictatorship,
baptized though fraudulent elections en-
forced by the military.
By the time we were successful in the struggle
for the return of democracy based on free and
fair elections, the country was in total ruins
both economically and socially.
Our Party which won those elections in 1992,
started the process of rebuilding, inheriting a
huge national debt and a burdensome and re-
strictive structural adjustment agreement
with the International Monetary Fund.
Such an inheritance, coupled with consistent
disruptive actions by the opposition party
which was the former ruling party, caused se-
vere constraints on our developmental pro-
cess. Additionally in the entire period since,
we have had to contend with a very hostile
global environment stacked against the aspi-
rations of developing countries. This includes
the reality of our continued interconnected-
ness with and exposure to the global econom-
ic system, with our major commodity exports
dependent on world market prices, with im-
ported price pressures especially in relation to
key inputs like fuel, and with other imported
challenges.
We have however, by prudent management of
our economy managed to move our country
forward but could have done much better if
these constraints were removed.
On the macroeconomic front, we sustained an
exceptional trend of real growth in gross do-
mestic product, with uninterrupted positive
growth in the last seven years.
Throughout this reconstruction effort, our
Party in office never shirked the difficult policy
choices that had to be made, eschewing at all
times partisan preferences, political expedi-
ency, and short term considerations, in favour
always of that which was and is good for
Guyana and the Guyanese people in the long
term. Alongside all of these improvements,
our Governments policies have continued to
place the greatest of emphasis on protecting
and supporting the most vulnerable.
Indeed our Party, as set out in our Programme,
has been pursuing the National Democratic
path of development. Based on our experi-
ences of advances and setbacks, we feel the
time is right for a collective consideration by
the ICWP of the theory and practice of Nation-
al Democracy in the conditions of the Global
crisis and todays realities.
Among the issues that have been engaging
our attention are:
n The broadening of Local Democracy and
the merits and demerits of decentraliza-
tion of essential operations to give greater
authority to the Local Structures of Gov-
ernment
126
n The struggle against corrupt practices by
state functionaries and the massive ef-
forts by hostile media to massively magni-
fy such occurrences and attach political
responsibility to the Ruling Party
n The financial and other constraints to sat-
isfying the growing demands of the popu-
lation in various parts of the country and
the political fall-out from some of the dis-
satisfied electorate fanned by the political
opposition
n The recurring issue of how to deepen na-
tional unity in the context of deep divisions
in the society and the need for electoral al-
liances
Our commitment to the Guyanese masses and
our steadfastness in doing as much as we can
to meet their needs have served our country
well, and ensured our re-election to Govern-
ment in successive general elections.
Today however, many of those gains we made
are threatened not only by the external fac-
tors but also by internal political intrigues.
At the last General Elections which took place
on the 28
th
November, 2011, the combined
opposition managed to obtain a one seat ma-
jority in the National Assembly.
Dear Comrades,
In assessing the causes of that set back, we
have recognized the reduced attention we
have been giving to maintaining and increas-
ing the strength of our Party structures and
the priorities in the work of our cadres. One
major factor has been the wide scale move-
ment of our best cadres to government func-
tions and their focus more on governmental
matters to the detriment of their political
functions. This was compounded by the fail-
ure to treat effectively with the development
of new cadres. These are issues which the
Party at its 30
th
Congress in August this year
has placed as a priority of work in the coming
period.
Since the loss of our Parliamentary majority,
the Combined Opposition has been trampling
on the traditions of Parliamentary Democracy.
We have also seen them using the Parliament
to try to trample on the Constitution.
A very disturbing factor in the equation is the
interference by the top western diplomatic
missions in Guyana publicly opposing some
Government actions and supporting Opposi-
tion positions.
The Opposition has displayed a total lack of
principles and a readiness to back out of
agreements to the detriment of the country.
They have opposed major developmental pro-
jects including the production of hydro-elec-
tricity and the building of a Specialty Hospital
to provide health treatment which currently
has to be obtained overseas.
In spite of the pressures arising from the glob-
al crisis and the obstacles posed by the parlia-
mentary opposition, the PPP-Civic Govern-
ment continues to work to improve the lives
of all Guyanese. We are a Party of the working
people of our country. We believe that the
wealth produced must benefit all the people.
We have fought for and continue to promote
Equal Opportunity for all, for social and eco-
nomic justice in our land.
We maintain the same objectives at the global
level. We support also the struggles world-
wide of all peoples struggling against injustice
and oppression for peace, democracy and the
sovereignty of their countries.
While we note the ups and downs in the inter-
national sphere, let us not forget that one of
127
the most important issues remains the need
for world peace.
We are always supportive of any measures
that lead to the reduction of weapons, ten-
sions and conflicts and condemn actions that
lead in the opposite direction. That is why we
are concerned with the recent modernization
of weapons by NATO for its nuclear arsenal in
Europe. That will only lead to actions to do the
same by non NATO countries leading to an es-
calation of the arms race.
We condemn the interference by imperialist
forces in undermining progressive govern-
ments and in processes in many of the coun-
tries embroiled in serious conflicts.
Special attention must be given to the Middle
East where Imperialism has used military ac-
tions including invasions of countries to divert
popular uprisings from their democratic path
in order to impose their puppet groups.
We condemn the brutal attacks on the Pales-
tinian people and support their just demand
for a State of their own.
We call for an immediate end to the embargo
against Cuba and the release of the 5 Cuban
patriots jailed in the US on trumped up
charges.
The rise to power of progressive governments
in Latin America and the Caribbean has deeply
angered the US and other imperialist powers
which are hell bent on destabilizing these
governments and working to remove them.
We need to maintain full solidarity with the
progressive trend in the region which can be a
great inspiration to struggles in other conti-
nents.
We especially condemn the US interference in
Venezuela aimed at destabilizing the Govern-
ment of President Maduro like they previously
did against the late champion of the poor,
President Hugo Chavez.
Dear Comrades,
The Peoples Progressive Party of Guyana
urges that our deliberations at this
15
th
Meeting focus on developing effective
strategies to create higher levels of under-
standing among people everywhere of the
systemic nature of the current global crisis of
capitalism and to re-ignite popular move-
ments for the realization of the socialist alter-
native.
Meeting here in Lisbon and hosted so well by
the Communist Party of Portugal it is appropri-
ate that we leave here with the inspiration of
the Great Leader of the Portugese Working
Class, Cde Alvaro Cunhal, whose birth cente-
nary we have the honour and privilege to com-
memorate as a fitting climax to our
15
th
Meeting.
In his Report to the 6
th
Congress of the PCP
entitled on the Path to Victory Cde Cunhal
gave the following charge:
The times require a stronger day-to-day ac-
tion to ensure working class unity, the unity of
the masses- which are the driving force of the
great social transformations. They require a
broader and stronger day-to-day action for
the unity of all democrats and patriots, im-
petuously developing their organized
strength.
This charge is as valid for todays task as they
were for the April Revolution of Portugal in
1974.
Long live Proletarian Internationalism !
Long live Marxism-Leninism !
128
HUNGARIAN
WORKERS
PARTY
ZSUZSANNA FRANKFURTER
Dear comrades,
On behalf of the Hungarian Workers Party I
express our thanks to the Portuguese Com-
munist Party for organising this meeting.
Until 1990 Hungary was a socialist country.
You remember that 25 years ago a capitalist
counterrevolution took place in our country. It
was not because socialism was bad. Socialism
was good for the majority. Socialism provided
to everybody a normal life - full employment,
free of charge education and healthcare, and
first of all it guaranteed secure future. It did
not allow to become very rich, but it did not
allow to become very poor either.
The counterrevolution took place for another
reason. The point is that the international
capital was forced to tolerate socialism but
never accepted it, never pardoned socialism.
They tried to overthrow socialism in 1956 but
they could not achieve their aim. They did it in
1990. To achieve this they built up an internal
opposition. Most of the actual top leaders of
Hungary got their training in the US.
There was one more moment - the activity of
social democratic and liberal elements inside
the ruling communist party. It was revisionism
and opportunism, which paralysed the com-
munist party.
This is our historical experience. Thats why
our party considers revisionism as the most
dangerous enemy of communists. Left-wing
communism is an infantile disorder, which
passes. Revisionism is a cancer, which can
spread also to other parts of our existence if
we do not fight it. We consider absolutely nec-
essary to fight against all forms of revisionism
also today.
25 years ago the Hungarian opposition won
the elections, took the political power and
immediately changed the economic basis of
the society. They privatised practically every-
thing. Capitalism means market economy
based on private property and multiparty
parliamentary system. As you can see there
129
has not been any step-by-step capitalisation.

No! They took the political power and liqui-
dated the political and economic basis of so-
cialism.
There is not either any step-by-step socialist
revolution. The power belongs either to us or
to the capitalists. If communist parties take
the power they should transform the society
at once.
Today we fight against capitalism. We fight for
better salary, for better life conditions, for a
more democratic electoral law. With other
words we fight for some reform of capitalism.
But we know that capitalist forces can take
back their reforms at the earliest opportunity.
Thats why the real solution of the problems of
the working people is socialism.
Can we cooperate with other political forces?
Yes, we can. Now in Hungary there are a lot of
people who lose their flats and houses be-
cause they cannot pay their debts. We coop-
erate with them.
There are other forces fighting against pover-
ty and injustice. We cooperate with them.
These forces come partly from the working
masses, partly form the petty bourgeoisie. We
cooperate with them.
We cannot cooperate with the so called na-
tional bourgeoisie. It is true that they try to
limit in some way the foreign capital but they
are not interested in changing the Capitalist
system, they want to keep it intact, so finally
their interests coinside with the interests of
the foreign and Hungarian big capital.
We cannot cooperate with social democracy
either. It is not the social democracy of the
time of Marx. The present social democracy
does not want to do anything in favour of the
workers. Their only desire is to strengthen
capitalism. They contributed to the counter-
revolution 25 years ago. Anticommunism is
their banner also today.
Capitalist forces want to destroy the commu-
nist movement in Hungary. Politically, finan-
cially, physically! They know very well that
now we are weak. But nevertheless they are
still afraid of us. They are afraid because they
have not forgotten the era of socialism, when
they were defeated in one part of the world
and were forced to make concessions in other
parts of it.
Capitalist forces know that people have not
forgotten socialism and they begin to remem-
ber it when facing the actual cruelties of capi-
talist societies. They are afraid of us because
they know things can turn for the worse in the
European Union. An in this case communists
can get the support of the masses, and we can
change Hungary.
One can read in the Manifesto of the Commu-
nist Party: The history of all hitherto existing
society is the history of class struggles. It is
true for our times and the future, too. If we
want to win capitalism, we should fight fol-
lowing the rules of class struggle.
Comrades,
The Hungarian Workers Party participates in
the international meetings of the communist
and workers parties because we think that all
of us have a common enemy, the capitalism,
and if we want to win, we should fight togeth-
er against our common enemy. Each party
should decide what they want: to fight against
capitalists or to make a compromise with
them. We, Hungarian communists do not want
any compromise with the capital. When the
time comes and people will really need us, we
should be ready to help them. We can do it
only if we know the correct way. Our way is
revolution.
130
Our party has been participating in the inter-
national meetings from the very beginning. I
would not say that this cooperation has given
too much to the Hungarian communists and
the Hungarian workers generally. No! But
there was something very important. We
could feel that we are not alone. We could use
the experience of other parties. And this way
we felt ourselves stronger.
Our cooperation could be better. During the
socialist time the Hungarian communists sup-
ported other parties not only with words but
also with money and other essential forms of
aid. Now such countries like China, Cuba, Viet-
nam and Korea stand beside the road and
watch the life-and-death struggle of the com-
munist movement in Hungary.
Thanks to those parties, who did not abandon
internationalism! They are our real friends.
Our cooperation in its present form cannot
solve the real problems the different parties
face in their everyday life. But this coopera-
tion is our achievement. We have given birth
to it. And we should care and protect it.
The Hungarian Workers Party recommends
not to publish any common declaration. First,
lets be realists. The overwhelming majority of
the working people do not read these lengthy
documents. Second, this document contains
a lot of positions, which do not correspond
with the program and policy of our party and
many other parties. We should continue the
discussion, we should create new forums to
discuss our problems but we must not endan-
ger the unity of the communist movement
even in its present limited form.
We suggest to publish a communiqu for the
press, and nothing more. If somebody wants
to publish special positions, requests of soli-
darity, do it in the form of a motion, which
can be supported by those parties who want
to.
The Hungarian Workers Party does not accept
the draft proposal regarding the Working
Group. The limitation of WG to 15 parties
would create a monopoly of the so-called
large parties. We must not divide the commu-
nist movement into small parties and large
parties. It violates our principles. On the other
hand, who can decide what is small and what
is large? Small parties which organise mani-
festations on the streets, strikes in the facto-
ries can have much more political influence
than those parties which concentrate their
activity on the bourgeois parliaments.
The introducing of the voting system would
divide our movement into majority and minor-
ity. We do not need it.
It is absolutely unacceptable that the WG
could have closed meetings. Closed from
whom? From other communists? Lets think
seriously comrades: what would be the con-
sequences of such a step!
We suggest the following solution: all those
parties can be the members of the Working
Group which desire to do it, and have cadres
who speak English and have money to pay
their journeys, the costs of accommodation.
The concerned parties should inform about
their desire the annual plenary meeting of the
communist and workers parties and the
meeting can declare them without voting to
become members of the WG for one year.
We recommend to add one more point to sug-
gestions for common or convergent actions.
Lets organise common actions on the 25th
anniversary of the capitalist transition in the
Eastern European countries.
Thank you, comrades, forward to the revolu-
tion!
131
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
INDIA
B DASSARADEN
Dear Comrades,
The Communist Party of India (CPI) is thankful
for the invitation to this august gathering of
the Communist and Workers parties of the
world to discuss the present crisis-ridden
world situation and to take measures to meet
it. We particularly want to express our sincere
thanks to the Central Committee of the Por-
tuguese Communist Party for hosting the
15
th
International Meeting of the Communist
and Workers Parties.
Dear comrades,
We would like to put forward our observations
on the present international situation.
The present phase of contradictions and
crises, which began in 2008 in the US, has
not abated. On the contrary, it has spread
further and has continued to deepen. It has
spread to new areas of Europe, engulfing
more and more countries. It is having impact
of varying degrees on the countries of Asia,
Africa and Latin America. For the first time
the very centre of world imperialism, the US,
is facing a governmental and state shut-
down. The US has barely escaped a govern-
mental breakdown, after the Senate and
House of Representatives granted necessary
funds. But that is only a postponement till
early next year, when it will again face the
problem.
The event has shaken the entire capitalist and
imperialist world. There is a deepening struc-
tural crisis of the world imperialist system,
wherein all its basic economic and cultural
values are being questioned, both traditional
as well as new ones. There is a crisis of over-
production along with an over-accumulation
of capital. These and other contradictions are
the expressions of the fundamental conflict
between the social character of production
and its private appropriation.
Among the new characteristics of the crisis is
the deepening rift between the productive
capital and finance capital. Financialisation of
capital, a tendency to make money out of
133
money, finds reflection in the rapid growth of

the giant monopolies, corporates and con-
glomerates in financial sectors. The phe-
nomenon has also a tendency to move the
capital away from production and push it to
speculative stock markets for quick profits.
Speculation, sub-prime and securities mar-
ket, forward trading and such features have
grown to a stage where a separate market is
emerging for the so-called forward trading,
which only means non-existing trading. The
US and Europe are witnessing a strange phe-
nomenon of extra-ordinary growth of capital,
which at the same time is not available for
productive investments. This is one of the
major characteristics of the crisis in the US
and world imperialism.
Dear comrades,
The economies in the developing or the emer-
gent countries are also being affected by the
present crisis. In the least developed coun-
tries, the meagre incomes and resources of
the people are being negated by the growing
crisis. Agriculture which is a basic sector of
several developing countries including India is
feeling the impact of the world crisis. The pro-
cess of monetarisation and capitalisation is
reflected in the growing costs of production,
leading to large number of suicides of farmers
in our country, who are not in a position to pay
back the loans. They spend more on produc-
tion and get less in return.
Liberalisation and neo-liberal policies in sev-
eral countries of the third world, in many
cases forced upon them by the US imperial-
ism, have put the economies of the develop-
ing countries in a disadvantageous position
vis--vis the imperialist countries. Opening up
to the world market, policies pursued by the
US imperialism under the garb of globalisa-
tion, several unequal provisions of the WTO,
and the increasing cost of production in in-
dustry and agriculture are putting pressure
upon the various economies.
Politics of oil is being conducted by the US, as
also by some other advanced countries, to the
maximum, leading to tension, conflicts and
economic disasters, as evidenced in the coun-
tries of the Middle East and elsewhere. Oil is
an important weapon of world imperialism.
The achievements of science and technology
and information revolution are being misused
to the maximum in order to propagate imperi-
alist ideology and cultural values as well as to
gain economic profits and super-profits.
All these do not mean that the path for the
corporates and imperialism is going to be
smooth. Non-monopoly and non-financial
small and medium sector industry is giving
tough competition to the big business houses.
In India nearly 40-45 of production is in this
sector. Thus, the sector forms an important
component of struggle against world imperi-
alism.
Dear comrades,
Unfortunately the advantage of the present
situation is being taken by the rightwing reac-
tionary movements and forces all over the
world. It is true that the peoples movements
in various countries are opposing effectively
the machinations of imperialism. We have to
ensure that the world Communist movement
takes advantage of the peoples dissatisfac-
tion and anger, channelises them and builds
an effective joint mass movement.
The revolutionary, Communist and democratic
forces must build giant waves against the on-
slaught of imperialism. The situation of crisis
of imperialism contains tremendous possibili-
ties for the growth of the Communist move-
ment. People have to be mobilised for democ-
racy and socialism.
134
Dear comrades,
We are witnessing a resurgence and realign-
ment of forces at the world-scale. New de-
velopments are taking place, which fill us
with hope and inspire confidence. For one
thing, the plans of US imperialism to create a
unipolar world have not succeeded. Multiple
groupings of various countries are coming
up, including the important one of the BRICS
countries, as also in Asia, Africa and Latin
America. Their importance lies in the fact
that they indicate an emergence of a strong
multi-polar world. The regional groupings
can and should transform their high rates of
growth into equitable distribution system of
the social and economic produce, thus
paving the way for a more democratic order
of things.
New sections of younger people are fast com-
ing up as a result of socio-economic and tech-
nological changes. They need to be organised.
They are already asserting themselves for a
new order, as evidenced by the movements in
Latin America and the US. The sit-in move-
ments in the US have become a wide and ef-
fective phenomenon. The slogan of a new
world is possible is reverberating throughout
the world.
Dear comrades,
Imperialism being in deep crisis, we need to
bring together all the forces against imperial-
ism and domination. The US policies of polic-
ing the world are being resented deeply. It
may have succeeded in Iraq, but not so or not
so easily in other countries. This is exemplified
by Syria. It is possible to throw back imperial-
ism, and begin creating a new world. Events in
Latin America, Europe, countries of Asia in-
cluding our own give us new hope.
Therefore, the Communist movement and
Communist and Workers parties have to play
a pioneering role in bringing about this unity.
The importance of democracy and of demo-
cratic institutions has increased as never be-
fore. This is evident in many countries and
continents, in particular in Latin America and
many countries in Asia. Parliamentary institu-
tional rights have been won as a result of our
own prolonged struggles. They must not be
thrown away. They should be utilised fully and
extended further for the interest of the work-
ing class and toiling masses.
A world-wide powerful anti-imperialist front
and cooperation is the urgent demand of the
situation.
Dear comrades,
Within the framework of the struggle against
the policies of imperialist globalisation the CPI
is trying its best to mobilise people against
liberalism, privatisation, neo-liberalism,
forces of right reaction and communal-fas-
cism, corporatisation and imperialist penetra-
tion in India. In the recent past, our party,
singly and along with other left and democrat-
ic forces, has conducted several mass mobili-
sations and movements of the people, includ-
ing all India strikes, picketing, all India March
to Parliament, state level peoples marches,
the long-drawn struggle against POSCO,
struggles of the tribals in Chhattisgarh, move-
ments of youth and students, two-day all
India strike of the working class jointly with
other TU centres and parties and organisa-
tions early this year, and many other notable
struggles.
We are also proud of the fact that it is the CPI
which has constantly made most efforts for
left and democratic unity. We believe that
joint actions and subsequent unification of
class and mass organisations is a crucial task
which will enhance immensely the role in so-
ciety of workers, peasants, intellectuals,
135
youth and students, women and other sec-
tions. Social reform organisations and social
action groups that stand for social justice and
democratic progress have also to be mo-
bilised for the upcoming movements as also
for unity of all the Communist parties on a
principled basis. We certainly have achieved
some successes in the work towards left and
democratic unity.
Dear comrades,
Finally I want to state that the CPI is firmly
wedded to the goal of a just socialist society
which will clear the way for ending all forms of
exploitation and social oppression arising
from class, caste and gender differences. Re-
pudiating all dogmatic and doctrinaire think-
ing and revisionist trends, the Party will apply
the science of Marxism-Leninism to the spe-
cific conditions of India for charting out the
path to such a new socialist society. This path
will be determined by the specific historical
conditions obtaining, as well as the particular
characteristics and features of our own coun-
try, its history, tradition, culture, social com-
position and level of development. The path
as well as the features of socialism in Indian
conditions in the historical period can be de-
fined only as the situation develops.
Before I conclude let me express on behalf our
party our solidarity with the struggling people
of Palestine, Syria and the people of Latin
America fighting for independence, Peace, so-
cial justice and for sovereignty. We also ex-
press our support and solidarity with the peo-
ple of China, Vietnam, Cuba and DPR of Korea
who are engage in socialist constructions with
their specific characteristics under the lead-
ership of respective Communists and workers
Parties.
Please also allow me once again to greet all
participants at this historic 15
th
Meeting of
the Communist and Workers Parties with all
good wishes.
Thank you
136
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
INDIA
(MARXIST)
SITARAM YECHURY
Dear Comrades,
At the very outset allow me to thank the Por-
tuguese Communist Party for hosting the
15th International Meeting of the Commu-
nist and Workers Parties, and making such
splendid arrangements. I also use this occa-
sion to offer my humble homage and salute
the memory of Comrade Alvaro Cunhal, leg-
endary leader, not only of the PCP, but also of
the international communist movement, on
his birth centenary.
Global capitalist crisis, that is plaguing the
world, has not abated. The recently published
IMF, World Economic Outlook Report, October
2013, states: Global growth is still weak, its
underlying dynamics are changing, and the
risks to the forecast remain to the down-
side...old problems a fragmented financial
system in the euro area and worrisomely high
public debt in all major advanced economies
remain unresolved and could trigger new
crises...the global economy could grow by
only slightly more than 3 percent a year over
the medium term, instead of reaccelerating to
over 4 percent...It further states: Industrial
production recovered modestly in the ad-
vanced economies but is still slowing in the
emerging market and developing economies.
Together with the MENA region, the euro area
is seeing another increase in an already high
unemployment rate.
The crisis has once again resoundingly demon-
strated capitalisms inherent oppressive and
exploitative character. It is imposing greater
miseries on the vast majority of the worlds
population. This crisis is also increasingly
demonstrating that imperialism, notwith-
standing all ideological efforts to obfuscate its
existence and role, is leading global capitalism
in this offensive against humanity.
The internal dynamics of capitalism, as Marx
has shown, leads to the accumulation and
concentration of capital in a few hands. It is on
the basis of a scientific analysis of the devel-
opment of this tendency that Lenin identified
137
the emergence and growth of imperialism

from the stage of monopoly capitalism. The
Leninist analysis of the politics of imperialism
the highest stage of capitalism laid the
foundations for correct revolutionary strategy
and tactics for intensifying class struggles
leading, for the first time in human history, to
the triumph of the proletarian revolution the
great October Socialist Revolution of 1917.
Lenin, with penetrative clarity, anticipates
that in the imperialist stage, with the rise of fi-
nance capital, The business operations of
capitalist monopolies inevitably lead to the
domination of a financial oligarchy. He de-
fines imperialism with the domination of fi-
nance capital as the highest stage of capital-
ism where the supremacy of finance capital
over all other forms of capital is established.
Furthering the analysis of the feature of ex-
port of capital, Lenin anticipates the future
saying, Thus finance capital, literally, one
might say, spreads its net over all countries of
the world.
Further, The characteristic feature of imperi-
alism is not industrial but finance capital.
Lenin, thus, anticipates not only the domi-
nance and leadership of finance capital in the
stage of imperialism, but he also shows that
this process will lead to the enmeshing of all
forms of capital under its leadership in the
pursuit of profit maximisation.
This current phase of globalisation, within the
stage of imperialism, led to gigantic levels of
concentration and centralisation of capital
and, hence, accumulation led byinternational
finance capital during the last two decades.
This led to a reordering of the world where this
capital seeks unhindered access across the
globe in its quest for profit maximisation. This,
in itself, imposes conditions for the removal of
all restrictions on the flow of this capital, the
essence of financial liberalisation. The ac-
companying neo-liberal offensive of econom-
ic reforms, seriously threatens and under-
mines the economic and, hence, the political
sovereignty of the nation-states, particularly
in the developing countries. Trade liberalisa-
tion displaces domestic producers engender-
ing domestic de-industrialization, particularly
in developing countries. This also happens in
the developed countries due to relocation of
production and business operations outside
their countries. So also liberalisation of capital
flows allows multinational corporations to ac-
quire domestic productive assets abroad (like
our public sector), vastly enlarging capital ac-
cumulation.
This preponderant domination of internation-
al finance capital, however, does not suggest
the cessation of inter-imperialist contradic-
tions. These not merely exist but are bound to
intensify in the future, given the basic capital-
ist law of uneven development. This leads to
conflicts of interests between capitalist cen-
tres given their relative future strengths often
reflected, today, in the conflict of interests
over control of worlds resources or in seeking
a reordering of the world a new re-division
for creating specific spheres of influence.
Other ways of consolidating capital accumu-
lation are through the imposition of deflation-
ary policies like restrictions on government
expenditures in the name of fiscal discipline
(making available larger quantum of liquidity
to IFC to multiply speculative profits) which
leads to the lowering of the level of aggregate
demand in the world economy; a shift in the
terms of trade against the peasantry in the
developing countries; a rolling back of the
State sector in providing social services glob-
ally, more pronounced in the developing
countries, which increasingly become priva-
tised and the opening up of huge new areas of
138
public utilities for profit maximisation. Agri-
culture is increasingly being opened up to
multinational seed and marketing companies
leading to the virtual destruction of self-re-
liant agriculture in the developing countries,
throwing the peasantry into acute distress.
The removal of trade tariffs and imposition of
Free Trade Agreements is leading to de- in-
dustrialisation in many developing countries.
In direct contrast to the freedom of move-
ment for capital, the strict domestic immigra-
tion laws in developed countries leads to in-
tensified exploitation and oppression while
maximising profits. Common public resources
like forests, mines, water, etc., are increasing-
ly being taken over as private property. Thus, a
new feature of contemporary imperialism is
the coercive prising open of new and hitherto
non-existent avenues for profit maximisation.
Under contemporary imperialism, the role of
the State changes in accordance with its cur-
rent needs to advance the interests of IFC and
it often acts at its dictates. The States abdica-
tion of social responsibilities and obligations
towards the people, therefore, does not mean
its withdrawal from economic activities. Its
role changes to brazenly advance the inter-
ests of IFC. In the process, not only does it re-
linquish its social responsibilities but also un-
dermines democratic institutions, subverts
peoples sovereignty over the law making pro-
cesses and increasingly adopts an authoritar-
ian character.I n the absence of a powerful po-
litical alternative, capitalism will emerge from
this crisis but at the expense of further inten-
sifying exploitation and through the process
of intensifying primitive accumulation. This
manifests in the current imperialist aggres-
siveness in all spheres.
Following the shift in favour of imperialism in
the international correlation of class forces,
USA has embarked to consolidate its global
hegemony. This new world order is designed
to operate in all spheres. This, on the one
hand, led to unleashing unilateral wars and on
the other, it led to the strengthening of the US
military machine. At the same time, the NATO,
whose need for existence should have simply
disappeared with the end of the Cold War, was
further strengthened as imperialisms global
war machine.
In pursuit of its hegemonic designs, the US im-
perialism is now concentrating on Asian conti-
nent because it is host to two of the largest
populated countries in the world China and
India which means they constitute the
largest market. The imperialist powers, need
this region more than anything else today to
come out of the deep economic crisis they
find themselves in. And to their strategic con-
centration in this region is another vital class
reason socialist China, which imperialism
considers is developing into a formidable foe
and a threat to its hegemony.
All these reasons translated into prioritising
Asia-Pacific as a region that deserves the at-
tention of the US, both economically and mili-
tarily. The US, over the years had been devel-
oping its strategic plans to increase its pres-
ence and ensure its hegemony over the entire
Asia-Pacific region. Outlining these priorities,
US President Barack Obama during his visit to
Australia, stated After a decade in which we
fought two wars that cost us dearly, in blood
and treasure, the United States is turning our
attention to the vast potential of the Asia Pa-
cific region...As the worlds fastest- growing
region and home to more than half the glob-
al economy the Asia Pacific is critical to
achieving my highest priority...With most of
the worlds nuclear power and some half of
humanity, Asia will largely define whether the
century ahead will be marked by conflict or
cooperation, needless suffering or human
139
progress...I have, therefore, made a deliberate
and strategic decision as a Pacific nation,
the United States will play a larger and long-
term role in shaping this region and its fu-
ture...As we plan and budget for the future, we
will allocate the resources necessary to main-
tain our strong military presence in this re-
gion...Our enduring interests in the region de-
mand our enduring presence in the region...
Accordingly, the US decided to reposition its
Navy so that 60 per cent of its warships would
be assigned to the Asia- Pacific region by
2020.
The increasing economic integration of South
and East Asia has strengthened the strategic
significance of the Indian and Pacific Oceans
as a continuous throughway for global com-
merce and energy. The US intends to develop
its strategic ties with India in this background.
This explains some of the vital reasons for the
Indo-US nuclear deal, several defence tie-ups
and other accords on various other sectors
like agriculture, education, etc. Moreover, to
establish its global hegemony, USA needs the
containment of China and for this it sees India
as a potential ally.
Asia-Pacific region has also become strategi-
cally important because approximately 90
percent of globally traded merchandise trav-
els by these seas. As much as 50percent of
the worlds container traffic and 70 percent of
global energy trade now transits the Indian
Ocean.
In order to improve its economic hold the US
now intends to create the worlds biggest free
trade zone in this region. Considering itself as
a leader of all the countries surrounding the
Pacific rim and Indian ocean it wants to seal
strategic partnership with most of them. This
is needed, to break the economic relations of
China with these countries and prise open the
markets of these countries for US goods and
services. Accordingly the US is moving to-
wards the goal of the Trans- Pacific Partner-
ship (TPP) to create the worlds largest and
most demanding free-trade area in ways that
deepen the economic integration of the US
and its Asia-Pacific allies. This TPP zone, if cre-
ated, will include countries from Chile in Latin
America to Australia, Japan and all other
countries in the Pacific Ocean. The US wants
India too to be part of the TPP.
As a group, the TPP countries are the largest
goods and services export market of the Unit-
ed States. US goods exports to the broader
Asia-Pacific totalled $942 billion in 2012, rep-
resenting 61 percent of total U.S. goods ex-
ports. US exports of agricultural products to
the region totalled $106 billion in 2012, 75
percent of total US agricultural exports. US
private services exports totalled $226 billion
in 2011 (latest data available), 38 percent of
total US private services exports to the world.
The US is also promoting the re-militarisation
of Japan in the region as a counterweight to
China. To achieve its strategic opportunities, it
is pulling India into its vortex and scheme of
things as can be discerned through the joint
naval exercises conducted in the Bay of Ben-
gal by both the countries along with Australia,
Japan, Philippines.
The rising bourgeoisie of the advanced capi-
talist countries, in order to consolidate their
class rule, had earlier championed national
sovereignty as being sacrosanct.
Today, imperialism, is using FTAs and also its
military might to subvert and negate national
sovereignty of independent countries.
The Global War Against Terror launched
under the leadership of US imperialism is
being used as the justification for brazen mili-
tary intervention, and for trampling national
140
sovereignty to impose a regime change to
suit its interests. Like the war against Com-
munism was used as the pretext during the
Cold War to justify imperialist military inter-
vention, the war against terror is being used
today to violate the national sovereignty of in-
dependent countries and the basic human
rights of its people.
State terrorism practised by imperialism and
individual terrorism unleashed by fundamen-
talist outfits feed on each other. The fight
against both these dangers, is necessary to
build the unity of the working class and other
toiling sections of the society and also to
counter the growing threat of right-wing fun-
damentalist forces.
We should remember that the devastation
caused by the great depression of the 1930s
was met in different ways by different capital-
ist countries. One of these ways laid the basis
for the rise of fascism. Georgi Dimitrov, in his
speech at the Communist International in
1935, underlined, Fascism adapts its dema-
gogy to the peculiarities of each country. And
the mass of petty bourgeois and even a sec-
tion of the workers, reduced to despair by
want, unemployment and insecurity of their
existence fall victim to the social and chauvin-
ist demagogy of fascism. Further, he ex-
plained how it is in the interests of the most
reactionary circles of the bourgeoisie that fas-
cism intercepts the disappointed masses who
desert the old bourgeois parties. But it im-
presses these masses by the vehemence of
its attacks on the bourgeois governments and
its irreconcilable attitude to the old bourgeois
parties.
Hence, how this economic crisis will be tack-
led and how the world comes out of it will de-
termine the nature of social conflicts that
arise as various sections of the people scram-
ble for their share of the shrinking cake. The
absence of a powerful communist-led counter
attack, engenders the danger of the rise of re-
actionary forces.
It is hence the responsibility of the Commu-
nists and the progressive sections of the soci-
ety not only to fight back the tendencies that
lead to the growth of right-wing politics and
neo-fascist forces, but also properly chan-
nelise the popular discontent.
This is one of the important steps that needs
to be undertaken in the present juncture to
strengthen the subjective factor that Lenin
had talked about and utilise the developing
objective conditions to usher in a social trans-
formation a political alternative to capital-
ism socialism.
Long Live Marxism-Leninism
Long Live the Unity of Communist
and Workers Parties
141
WORKERS
PARTY
OF
IRELAND
GERRY GRAINGER
The deepening crisis of capitalism continues,
as does capitals offensive against the work-
ing class across the globe. Stricken by the in-
evitable crises caused by the inherent contra-
dictions of the capitalist system, capital lash-
es out aggressively. It attacks the living condi-
tions of the working class by cutting wages,
attacking social protection; health; education;
public employment and the provision of public
services, eroding rights in the workplace won
through decades of struggle, and slashing and
burning public services, enhancing the oppor-
tunities for profit for the monopolies. Interna-
tionally, capital utilises the institutions at its
service such as the European Union and
NATO to intensify its exploitation of the
worlds population and its resources, violating
the democratic and sovereign rights of peo-
ples, using every means at its disposal, from
international finance to anti-democratic mea-
sures, increasing militarisation, military ag-
gression, imperialist intervention and ex-
ploitation.
These actions have dealt a devastating blow
to working people while serving to increase
and expand the power of the capitalist class.
Only socialism offers a permanent solution to
the injustices and exploitation of the capital-
ist system. Building socialism requires a mili-
tant working class, conscious of its own inter-
ests and organised for the struggle in all its
forms. Communists must strive to oppose the
class power of the bourgeoisie in all its mani-
festations, to expose the true nature of capi-
talism and the crass opportunism of social
democracy, and to foster class consciousness
among the working class.
The greatest crisis of capitalism for almost a
century has exposed the lies of those who told
us that capitalism is the end of history; that no
alternative is possible; that capitalism is the
natural order of things. As communists, we are
under no illusions about the nature of capital-
ism, its contradictions and the inevitability of
crises. The promise of an end to economic
163
boom and bust offered by the social

democrats was only ever a fantasy, but one
that exposed the true nature of social democ-
racy. Capitalism cannot be anything other than
it is - a system dependent on the exploitation
of the many in the interests of the few. The so-
cial democrats, the careerists and oppor-
tunists stand in the way of developing genuine
class consciousness; they serve the interests
not of labour, but only of capital. Of course, one
of the major tasks of the communist and work-
ers parties in the present crisis is to defend
public services, and to agitate for the provision
and expansion of health, education and social
care by the state. At the same time, however,
we must ruthlessly expose the falsehood of
social democratic illusions and lies, to wage a
political struggle against their influence in the
labour movement and among the people, and
to stress always that while reforms have
value, only the revolutionary transformation of
society, that is, the building of socialism, can
truly emancipate the working class.
Capital, operates on a truly global scale, and
has at its disposal vast resources at a nation-
al and international level. As in the past, the
primary aim of communists must be to con-
front the bourgeoisie of their own states, to
effect political and social change in their own
societies. At the same time, in a world where
capital implements reactionary and anti-
people policies across several countries, it is
essential that we strengthen and deepen co-
operation and coordination among commu-
nist and workers parties. This is made all the
more urgent by the attempts to outlaw com-
munism across much of Europe, attempts
which are specifically designed to prevent
young people from developing class con-
sciousness, from learning about the achieve-
ments of the USSR and the socialist coun-
tries, and from embracing the creation of so-
cialism as the answer to the problems of un-
employment and emigration that are the
consequences of capitalism. Nowhere is the
need for increased cooperation clearer than
in opposition to war and militarist adventures
by the leading capitalist powers. Widespread
opposition among the workers and popular
strata of many countries to further military
intervention in Syria has, at least for the pre-
sent, frustrated the plans of those circles
most eager to attack that state.
Capitalism relies upon violating the demo-
cratic rights of the people. It denies workers
their rights, to decent working conditions, to a
good standard of living, and to control their
own destiny through the exercise of demo-
cratic control in all spheres of political and so-
cial life. Workers in the Republic of Ireland
know this all too well. Since the onset of the
current crisis, unemployment has rocketed,
especially among young people. Welfare and
wages have been slashed, state assets in-
cluding natural resources - sold off cheaply to
speculators, and what is effectively unpaid
labour introduced for the young if they wish to
be able to claim the social security to which
they are entitled. The investments and profits
of banks and of a tiny number of speculators
within Ireland and abroad have been protect-
ed at the cost of many tens of billions of euros
added to the state debt, which the working
class are required to pay for over the course of
generations, in reduced wages, higher taxa-
tion, decimated public services, and lower liv-
ing standards. The national bourgeoisie has
worked in tandem with the troika to violate
every democratic principle and the sovereign-
ty of the people.
The government, made up of a coalition be-
tween the most right-wing party in the state
and social democrats, has not only happily
enforced these cuts, but it is also encourag-
164
ing young people to emigrate, both through
policies that impoverish young unemployed
people and by encouraging them to apply for
jobs in countries such as Canada. At the same
time, supported by the capitalist media, they
boast that they are about to exit the so-called
bailout, that they are the success story of the
austerity agenda; that economic sovereignty
is about to be restored. The only people to
have benefited from their policies have been
the bourgeoisie at home and abroad. The
case of the Republic of Ireland well illustrates
capitalisms multi-faceted approach to save
itself, and to ensure profits continue to flow
and exploitation continues to intensify. Living
standards for workers have been attacked in
every way possible, and the message that
there is no alternative is reinforced by the
government, bourgeois political commenta-
tors, and the media. The resources of the
state have been used to crush protest
against Shell as it endangers the environ-
ment and exploits the countrys natural re-
sources with little taxation.
By enthusiastically adopting the Lisbon Strat-
egy and EU 2020 the social democrats have
abandoned the pretence of the so-called So-
cial Europe. Capital has exploited the crisis to
implement fundamental changes to labour
laws and workers rights. Intensified market
liberalisation together with the implementa-
tion of the structural reform advocated by
capital and the subordination of the peoples
interests and workers rights to the overriding
priority of competitiveness as exemplified in
the decisions of the European Court of Justice
in Viking and Laval in 2007 and the Ruffert and
Luxembourg cases in 2008 represents a fur-
ther victory for the monopolies.
Only socialism can guarantee the democratic
rights of the people to control their own eco-
nomic and natural resources. Communists
must ensure that they lead the struggle for
the democratic rights of the people, whether
it is in the workplace, in local or national gov-
ernment, or against the manifestations of im-
perialism, be they economic, political or mili-
tary; defending and asserting the democratic
rights and interests of the people against the
class power of the bourgeoisie at home and
abroad.
The international situation is characterised by
the deepening structural crisis of capitalism
which strains under the contradiction be-
tween the social character of production and
its private appropriation. The interests of cap-
ital and labour are irreconcilable. The driving
force of history is the struggle between class-
es and the conflict of their interests. The
working class can only emancipate itself by
transferring power to the workers and build-
ing a socialist society.
The English liberal, J.A. Hobson, in his work on
imperialism had the merit of providing a ma-
terial explanation for imperialism. Lenin, how-
ever, was clear and specific about the nature of
imperialism, highlighting the changes in the
structure of capitalism which underlined it.
Lenin contended that imperialism emerged
as a development and direct continuation of
the fundamental properties of capitalism in
general. But capitalism became capitalist im-
perialism only at a definite, very high stage of
its development. Lenin identified a number of
distinct features of imperialism. For Lenin, im-
perialism was capitalism at its highest stage.
The era of imperialism is one of constant com-
petition and as Lenin pointed out, agreements
and alliances between states no matter what
form they may assume, whether of one impe-
rialist coalition against another, or of a general
alliance embracing all the imperialist powers,
are inevitably nothing more than a truce in
periods between wars.
165
Kautsky, who failed to understand the nature
of imperialism, concluded, incorrectly, that
war did not arise from the character of capi-
talism itself and that inter-imperialist rivalry
would diminish reducing the threat of war. The
growth of opportunism led to a betrayal of the
principles of proletarian internationalism and
the adoption of social and national chauvinist
positions. In reality, as long as we remain
within a capitalist system war will continue to
be a permanent feature of our existence.
Peace and an end to war can only be realised
in a society without exploiter and exploitation
and without private ownership of the means
of production.
Defeating capitalisms multi-faceted offen-
sive requires a multi-faceted response. It is
not simply enough to oppose what the capi-
talists are doing, the cuts they are imposing
on the people. It also means articulating the
communist vision of what society can and
should be like. This ideological struggle, this
battle of ideas, is a crucial task for commu-
nists. The capitalist mantra that there is no al-
ternative must be exposed for the lie it is; the
social democratic and opportunist mantra
that capitalism can be tamed, can be success-
fully reformed must also be exposed and re-
futed. This is an essential task of the commu-
nists at both a national and international
level. We must produce clear, coherent, and
rigorous analyses of the failings of the capital-
ist system and demonstrate how workers can
develop the process of effecting revolutionary
change from the different starting points in
the different countries, but all the while oper-
ating with an awareness of the international
situation.
Only the working class can lead the struggle
for socialism, and the most effective political
vehicle the working class can have is a strong
party of the working class committed to com-
munist principles. It is necessary, throughout
any struggle in which we engage, to keep a
clear focus on our ultimate goal, the building
of socialism.
As Engels stated: Revolution is the supreme
act of politics; whoever wants it must also
want the means, political action, which pre-
pares for it, which trains workers for revolu-
tion and without which workers will always be
duped by the Favres and the Pyats the day
after the struggle. But the politics which are
needed are working-class politics; the work-
ers party must not be constituted as the tail
of some bourgeois party.
As we celebrate the anniversary of the Great
October Socialist Revolution, we remember an
event of historic global significance which
changed forever the power relations between
exploiter and exploited and made real the vi-
sion of a new socialist society of equal nations
and peoples. It created the basis for material
and social advancement, for the transfer of
power to the working people, the creators of
wealth, and provided workers with the oppor-
tunity, through their labour and struggle, to
build the social, political, economic and cul-
tural conditions which offered the prospect of
a free and fulfilled life.
The decisive factors in all social development
are class relations. It is the role of the Com-
munist and Workers parties to build the unity
of the working class and the alliance with the
popular strata; to develop political and pro-
grammatic initiatives which establish a clear
class identity; to set out clearly the social and
political transformative project on which we
are engaged the creation of a centrally
planned economy, based on workers power in
which the means of production is socialised in
the interests of the workers and their allies.
166
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
ISRAEL
OFER CASIF
Dear Comrades and friends,
The CPI salutes you all communist and
workers parties of the world, and convey rev-
olutionary greetings to all the delegates that
participate in this distinguished conference.
Special greetings to the PCP whose coura-
geous revolutionary history is well known and
appraised by all: its continuous struggle under
the leadership of comrade lvaro Cunhal
against the authoritarian Estado Novo and its
colonialist and fascist tendencies, its role in
the Carnation Revolution and the democrati-
zation of Portugal are all celebrated by com-
munists and workers movements around the
globe. I would also like to take this opportuni-
ty and send our greetings to the Lebanese and
to the Syrian Communist Party on their
89
th
anniversary, and salute them on their
continuous struggle against imperialist and
Zionist intervention, and for free and just
Lebanon and Syria.
Dear comrades,
If I may quote comrade Rosa Luxemburg, it
seems that particularly nowadays the world
as a whole faces two options only: socialism
or barbarism. When capitalism runs amok and
destructively tries to invade wherever and
however it can; when imperialist powers (pri-
marily USA and EU) are systematically in the
offense, when the peoples rights to democra-
cy and social justice, control of natural re-
sources and wellbeing are under vicious at-
tack by imperialism, capitalism, chauvinism
and xenophobia its our obligation, not sole-
ly right, to join forces and fight back our com-
mon enemies, namely capitalists and their al-
lies. If we fail in doing so, thus pave the way to
our foes and their malicious master plan, we
will be doomed forever. Let us unite and de-
feat that evil empire of poverty and corrup-
tion, violence and exploitation, wars and de-
pression.
Dear friends,
The situation in Israel proper as well as in the
Palestinian Occupied Territories is grave. As
far as the occupation is concerned, Israel col-
167
onization of the territories is not only going on

under the auspices of USA and its financial
and political support, but actually only getting
deeper and crueler. Natural resources like
water and land are regularly robbed by Israeli
Zionist authorities for the sake of Jewish set-
tlers; Palestinians freedom of movement,
worship and assembly are strictly limited;
peaceful demonstrators and non-violent
protesters are often arrested, beaten, and oc-
casionally even shot; and trees, fields and
other assets owned by Palestinians are burnt
and damaged on a daily basis by Jewish set-
tlers, while Israeli soldiers and other officials
ignore that fascist vandalism as if we were
talking about KKK in Alabama under George
Wallace.
The levels of poverty and unemployment in
the Palestinian territories are also significant,
primarily due to Israeli blockade on Gaza and
the constraints the Israeli government impos-
es on the Palestinian economy in the West
Bank and East Jerusalem (e.g., the massive
prevention of Palestinian workers to work
within Israel proper). PCBS (Palestinian Cen-
tral Bureau of Statistics) reports that 25.7%
of Palestinians live in poverty, and nearly one
quarter of Palestinian youth are classified as
poor. Poverty rates are higher in the Gaza Strip
with 38% living in poverty, compared to
18.3% in the West Bank. Also, about 33% of
Palestinian youth are unemployed, with the
highest unemployment rate among young
people with higher education (nearly half of
all graduates are unemployed). Israeli author-
ities also repeatedly employ arbitrary deten-
tions and house demolitions, and frequently
harass human rights organizations (e.g., Ad-
dameer).
The brutal colonialist regime that Israeli Zion-
ist governments have been retaining for
decades in the Palestinian occupied territories
is accompanied by vicious capitalist and racist
policies in Israel proper. Israel has one of the
highest poverty levels in the OECD, one of the
highest levels of inequality, and one of the
lowest achievement levels in international
school tests.
According to the Israel Central Bureau of
Statistics, a third of Israelis are in risk of
falling below the poverty line, whereas no less
than 40% of Israels children are at risk of
poverty. The statistic shows a 5% increase
during the decade since 2001 the sharpest
rise in comparison to the European Union,
aside from Germany and Sweden. Taub Center
for Social Policy Studies in Israel found that
21% of the elderly in Israel live below the
poverty line even after receiving assistance. A
recent report by OECD shows that Israel has
become the poorest of all developed coun-
tries, as it were, and fifth with regard to rich-
poor gap only after Chile, Mexico, Turkey and
USA. In fact, the real situation in Israel is much
worse given that the definitions of poverty,
income gaps and alike that are employed by
the OECD and the Israel Central Bureau of
Statistics (e.g., the Gini Coefficient) are rather
biased and underrate the genuine facts so as
to present a better picture at the service of
the ruling classes and their bourgeois govern-
ments.
Needless to say, the socioeconomic state of
affairs in Israel is a direct by-product of the
neo-conservative policy of Israeli govern-
ments, at least in the last decade, whose gist
is basically one: privatization, privatization,
and more privatization. Another result of that
policy, apparently an intentional one, is the
socioeconomic circumstances of the Arab-
Palestinian citizens in Israel, which constitute
more than 20% of the overall citizenry. The
rates of unemployment and poverty among
them is the highest. Thus, according to Adalah
168
report, over half of all Arab families in Israel
live in poverty and of the 40 towns in Israel
with the highest unemployment rates, 36 are
Arab towns.
The most deprived population in Israel is the
Arab Palestinian Bedouin of Al Naqab. Not only
that that population is the poorest, with the
least access to healthcare, education and
other social services, but a great part of its
communities live in historic villages which the
governments of Israel consistently refuse to
recognize and supply with elementary goods
such as running water and electricity. Further-
more, just a few weeks ago the Israeli parlia-
ment (the Knesset) enacted the infamous
Prawer Law whose realization is going to con-
fiscate 800,000 dunums of land in Al Naqab
and expel over 50,000 Bedouins from their
native land and residence. This inhumane
plan will also lead to the demolition of 35 his-
toric Arab villages that the governments of Is-
rael continuously refuse to recognize, and will
confine 30% of Arab Bedouins in Al Naqab to
1% of the land.
Dear comrades,
In the last few years, the Zionist capitalist
governments of Israel have been waging a war
of a fascist character against the remnants of
bourgeois democracy that still exist in Israel.
A sequence of governmental bills were pro-
posed aiming to abolish the independence of
the courts, limit the freedom of the press,
simplify the persecution of asylum seekers
and refugees (primarily from Africa), repress
the right to strike, and to restrict civil society
practically human rights organizations and
leftist groups. I would like to draw your atten-
tion to two particularly heinous laws, the first
would be the Bill for prevention of damage to
the State of Israel through boycott, which
was enacted in July 2011. In this law, Anyone
who publishes a public call for a boycott of the
state of Israel and its content, and circum-
stances may reasonably be expected to lead
to a boycott, and the publisher is aware of this
possibility is committing a civil wrong and
the law of Tort [new version] shall apply to
him/her.
The other law is the racist Israel Lands Law
(Amendment No. 3), from April 2011. The
Law dictates that foreigners shall not have
land rights, i.e., a right of ownership, or a right
to lease land for periods that total more than
five years. Foreign, says the law, includes
those who are not entitled to immigrate to Is-
rael under the Law of Return, i.e., non-Jews.
Dear comrades,
As Marxist-Leninists, we know that reality
should be analyzed as a totality. Indeed, the
abovementioned elements are dialectically
interrelated and together constitute one
whole: a totality of capitalism interwoven with
Zionist colonialism and racism. In the case of
Israeli governments and ruling classes, Zion-
ism and politics of fear are regularly used in
order to divide the working class and the ex-
ploited strata as a whole and rule them by
means of panic and intimidation. Thus, in-
stead of directing their rage against their ex-
ploiters and oppressors, Israeli masses (espe-
cially the Jewish ones) are encouraged by
those ruling forces to aim their anger and
frustration at Arabs, refugees and other out-
siders. Incidentally, that is the way we have
to analyse Netanyahus enthusiasm to de-
scribe Iran as the archenemy of humankind:
fear serves him and his allies better than any
peace or compromise, let alone justice or
democracy.
If thus far the picture I depicted was quite
gloomy, I would like to conclude with some
optimism. The Philosopher Voltaire said that
the history of humanity consists of all mal-
169
adies, crimes, disasters and madness. Voltaire
might have been right, but his words depicted
only one-half of the picture; the other half
would be the struggle against those mal-
adies, crimes, disasters and madness. Led by
the Arab-Jewish partnership of the CPI
and Hadash (The Democratic Front for Peace
and Equality), the aforementioned miscon-
ducts and criminalities committed by Zionist
governments and their allies always en-
counter public objection; wherever and when-
ever there is a misconduct, there we are op-
posing it with all possible power. On behalf of
the CPI, I would like to call you to support our
struggle against the occupation, against Zion-
ist racism and injustice, for real democracy
and socialism in Israel, and for the establish-
ment of a truly sovereign and independent
Palestinian state on the territories occupied
by Israel in June 1967, with East Jerusalem as
its capital.
It is important to bear in mind that fighting
capitalism and imperialism necessitates a
struggle against their collaborators and asso-
ciates; in the Middle-East, it means an un-
equivocal battle against Zionism just as
against Arab reactionary regimes and move-
ments.
Hasta la victoria siempre! Venceremos!
170
WORKERS
PARTY
OF
KOREA
RI YOUNG CHOI
Distinguished Comrade Chairman,
Dear Delegates,
I would like, first of all, to express my heartfelt
gratitude to the Central Committee of the Por-
tuguese Communist Party for its kind invita-
tion to our Party delegation to attend the cur-
rent meeting.
I would also like to avail myself of this oppor-
tunity to offer warm congratulations to the
host on its successful holding of the 15
th
In-
ternational Meeting of Communist and Work-
ers Parties amidst great interest and expec-
tations of progressive political parties across
the world and extend warm greetings to the
party delegations and delegates who are at-
tending this meeting.
Comrades,
For the delegates from several communist
and workers parties to gather at the same
place for the fifteenth time to exchange suc-
cesses and experiences gained in their re-
spective work and show their support for and
solidarity with each other is really an event of
great significance.
This meeting is a meaningful theatre that
stages a show of unbreakable will of the pro-
gressive political parties in various parts of
the world moving forward shoulder to shoul-
der in their joint struggle to realize the aspira-
tions and desire of mankind for socialism and
achieve victory in the cause of socialism.
I have no doubt that the current meeting will
mark an important occasion in fully encourag-
ing and giving renewed impetus to the strug-
gle of the progressive peoples all over the
world to oppose imperialism and push the
cause of socialism forward and further
strengthening the unity and solidarity among
communist and workers parties throughout
the world.
Now the imperialists are thrown into utter
confusion over the worsening crisis of capital-
ism in its entirety, and they are resorting to
aggression and plunder, despotism and arbi-
171
trary behavior more blatantly than ever be-

fore just to roll back their declining fortune.
The impact of the financial crisis that broke
out in the United States in 2007 has spread
out to Europe and across the whole world and
has been dragging on, causing the gap be-
tween the rich and the poor to yawn wider
than ever and giving rise to a vicious cycle of
social and political turmoil.
The imperialists are finding a way out of their
aggravating economic and financial crises in
aggression and war against other countries
and, to this end, are clinging to political and
military pressure, economic sanctions, psy-
chological smear campaign and interference
in the internal affairs of many countries.
The present international situation in which
independent rights and interests of sovereign
states are being trampled upon ruthlessly due
to the high-handed and arbitrary manner and
behavior of the imperialists demands more
urgently than ever that all communist and
workers parties throughout the world reso-
lutely crush the attempts of the hostile forces
at infringement upon sovereignty of indepen-
dent states by supporting and cooperating
with each other and firming up the bonds of
solidarity among them while holding fast to
independence.
In this sense, we express our unqualified sup-
port and approval for the theme of the current
meeting being that of advancing socialism
more vigorously to cope with the pernicious
offensive of the imperialists.
Socialism suffered temporary yet heartrend-
ing setbacks in the 1990s due to the
schemes of the imperialists and oppor-
tunists, but, because of its truth as a science,
it remains alive as ever as the trend of the
times and in the very hearts of progressive
mankind and its just cause will certainly
emerge victorious.
The Workers Party of Korea has a great pride
in having paved a way for a people-centered
socialism and followed the road of steady de-
velopment for over half a century according to
its own conviction and determination.
The Korean-style socialism, which is the life
and soul of our people, has taken deep roots
in the minds of the entire population, and our
people are full of confidence in the victory of
the Korean-style socialism, which is the gen-
uine peoples system that provides them with
worthwhile and happy lives.
Respected Comrade Kim Jong Un, supreme
leader of our Party and people, said as follows:
The permanent strategy of our revolution
and its final victory lie in marching straight
along the road of independence, the road of
Songun and the road of socialism, as indicat-
ed by President Kim Il Sung and General Kim
Jong Il.
Today the Workers Party of Korea headed by
respected Comrade Kim Jong Un is registering
unprecedented successes on all fronts of so-
cialist construction under the unfurled banner
of Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism.
Our respected Marshal Kim Jong Un elucidated
a new philosophical principle of Kimil-
sungism-Kimjongilism, the guiding ideology
of our Party, defining it as a people-first doc-
trine in essence, and has been administering
genuine politics of love for people, the politics
of regarding peoples interests as top priority
and absolute.
As a result, in our country monumental edi-
fices representing the era of Songun and con-
tributing to peoples cultural and emotional
life and health have mushroomed, unfolding
172
an amazing reality of the country turning into
a civilized socialist state and infusing the peo-
ple with joy and happiness and vibrant life.
A stable and peaceful environment for eco-
nomic construction is essential to the Work-
ers Party of Korea and the Government of the
DPRK, which put forward improving peoples
living standards as the most important princi-
ple in their activities.
The Korean people who have been living in the
face of the US war exercises and nuclear
threat and blackmail, oppose aggression and
war and desire peace more earnestly than
anyone else.
The Workers Party of Korea has been making
responsible and sincere efforts with an un-
breakable will to remove tensions on the Ko-
rean Peninsula and contribute to peace and
security in Northeast Asia and the rest of the
world.
Our Party sets great store by the militant sup-
port and solidarity of communist and workers
parties of all countries in its just struggle for
security and a durable peace on the Korean
Peninsula, one of the most dangerous hot
spots in the world, and in the surrounding re-
gion.
In the future, too, our Party will strive hard for
peace and security on the Korean Peninsula
and in the rest of the world and for victory in
the cause of mankind for independence, the
cause of socialism, by pooling efforts with
communist and workers parties all over the
world.
Availing myself of this opportunity I would like
to express deep thanks once again to the Por-
tuguese Communist Party and other commu-
nist and workers parties and peoples across
the world for their unfailing support and en-
couragement to our Party and people in their
struggle for the building of a thriving socialist
country and for the independent national re-
unification.
I would like to conclude my speech by ex-
pressing my full confidence that the current
meeting will serve as a landmark in demon-
strating the militant unity and solidarity of all
communist and workers parties across the
world in the struggle for victory in the cause of
socialism.
Thank you.
173
SOCIALIST
PARTY
OF
LATVIA
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176
NEW
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
THE
NETHERLANDS
WILL VAN DER KLIFT
Dear comrades,
We thank the PCP for organizing this impor-
tant meeting and we are greeting all commu-
nist and workers parties that are represented
here.
The theme of this event is very compete and
therefore also very complex. Too much to give
a complete answer. As Antonio Gramsci said
many years ago: The crisis consists precisely
in the fact that the old is dying and the new
cannot be born; in this interregnum a great
variety of morbid symptoms appear. Written
in an other time, but very much recognizable.
Such periods ask for deep analysis, under-
standing, inflexibility that means no oppor-
tunism but the necessity of revolutionary
patience and the will to unite, not to split.
Thats our main task. Looking for what are
common positions, what can we do together.
Not to create separation, but platforms to dis-
cuss and learn from each other, to overcome
differences. The NCPN is very glad to be part of
a group of four parties DKP, KPL, PTB and NCPN
from Germany, Luxembourg, Belgium and the
Netherlands, al parties with political, ideologi-
cal, and organisational differences. But also
with many common backgrounds, similar
conditions in the for countries and most of all
a common enemy, the European Union. So,
much to discuss and to do practically, as we
do now for nine years. Every year more deep-
ening and effective. Step by step ahead.
Dear comrades,
Capitalism in crisis however succeeded in
deepening the living conditions of millions of
people all over the world. Capitalism can not
be reformed into a state that benefits the
working class. Capitalism in crisis is fighting
like hell to stay alive. It is dangerous monster.
The balance of forces now is very negative for
the working class and the working class
movement. Till recently the working class
movement was too much divided to stop the
attacks by the bourgeoisie. We need more co-
operation, better understanding and mean-
while we have to continue our struggle and
193
strengthen our parties and the class orientat-

ed peoples movement
The New Communist Party of the Netherlands
is a small party and therefore organisational
weak. With a small group of leading cadre we
try to fulfil all - too many - tasks that are nec-
essary. This is daily practice, trying to main-
tain, not growing but survive, taking small
steps under very complicated circumstances.
Too many tasks, so continuing making priori-
ties for the work in neighbourhoods, factories,
public and social organisations and trade
unions.
After 21 years of struggle to maintain as a
communist party based on marxist-leninist
principles in a hostile society it is not easy to
continue. It really is a matter of surviving,
(big) steps forwards are not possible to make.
So revolutionary patience is needed. Although
new young cadres are coming to the party it is
very complicated to educate them. Generally
speaking the young working class generation
has to pay much attention to survive under
capitalist conditions and they are very much
involved in their own struggle for life to work
out there own strategies for a decent future.
So these young cadres are not sufficient edu-
cated and are involved in a daily struggle for
life, Both quality and quantity are under ex-
treme pressure in relation to the building of
the party. The young cadres dont have
enough time for organizing collective activi-
ties, although they are very much inspired, full
of good will and see the necessity for such ac-
tivities. The party is not able to pay some of
these young cadres a salary to be free to work
for the party and not be depending on finding
a job in the capitalist society.
Dear comrades,
We all know the negative role for the working
class of the EU. So thats not a question. The
question is what can we do against it and how
can we find more and stronger cooperation to
struggle together? The reality is that there are
many differences between countries and
many differences between and in communist
and workers parties. So a common answer or
common force is not easy to develop. Anyhow
we need more political and ideological unity,
better and more frequent exchange of infor-
mation and if possible more common actions.
A bridge too far at the moment, but the goal is
clear.
Dear comrades,
the situation in the Netherlands is rather com-
plicated. The organized working class is very,
very weak. Many of them still believe in neo-
liberal solutions within a capitalist society.
Trade unions are trying to unite, but the actual
base for unification is far too much social
democrat. After many years of class coopera-
tion and social partnership it will take time
and discussion to build a new class-bases
trade union, although the social-economical
situation is becoming worth for even bigger
parts of the (organized) working class strata.
Generally speaking there is no base in the
Dutch working class at the moment to fight
for socialism, although the struggle for better
conditions of groups of workers and in several
sections of the labour movement are growing,
sometimes even rapidly.
The majority of the (working) people, influ-
enced on a daily base by the bourgeois class
mass media is still hoping that neo-liberal
measures and parties will solve their growing
daily problems and that capitalist parties and
government(s) will be able to do so. What we
see is a rising doubt in the lower strata of the
social-democrat party, and also a growing
amount of members of that party that leave
that party, but still a majority that see no
other alternative for the present government
194
of social-democrats and liberals. Also in the
trade unions there is no radical will to strug-
gle, but rather illusions, false hope and expec-
tation.
So in parliament still we see a overwhelming
majority for rightwing opinions and ideas and
support for the neo-liberal demolition of so-
cial and labour rights of the European Union.
Its at this tine only a small minority that
wants to change the system or fight for so-
cialism. Thats how it is at the moment.
Dear comrades,
The only one party that has a more or less rea-
sonable leftwing policy is the so called SP. The
S stands for socialist, but in practice the SP is
a new type leftwing social-democrat party
without any real influence. The S changed into
another content: not socialist, but social. And
social in a capitalist society. No more Mao,
Marx , Engels or Lenin. This former maoist
party now is a reformist party without a clear
goal for the future. No real idea about a social-
ist future. In practice this party became a real
barrier for us as it stands between our party
and the working class, supported to do so by
the mass media. The existence of the parlia-
ment orientated SP makes it more difficult for
us to reach the more radical strata of the
working class better then we do now, as they
are hoping for solutions of their problems in
parliament only. At the same time the SP lost
its historical influence in neighbourhoods and
enterprises as the only line for them is to win
seats in the parliament and looking for the
possibility to get in government. The main
problem is the lost of the insight that only by
class-struggle positive changes are possible.
Under such conditions we try to survive.
The Union of Communists (VCN) - started in
1981 - that existed before we established the
NCPN in 1992 had to start without any (finan-
cial) means after the former CPN (Communist
Party of the Netherlands) started the process
of cancellation at the beginning of the eight-
ies. The CPN disappeared as a party, became
part of a new GreenLeft party and took all fi-
nancial and other resources with her. So we
are still fighting to remain and build up a real
marxist-leninist communist party since 1992
as NCPN and before that as VCN. All together
now more than 30 years in one of the centres
of imperialism and also fighting against re-
formism of the old and new social-
democrats. During that time the SP after re-
visionist en reformist ideological transforma-
tions - grew and became seats in parliament
and part of the bourgeois political spectrum in
our country. The SP however is a real expres-
sion of the ideas of the majority of the social
feeling people in our country that does not
want to change too much and has many illu-
sion about their future. Now the real base for
capitalism in the Netherlands is crumble more
people are looking for better answers, analy-
ses and solutions than the SP is giving. After
more then 30 years now time is on our side!
But still the barriers are high and extremely
difficult to pull down.
Dear comrades,
So our main task is to bring into the discussion
in the neighbourhoods, enterprises and trade
unions our ideological points of view, under as
many people as possible. Thats not an easy
task. Therefore we must succeed in maintain-
ing our party as an independent organisation,
with a paper, an office, a library, with members
that become more class consciousness and a
marxist-leninist education. That our priority
now. Small successes are giving us the power
to continue. As long as capitalism is able to
convince the masses that this system is the
most profitable and successful, as long as a big
part of the working class believes in the fairy
195
tales of new and traditional social-democracy
it is not easy to continue and survive.
But comrades we will maintain and grow, be-
cause we own the only effective instruments
tot make proper and useful analysis of social,
economical, political and ideological human
developments. That means practically now
many more people are open for socialist and
communist ideas we are able to convince
more strata of the working class. Not big
groups but person after person will under-
stand that to get a better life, socialism is the
only possibility. What we do is to change the
individual feelings of anger, opposition and re-
sistance more political and ideological. Not an
easy task but our daily experience shows us
this is possible and successful.
What we need is self-confidence, self-con-
sciousness and revolutionary patience. What
we need now is wisdom, not splitting, but
unity, nopt easy but absolutely necessary.
Venceremos.
196
PALESTINIAN
COMMUNIST
PARTY
KHOURY ANWAR
On behalf of the Central Committee of the
Palestinian Communist Party allow me to
thank you for your kind invitation to this im-
portant seminar.
Since the fall of the capitalist system in 1975
after the meeting in Rambouillet in France
and the real devaluation of the Dollar value
and printing of billions of Dollars by the Ameri-
can Federal Reserve Bank with out any cover,
the so called capitalist countries initiated a
fierce attack on the social and democratic
benefits of the working class such as health
and social security benefits.
State debts rise phenomenally due to the con-
sumption which has increased many times
their production. These states start looking at
the gains of the working class as well as other
lower classes and the marginal people, those
gains which the working class has fought for
many years ago. Under the pressure of the in-
ternational organization such as World Bank,
International Monetary Fund, World Trade Or-
ganization and others initiated an austerity
programs attacking labor and democratic
rights which is gained by the working class
and other classes by their struggle in many
years.
The theorists of the capitalist system think
that these measures will renovate their sys-
tem which is destructed in front of their eyes.
The International crises which hit all European
states and United States was a result of their
consumption culture can not be solved by the
fierce attach on the gains of the people which
fought and struggle many years for it. The di-
rect reason for this crises is the changing of
the capitalist mode of production by a Con-
sumption mode , that is the state consumed
much more than(many times more) it pro-
duce. This increases the debt of these states
many times more than their National Income.
The development of the capitalist system to
consumption one instead of more productive
one contradict the expectation Dialectic Ma-
205
terialism which calls for the transformation of

the capitalist system (in which capitalist
owns all means of production) to socialist
system (in which the means of production are
publicly owned). Which means, the changing
of capitalist mode of production to the social-
ist mode.
In the fifties the main profit obtained by the
capitalist in the United States is from is from
the employment of the labor force (75 Million
labor). Today only 32 Millions are employed
which means that 60% of capitalist produc-
tion has disappeared and Labor power has
transferred to non-capitalistic production.
add to that the lowering of the surplus value
as a result improving the level of living and in-
crease in consuming services. The profit
which is obtained from the 32 Millions of labor
was Gained by 16 Million labors. In addition
the falling rate of the profit due to the devel-
opment and renovation of the means of pro-
duction.
All the above has resulted in increasing the
economic and financial crises in North Ameri-
ca and the euro states, which resulted in the
financial crises in the United States by
bankrupting of many Banks and companies.
Also the financial crashes occurred in the euro
countries such as Greece, Italy and Spain, and
all other states which consumes much more
than it produces.
For the working class, to defend their gains
which was won through long struggle over the
years, they must device strategic plans to de-
fend herself and its gains. The working class
must form a progressive front against the fi-
nance capital which is controlled by the bour-
geois class and utilize it to increase the profit
and her capital through speculation, buying
and selling currencies and share in the stock
market which has no relation with the com-
modity production the backbone of capital-
ism.
The communist and workers parties must
take on their shoulders to organize the work-
ing class to struggle against the real ex-
ploiters, the owner of the finance capital, the
bourgeoisie whose the beneficiaries Of in-
creasing the magnitude of the finance capital
while working class lives on subsistence.
It is the duties of the communist parties, the
Marxist-Leninist Parties, to continue strug-
gling against the bourgeoisie class and not to
cooperate with them for the purpose of ob-
taining a seat in the Parliament and/or a seat
in the ministry, or employment here and there
leaving class struggle who move and make
history to parties divorced the Marxist- Lenin-
ist struggle since the early fifties after the dis-
mantling the Soviet Union.
We are confident that victory will be for the
working class if she took the initiative and
form an International Front against the bour-
geoisie which control the finance capital.
The request of the communist parties in es-
tablishing forming an International from the
Marxist-Leninist Parties, and non partisan
Marxist-Leninist persons become an immedi-
ate necessity. This Communist International,
if formed, will be able to lead the working
class to victory over the bourgeois class and
the finance capital which they dominate and
allow the re-establishment of Lenin great pro-
ject of socialism.
206
PERUVIAN
COMMUNIST
PARTY
FLORENTINO TELLO QUISPE
Camaradas del Partido Comunista Portugus
Camaradas presentes
Permitanme en primer lugar agradecer a
nombre del Partido Comunista Peruano, por la
invitacin efectuada para participar en el XV
Encuentro Internacional de los partidos co-
munistas y obreros.
El Movimiento Comunista Internacional viene
de sufrir un enorme trauma a fines de la dca-
da de los ochenta e inicios de los noventa del
siglo pasado, con la desolucin de la Unin So-
vitica considerada como La mayor catstro-
fe geopoltica del siglo XX, la desaparicin del
Pacto de Varsovia, la desaparicin de la Comu-
nidad Socialista Europea (y su ente econmi-
co integrador, y el Consejo de Ayuda Mutua
Econmica - CAME) etc.
Este hecho tuvo una enorme repercusin en el
mundo entero, porque dej sin el variado so-
porte que brindaba la Comunidad Socialista a
otras naciones alrededor del mundo, y posibi-
lit el envalentonamiento del Imperialismo en
todo orden de cosas, incluyendo la embestida
militar.
Sin embargo, y a pesar de todo ello, el Movi-
miento Socialista Mundial no muri. Ni siquie-
ra en la antigua URSS y sus ex-aliados. De ma-
nera heroca se sostuvieron Cuba, Vietnam,
Corea del Norte, en buena medida, gracias a
que la Repblica Popular China se mantuvo
bajo la direccin del Partido Comunista Chino,
a pesar del intento sedicioso de 1989.
En Amrica Latina vimos la formacin del Foro
de Sao Paulo en el ao de 1990 gracias al im-
pulso del lider sindical y poltico brasileo,
Luis Ignacio Lula Da Silva, y el respaldo que
le fuera otorgado por Fidel Castro, legendario
dirigente cubano y ejemplo de lucha para
todos los revolucionarios. Este movimiento de
orientacin popular a dado buenos resultados
y hasta sus enemigos reconocen que es una
experienciaextremadamente exitosa.
En nuestra querida Amrica el faro luminoso
de la Cuba Revolucionaria hoy est acom-
215
paado por Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nica-

ragua, El Salvador y otros pases que luchan
por construir una Amrica Nueva dentro de un
Mundo Nuevo. Claro es, cada uno con sus par-
ticularidades y peculiaridades, la revolucin
no es calco ni copia sino creacin heroca del
pueblo como lo planteara nuestro fundador,
el Amauta Jos Carlos Maritegui.
En el Per, en el ltimo proceso electoral sus-
cribimos un Programa de Gobierno con el ac-
tual presidente Ollanta Humala, quien llegado
al gobierno decidi continuar con el modelo
econmico neoliberal; de esta manera traicio-
na las aspiraciones del pueblo peruano que
dio su voto por el cambio. La izquierda perua-
na, junto a las organizaciones populares y
movimientos sociales estamos constituyendo
el Frente Amplio que avisora xitos en la lucha
revolucionaria. Esto se pudo cosntatar en el
Paro Nacional que convoc la Central General
de Trabajadores del Per (CGTP), el 26 de oc-
tubre, que se desarroll con xito, donde el
gobierno y la derecha sealaron que era un
paro poltico.
En la esfera mundial, el capitalismo salvaje
neo liberal se ha sumergido en una crisis
econmica que se expande y se prolonga,
descargando la crisis sobre los hombros de los
trabajadores, con graves consecuencias.
Adems las transnacionales y las grandes
empresas actuan con el nico fin supremo de
obtener jugosas ganancias sobre todas las
cosas, sin importarles el grave dao que vie-
nen efectuando a nuestro hogar, el globo te-
rraquio, destruyendo el medio ambiente.
Frente a este panorama, los comunistas pe-
ruanos valoramos enormemente este magno
evento y les manifestamos que estamos de
acuerdo para realizar acciones comunes y
convergentes, por cuanto, refleja un slido
trabajo de reflexin sobre la realidad interna-
cional que vive la clase obrera, lo mismo, que
una gran parte de capas medias y otros com-
ponentes de las sociedades a escala mundial.
En este escenario, en extremo complejo, los
partidos comunistas no pueden ni deben
apartarse de los sectores sociales que pueden
ser cortejados por adversarios, que utilizan
engaosos discursos populistas o populache-
ros, como es usual entre los demagogos y fas-
cistas. No debemos los comunistas dar las es-
paldas a polticas de alianzas indispensables
para seguir avanzando en su misin histrica.
Hoy nos toca luchar unidos.
Viva los Partidos Comunistas y Obreros del
Mundo!
Viva el Internacionalismo del Proletariado!
216
PHILIPPINE
COMMUNIST
PARTY
(PKP1930)
The Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP-
1930, the Philippine Communist Party) thanks
and congratulates the Communist Party of
Portugal for hosting this 15
th
International
Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties.
We also send our warmest fraternal greetings
to all the participants of this International
Meeting, although we regret the inability of
our Party to send a delegate to this very im-
portant and historic event.
I. The Deepening Systemic Crisis of Capital-
ism
This international meeting is being held at a
crucial time when world capitalism finds itself
in deep systemic crisis, which it has never ex-
perienced in its historical development. In the
wake of the dismantling of the USSR and of
the socialist community in Eastern Europe
over two decades ago, came globalization of
production and marketing, the present stage
of the imperialist drive for global hegemony.
This stage is characterized by the penetration
of imperialist finance capital everywhere, and
by the imperialist drive to tie-up or reign-in
together the international community not
only as an expanded investment area, but also
as a supra-national market for transnational
products and services, as well as a borderless
source of raw materials.
The inherently chaotic and anarchic nature of
capitalism, even under conditions of the glob-
alization of production and marketing, and of
the globalization of finance capital, inevitably
resulted not only to the over-accumulation of
capital, but also to greater over-production
and the saturation of markets.
Even in our country, which is not a developed
capitalist country, the results of over-produc-
tion are evident. The production of vehicle
parts and electronic items is down, yet the
market for imported vehicles and electronic
products (including mobile phones, cameras,
computers and the like) is already saturated.
There is a glut in conventional housing and
condominium projects, and supermarket
217
shelves and malls are overstocked with prod-

ucts, even while the number of homeless and
hungry continue to grow.
Together with the crisis of over-production,
the world is facing a graver food crisis, as a re-
sult of macro-economic policies and climate
change. For example, despite the decrease in
total grains harvest, the USA still allotted over
a million tons of grains for ethanol distilleries
to produce fuel for cars.
With over-production and the saturation of
markets, capitalism finds itself plunged into
recession and stagnation (that primarily vic-
timizes the working peoples), thoroughly ex-
posing its decadent nature. This could clearly
be seen even in the capitalist criteria of eco-
nomic development - in the very low (if not
negative) level of growth of the gross domes-
tic product from 2010 to 2012 of the G-7
member countries.
This crisis is not only happening in the imperi-
alist centers, but also convulses the whole
world. Even the member countries of BRICS
(Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa)
suffered a slowing down of the growth of their
gross domestic product from 2010 to 2012.
The Philippines had the same experience. As
the capitalist crisis deepens, the social situa-
tion drastically deteriorated even among the
member countries of the imperialist circle.
The rates of unemployment are in their high-
est levels in the history of these countries.
Many more millions of people throughout the
world now suffer from extreme poverty due to
long-term unemployment, and millions are at
dire risk due to hunger and homelessness.
Faced with chaotic economic crises, European
and other capitalist governments which are
unable to pay their foreign debts and to bail
out their own banks and investment firms, are
forced to accept EU/IMF control of their
economies. Additional debts are incurred with
more conditionalities, primarily the cutting of
public employment levels and benefits, and
the slashing of outlays for education, health,
housing, social security, retirement and other
social services which are badly needed by the
working peoples.
It is also through government indebtedness to
supra-national financial institutions that the
development and social progress of Third
World countries (like the Philippines) is im-
peded, and past gains of national sovereignty
and even territorial integrity are subjected to
a process of recolonisation. It is the greed for
greater profits of these financial institutions
and banksters which fuels the imperialist
drive for global domination, which is imposed
on some resisting countries through covert
and overt military aggression.
II. The Escalation of the Imperialist Offen-
sive
As a reaction to the deepening crisis of capi-
talism, imperialist forces are waging econom-
ic, social, political, and military offensives
worldwide. In the economic field, transnation-
al corporations and financial institutions are
able to derive superprofits through a new in-
ternational division of labor which reduces
Third World countries under their control
into platforms for the production of labor-in-
tensive products destined for export to the
world market.
Imperialist powers employ the debt trap to
consolidate their hold on their sources of su-
perprofits in the Third World. Imperialist-con-
trolled multilateral financial institutions such
as the World Bank, the International Monetary
Fund, the Asian Development Bank and other
such banks, are responsible for perpetuating
a system of international debt slavery by im-
posing onerous terms in the granting and
218
renegotiation of development, budget sta-
bilization, structural and other loans.
To perpetuate iniquitous conditions in imperi-
alist-dictated countries, the political stabili-
ty of their pliant regimes is ensured through
repressive measures, through the creation of
new US-controlled military blocs, and through
the imposition of military treaties and agree-
ments which will allow the presence or con-
stant visits of US forces in these countries.
The reimposition of US military bases or mili-
tary visits on other countries is aimed at
stemming the growth of forces for national in-
dependence and socialist transformation.
Currently, a special target of US and NATO war-
mongering is the socialist-oriented Syrian
Arab Republic, the main stumbling block to
the realization of the US-Israeli plan for a
New Middle East. Two years of AlQaida-
linked islamist terrorism funded and militarily
supported by the USA and other NATO powers,
as well as by Israel, has bled the Syrian peo-
ple, who however remain defiant and un-
bowed. For this reason, the Syrian Arab Re-
public deserves more militant solidarity not
only of communist and workers parties, but
of all peace-loving peoples throughout the
world.
At the same time, US imperialism carries on
with its destabilization plots against Cuba, the
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and other
socialist-oriented countries which are mem-
bers of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americ-
as (ALBA). US imperialist sabre-rattling also
continues against the Democratic Peoples
Republic of Korea, and the Islamic Republic of
Iran. Communist and workers parties, and all
peace-loving peoples throughout the world,
also need to express more militant solidarity
against the US-NATO schemes to denigrate
the independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of those countries which are special
targets of imperialist recolonization.
III. The International Realignment of Forces
The deepening crisis of capitalism weakens
the economic clout of imperialist countries,
with the closure of some major private indus-
trial and commercial firms, with the bankrupt-
cy of some leading private banks and financial
institutions, and with mounting external
debts and huge budget deficits, among oth-
ers.
This deepening crisis therefore compels the
imperialist powers to coordinate their actions
to minimize the impact of inter-imperialist
contradictions which continue to divide them.
The series of summit meetings of leaders of
the USA, Germany, Japan, France, UK, Italy and
Canada reflect their increasing inability to co-
ordinate their strategies and positions. The
continuing rivalries among them result in the
strengthening of tendencies towards eco-
nomic protectionism, which in turn generates
trade wars.
Other imperialist-created economic alliances,
such as the G20, similarly exerted efforts to
coordinate their national economic strate-
gies. However, contradictions among member
countries of the G20 could still be observed.
Efforts by the decades-old Trilateral Commis-
sion, whose function is to forge unified coordi-
nation of the three centers of world imperial-
ism, have also failed to moderate inter-capi-
talist contradictions or to mitigate the effects
of the general crisis of capitalism. The latest
exposures about US spying on leaders of other
imperialist countries can only aggravate the
contradictions within the imperialist circle.
The PKP-1930 notes the growing prestige and
clout of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa) which together
219
account for half of the worlds population, in-
vestments and productive capacity. The coop-
eration and integration of their economies,
and their growing detachment from ties with
the USA and other imperialist countries, is
leading to the creation of a new (although still
capitalist) counterpoise to imperialism. The
BRICS countries can, together, compete
formidably with the USA and other imperialist
countries, not only in the economic arena.
Their political and military capability could
help contain the hegemonist drive of the USA
and its NATO allies.
Although we can surmise that the subjective
factor for socialist revolution in the highly de-
veloped capitalist countries of Europe may still
be lagging behind the objective conditions, it is
encouraging to note the heightened anti-im-
perialist militancy of the working masses in
Europe, especially in Greece, Portugal, Spain
and Ireland. In many parts of Africa and Asia,
revolutionary movements may not be strong,
but they nevertheless help in containing the
hegemonic ambitions of the USA and other im-
perialist powers. Of course we cannot forget
that in South Africa, Nelson Mandela emerged
as president of the country after being re-
leased in 1989 from 27 long years of incarcer-
ation, due to the strength of the anti-apartheid
national liberation movement in that country.
A relatively new development in Africa and Asia
is the steady penetration of investments, par-
ticularly in petroleum and mineral resources,
of the Peoples Republic of China which is now
driven by the desire to dispose of the vast US
dollar holdings accumulated over the past
three and a half decades of her strategic part-
nership with the USA.
Of great importance in the balance of forces
on the international arena are the progressive
developments in Latin America and the
Caribbean, where Cuba has become the bea-
con of the anti-imperialist struggle not only in
this region, but even throughout the world.
With Cubas example, a new integration of
economies along socialist lines is being forged
by the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas
(ALBA), in Latin America and the Caribbean.
All the above developments help impede and
even frustrate the hegemonic drive of US im-
perialism and its allies in many parts of the
world, but the turn of events in the interna-
tional balance of forces will depend on how
the working class will play its role, and how
communists could fulfill their tasks, in the
struggle for workers and peoples rights and
in the struggle for socialism.
IV. The Role of the Working Class, and the
Communists Tasks in the Struggle for
Workers and Peoples Rights, and in the
Struggle for Socialism
The deepening systemic crisis of capitalism,
and the growing worldwide condemnation of
the imperialist recourse to military aggression
and foreign occupation, demonstrate the his-
torical limits of the international capitalist
system. Of course, the only solution to the
global crises is the advance to socialism. The
working class, which does not have the means
of production at its disposal, however has the
power to reverse todays unjust situation. But
for the working class to fulfill its mission as
the grave digger of the capitalist mode of
production, the strengthening of its revolu-
tionary party is necessary.
In the case of the Philippines, which is far from
being a developed capitalist country, and
which in fact is a mere appendage to the oper-
ations of transnational corporations, the task
of the broad patriotic sectors of our people is
to struggle for national democracy - for na-
tional freedom from imperialist control and
exploitation, and for a democratic system
220
where there will be a strong public sector
which could ensure that the working peoples
rights are safeguarded and their basic needs
are met.
The struggle for socialism through the nation-
al democratic path should be seen as the logi-
cal continuation of the Filipino peoples strug-
gle against imperialism and all forms of ex-
ploitation. Socialism is the culmination of our
peoples struggle for real freedom, peace,
progress and equality.
The anti-imperialist struggle in the Philippines
is intertwined with the anti-imperialist strug-
gles in other countries. Our different national
struggles give strength to each other, and
thus the issue of anti-imperialist solidarity is
more crucial than ever.
The PKP-1930 remains convinced that the
worldwide struggle of the working peoples for
socialism will overcome imperialism, and that
socialism remains the only hope for humani-
tys survival and humane future.
Brief Philippine Situationer
The continued orientation of the Philippine
economy along neocolonial lines imposed by
world imperialism is largely engineered by the
WB, IMF, ADB, WTO and other multilateral insti-
tutions controlled by imperialism. The eco-
nomic policies of the present administration
of Pres. Benigno Simeon Aquino III, and of all
previous regimes in the past half century, are
essentially based on the prescriptions of in-
ternational agencies of US imperialism.
The role of the Philippine government is re-
duced to that of an implementor or executive
committee of the consultative group of for-
eign financing institutions.
With the dire economic, political and social
impacts of imperialist dictates on the Philip-
pines, there is greater impetus for the masses
of our people, and especially for progressive
organizations, to step up the anti-imperialist
struggle. A main thrust in our anti-imperialist
struggle is the ending of the Visiting Forces
Agreement and the Mutual Defense Treaty,
under which the USA practically controls the
national security and other military policies of
our country.
In the particular situation of the capitalist
crises engulfing our country today, our most
pressing concerns in the economic field are
the following : ending the privatization of pub-
lic services ; re-nationalization of privatized
electric, water and petroleum utilities ; estab-
lishment of a strong state sector of the econ-
omy ; ending the policy of import liberalization
which has allowed the dumping in our country
of commodities by transnational corporations
; ensuring transparency and accountability in
government dealings with imperialist-con-
trolled multilateral institutions and banking
groups ; and the thorough audit of all the for-
eign loans secured by the present and past
regimes (with the aim of repudiating all oner-
ous loans which benefitted only the partner-
ship of foreign banksters and local kleptocra-
cies).
On the political front, our most pressing con-
cerns are the following : removal of govern-
mental measures preventing the participation
of progressive parties in electoral exercises ;
ending of warlordism and political dynasties ;
empowerment of progressive mass organiza-
tions through their participation in advisory
councils (of national agencies and local gov-
ernments) concerned with the sectors repre-
sented by such mass organizations ; and the
elimination of graft and corruption in all
branches of government (executive, legisla-
tive, juridiciary and special constitutional
bodies).
221
On the social front, of urgent concern are the
following : opening of more jobs through the
governments direct undertaking of all infras-
tructure projects ; setting of a nationwide
minimum living wage ; safeguarding and ad-
vancement of workers benefits and social se-
curity ; defense of trade union rights ; exten-
sion of agrarian reforms (primarily land acqui-
sition by the government, and their redistribu-
tion to landless peasants or their
cooperatives) in all crops and agricultural
fields ; expansion of public schools, universi-
ties, hospitals, day-care centers and homes
for the elderly ; and the massive opening of
housing projects to allow the relocation of
present residents in typhoon- or flood-prone
waterways, earthquake faultlines and other
calamity-prone areas.
On the cultural front, of particular concern are
the ending of local mass media reliance on US
and other imperialist news agencies and en-
tertainment industries ; control of fundamen-
talism or bigotry engendered by religious in-
stitutions ; safeguarding of education from
anti-science teachings and superstitious ritu-
als ; and the development of a more tolerant
or liberal atmosphere for the battle of ideas
where the merits of socialism, and concepts
of the national democratic path towards so-
cialism, will surely win more adherents.
(Note: Following are some Philippine statisti-
cal data.)
Brief Profile of the Philippines
1. Geographical data :
A. Total land area in sq. kilometers..............
.........................................................342,351
B. No. of islands ..................................7,107
C. Regions .................................................17
D. Provinces..............................................80
E. Cities ...................................................140
F. Municipalities .................................1,494
G. Population (2010 est.) ........92,337,852
2. Government Statistics :
GDP (2012 est.) .................US $257 billion
GDP per capita......................$2,614 (2012)
GDP by sector (2011 est.) ............................
.....................................agriculture (12.3%),
.........................................industry (33.3%),
..........................................services (54.4%)
Population living below poverty line...........
........................................22.6% (2006 est.)
Labour force (2011 est.) .......59.81 million
Unemployment.....................................7. 3%
............(govt. estimate, end of June 2013)
(Note : Unemployment is estimated by the
private SWS survey firm at 26.1%, as of the
end of June 2013.)
Exports............................$52 billion (2012)
Imports......................$57.24 billion (2012)
Main trade partners ...........................Japan,
................................................................USA,
.............................................................China,
..................................................South Korea
External debt .........................$68.39 billion
............................................(Dec. 31, 2012).
222
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249
NEW
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
YUGOSLAVIA
ALEKSANDER BANJANC
Dear comrades,
I warmly greet you on behalf of the New Com-
munist Party of Yugoslavia, and express grati-
tude to the Communist Party of Portugal on
the organization of the XV international con-
ference of communist and workers parties.
Plenty of issues to be dealt with in this years
event reflect the complex situation in our
movement at the present time. Since the
eruption of the latest crisis of capitalism, in
our organization the situation is rapidly
changing in response to the existing situation
and strategies of capitalism to survive. Many
of these strategies, as well as the reactions of
the Communists are not a historical mystery,
but also we are faced with many completely
new and authentic historical problems of the
modern world. In relation to this topics, I will
in my speech concentrate on the situation in
our country and the problems that our party is
facing in its work.
If we tried to summarize what is the first and
foremost problem facing Serbian society, then
we would no doubt say imperialism. Imperial-
ism is the main reason for the collapse of so-
cialism in our socialist Yugoslavia, imperialism
is the main regulatory principle of Serbian
economy and politics today, imperialism is a
brutal destructive way obvious in Serbia and
in the former Yugoslavia as surely as nowhere
else in Europe, which is continuing occupation
of the southern Serbian province Kosovo and
Metochy (Metohi). Several factors are in-
volved in this shameful and by all measures of
international law, an illegal act. NATO, after
the military intervention in 1999 which was
done in the style of spanking the disobedi-
ent to this day through the so called Peace-
keeping in Kosovo, is the main and largest
armed force which is concentrated in the
heart of the Balkans.
To the most of you, the military objectives and
strategy of imperialism in destruction of Yu-
goslavia and especially in case of Kosovo are
not unknown. These military targets and their
251
realization in 1999 were a clear continuity,

while in the political field these goals were
quite dynamic. They are characterized by a
continuous new pressures and demands, the
constant redefinition of the goals of imperial-
ism that are infinitely being increased. The
major political lever that implements imperi-
alist political actions is the United States
along with the European Union. Our party said
and repeated that the EU is imperialist cre-
ation which therefore cannot be democra-
tized, cannot be reformed so that the people
of Europe could live in prosperity. The Euro-
pean Union is a dungeon of European nations,
where every day there is less and less democ-
racy and prosperity and more poverty, more
social and political injustice, it encourages the
most retrograde and reactionary political
forces that thrive as its strategy for the rescue
of the system that stands in its essence. Our
response to the EU may be only one, ruthless
and definite deviation and insisting on its dis-
mantlement. Of course it is not surprising that
the European Union is quite involved in the
fate of the development of the situation in the
southern Serbian province of Kosovo and
Metochy (Metohi). Due to its objectives that
derive from the nature of the European Union,
the imperialist and hegemonic, the European
Union clearly decided to make and illegal
recognition of Kosovos independence.
To this end, with economic and political pres-
sures it dictates the policy of Republic of Ser-
bia on this issue. The ruling class in Serbia and
its bourgeois political parties support the as-
sociation with the EU at all costs, and have de
facto declared themselves for the Indepen-
dence of Kosovo, although there is a small
percentage of people in Serbia who agrees
whit this platform. The absurd situation in
which the bourgeois government of Serbia
does not officially recognize Kosovo, but co-
operates fully in the process of dialogue with
the government so called Republic of Kosovo
with the EU as a middle man in the field of so-
called Normalization relations. This cooper-
ation goes so far that the Serbian government
is aggressively agitating among the Serbian
population in Kosovo to vote in local elections
of Republic of Kosovo, held just this weekend,
and thus gives the legitimacy of Kosovos in-
stitutions. Its crazy that the same govern-
ment of the country on which NATO bombs
were falling, in accordance with European
principles in foreign policy imposes sanctions
on Belorussia and Syria. Im using this oppor-
tunity to say in my name and in the name of
our party, and the vast majority of our people,
that we sincerely apologize to the parties, our
comrades, dear brothers and sisters, Belarus
and Syria and send the message that this atti-
tude of pro-imperialistic bourgeois govern-
ment in Serbia has absolutely nothing to do
with what our people feel and what is ulti-
mately their true interest. We support the
anti-imperialist struggle of the people of Be-
larus and especially Syria today having a lot of
innocent victims in the struggle against West-
ern imperialism and its beloved children of re-
ligious fundamentalism.
Very important, and the most important factor
in all the imperialist political processes in the
Balkans is Turkey. The presence of Turkish
monopoly and the various political interven-
tions of Turkish authorities in other Balkan
countries, especially during the recent elec-
tion process in Kosovo when the Turkish
Prime Minister Erdogan came to personally
campaign in support of agitating puppet
regime in Pristina, has little to do with the so-
called Neo-Ottomanism as some bourgeois
media likes to present. These are authentic
and modern imperialist aspirations which are
an integral part of the domination of Western
252
imperialism in entire region, with the ruling
class of Turkey one of the main allies, minions
and protagonist. What does the working class
and people and the broadest layers of Turkey
think about the politics of the Turkish ruling
classes, was more than evident during the
summer events in Geza park in Istanbul,
which our Party has given its full support and
organized solidarity actions.
The Balkan today is an important experimen-
tal region of Europe when it comes to strate-
gies for surviving the crisis of capitalism which
was created. In the Balkans today we have
hordes of fascists and religious fundamental-
ists being recruited, whose rampage and ter-
rorism affect in many cases, and creates pres-
sure against powerful working-class(klasis)
response to the crisis. In the Balkans today
they examine to what extent all the measures
can go in the way of political pressure and the
conditioning by the European Union, The In-
ternational Monetary Fund and NATO. Our
party is firmly committed to close cooperation
and solidarity among the Balkan peoples. The
problem of disunity and discord among the
Balkan people has been one of the main fac-
tors that go into the hands of the imperialist
domination of our region. We are in favor that
all the national issues in the Balkans must be
solved only under the anti-imperialist plat-
form, each self-determination under the
sponsorship of imperialism is only the option
for imperialism and against the interests of
the broadest social strata respectively. There-
for communists of Balkan countries have a
special responsibility and commitment in the
process of unmasking the imperialistic aims
behind such projects as Independence of
Kosovo. The existing situation in the Balkans
is not a precedent. The Balkans are on record
for their long history of bloody imperial divide
et impera politics. Here is what more than
fifty years ago a Serbian social democrat Dim-
itrije Tucovic had to say about it: The peoples
of the Balkans, taken separately and not unit-
ed, are systematically targeted by the imperi-
al conquerors in every war. [...] and they shall
always be targeted unless they unite. The His-
tory has taught us the lesson, more than once
unfortunately, that our disunity suits our con-
querors interests, never our own. Grouping
and mutuality of countries and peoples in the
Balkans is the only road that leads to econom-
ic, national and political liberation.
Clearly the government and the entire estab-
lishment in Serbia are not just puppets put to
power by the European Union and the big
powers, to obey and implement the imperial
politics. Their own interests are also at stake.
These interests are responding to broad
strategic and economic imperial objectives :
1/ Dismantling of national economic and so-
cial infrastructure under the plundering priva-
tization program that transferred the most
profitable state assets into the hands of for-
eign big capital; 2/ free-market sponsored re-
gionalization and further dismantling of Ser-
bia.
The conditions created under cover of attract-
ing foreign investors actually are that of eco-
nomic occupation and total submission of
Serbia, crippling domestic industries, prompt-
ing massive job cuts and the replacement of
living wage union jobs with jobs in sectors
with low pay, minimal benefits and no job se-
curity. The European Union sponsored corrupt
legal system, having policy of free market
plunder as its primary objective, is in all evi-
dence supervising the interests of the capital-
ists, domestic or foreign Mafia.
The catastrophic New Labor Law written by
the foreign non-governmental organizations
such as USAID in accordance with the IMF that
253
SOUTH
AFRICAN
COMMUNIST
PARTY
SOLLY MAPAILA
The South African Communist Party (SACP)
expresses its fraternal greetings to all partici-
pants of the 15th Meeting of the International
Communist and Workers Parties. We particu-
larly express warm regards to the Portuguese
Communist Party (PCP) for their efforts in
making this meeting a success and creating
excellent conditions for the success of the
15th ICWP.
The South African democratization process
will next mark an important milestone - 20
years of independence and defeat against the
policies of racism and exploitation of the in-
digenous peoples of our country. This will also
be marked in a year where an important set of
elections national and provincial elections will
take place - in 2014!
At this crucial stage of the democratization
point, it will provide the Communist Party and
its allies, the opportunity to interrogate the
post-colonial state and its challenges - and
the extent to which the progressive alliance
led by the African National Congress (ANC) has
been able to advance the goals of the National
Democratic Revolution (NDR)!
In fact, in much of Southern Africa (at least)
the antidote of easy assumptions that former
national liberation movements are the time-
less and authentic voices if their respective
countries and peoples abound. The role, we
want to argue, is earned DEMOCRATICALLY - in
daily work with and for the people! And that is
the challenge facing the post-53rd ANC Na-
tional Conference of the ANC and the wider al-
liance.
Comrades,
We coming together in Portugal in this 15th
Meeting of the ICWP, under the theme: The
deepening crisis if capitalism, the working
class role and the communist tasks in the
struggle for workers and peoples rights. Im-
perialism offensive, the international realign-
ment of forces, the national issues, class
emancipation and the struggle for socialism.
257
We are coming here also in the centenary of

one of the most important figures and actors
in the struggle for socialism and internation-
alism, the PCP has produced - the centenary
of the late former general-Secretary of PCP,
comrade Alvaro Cunhal! The events of 25 April
Revolution and many efforts before and after
in solidarity with the peoples of our region,
are important indelible marks of internation-
alism.
The anatomy of colonialism and exploitation
in our region of Southern Africa, also bear
colonial-Portuguese exploitation. It has been
through the tireless work of PCP and other
comrades, such as Alvaro Cunhal, that the
forces fighting for liberation were able to
overcome the yoke of colonialism in our re-
gion.
National liberation movement do not emerge
one fine day out of the mind of some super-
man or at the instigation of some foreign
power. They are born out of popular discon-
tent , we want to argue. They emerge over
long periods to combat oppressive conditions
and express aspirations for different kind if
society. They are, in short, the agents of class
and national struggle. In the case of Southern
Africa, they were born in the crucible of the
colonial experience.
We point these out this in order to reinforce
our the important notion of the Tripartite Al-
liance and its historic evolution in the unique
conditions of South Africa. It is against this
background that, we should properly contex-
tual use the conjunctural endeavours of the
Tripartite Alliance, led by the ANC and its strat-
egy for achievement of the goals of the Free-
dom Charter - and thus further advance the
struggle for socialism.
We want to further advance a proposal for
doing an analysis of the state of the interna-
tional communist movement. This we believe
will prepare our international communist and
workers parties movement to take advantage
of the crises of capitalism, but more impor-
tantly to embed the democracy and win over
the majority of the peoples of the world, over
to socialism.
The SACP is currently preparing important
events to mark the centenary of the SACP in
2021 - and indeed many other parties born
during this period will also mark 100 years of
existence! This we believe could also provide a
platform to prepare the international commu-
nist and workers parties movement to ob-
serve centenary of the Great Socialist October
Revolution in 2017!
We wish this 15th Meeting of ICWP all
success!
Socialism is the future - build it now!
258
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF
CATALUNA
ANGEL CRESPO
Camaradas,
En primer lugar un saludo revolucionario en
nombre del Partit dels i les Comunistes de Ca-
talunya, al tiempo que expresar el agradeci-
miento al Partido Comunista Portugus por la
buena organizacin de este 15e Encuentro y
la felicitacin por los recientes resultados en
la movilizacin y en las elecciones municipa-
les, que demuestran, una vez ms, el arraigo y
prestigio del PCP entre las masas trabajado-
ras.
Desde la coincidencia en lneas generales con
la propuesta envada por el PCP sobre las con-
clusiones del encuentro, desde nuestro pe-
queo pas y desde la modestia de nuestro
Partido, queremos transmitiros los principales
retos que consideramos que tenemos los co-
munistas, y como nosotros los afrontamos.
Vivimos tiempos convulsos, estamos en la cri-
sis del capitalismo ms importante de los lti-
mos 80 aos, una crisis que hace evidente la
incapacidad del capitalismo para satisfacer
las necesidades de la gran mayora de la po-
blacin. Un sistema basado en la desigualdad,
que muestra niveles de riqueza exorbitante y
ofensiva para una parte importante de la po-
blacin mundial que vive en la ms absoluta
pobreza. Un sistema voraz, explotador de las
personas, desde muy jvenes, y expoliador de
los recursos naturales que habran de ser pro-
piedad de la humanidad como el agua y los re-
cursos energticos.
Pero desde las entraas de esa misma crisis
surgen seales de esperanza, con una prdida
de la hegemona econmica de EEUU, con im-
portantes conflictos en unos casos inter-im-
perialistas, en otros liderados por gobiernos
progresistas. En el mundo se desarrollan pro-
cesos democrticos y progresistas en diferen-
tes pases, especialmente en Amrica Latina,
y crecen en todos los continentes las expre-
siones de rechazo y de protesta frente a las
injusticias, la corrupcin, los recortes de dere-
chos y libertades que estamos sufriendo.
Estamos al final de una etapa del imperialis-
263
mo que va desde la unipolaridad actual a un

mundo ms multipolar, y que con el fin del do-
minio de los EEUU en el terreno econmico,
est reforzando su carcter militarista, gue-
rrerista y agresivo. De hecho ante un cuestio-
namiento generalizado de su papel en el
mundo, est intentando recomponer su pre-
sencia y hegemona a partir de la desestabili-
zacin de gobiernos y pases.
Una crisis capitalista que requiere mayor
unidad de los trabajadores, una potente
lucha ideolgica y no cejar en la defensa de
derechos sociales y laborales.
La globalizacin se nos ha presentado como
la construccin de un modelo neutro en fun-
cin de un desarrollo asptico de las fuerzas
productivas, tecnolgicas, escondindose el
papel de direccin poltica y econmica del
neoliberalismo y de la oligarqua financiera,
en este proceso de construccin de la globali-
zacin.
El capitalismo y el imperialismo han desarro-
llado una ofensiva econmica e ideolgica a
travs del neoliberalismo, imponiendo su he-
gemona cultural y de valores, en la esfera
productiva y reproductiva de la sociedad, lo
que denominamos pensamiento nico donde
prima lo individual a lo colectivo, lo privado a
lo pblico, el consumo a la necesidad, y que da
pie a una nueva conciencia social ms indivi-
dualista, competitiva e insolidaria que est en
la base de la prdida de conciencia e identidad
de clase de importantes sectores de trabaja-
dores y trabajadoras.
Uno de las principales dificultades que hemos
tenido en el perodo neoliberal ha sido esa
prdida de la conciencia e identidad de clase,
y como consecuencia la despolitizacin y la
desideologizacin de la clase obrera ante el
conflicto capital/trabajo y que ha afectado de
forma directa a la prdida de identidad de la
izquierda poltica, social y sindical, llevndola
por un lado a una aceptacin acrtica de la re-
alidad, que pensando que la lucha y el conflic-
to de clases estaba superado llevo a muchos
a abrazar las tesis reformistas o por otro lado
a negar la evidencia de los cambios sociales y
de todo tipo que se estn produciendo en
nuestras sociedades, buscando refugio en l
dogmatismo en lugar de aplicar el anlisis
cientfico e intervenir para modificar las corre-
laciones de fuerzas .
La oligarqua financiera y el gran capital pre-
tenden, una vez ms, una salida de la crisis
sobre las espaldas de los trabajadores y tra-
bajadoras, as como de otros sectores y clases
sociales que estn siendo golpeadas por las
medidas de austeridad.
En nuestro pas, los altsimos niveles de paro,
la precarizacin constante del empleo, las
congelaciones y rebajas salariales, el vaciado
de la negociacin colectiva y el debilitamiento
y desprestigio de las organizaciones sindica-
les son parte de una estrategia neoliberal ini-
ciada hace muchos aos, que tiene por objeti-
vo desarmar a la clase trabajadora material e
ideolgicamente, pero que se viene agudizan-
do con la crisis y que tienen su colofn con la
reforma laboral aprobada por el Partido Popu-
lar.
Las consecuencias de la ofensiva liberal esta
en el origen de la grave situacin que atrave-
samos centenares de miles de trabajadores y
trabajadoras, ya sean asalariados autno-
mos; pequeos comerciantes, etc., y que se
expresa en la destruccin del tejido industrial,
el exponencial incremento de la pobreza, el
desalojo de miles de familias de sus casas, la
estafa bancaria a miles de pequeos inverso-
res, las dificultades de la juventud para cons-
truir su proyecto de vida autnomo, el endu-
recimiento del acceso a la Universidad a las
264
capas populares y la expulsin de miles de j-
venes del pas por la ausencia de trabajo.
En ese contexto la ofensiva recortadora y pri-
vatizadora de los derechos sociales y de ciu-
dadana suponen no solo una agresin a los
sectores ms dbiles de la sociedad, sino una
profundizacin de las desigualdades sociales
y una transferencia de recursos del sector pu-
blico a manos de empresas privadas.
Es por esto que los comunistas catalanes
apostamos por la necesidad de desarrollar la
lucha ideolgica y la unidad de los trabajado-
res, que ha de desarrollarse en los centros de
trabajo, actuando en base a un nuevo impulso
unitario que pivote sobre el protagonismo de
los trabajadores y las trabajadoras, de su par-
ticipacin e implicacin, de una forma de tra-
bajo unitaria, abierta e inclusiva tambin en la
estrategia y la propuesta, as como romper
con la cultura delegativa y de tutela que se ha
abierto paso los ltimos aos.
Es por ello que esta es una apuesta estratgi-
ca por la unidad sindical, que incluya al movi-
miento sindical en su conjunto, desde la auto-
noma, la autorganizacin, la solidaridad, la
democracia y el sindicalismo de clase.
Al mismo tiempo es importante continuar
dando aliento a las luchas populares contra
los recortes sociales, por el derecho a la vi-
vienda y contra los desahucios, en defensa de
la salud y la sanidad pblica, a favor de la edu-
cacin pblica, laica, democrtica y de cali-
dad, que junto a la defensa de los derechos
laborales, la defensa del empleo, las pensio-
nes y contra el paro configuran el terreno de
la ofensiva del capital en el terreno social, de-
mocrtico y laboral.
Comunistas por el Derecho a Decidir con vo-
cacin Republicana y Federal
En Catalunya, junto al conflicto social, existe
histricamente un conflicto nacional. En la
medida que en ese debate se produca una
hegemona de la izquierda y especialmente de
los comunistas mantena unas dimensiones
de equilibrio entre lo social y lo nacional.
En el ltimo perodo, y en la medida que ha
avanzado la crisis, las posiciones nacionalis-
tas han crecido en influencia y se ha generado
un fuerte debate meditico y social, a veces
artificial, sobre la independencia o la secesin
de Catalunya de Espaa.
En este debate, los comunistas defendemos
como concepto inseparable de nuestro pro-
yecto de construccin nacional su dimensin
social, democrtica e inclusiva, que nos hace
confrontar con el proyecto de nacin identita-
rio, territorialista, historicista y etnicista que
caracteriza a la derecha nacionalista.
Hay que reforzar la apuesta republicana y fe-
deralista como una opcin que combina la de-
mocracia, la soberana y la justicia social. Hay
que hacerlo ante las opciones de derechas del
nacionalismo conservador o de un soberanis-
mo comprensivo con las polticas neoliberales
si estas en vez de que vengan de Madrid lle-
gan de Frankfurt o Bruselas.
El PCC caracteriza la necesaria confluencia de
la lucha social, democrtica y nacional ya que
si nosotros queremos desarrollar el autogo-
bierno de la nacin catalana es porque tene-
mos derecho democrtico a hacerlo, y porque
objetivamente la clase trabajadora y con ella
el pueblo de Catalua han caracterizado la
opresin histrica que ha desarrollado la oli-
garqua terrateniente y centralista espaola,
que ha hecho y todava hace, muchos pactos
histricos con parte de la burguesa catalana.
Por lo tanto el desarrollo de marcos de auto-
gobierno es una forma de afrontar la lucha de
clases en Espaa ya que nosotros defende-
265
mos este autogobierno bajo unos parmetros
de profundizacin de la democracia poltica y
social y objetivamente la lucha de los pueblos
de Espaa que aspiran a ms autogobierno es
aliada de las luchas sociales y econmicas de
la clase trabajadora espaola y del conjunto
de los pueblos de Espaa.
Esta situacin combinada con la lucha contra
los recortes sociales est poniendo en cues-
tin el orden poltico, social y econmico sur-
gido de los pactos de la transicin. El PCC
apuesta por procesos Constituyentes en Eu-
ropa, Espaa y Catalua y los comunistas de-
bemos actuar en cada uno de estos marcos,
conscientes que nuestras propuestas por una
Repblica Catalana, Social, Democrtica y Li-
bremente Federada, que establezca un nuevo
proyecto de convivencia entre Catalua y el
resto de pueblos de Espaa republicano, fede-
ral y cooperativo.
Una apuesta inequvoca por la Unidad Co-
munista
Para avanzar en la lucha y las tareas de la re-
volucin democrtica y por el socialismo es
fundamental un gran Partido Comunista que
sea capaz de superar la fragmentacin exis-
tente, y que sea capaz de atraer a las nuevas
generaciones de luchadores y luchadoras que
aspiran a superar el capitalismo y desarrollar
una sociedad justa y libre.
Un Partido para la movilizacin para frenar y
derrotar las polticas neoliberales, un Partido
para contribuir a la lucha ideolgica y al cam-
bio de la correlacin de fuerzas, un Partido de
clase que trabaje para la recuperacin de la
conciencia de clase y la unidad de los trabaja-
dores y trabajadoras.
Para ello planteamos la necesidad de desarro-
llar un proceso de unidad abierto a organiza-
ciones y personas que se reclaman del comu-
nismo, un partido nacional e internacionalis-
ta, que aspire a construir otra Europa, social,
democrtica, una Europa de los trabajadores
y los pueblos, y un Partido empeado en cons-
truir la Unidad de la Izquierda para ampliar las
alianzas que contribuyan a los cambios de-
mocrticos, en lo poltico econmico y social y
que avancen en una perspectiva socialista.
266
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF SWEDEN
About the monopoly capital, the oppor-
tunism and the necessity of a new Commu-
nist International
Capital dictatorship is primarily manifested in
two ways: on the one hand by the bourgeois
so-called democratic formula - either as a re-
public or parliamentary monarchy, on the
other hand as a criminal fascist dictatorship,
both variants mask that the state is in capital
ownership. Fascism and bourgeois democracy
is so to speak, two sides of the same coin but
at different stages of the class struggle. Capital
dictatorship is a system of oppression against
the majority of the people- the working class.
With the foregoing together with Lenins
words that: capitalism is private ownership of
the means of production and the anarchy of
production seems the idea of trying to limit
capitalism statutory freedoms and to provide
a fair distribution within the current system is
very peculiar. It is not the experience of what
the working people are doing today, and after
the disassembly of the Soviet Union and the
world socialist system.
Capitalism does not share otherwise than in
proportion to the strength, says Lenin further
on. The opportunity for system improvement
is that when clergy once misguided the people
that they would soon get it better above
there. The opportunism and left reformism
has in many aspects replaced the clergys role
from the past, namely that of the working
people trying to implant a collective and eter-
nal patience against their oppressors, and to
become still silent.
Sweden during the 1920 - century was a
country where the working class was very
combative. That we do not notice that much
of today after decades of reformism and op-
portunism of truce and agreement with cap-
italism to divert the working class from the
class struggle, its own goals and interests.
Capitalism however, has said through their
political agents succeeded the admirable feat
281
to kidnap the working class, tie it up to the

capitalist state and passivate it.
To get out of this requires that the workers or-
ganize themselves into a specific party that
Marx must be the quite opposite of the pos-
sessors. Thats what the Great October Revo-
lution succeeded through Lenins theory /
practice of Marx and Engels of scientific so-
cialism.
That the CP of Sweden today isn`t near the
common memory and heritage that all of us
communists have to manage does not mean
that we should refrain from statements of so-
cialism / communism goals. We will continue
to commemorate the 96-year legacy of the
Socialist October Revolution, stand up for it,
make known and to convert its argument to
the present. This is for a Communist a daily
tasks.
Its not the case that communists reject re-
forms where the population needs support in
one respect or another after destruction done
by the capital but it would be as Lenin says
simply a bourgeois fraud preaching reform
policies to address the issues that of history
and the real political state have been putting
revolutionary.
Sweden has become much better over the
years with the bourgeois government security
and freedom in everyday life said the Conser-
vatives after their congress this year. Now
they also want to argue with the Social
Democrats who it was that created the so-
called Welfare State. In truth, they are both
equal history counterfeiters.
The so-called Folkhemmet (Peoples home)
arose as a consequence of the Great October
Revolution: The memory brings us back to the
days when Gorbachev allowed himself to be
patted on the shoulder of both Reagan and
Thatcher to the landslide which in 1991 began
the dismantling of the Soviet Union by the
overall reaction from the IMF and CIA to the
criminals and would-be oligarchs with Yeltsin
in the lead.
The changes drew with them what the Great
October Revolution had accomplished,
against the will of the majority of the Soviet
people and caused great destruction of the
working people also outside the socialist
world-system boundaries.
In Sweden, the ax fell on the community sector
and state property that was carved up, priva-
tized and went listed on the stock exchange.
Unemployment was allowed to rise violently,
the cultural sector wiped out capitals financial
indebtedness were again on the shoulders of
the working people who were said to have
lived beyond their means, pension money was
placed on the stock exchange etc.
The extensive social- and labor law insur-
ances as the Soviet peoples had been living
with and that became a reality also for work-
ers in Sweden since the capital has forced into
major concessions to the working class disap-
peared . The capitalists who had wintered
under the blanket of the Social Democrats
could now crawl out again.
The rest we know:
Social democrats took sole credit for the Peo-
ples home, when they in fact had only man-
aged and saved capitalism from socialism.
As minimal as the capital allow itself to be re-
formed, nor can any kind of a Peoples home
arise from just reforms. For that purpose it
was required a significant revolution, if so
even rather far from the borders of Sweden.
Anti communism goes hand in hand with fas-
cism and the attacks on the working people to
pay for the consequences of the capitalist cri-
282
sis. We are witnessing the elimination of
union, - work, - and political rights, mass un-
employment and increased homelessness,
private interests has soon put their teeth into
everything that once was owned together.
This is the humanity, freedom and equality as
the capitalist society offer, a condition that in
other contexts and by the bourgeois mega-
phones are presented as the best of all
worlds.
The bourgeois dictatorship has for too long
been legalized as a democracy, partly by the
bourgeoisie as itself, and partly by the bour-
geois in reformist left disguised. Time has
done that the people now find it very difficult
to distinguish them apart from each other,
and even more difficult to see the interests
behind. The bourgeois media then very effec-
tively prevent people from finding alternative
avenues to get alternative tools needed to
remedy their woes.
Until the people succeed the capitalist state
doesn`t need to show off its fascist character.
Thus it is the task of communists to destroy
this scheming.
The communism thesis about the impossibili-
ty of putting an end to wars and economic op-
pression, without overthrowiing the imperial-
ist bourgeoisie and its governments still
apply.
The opportunists in the so-called parliamen-
tary labor parties does today accept wars and
military interventions on assembly line in Yu-
goslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, the
dismissal of the democratically elected lead-
ers, coup d`tat, falling into the lies and pro-
paganda apparatus of the imperialism and
sometimes to be at at the forefront of it. Al-
though they never stood up for the interests
of the working class they still must be called
and declared as traitors!
The capital in the crisis shows more aggres-
sion. It is a decaying system, unable to repro-
duce.
Although we are not in a revolutionary situa-
tion, the fact remains that capitalisms contin-
ual crisis mean that the ruling class can no
longer maintain their rule unchanged. In Eu-
rope and in many countries around the world
show the masses their discontent. However,
this requires far more than the vague increase
in activity from the Swedish working popula-
tion until an objective revolutionary situation
have been satisfied here, but with the interna-
tional working class awakening and with help
from the CP of Sweden the eyes will open, also
for the Swedish one.
International solidarity and cooperation with
the parties that from the crisis already have
made great experience and received general
and specific lessons, theory and practice in
the fight against monopoly capitalism and im-
perialism, dictatorship and fascism also im-
proves the perspective of our struggle.
Taken together, it is needed an International
who follow and practice the Marx-Engels and
Lenin indistinguishable theories to more ef-
fectively counter the suffering of the people
under the capitalist tyranny, until it has been
overcome for all future.
========================
The ideological confusion that both right-and
left-bourgeoisie developed in society created
a vicious circle of political ignorance and dis-
interest which also led to considerable diffi-
culties for the communists to reach out to the
working class in its plight during the capitalist
crisis and the reaction.
One hundred years in the past, the world pop-
ulation was more numerous who understood
that the new challenges in accordance with
283
the knowledge and the tools of marxism-
leninism provided them with the ability to
solve social problems in connection with the
ruling, oppressive and exploitative capitalist
class. Therefore, the latter developed new
ways to create complications between peo-
ple, foment conflicts between different
groups, all to preserve the exploitation of the
working people and the ownership of the
means of production.
Like the previous oppressive social systems
the capitalism one continued to suppress any
notion of economic equality and collective so-
lutions. The world domination of the
monopoly capitalism in its imperialist stage
reached a solution to the problem for its ad-
vantage since the majority of the working
people in the world were not aware of the
class issues In that way the monopoly capital-
ists were able to create conflicts between and
new behaviors of the humans, competition
between the workers or in different ways suc-
ceeded to involve them on their own terms.
Dividing and individualizing people was suc-
ceeded by using the opportunism.
Capitalism in the neoliberal form managed to
establish individualism and together with op-
portunism to create sympathy for a new wave
of colonialism in the world. Hand in hand they
went against the working class both what the
individualization culture and the new ex-
ploitation methods concerned . Eventually
this created so far-reaching consequences
that national disagreements arose when in-
dependent nations no longer wanted to live
under the conditions that monopoly capital-
ists presented. Imperialism became aggres-
sive and provoked conflicts between opposi-
tional forces in the countries that stood
against imperialism and allied itself with
traitors who stood near colonialism or with
other conservative and reactionary forces.
Neoliberalism was described as a new way to
save the world . Its actual ideological goal
however, was to recolonize the world, an idea
that was appreciated by both industrialists
and the opportunists whose mission was ba-
sically to further enslave the workers under
the capitalist system.
Monopoly capital stands for both war and so-
cial cutbacks and its not just against the
working class, but to all who in any way are af-
filiated with it.
We are with this description from the CP of
Sweden trying to enthuse and encourage
communists to bring about a new political
tactic.
The ideological confrontation will continue,
but in response to follow up the new expecta-
tions / problems by the working masses and
to be able to fight against opportunism in the
working masses, the communist mass move-
ment more effective and as far as possible
also must free itself from both opportunist
and reformist tendencies so that they wont be
able to be assertive.
We appeal to all communist parties at a na-
tional level to look around for the formation of
a wider communist front and in each country
to enable these existing powers under the
marxist-leninist scientific management (
communist exil organizations in each nation,
war refugees, unorganized communists, etc.).
With a wider communist force, the challenges
of the class struggle will be easier managed
and also tasks that lies ahead of us. The prac-
tical approach will obviously vary from coun-
try to country.
In working-class organizations communists
have plenty of things to do. Every major com-
munist cooperation secretariat shall be head-
284
ed by the party and with a practical Leninist
political one from scratch. For every partici-
pant to contribute in the best way they have
to be involved in the work and the responsibil-
ity for the execution of joint operations.
For a stronger voice
An extraordinary affair is to develop a Com-
munist International as a very valuable instru-
ment against the the fragmentation of com-
munists, against opportunism and for devel-
oping the communist movement in marxism-
leninism in each country and region.
CP of Sweden believe that todays world com-
munism is facing major challenges and then
we are in need of a Communist international.
But before a new International will be built, it
is ought to be a solid preparatory work to pre-
vent opportunism from being adopted into it
and prevent its ability to sabotage and try to
confuse the marxist-leninist spirit. To be able
to link up with the International, all commu-
nist parties have to be mapped ideologically.
A Communist International is needed:
n to become a strong communist
voice at an international level, against the
capitalist dictatorship and imperialism. This
will also promote the development of com-
munist parties at a national level.
n to keep the class struggle alive (and
not to be stopped by opportunism as illusions)
and that it is the spirit of revolution and the
knowledge to defeat capitalism.
n to prevent world communism split. The
Communist international is needed to re-
spond to the neoliberal politics and to re-
veal new methods of the capitalism for its
exploitation in the whole world.
n for the development of stronger commu-
nist operations worldwide.
n to recruit anti-imperialists and the work-
ing masses against all the imperialist ac-
tions.
n to strongly react against war and for peace
and against their oppressors and ex-
ploiters of the world.
n to save our nature and earth for future
generations from the ruthless plundering
of capitalism in pure profit motive.
n that orphans in the world not should need
to be adopted to be rescued, but where ev-
eryone will be received by the help and
protection of the socialist system. Chil-
dren should not have to be the subject of
human trafficking.
n to ensure that women and men should not
be set against each other, both what cos-
metic politics like feminism and bourgeois
individualism is concerned.
n to ensure that women and men should be
and feel independent and upgraded to
equal people in a classless society, against
all imperialist attempts with personal cul-
ture that never will be able to help human
development in an equitable manner.
Equality in society can only be achieved
with collectivity and only communists are
able to organize and systematize such a
culture.
n so that socialism with assistance from the
world communism can appear in reac-
tionary countries and nations.
n to convince that communism is the coun-
terforce to imperialism and therefore the
savior of the world and the people.
285
The Communist Party of Sweden suggests and
urges all communists and communist frater-
nal parties in the world to take responsibility
for the formation of a new communist inter-
national.
The CP of Sweden will as party do whatever it
is in force for to make this come up on the
world communist agenda to become a reality.
286
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291
COMMUNIST
PARTY
OF TURKEY
KEMAL OKUYAN
DEFENDING the PRINCIPLES DOES NOT
MEAN INEFFICIENCY IN REAL POLITICS!
Dear comrades,
Turkey witnessed a historical mass popular
movement at the end of May this year. Even
the police records stated that 11 million peo-
ple more or less, took part in the demonstra-
tions on May 31 all over the country except-
few cities.
We tried to share our Partys evaluations re-
garding the June Resistance with fraternal
Parties and continuously inform you about the
developments in Turkey on a regular base.
Thanks to that material, I will now try to go
further on and try to explain brieflythe politi-
cal and theoretical conclusions that TKP has
reached from the historical events while so-
cial struggles in Turkey are entering into a new
phase.
As you all know, the June Resistance was a
mass movement without a political vanguard,
in which the people rose up against the Is-
lamo-fascist power for freedom, protection of
public area, secularism and independency.
The fact that, some political actors such as
the TKP which took part in the movement and
managed to lead and affect it at certain times
and localities do not change this reality.
In this respect, the quality of large masses re-
lation with our Party constituted a unique ex-
perience regarding how the reactions that
created this movement would resonate with
struggle for socialism. Our Partys political line
was developed without making any compro-
mises from the perspective of a socialist revo-
lution by completely considering the policies
for alliances as a phenomenon within working
classes, and by identifying any part of the ex-
ploiting classes not as fellows but enemies in
any way. The widespread opinion inferring
that this line would fall short, received a major
blow during the popular movement this year.
It is a reality that, left in Turkey generally, in-
cluding TKP, receive little vote during the
293
elections due to several reasons: Unique

structure of political arena in our country;
10%electoral threshold; weak ties of the pro-
gressive forces with the people as they main-
ly focused on surviving the assaults coming
from the state.
The June Resistance, however, demonstrat-
ed that social dynamics may mature in a very
rapid way and embarked on a political quest in
Turkey that was considered as a stabilized
country by capitalist order. This revealed
more valuable findings for us in comparison
with any electoral practice.
Millions of people rose up against the AKP
governments attempts to impose Islamic
way of life. From the very beginning, the TKP
has developed such a political attitude to re-
sist these impositions, and criticizes and even
stays distant from the unreasonable Left at-
titude saying this is not our business. This
was also valid in th eon going Islamization of
the secular political structure even though
secularism in Turkey reflects the hypocrisy of
bourgeois class.
As a secular and patriotic working class party,
the Communist Party of Turkey was neither
surprised when millions rose up, nor was con-
cerned about the ideological complexity of
the movement. We did not even think of soft-
ening or balancing the anger towards the rul-
ing party in Turkey and Erdoan and peoples
passion for freedom and independency by the
help of the socialist ideal. On the contrary, we
tried to sharpen and maintain all these senti-
ments and demands.
We looked for a way within the struggle to in-
troduce socialism as an alternative and class
contradictions and that Turkish bourgeoisie
was the first degree responsible for what was
happening.
It appeared that even masses seeking for an
immediate solution took the opinion defend-
ing that freedom and independency are im-
possible without socialism in a very serious
way. Being affected by the fact that the TKP
sincerely and persistently tells the truth
about what is going on in Turkey, the most en-
ergetic and decisive elements of the masses
have appealed to our party for membership or
become our permanent friends. More to say,
large masses began following and discussing
a party, which was considered strange and
alien until a few years ago.
This method can be useful only if you are ideo-
logically and politically well-grounded. We
know that in the past, working class move-
ment have suffered a lot in Turkey and in other
countries, when the movement choose to
limit itself with the actual demands and
prospect of the masses and gave up with the
goal of socialism.
In our case, TKP prefers to act according to
some red lines.
First and above all: Not to seek for an alliance
or contact with any section of bourgeois class
except for petit bourgeois strata living on its
own labor and not to collaborate with bour-
geois political circles. This is the way of stay-
ing away from nationalism and liberalism
which we consider as twins.
The second red line: Not to mention any term
or expression in our documents, activities or
speeches echoing a phase that overshadows
the goal of socialist revolution that is under-
lined in our Party Program.
We can speak about more red lines that were
drawn by concrete developments in the world
and in our region. TKP never tolerates reli-
gious fundamentalism and opposes to the use
of religious references in political life. TKP
294
takes the part of struggle with an absolute
principle against imperialist projects, organi-
zations and aggressions as there is no such a
thing like a better or preferable imperialism!
Thanks to those red lines, our Party evaluated
the AKP government properly, did not fall into
a tragicomic position like other forces; more
importantly considered its principles not as
sacred things on political field but as a trust-
worthy weapon that strengthens struggle for
socialism.
Thus TKP ventured to organize a big rally in Is-
tanbul during the 90
th
foundation anniver-
sary of Republic of Turkey. What we were say-
ing was establishment of a republic wasa his-
torical progress and explained what became
of the idea of republic in the hands of bour-
geoisie to the people joining the rally, who
listened to communists for the first time and
had no opinion about the class contents of de-
mands for laicism and independence. Our
word was simple: We said, if you want an inde-
pendent and secular country then you have to
free the country from this exploitative capital-
ist system! Tens of thousands of people stood
under the banner Socialist Republic against
the AKP power and listened to us for hours.
We know that this is only a beginning. But we
did also learn something: When you follow a
courageous and effective political line, you
should not loosen but find a way to strength-
en your principles, political program and polit-
ical course. That is what we are doing. Strug-
gling for socialism means dealing with com-
plex ideological and political issues, that have
open or covered link with class contradictions.
If you undermine those issues for the sake of
the class contradictions it does not work.
Same happens when you loose the essence of
the revolutionary politics: The seizure of polit-
ical power.
The popular uprising in Turkey this year, clear-
ly showed that a party without having a secu-
lar and patriotic character will have no room
among the people. Furthermore, there is an
additional conclusion which is no way less im-
portant: Without a decisive aim for socialism
there is no need for a communist party. There
are other forces that are much more fit for
playing around inside the bourgeois system.
We think that the world communist move-
ment, in any case, should avoid mechanical
and sectarian approaches, defend the actuali-
ty and necessity of socialism and experience a
radical break from imperialism, bourgeoisie
and reactionary forces not in words but in
practice.
DOWN WITH CAPITALISM!
LONG LIVE SOCIALISM!
295
LABOUR
PARTY
(EMEP),
TURKEY
KAMIL TEKIN SUREK
Dear friends,
Id like firstly to thank our host, the Portuguese
Communist Party, for their hospitality.
We have gathered at a time of important de-
velopments around the world. I believe that
discussions and exchanges of knowledge and
experiences in these meetings will be useful
for all of us.
Dear friends,
The crisis that started in 2008 in the USA and
spread throughout Europe and the world has
demonstrated the immediate need to tear
down capitalism. As the parties of the class,
we can lead workers struggles - and primarily
the main mass of labourers - to build their
own communities only through tangible anal-
yses of tangible conditions and by identifying
politics that meet their daily needs.
The growth witnessed in the second quarter of
2009 has today given way to stagnation and
the capitalist world economics is again
shrinking in almost all fields. The data points
to a path towards a new crisis. The data on the
development of world trade volume point to
worldwide industrial production growing
faster than the markets and that the capital-
ist world is face to face with overproduction,
the basis of crisis. The inevitable results of
overproduction are; shrinking of production,
closure of or reduction in capacities of facto-
ries, rise in unemployment and poverty,
poverty within wealth and the shrinking in
markets that follows. This is the base for the
sharp drop in the rate of industrial production
worldwide in the second quarter of 2011, and
the reduced rate of trade growth worldwide.
Developments in North Africa and the aggres-
sive economic packages witnessed in Greece,
Spain, Italy, England, Portugal, etc. have be-
come another factor that hastened this pro-
cess and exacerbated the consequences.
Armies of unemployed have grown in the
countries in crisis and those where the rate of
growth is falling quickly, especially in coun-
tries facing debt crisis. The official unemploy-
297
ment rate in Greece and Spain has reached

25%. Unemployment in Europe has risen to
11.2% in the second quarter of 2012, accord-
ing to official figures.
Retirement age has risen following a quick
succession of aggressive packages. Cuts in al-
most all areas including education to health
have increased and become widespread.
Rights won by workers and labourers strug-
gles have been restricted worldwide. While no
measures are taken against national and in-
ternational monopolies that led the country
to a debt crisis (such as increasing the taxes
on banks and national and international mo-
nopolies), taxes on workers have been in-
creased. Real wages have continued to drop.
Most countries went through an unmistakable
period of impoverishment. Modes of work
such as flexible working, temporary work,
part-time work, etc. have increased world-
wide.
While the 2008 crisis has lead to acceleration
in the conflict between work and capital, the
nature of capitalist economics led to a further
deepening of the contradictions between sec-
tors, countries, production, markets, etc. If we
approach the situation from a countries per-
spective, with the exception of Germany, in-
dustrial production in all developed capitalist
countries can be seen to be below the levels
pre-2008 crisis. Industrial production in most
developed countries did not even reach the
levels of 2005, especially in England, France
and Italy. The German industry grew by %11.5
and %9 in 2010 and 2011 respectively and its
position within EU and the Euro zone
strengthened. This led to its imposition of
belt-tightening policies in a number of coun-
tries.
In this period, China again has expanded its
economy and especially its industry and
strengthened its position among countries
with the largest economies in the world. A
similar situation is also true for Russia. These
two imperialist powers have been declared by
imperialist powers, primarily the USA, as the
countries whose development and expansion
should be prevented.
Within the last year workers and mass move-
ments have developed all around the world;
with different demands, in different forms and
at different levels. We should especially men-
tion the struggles developing in countries fac-
ing debt crises due to their mass social basis
and results.
The miners strike in Republic of South Africa,
youth movements and strikes in Chile and
Brazil, the demonstrations that lasted a
month with the participation of four million
people in Turkey and the mass peoples move-
ments in Egypt and Tunisia have been note-
worthy struggles.
In many countries facing debt crisis, especial-
ly in Spain, Greece, Portugal and Italy, strikes,
general strikes and mass peoples demon-
strations have become widespread. But the
workers movements have, despite some
clashes, not managed to go beyond peaceful
protests and one/two day strikes or resis-
tances. Those long term strikes, resistances
and factory occupations that took place were
limited to work places or small sectors.
Economic situation in these countries and the
aggressive packages of so called austerity
and stabilisation have affected not only the
working class urban and rural semi-proletari-
at masses but also petty-bourgeois and non-
monopoly bourgeois strata and especially
lower strata. The mass basis of struggle
against imperialism and financial capital has
widened. The conditions for the working class
and revolutionary parties to be leaders of the
298
widest masses of society, and the opportunity
to organise united peoples front and move-
ment have developed.
Despite the wide social basis of the move-
ment, international financial capital and na-
tional monopoly bourgeoisie have not
stepped back (Only in Portugal the last ag-
gressive package was held back). At the ex-
pense of parliaments and parties losing sup-
port and their social bases eroded, daring and
driven aggressive packages are implemented.
One of the consequence of this was the mass-
es realising they will not be able to resist the
aggressive packages with one/two day strikes
or peaceful protests, and discussions among
advanced sections of modes of struggle and
continued general strikes.
Union bureaucracy, social reformist parties
and trends that dominate workers move-
ments followed a line of reducing to a mini-
mal level of not only the organisation and
methods of struggle but also the platforms
and demands of workers. But this approach
has led to them losing influence on workers
and labourers. Attacks and worsening condi-
tions, while affecting the lower layers of work-
er aristocracy and bureaucracy also deepened
contradictions among their layers.
Mass struggles in countries facing debt
crises developed to a platform of protests
against organisations like IMF and EU, bour-
geois parties and governments that introduce
these aggressive packages and of demands
for the withdrawal of packages. This, within
the narrow bounds of an initial spontaneous
movement is natural and understandable. But
the inability of the developing movement to
go beyond these narrow limits has been one
of its main weaknesses. This weakness could
only have been gotten over, along with other
things, through an agitation programme that
would demonstrate, through their own expe-
riences; the necessary steps to overcome the
hardship faced by the population of the coun-
try and those social forces that stand in the
way of this, and also would facilitate the rais-
ing of slogans, demands, struggles and the
types of organisation and make it widespread
among the masses.
Dear friends,
The forthcoming period will be one where, in
line with the world economy, working and liv-
ing conditions of workers and labourers will
worsen; attacks in all areas of economy and
politics will become harsher and widespread;
tendencies of dissatisfaction, anger and
struggle among workers and labourers will in-
crease; and the infighting and contradictions
among imperialists will intensify. We must ad-
vance by drawing lessons from the historical
experiences of the world working class and
labourers and recent developments.
299

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303
COMMUNIST
PARTY
USA
SUSAN WEBB
The Communist Party USA expresses its ap-
preciation to the Communist Party of Portugal
for hosting this important international gath-
ering, and we also express our solidarity with
the communist and workers parties of the
world.
1. I would like to open by raising the pressing
issue of the climate/ecological crisis as an
overriding challenge for the world communist
and working class movements.
This crisis is intensifying immensely and
adding new complications to the class and
democratic struggles at the national and in-
ternational level, and will continue to do so. It
is no exaggeration to say it will determine hu-
mankinds fate.
The impact of the climate/ecological crisis is
and will continue to be uneven, falling heavily
on the working class, the racially and ethni-
cally oppressed and impoverished people and
especially on countries and people of the
global South. The crisis is intertwined with
capitalism in its global stage in many ways. Its
effects, such as drought, desertification and
loss of cropland, are already playing a role in
some of todays political crises. Yet the atten-
tion that it receives from the left and broader
democratic movement does not rise to the
level of importance that it demands of us.
Latin American leaders, beginning with Com-
rade Fidel Castro, have expressed the urgency
and necessity of addressing this issue. This is
a challenge for our party and for the world
communist movement.
Two years ago at our meeting in Athens, our
South African comrades proposed an interna-
tional meeting on climate change and the en-
vironmental crisis. I believe the meeting en-
dorsed this proposal. Our party would like to
lend its support to the convening of such a
conference at the earliest possible date.
2. Comrades, the recent rapid reversals,
twists and turns, in U.S. policy regarding Syria
and Iran suggest the complex status of the
305
U.S. today, both in the world and domesti-

cally.
Economy:
- Neoliberal policies have had profound con-
sequences: deindustrialization, export of jobs,
export of industry and technology/know-how,
globalized U.S. corporations draw larger per-
cent of profits from outside U.S., less depen-
dent on U.S. workforce and infrastructure;
lopsided balance of trade = increased foreign
debt; regressive tax structure favoring the
wealthy deprives government of revenue; em-
phasis on private sector/privatization as prof-
it source and destruction of public sector jobs
and services, lowering of standard of living of
U.S. working/middle class, rising insecurity,
decreased domestic consumption ability.
- Financialization has had deep effects: dis-
tortion of the economy to useless financial
activity, destruction of useful production
(coupled with neoliberal/globalization), drive
for acquisition of the public sector for private
profit-making, leading to crises in state and
municipal government services, schools, etc.;
rising consumer insecurity; financial sector
plays an increasing role in government.
- Continuing dependence on fossil fuels to run
the economy empowers far-right sections of
U.S. capital in both domestic and foreign poli-
cy.
A fresh look is needed, in our country and in-
ternationally, at the dynamics and contradic-
tions of the domestic and global capitalist
economy:
- We have to make an estimate of the trajec-
tory of the recovery and the medium-term
prospects of the U.S. economy.
- We need to note and think more about the
fact that the old grouping of U.S., Britain, Ger-
many and Japan no longer drives global eco-
nomic development. Instead, the new dialec-
tically connected poles are the United States
and China and the East and Southeast Asian
states. This region has been the most dynam-
ic center for accumulation over the past
decade or so. Other rising powers include
Brazil and South Africa.
- We need to explore the new production plat-
forms that are regional or global in scope and
dominated by transnational corporations that
are in many cases involved not in actual pro-
duction but only in the design and marketing
stages; and yet they sit atop the entire pro-
duction process.
- And we need to look again at the role of fi-
nance and financialization and what has
changed in the recent period.
Politics:
- The American public is war-weary. Some
people high in foreign policy and military cir-
cles are looking back over our Iraq and
Afghanistan ventures, and even aspects of
the so-called war on terrorism, and saying it
was not worth it.
- On the one hand, these people are taking a
sober look at U.S. foreign policy and making
some adjustments in light of experience.
Some adjustments create some new con-
structive openings, for example on Iran, and
this is a good thing. Others are negative: ex-
panded use of drone warfare; greater reliance
on allied countries and NATO for military ven-
tures as in Libya and Syria; operating via some
of the Gulf states; use of so-called special
forces; a new level of spying/privacy viola-
tions, both foreign and domestic; and the
quiet expansion of military installations and
bases - in Africa in particular, as well as in Asia,
Eastern Europe and elsewhere.
306
These people could be characterized as for-
eign policy moderates and centrists in
todays political context even though some
have in the past been some of the worst
warhawks. An example is Zbigniew Brzezinski,
an architect of the U.S. anti-Soviet interven-
tion in Afghanistan in the 1970s and 1980s,
for which we are all still paying the price
today.
- On the other hand, U.S. leaders have not
given up on the notion of U.S. primacy and
dominance in the world, the U.S. as the indis-
pensable nation, even while making some ad-
justments in how they go about seeking to
maintain it. Their chief concern remains to
create a friendly environment for the global
process of capital accumulation, especially
for Americas own transnational corporations.
The war on terrorism proclaimed by U.S. lead-
ers is intertwined with these efforts.
The so-called pivot to East Asia includes not
only new bases, but also negotiation of a free
trade pact for the Pacific Rim countries which
have been the most dynamic centers of capi-
tal accumulation for the past 20 years and re-
main so today, notwithstanding a slowing
down of growth in recent years.
With regard to Latin America, the Bolivarian
dynamic in South and Central America has
produced great concern in U.S. ruling circles.
Efforts are being made to continue to push
neoliberal trade policies to maintain U.S.
economic dominance, bringing the U.S. into
conflict with Venezuela, Bolivia and others.
The U.S.-created Pacific Alliance is the
pivot for U.S. policy in the area; this alliance
consists of Mexico, Colombia, Peru and
Chile. U.S. interference in elections in the re-
gion is also part of the effort to maintain an
environment friendly to U.S. transnational
capital.
- U.S. political leaders and groups who are
sober-minded on foreign policy and moderate
or even progressive on domestic issues grap-
ple with:
a) how to reconcile survival and growth of the
present U.S. capitalist system with contradic-
tions of the economy and rise of the far-right,
all of this also conflicting with their general
orientation to promote various democratic re-
forms domestically, as well as with awareness
of real threats to the system from climate
change, and
b) how to reconcile problems of the U.S. econ-
omy, dependence on oil, continuance or
spurring of U.S. corporate growth, with
changes in the world scene: specifically
democratic movements that advance their
own countrys national development and may
put in place regimes not cooperative with
those U.S. interests the Middle East being a
particular flashpoint.
In this category are many leading Democrats
including the Clintons, Obama and others.
Their specific inclinations vary but in general
their policies reflect efforts to reconcile these
contradictions, veering more in one direction
or another depending on the strength of do-
mestic public pressure.
- Profound progressive social changes (for ex-
ample, on issues of racial equality, ethnic di-
versity and multiculturalism, womens rights,
gay and lesbian equality, immigrants rights),
coupled with and profound economic trans-
formations as described above, have spurred
the rise of fear-driven far-right populist
movements fomented/funded/utilized by
right-wing sections of U.S. capital.
The emergence of an extreme far-right accel-
erated sharply in reaction to the overturning
of the eight-year rule of the right wing with
307
the 2008 election of Barack Obama, an African
American and a liberal with a grassroots base
and generally progressive agenda.
At that time a new, well-financed racist, fas-
cist-like populist movement known as the
tea party (a reference to an action during
the American Revolution where rebelling
colonists rebelling against the British monar-
chy dumped tea into the harbor in Boston,
Massachusetts) emerged on the scene. They
have gotten enormous media attention for ex-
tremist, inflammatory rallies, protests and
slogans attacking the government and Obama
personally, including use of swastikas, Hitler
references and threats of violence. In the last
round of congressional elections, in 2010, this
very well-funded movement within the Re-
publican Party succeeded in electing some 90
members of the 535-member Congress .
- As you know, for a number of historical and
legal reasons, the U.S. currently has a two-
party, winner-take-all, electoral system at the
national level. Both Democratic and Republi-
can parties are ruling class parties in the
sense that both are funded and backed by
corporate and financial ruling circles. Both
had a hand in imposition of neoliberalism
starting several decades ago. But these two
parties are not identical by any means. For the
broader movement and ourselves not to see
and utilize these differences and their mean-
ing for the struggle for democracy, progress
and socialism would be not only sectarian but
also irresponsible and harmful to the struggle.
- It is important to note that strong domestic
opposition to a U.S. attack on Syria came not
only from the broad public and progressive
forces, but also from sections of the far-right,
so-called libertarians, who saw it as an oppor-
tunity to attack the president in hopes of ad-
vancing their right-wing agenda.
- Regarding relations with Cuba, while there
have been numerous indications that high-
level U.S. figures think U.S. policy toward Cuba
has been a dead end, moves on opening new
relations with Cuba have so far been minus-
cule, at least in public. In part this is undoubt-
edly due to continuing fear of the symbolic
and practical role that Cuba plays as a leader
of anti-imperialism in the region. However it is
also and perhaps primarily due to the ex-
tremely negative role of reactionary Cuban
exiles in the U.S., which has been given re-
newed power with the Republican control of
the U.S. House of Representatives.
- The recent shutdown of the U.S. government
illustrates aggressive efforts of the far-right
to nullify elections and democratic rule, to
turn back social reforms, to beat back any
moves to curb excesses of U.S. capitalism in
its present phase. These efforts involve fun-
damental challenges to legality, to constitu-
tional authority, to democratic governance in
the U.S., and are being widely perceived as
such.
- In key organizations of the people - labor,
civil rights and equality, womens groups, and
others - there has been a growth in level of
political understanding and seeking of con-
nections, coalitions and direct working rela-
tionships with others. There has been a
growth in non-labor groups appreciation of
the importance of the labor movement in
bringing about social change.
- Nevertheless, general democratic public
sentiments and dissatisfaction with the grow-
ing economic inequality and insecurity in our
country have not as yet developed into a mass
social/political movement with sufficient size,
breadth and depth to be able to transform the
political scene and tilt the balance of forces in
a more progressive/leftward direction.
308
- Within the overall democratic and progres-
sive movement, the left is too small and divid-
ed to be able to advance the building of such a
mass transformative movement.
- Within that left, the Communist Party is still
too small to play its vital role in this process,
adding the necessary understanding of the
strategy and tactics needed to conduct win-
ning short- and long-term struggles, of the
critical significance of racism and the fight
against it, of the dynamics of capitalism in its
present stage, of the nature, new features,
and significance of the working class, and of
the vision and possibility of American social-
ism.
- Recognizing the need to create such a move-
ment, major peoples organizations, first and
foremost the labor movement, have under-
taken comprehensive and probing self-exam-
inations, and are profoundly restructuring and
reshaping themselves to meet this challenge.
The Communist Party USA, heading into its
95th anniversary year in 2014, is undertaking
a similar process, aiming to build a transfor-
mative 21st century party and movement.
309
The participant parties of the 15th Inter-
national Meeting of Communist and Workers'
Parties define the following guidelines for
their common and convergent action and
mandate the Working Group to try to imple-
ment these guidelines in coordination with
other Parties of the Solidnet List.
1 Commemorate, during the year
2014, the 100th anniversary of the begin-
ning of World War I, and the 75th anniver-
sary of the beginning of World War II through
a joint campaign alerting to the dangers of
new international military clashes, alerting
to the need to enhance the struggle for
peace and against imperialist aggressive-
ness and wars and highlighting that the
struggle for peace is intimately linked with
the struggle for socialism. (In this sense the
German CP, the New CP of Netherlands, the
Workers' Party of Belgium and the CP of Lux-
embourg informed about the preparation of
an action in the German boarder town
Aechen, on 15th February).
2 Mark the 15 Years from the beginning
of criminal imperialistic NATO aggression
against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a
new phase in the development of military im-
perialistic strategy and the beginning of the
occupation of Kosovo and Metohija, southern
serbian province.
3 To stimulate, in coordination with the
parties from Asia, Africa, Latin America and
the Caribe, the organization of an internation-
al seminar on the capitalist crisis's impact in
the developing countries, focusing especially
on issues such as the right to economic and
social development and protection of natural
resources, as well on issues of agriculture,
land tenure, and food security. Highlight the
role of monopolies in the destruction of the
global environment, asserting an anti-mo-
nopolist and anti-capitalist viewpoint on the
growing environmental crisis.
4 Organize an international campaign in
solidarity with the ongoing processes and
struggles in Latin America and Caribe, and in
particular with Socialist Cuba - against the
USA blockade, the common EU position, and
for the return of the four Cuban patriots still
held in US prisons - with Bolivarian Venezuela
and with the Colombian people's struggle for
peace with social justice.
5 Examine the possibility of - taking ad-
vantage of international events where a large
number of Parties are present organizing a
working meeting to debate the ideological of-
fensive and the mass media's role, as well as
to exchange experiences on mass communi-
cation work.
6 To celebrate the International
Womans Day (8 March 2014) highlighting the
effect of the crisis and of the imperialist multi-
faceted offensive on working women and na-
tional oppressed women, expressing solidari-
ty with their struggle and their anti-imperial-
ist movement.
7 Honor 1 May (May Day) with participa-
tion in the struggles in each country for the
defence of workers and peoples economic
and social rights, for the right to work and for
labour rights, highlighting the importance of
the class struggle, for the abolition of ex-
ploitation of man by man. Consider the possi-
bility of announcing on this date a day of ac-
311
Guidelines
GUIDELINES FOR COMMON OR CONVERGENT ACTION
tion, with initiatives in each country, against
unemployment and its real roots, giving par-
ticular importance to the mass unemploy-
ment among youth. Defend the trade union
rights, denounce the political persecution and
demand the liberation of the detained trade
unionists.
8 Examine the possibility of convergent
actions on the combat against racism, xeno-
phobia, against fascism, stressing the impor-
tance of the ideological struggle against anti-
communism and the rewriting of History, de-
nouncing the EU in what concerns its institu-
tional campaigns and measures aiming to
equate communism with fascism.
9 To determine a day of action, with ex-
pressions in each country, against the perse-
cution of the communist parties and the ban
of communist symbols, affirming solidarity
with the communist parties banned in their
countries.
10 Commemorate the 95th Anniversary
of the Creation of the Communist Internation-
al (March 1919) underlining, on the occasion
of 90 years of Lenin's death, his central contri-
bution to the international communist move-
ment.
11 To stimulate, in coordination with the
Parties from the Arab countries and Middle
East, the organization of an international
seminar about the social and national eman-
cipation struggles of the peoples of Arab
countries and the Middle East, expressing the
solidarity with all the peoples of the region
that are victims of the imperialist and Zionist
crimes and aggressions, among others the
Palestinian and Syrian people, and also with
the people's that rise up against repressive,
dictatorial and reactionary regimes, in de-
fense of their social, political and democratic
rights.
12 To continue to denounce the imperi-
alist intervention against Syria and Iran, and
to continue the struggle for the recognition of
an independent Palestinian state.
13 To promote the international front
against imperialism and the support for the
international anti-imperialist mass organiza-
tions, the World Federation of Trade Unions
(WFTU), the World Peace Council (WPC), the
World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY),
and the Womens International Democratic
Federation (WIDF), in the specific framework
of every country.
312
by Portuguese Communist Party
The 15th International Meeting of
Communist and Workers Parties was held in
Lisbon, on November 8-10, under the motto
The deepening of the crisis of capitalism, the
role of the working class and the communists
tasks in the struggle for the workers and peo-
ples rights. Imperialisms offensive, the re-
alignment of forces at the international level,
the national question, class emancipation and
the struggle for socialism.
In the Meeting, 75 parties, from 63 coun-
tries participated and greetings were received
from an additional 14 parties which, for vari-
ous reasons, were not able to participate. The
Meeting analysed, among other main aspects,
the development of the international situa-
tion in the context of the deepening of the
structural crisis of capitalism and of a com-
plex process of realignment of forces at the
international level, alerting to the great dan-
gers deriving from imperialisms offensive.
At the same time, the participants saluted
and valued the resistance and struggle of the
workers and peoples, reaffirming the real po-
tential that the current situation holds for the
development of the liberating struggle, for
profound changes in the anti-monopolist and
anti-imperialist direction, for Socialism.
The Meeting noted the deepening of the
crisis that exploded in 2008 with the Lehman
Brothers bankruptcy. A crisis that is far from
over, belying the ruling class discourse on an
alleged recovery and confirming the analy-
ses of the communists about its nature and
evolution which, among other aspects, con-
firms it as a crisis of over-production and
over-accumulation of capital. A crisis that ex-
presses the sharpening of capitalisms con-
tradictions in particular its fundamental
contradiction between the social character of
production and its private appropriation
highlighting the historical limits of the system
and the timeliness of the struggle for the fun-
damental alternative to capitalism Social-
ism.
It denounced the aim of big capital, of the
major imperialist powers and their interna-
tional and supranational structures of imperi-
alist concertation such as the European
Union to impose on the workers and peoples
a social regression of a civilizational dimen-
sion assaulting economic, labour and social
rights, violently attacking the living condi-
tions of the working and popular masses and
declaring war on the sovereignty and inde-
pendence of States.
It referenced in particular the harsh reality
of the peoples and the impact of the crisis and
of the capitalist offensive on developing coun-
tries, where the peoples find their right to eco-
nomic and social development even more cur-
tailed. In this framework, attention was drawn
to the impact of capitalisms crisis on agricul-
ture and food, jeopardising still more the food
sovereignty of numerous countries and
dooming great masses of the world popula-
tion to starvation and malnutrition.
It highlighted the dangers that arise from
the intensification of the militarist, warmon-
gering and interference policy of the major
imperialist powers and NATO. It stressed that
the wars of aggression, the processes of inter-
ference and instigation of internal conflicts,
313
Documents
PRESS RELEASE
the strengthening of repressive, authoritari-
an, control and espionage measures are part
of the force-based response by big capital to
capitalisms crisis, having as its central aims
to maintain the control of the resources and
sources of energy and contain the revolt, the
struggle of the peoples and the inevitable so-
cial and revolutionary explosions that the cur-
rent situation entails.
Participants expressed their solidarity
with the ongoing struggles in all continents
against the aggressive imperialist offensive,
for social progress, independence and
sovereignty, peace, the right to social and
economic development, for the construction
of alternatives of sovereignty and progress to
imperialisms hegemonic domination, the real
fundamental alternative to capitalist barbari-
ty - socialism. It reaffirmed the central role of
the working class and its alliance with other
anti-monopolist strata in defence of their
rights, namely the right to employment, for
labour and social rights, in defence of the so-
cial functions of States.
Participants valued and expressed their
solidarity with all the peoples who resist im-
perialisms policies of interference and ag-
gression especially to the peoples of the
Middle East, saluting the ongoing struggles in
that region against all forms of aggression
and oppression, for sovereignty, democracy,
social justice and national unity, as in Egypt
and Tunisia. It reaffirmed its solidarity with
the Palestinian people and their struggle for
national rights, as well as with other peoples
in the region who are victims of aggressions
and interferences, such as the Syrian people.
In a framework of continuing resistance
and gathering of forces, but where the poten-
tial for the development of a revolutionary
struggle grows, important factors emerge in
various regions of the world to contain imperi-
alisms hegemonic domination. Participants
saluted and valued the struggle of the peo-
ples, of the communists and other progres-
sive forces in Latin America, considering that
the processes of struggle, progressive and of
sovereign affirmation in this region, as well as
the cooperation based on solidarity that is
emerging in the region, constitute an impor-
tant factor and stimulus for the development
and strengthening of the anti-imperialist
struggle. The participants reasserted their
solidarity with Cuba and its socialist revolu-
tion, as well as with the Venezuelan people
and their Bolivarian revolution, among others.
It stressed the importance of the struggle
in defence of democratic freedoms, against
the advance of the far right, against xenopho-
bia and racism, against religious fanaticism
and obscurantism, against anti-communism.
It reaffirmed solidarity with other communist
parties and all revolutionary forces that are
the target of political persecution and anti-
communist campaigns namely in the Euro-
pean continent, which is carried out by several
governments as well as by institutions like the
European Union.
Concrete experiences of struggle in differ-
ent countries and regions were present in
most interventions, confirming that the work-
ers and peoples do not conform and that, even
in the current difficult conditions, liberating
advances and achievements of an anti-mo-
nopolist and anti-capitalist nature are possi-
ble.
It was affirmed that socialism increasingly
emerges as the real fundamental alternative
314
to capitalism and its crisis. Drawing lessons
from the delays, mistakes and distortions that
countered basic principles of socialism, but
valuing as highly positive the experiences of
building socialism and what they meant and
mean for Humanity, highlighting the achieve-
ments of the new social system, recognising
that there are no models of revolution, the
participants stressed the determining role of
the masses in the construction and manage-
ment of socialist societies.
It was stressed that the current interna-
tional situation makes it particularly neces-
sary to strengthen the cooperation among all
progressive and anti-imperialist forces and,
firstly, among communist and workers par-
ties from all over the world, one of the most
solid guarantees for the strengthening of the
peoples struggle and the construction of the
alternative of socialism. In this sense, the rich
experience and advances made with the In-
ternational Meetings of Communist and Work-
ers Parties was highlighted, as a space for ex-
change of information, experiences and opin-
ions, of possible convergence of positions and
decisions on common and converging initia-
tives, reaffirming the importance of ensuring
their continuity.
The Meeting adopted various lines and ini-
tiatives of common or converging action by
Communist and Workers Parties to be materi-
alised until the 16th IMCWP (which can be
found at the end of this press release), having
mandated the Working Group to stimulate and
monitor their implementation and materiali-
sation.
The International Meeting welcomed the
existence of three proposals for the venue of
the 16th Meeting. Its date, place and motto
will be decided during the meeting of the
Working Group of the International Meetings
of Communist and Workers Parties to be held
in due time.
315
316
On the discussion and the results of
the 15th International eeting of
Communist and Workers Parties
The 15th IMCWP was held in Lisbon on 8-
10 of November 2013 with as its theme: The
deepening crisis of capitalism, the role of the
working class and the Communists' tasks in
the struggle for workers' and peoples' rights.
Imperialism's offensive, the realignment of
forces on the international level, the national
question, class emancipation and the struggle
for socialism.
75 Parties from 63 countries participated
in the meeting. In addition 14 parties which
for various reasons were not able to attend
sent messages. The participants honoured
the 100 years since the birth of Alvaro Cunhal,
General Secretary of the Portuguese CP and a
significant figure in the International Commu-
nist Movement. They saluted the struggles of
the workers all over the world, the paths that
have been opened for the promotion of the al-
liance of the working class with the popular
strata against the monopolies, for the strug-
gle against capitalism, for socialism. They
confirmed their internationalist solidarity
with the peoples of Palestine, Syria and the
wider region, with the people of Socialist
Cuba, with all the peoples that find them-
selves face to face with imperialist aggres-
siveness, war, blackmail and interventions.
They expressed their support for the commu-
nist and workers parties that operate in con-
ditions of illegality, face state repression, an-
ticommunist persecution and restrictions.
At the meeting there was an exchange of
experience and views in relation to the devel-
opment of the capitalist crisis, the realign-
ments in the international imperialist system
and the sharpening of the inter-imperialist
contradictions and the dangers of wider impe-
rialist wars and interventions, the course of
the class struggle and the tasks which flow
from this for the communists.
The meeting analysed basic aspects of the
international developments against the back-
ground of the crisis of capitalism which contin-
ues to manifest itself in a very sharp way for
the 6th year in a row and is deepening. The KKE
and other parties assessed that this a crisis of
over-production and over-accumulation of
capital, which expresses the intensity of capi-
talisms contradictions, particularly the basic
contradiction between the social character of
production and its private appropriation, and
underline the historically outdated and inhu-
man character of the capitalist system.
At the same time the realignments in the
international imperialist system are intensi-
fying, with as their basic feature the retreat
of the USA, EU and Japan in favour of the
emerging capitalist powers, a fact that is
leading to a great sharpening of the compe-
tition and contradictions especially in the
Eastern Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, the
Caspian Sea, the Africa and the regions of the
southern Pacific.
Different opinions were expressed during
the International Meeting about the nature of
the contradictions between the established
and emerging capitalist powers. Certain par-
ties consider that these contradictions oper-
ate in favour of the peoples and their struggle.
The KKE and other parties assess that these
PRESS STATEMENT OF THE KKE

are contradictions between countries with a
strong monopoly base, where the capitalist
relations of production are predominant and
that the working class can not take the side of
any bourgeois class in the rivalries taking
place amongst them.
There were also diverging views about the
nature of the developments in Latin America.
The KKE and other parties assess that the
capitalist development is anti-people in this
region as well, that bourgeois governments
and indeed of strong capitalist powers, which
take part in the G20, can not lend impetus to
the anti-imperialist struggle. This discussion
is also extended in regards to the stance to-
wards the various inter-state capitalist unions
it has its roots in different views concerning
the concept of imperialism. The KKE and other
parties noted that imperialism according to
the Leninist theory is the final and highest
stage of capitalism and is not merely limited
to the aggressive foreign policy carried out by
strong capitalist states. We note that the de-
taching of politics from the economy leads to
mistaken conclusions and we underline that
the characteristics of imperialism flow from
its nature as monopoly capitalism, as capital-
ism which is decaying. The controversy is de-
veloping around the various versions of bour-
geois management in order to distribute the
losses from the devaluation and destruction
of capital. However, regardless of the form of
bourgeois management, there remains the
goal to increase the amount of profit through
the intensification of the rate of exploitation
of the working class and the greater concen-
tration and centralization of capital at the ex-
pense of the urban and rural small-scale pro-
ducers, at the expense of the popular strata.
The depth of the crisis and the difficulties in
the management of the crisis intensify the ag-
gressiveness of capital and its political repre-
sentatives. Authoritarianism is strengthening,
as well as state repression and anti-commu-
nism. Democratic and sovereign rights are
being struck against. The bourgeois political
systems as a whole are becoming more reac-
tionary, the attempts to buttress and reform
them are being reinforced. In this framework
and while the labour and revolutionary move-
ment has not passed into the counterattack,
fascist forces are re-emerging and being
strengthened, as well as other obscurantist
tendencies.
There are diverging views on the issue re-
form or revolution and on the issue of reforms
on the terrain of capitalism. The KKE and
other parties noted that specific anti-
monopoly anti-capitalist goals of struggle of
the labour movement can not be mixed to-
gether with a reformist strategy that will al-
legedly democratize and transform capital-
ism and will pave the way for socialism. We
assess that working class-peoples power is a
necessary precondition for the overthrow of
the dominance of the monopolies and the
capitalist relations of production.
The KKE and other parties noted the need
to confront social-democracy and stressed
that without a struggle also against oppor-
tunism the struggle against imperialism is an
empty phrase.
In addition, they highlighted the laws of
the socialist revolution and construction and
noted that historically serious dangers re-
garding the distancing from the principles of
our worldview were concealed behind the na-
tional models and the variety of paths to so-
cialism.
317
The KKE and other parties underlined the
necessity of strengthening the communist
and workers parties, the reinforcement of the
class-oriented labour movement. They
stressed the necessity and timeliness of So-
cialism, which constitutes the only true alter-
native way out for the peoples.
In addition, the unity of the International
Communist Movement can not be achieved on
the basis of the lowest common denominator
amongst the parties, but on the basis of what
is dictated by the sharpening of the class
struggle for socialism, the defense of Marx-
ism-Leninism and the contribution of Social-
ism, by the need to form a unified revolution-
ary strategy against capitalism.
The 15th International Meeting of Com-
munist and Workers parties finalized a frame-
work of Joint Actions, which the CPs together
can develop, while certain motions were sub-
mitted on various issues.
The expansion of the Working Group was
also decided on with other parties, which will
engage with the preparation of these Interna-
tional Meetings, which is now comprised of
the following parties:
WORKERS PARTY OF BELGIUM,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL, COMMUNIST
PARTY OF CUBA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF
BOHEMIA-MORAVIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF
ECUADOR, COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA, COMMUNIST
PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST), LEBANESE
COMMUNIST PARTY, PORTUGUESE
COMMUNIST PARTY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF
THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, RUSSIAN
COMMUNIST AND WORKERS PARTY, SOUTH
AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY, COMMUNIST
PARTY OF SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF
TURKEY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF UKRAINE
International Relations Section of the CC
of the KKE
318
Redlinks
n ALBANIA, COMMUNIST PARTY
OF ALBANIA
E-Mail: gjonbruci5@yahoo.com
code:(+355) phone:382274111
fax:4251271
n ALGERIA, ALGERIAN PARTY
FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM
http://www.lien-pads.fr
E-Mail: pads.dz@laposte.net
code:(+331) phone:46637607, 46772082,
42537882 fax:42537882, 46637607
n ARGENTINA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARGENTINA
http://www.pca.org.ar
E-Mail:relacionesinternacionales@pca.org.ar
code:(+5411) phone:43040066/0068
fax:43040068
n ARMENIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARMENIA
code:(+37410) phone:567933 fax:541917
n AUSTRALIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA
http://www.cpa.org.au
E-Mail: international@cpa.org.au
E-Mail:cpa@cpa.org.au
code:(+612) phone:9699 8844
fax:9699 9833
n AUSTRIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRIA
http://www.kpoe.at
E-Mail:international@kpoe.at
code:(+431) phone:5036580
fax:5036580-499
n AZERBAIDJAN,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AZERBAIDJAN
E- Mail:nurullayev@mail.ru ,
kommunist-az@mail.ru ,
hasanov_1951@mail.ru
E- Mail: r.kobalt@mail.ru
345

code:(+99450)3253256,
(+99455)6138749, (+99450)3165853
code:(+99412) phone:4417533
fax:948937
n BAHRAIN,
DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE TRIBUNE
http://www.altaqadomi.com/
E-Mail: fa.almenbar@gmail.com
code:(+973 17) phone:780007 fax:780006
n BANGLADESH,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BANGLADESH
http://www.cpbbd.org/
E-Mail: cpbinter@gmail.com
E-Mail: info@cpb.org.bd
code:(+8802) phone:9558612, 7172845
fax:9552333
n BANGLADESH,
WORKERS PARTY OF BANGLADESH
E-Mail: wpartybd@bangla.net
code:(+8802) phone:9567975
fax:9558545
n BELARUS,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELARUS
http://comparty.by
E-Mail: karpenko@house.gov.by
code:(+37517) phone:222 62 11
fax:222 43 79 (222 64 61)
n BELGIUM,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELGIUM
http://www.particommuniste.be/
E-Mail: parti.communiste@skynet.be
E-Mail: kommunistische-partij@skynet.be
code:(+322) phone:512 23 84
fax:512 23 84
n BELGIUM,
WORKERS PARTY OF BELGIUM
http://www.wpb.be
http://www.ptb.be
E-Mail: international@ptb.be
E-Mail: ptb@ptb.be
code:(+32) phone:25040139
fax:25040141
n BOLIVIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLIVIA
http://www.pcbolivia.net/
E-Mail: marxmil@hotmail.com
E-Mail: pcb.rrii@gmail.com
code:(+591) phone: 2423252
fax:22770535
n BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA,
WORKERS COMMUNIST PARTY
OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
http://www.rkp-bih.org
http://www.rkp-bih.cjb.net
E-Mail: kontakt@rkp-bih.cjb.net
E-Mail: goran.rkpbih@gmail.com
code:(+387) phone/fax: 55 240 973
n BRAZIL, BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcb.org.br
E-Mail:
pcb.partidocomunistabrasileiro@gmail.com
E-Mail: pcb@pcb.org.br
code:(+5521) phone/fax:22620855
n BRAZIL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL
http://www.pcdob.org.br
http://www.vermelho.org.br
E-Mail: internacional@pcdob.org.br
code:(+5511) phone:3054-1800,
30541822, 30541821 fax:3054 1848
346
n BRITAIN,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN
http://www.communist-party.org.uk
E-Mail:
international@communist-party.org.uk
E-Mail: office@communist-party.org.uk
code:(+442) phone:(0)86861659
n BRITAIN,
NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN
http://www.newworker.org
E-Mail: party@ncp.clara.net
code:(+44) phone:207 2234052
n BULGARIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF BULGARIA
http://comparty-bg.com
E-Mail: comparty@abv.bg
code:(+3592) phone/fax:9816093
n BULGARIA, PARTY OF THE BULGARIAN
COMMUNISTS
E-Mail: bcp.gd@mail.bg
code:(+359) phone:8961133, 898 322 455
fax: 24702573
n CANADA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CANADA
http://www.communist-party.ca
E-Mail: inter@cpc-pcc.ca
code:(+1416) phone:4692446
n CHILE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHILE
http://www.pcchile.cl/
E-Mail: internacional@pcchile.cl
code:(+562) phone:729 5700 fax:729 5714
n CHINA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA
http://www.idcpc.org.cn
http://www.china.org.cn/english/index.htm
http://english.cpc.people.com.cn/
E-Mail: info@idcpc.org.cn
E-Mail: yuliagustavo@163.net
code:(+8610) phone:83907267
fax:83907268
n COLOMBIA,
COLOMBIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pacocol.org
E-Mail: pacocol@etb.net.co
E-Mail: pacocol@notipaco.org
code:(+571) phone:3203204, 2854188
fax:3384742
n COLOMBIA, FARC-EP
http://www.farc-ep.co
The peace delegation in spanish
http://www.pazfarc-ep.org
The peace delegation in English
http://www.farc-epeace.org.
E- Mail: delegation@farc-epeace.org.
[In English]
E-Mail: contacto@pazfarc-ep.org
[In Spanish]
n COSTA RICA,
PEOPLES VANGUARD PARTY
E-Mail:
vanguardiapopularinternacional@gmail.com
-ail:
pvp.costarica.internacional@gmail.com
E-Mail:
partido.vanguardiapopular@gmail.com
E-Mail:
vanguardiapopularcostarica@gmail.com
code:(+506) phone: 2225 8300
fax: 2281 0484
n CROATIA, SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY
OF CROATIA
http://www.srp.hr
E-Mail: srp@srp.hr
347
E-Mail: vladimir.kapuralin@pu.t-com.hr
code: (+ 385) phone:1 4835340, 91
2219036
fax:1 4835340
n CUBA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA
http://www.pcc.cu/
E-Mail: coordeor@cc.cu
E-Mail: despacho@cc.cu
code:(+537) phone:8605678 fax:8556836
n CYPRUS,
THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY
OF THE WORKING PEOPLE - AKEL
http://www.akel.org.cy
E-Mail: InterBureau@akel.org.cy
Phone: (+357) 22761121
Fax:22761574, 22764725
n CZECH REPUBLIC,
COMMUNIST PARTY
OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA
http://www.kscm.cz
http://www.kscm.cz/english
E-Mail: info@kscm.cz
code:(+4202) phone:22897111
fax:22897207
n DENMARK,
COMMUNIST PARTY IN DENMARK
http://www.kommunisterne.dk
E-Mail: KPID@kommunisterne.dk
code:(+45) phone:38882833
fax:38882433
n DENMARK,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK
http://www.dkp.dk
E-Mail: dkp@dkp.dk
code:(+45) phone: 33916644
n DOMINICAN REPUBLIC,
FORCE OF THE REVOLUTION
E-Mail:
fuerzadelarevolucion@latinmail.com
E-Mail: frevolucion@latinmail.com
code: (+809) phone:685-9362
fax:687-3423
n EGYPT, COMMUNIST PARTY OF EGYPT
http://www.cp-egypt.com
E-Mail: cpegypt@gmail.com
code:(+20) phone:101 078617
fax: 223 921315
n EQUADOR,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF EQUADOR
http://pcecuador.org/
E-Mail: ccentral@pcecuador.org
E-Mail: winstoncamp@yahoo.com
E-Mail: mariomendoza2004@yahoo.es
code:(+593) phone: 2 2909454,
4 2401462, 4 22248643
Mobile: 997195448
n ESTONIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF ESTONIA
E-Mail: narvaSRG@rambler.ru
code:(+37) phone /fax: 23591174
n FINLAND,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF FINLAND
http://www.skp.fi
E-Mail: skp@skp.fi
code:(+3589) phone:77438150
fax:77438160
n FRANCE,
FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcf.fr
E-Mail: international@pcf.fr
E-Mail: interpcf@gmail.com
348
code:(+331) phone:40401293, 40401286
fax:42404027
n FYROM,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF MACEDONIA
E-Mail: cpmmkd@gmail.com
code:(+389) phone:23177248
fax:23177248
n GEORGIA,
UNIFIED COMMUNIST PARTY
OF GEORGIA
E-Mail: cpgeo@narod.ru
E-Mail: tpipia@rambler.ru
code:(+995) phone:93 761363, 32 546587
fax:32 546587
n GERMANY,
GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY (DKP)
http://www.dkp.de
E-Mail Central Committee:
dkp.pv@t-online.de
E-Mail International Relationships:
inter@dkp.de
code:(+49201) phone:1778890
fax:17788929
n GREECE,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE
http://inter.kke.gr
E-Mail: cpg.kke@gmail.com
E-Mail: cpg@int.kke.gr
code:(+30) phone:210 2592111
fax:210 2592298
n GUADELUPE,
GUADELOUPEAN COMMUNIST PARTY
E-Mail:
DC500009@exchange.FRANCE.NCR.COM
code:(+590) phone:821945 fax:836990
n GUYANA,
PEOPLES PROGRESSIVE PARTY
http://www.ppp-civic.org
E-Mail: ppp@guyana.net.gy
E-Mail: pr@ppp-civic.org
code: (+592) phone: 2272095, 2274301
fax: 2272096
n HUNGARY,
HUNGARIAN WORKERS PARTY
http://www.munkaspart.hu
E-Mail: mp200@t-online.hu
code:(+361) phone:780-83-06
fax:787-86-21
Mobile: +36309443520
n INDIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
http://www.communistparty.in/
E-Mail:
internationaldept@communistparty.in
E-Mail: cpiofindia@gmail.com
code:(+9111) phone:23235546,
23235099, 23235058
fax:23235543
n INDIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
(MARXIST)
http://www.cpim.org
https://www.facebook.com/cpimcc
E-Mail: cc@cpim.org
E-Mail: intl@cpim.org
E-Mail: cpim@vsnl.com
code:(+9111) phone: 23344918,
23747435, 23747436 23363692
fax:23747483
n IRAN,TUDEH PARTY OF IRAN
http://www.tudehpartyiran.org
E-Mail: mardom@tudehpartyiran.org
349
E-Mail: navid.shomali@btinternet.com
code:(+44) phone:7790277770
code:(+49) fax:303241627
n IRAQ, IRAQI COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.iraqicp.com
Mail: salamsaadi@hotmail.co.uk
Mail: icpinter@yahoo.co.uk
Mail: info@iraqicp.com
code:(+44208) phone: 6422981
n IRAQ,
COMMUNIST PARTY
OF KURDISTAN-IRAQ
http://www.regaykurdistan.com
Mail: maib55@hotmail.com
Mail: kcp_ibrahim@kurdistancp.org
Mail: kcp_kurdistan@hotmail.com
code:(+4131) phone:3719612
fax:3719628
n IRELAND,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND
http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie
E-Mail: cpoi@eircom.net
code:(+3531) phone:6708707
n IRELAND,
THE WORKERS PARTY OF IRELAND
http://www.workerspartyireland.net/
E-Mail: wpi.international@gmail.com
E-Mail: wpi@indigo.ie
code:(+3531) phone: 8733 916
fax: 874 8702
n ISRAEL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ISRAEL
http://www.maki.org.il
E-Mail: info@maki.org.il
code:(+9723) phone:6293944
fax:6297263
n ITALY,
PARTY OF THE ITALIAN COMMUNISTS
http://www.comunisti-italiani.it
http://www.oltre-confine.it
E-Mail: esteri.pdci@gmail.com
E-Mail: esteri@comunisti-italiani.org
code:(+3906) phone:6862721
fax:68627230
n ITALY,
PARTY OF THE COMMUNIST
REFOUNDATION
http://www.rifondazione.it/
E-Mail: esteri.prc@rifondazione.it
code:(+3906) phone:441821
fax:44182207
n JAPAN, JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.jcp.or.jp
http://www.japan-press.co.jp/
E-Mail: intl@jcp.jp
code:(+813) phone:54748421
fax:37460767
n JORDAN,
JORDANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
E-Mail: jcp@nets.com.jo
E-Mail: jcplive@umniahlive.net
code:(+9626) phone:4624939
fax:4624939
n KAZAKHSTAN,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF KAZAKHSTAN
E-Mail: komparty@list.ru
code:(+772) phone:72911400
n KIRGIZIA, PARTY OF THE COMMUNISTS
OF KYRGYZSTAN
E-Mail: mars40@list.ru
code:(+996) phone:312 624999
fax:312 660401
350
n DPR of KOREA,
WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA
http://www.kimsoft.com/dprk.htm
E-Mail: wpkint@start-co.net.kp
E-Mail: ekodpr@alice.it
code:(+850) phone: 2-381-5855
fax: 2-381-4657
code:(+3906) phone:54220749
fax:54210090
n LAOS,
PEOPLES REVOLUTIONARY PARTY
E-Mail: party.relationsdep.la@gmail.com
code:(+85621) phone:414042 fax:414043
n LATVIA, SOCIALIST PARTY OF LATVIA
http://www.latsocpartija.lv
E-Mail: latsocpartija@inbox.lv
code: (+371) phone/fax:67555535
n LEBANON,
LEBANESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.lcparty.org
E-Mail: lcparty@lcparty.org
E-Mail: mariedebs@dm.net.lb
code:(+9611) phone/fax:739615/6/7
n LITHUANIA,
SOCIALIST PEOPLES FRONT
http://www.slfrontas.lt
E-Mail: slflit@yandex.ru
code:(+370) phone:52431070
fax:(+370)52606130
n LUXEMBOURG,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF LUXEMBOURG
http://www.kp-l.org
E-Mail: kpl@zlv.lu
E-Mail: aruckert@zlv.lu
code:(+352) phone:446066 21
fax:44606666
n MALTA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MALTA
http://communistpartymalta.blogspot.com/
E-Mail: pkmalti@hotmail.co.uk
E-Mail:
communistpartymalta@yahoo.com
code:(+356) phone/fax:21223537
n MADAGASCAR,
PARTY OF THE CONGRESS
FOR THE INDEPENDENCE
OF MADAGASCAR (AKFM)
E-Mail: aakfm@netclub.mg
code:(+261) phone/
fax: 202227065, 202226828
n MEXICO, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MEXICO
http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org
E-Mail: comunista@prodigy.net.mx
code:(+52 734) phone/fax:3425838
n MEXICO,
POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY - NATIONAL
POLITICAL ASSOCIATION , MEXICO
E-Mail: ppsprens@prodigy.net.mx
E-Mail: ppsdn2003@yahoo.com.mx
code:(+5255) phone:330816-18
fax:330816-18, 257131
n MEXICO,
POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY OF MEXICO
http://www.ppsm.org.mx
E-Mail: ppsmexico@gmail.com
E-Mail: amezcua910@yahoo.com.mx
code:(+525) phone: 5672-2057
fax:5609-1896
n MOLDOVA, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS
OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
http://www.pcrm.md/
E-Mail: info@pcrm.md
E- Mail: pcrmcc@gmail.com
351
code:(+3732) phone:2249441
fax:2233673
n NEPAL,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (UML)
http://www.cpnuml.org
E-Mail: umlcpn@gmail.com
E-Mail: uml@ntc.net.np
code:(+977) phone: 14278081-82
fax:14278084
n NETHERLANDS,
NEW COMMUNIST PARTY
OF THE NETHERLANDS
http://www.ncpn.nl
E-Mail: manifest@ziggo.nl
E-Mail: ncpn@ncpn.nl
code:(+31) phone:70 3603676, 20
6825019 fax:20 6828276
n NORWAY,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF NORWAY
http://www.nkp.no
E-Mail: nkp@nkp.no
code:(+4722) phone:716044
n PAKISTAN,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PAKISTAN
http://www.cppak.org
E-Mail: cppak2003@yahoo.com
code:(+92) phone/fax: 222654531
n PALESTINE,
PALESTINIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pallcp.ps
E-Mail:
palestinian_cp_alqam@hotmail.com
code:(+97) tel:9 2515830, 2 2267055
phone/fax:2 22267644, 9 2515075
n PALESTINE,
PALESTINIAN PEOPLES PARTY
http://www.ppp.ps
E-Mail: info@ppp.ps
code:(+97) phone:22963593
fax:22963592
n PANAMA, PARTY OF THE PEOPLE
http://www.elpartidodelpueblo.org
E-Mail: partidodelpueblopa@yahoo.com
E-Mail: elpartido@elpartidodelpueblo.org
code: (+507) phone:2259025/2272194
n PARAGUAY,
PARAGUAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcparaguay.org/
E-Mail: inter@pcparaguay.org
code:(+595) phone:21 225116, 972
624390 phone/fax:21 621836
n PERU, COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
(PATRIA ROJA)
http://www.patriaroja.org.pe/
E-Mail: pcdelp@patriaroja.org.pe
E-Mail: partidosec@yahoo.com
E-Mail: amorenor@speedy.com.pe
code:(+511) phone: 4262366/993869280
n PERU, PERUAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.pcperuano.com
E-Mail: unidad@ec-red.com
E-Mail: pcperuano.rrii@gmail.com
code:(+511) phone 4331634 fax:4715399
n The PHILIPPINES, PHILIPPINE
COMMUNIST PARTY [PKP-1930]
http://www.pkp1930.org
E-Mail: parisantonio2001@yahoo.com
E-Mail: philcompar@yahoo.com
code:(+632) phone:3590201 fax:9395791
352
n POLAND,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF POLAND
http://www.kompol.org
E-Mail: int@kompol.org
code:(+48) phone:228334288
fax:228334288
n PORTUGAL,
PORTUGUESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.international.pcp.pt
http://www.pcp.pt
E-Mail: internacional@pcp.pt
code:(+35121) phone:7813800
fax:7969824
n ROMANIA,
ROMANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
E-Mail: pantazipcr@yahoo.com
code:(+4021) phone:6423615
fax: 642 3615
n ROMANIA, SOCIALIST ALLIANCE PARTY
http://www.pasro.ro
E-Mail: contact@pasro.ro
E-Mail: gheorghitazbaganu@yahoo.com
code:(+40) phone:212522887,
314057078, 314057077,
phone/fax:214133354
n RUSSIA, COMMUNIST PARTY
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (KPRF)
http://www.kprf.ru
E-Mail: inter@kprf.ru
E-Mail: zabirov@duma.gov.ru
code:(+7495) phone:6927646
fax:6927646, 6925685
n RUSSIA, COMMUNIST WORKERS PARTY
OF RUSSIA (RKRP)
http://www.rkrp-rpk.ru/
E-Mail: rkrp-ck@yandex.ru
code:(+7812) phone:2742772, 2748073
fax:2742818
n RUSSIA,
UNION OF COMMUNIST PARTIES-CPSU
http://www.kprf.ru
E-Mail: inter@kprf.ru
E-Mail: zabirov@duma.gov.ru
code:(+7495) phone:2927646, 2928736
fax:2925685
n RUSSIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SOVIET UNION
http://www.cpsu.by
E-Mail: cpsu.msk@gmail.com
code:(+7495) phone:6844175
phone/fax:9747342
n SERBIA, NEW COMMUNIST PARTY
OF YUGOSLAVIA
http://www.nkpj.org.rs
E-Mail: int_nkpj@yahoo.com
code:(+38111) phone: 2400628 ;
code:(+38111) fax: 2400640
n SERBIA, COMMUNISTS OF SERBIA
http://www.komunistisrbije.rs/
E-Mail: komsrb@open.telekom.rs
code:(+38111) phone/fax:3514-478
n SLOVAKIA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SLOVAKIA
http://www.kss.sk
E-Mail: sekr@kss.sk
code:(+4212) phone:44644101
fax:44362540
n SOUTH AFRICA, SOUTH AFRICAN
COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.sacp.org.za
E-Mail: international@sacp.org.za
353
E-Mail: lucian@sacp.org.za
code:(+2711) phone:3393621/2
fax:3394244
n SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SPAIN
http://www.pce.es
E-Mail: internacional@pce.es
E-Mail: comitefederal@pce.es
code:(+3491) phone:3004969
fax:3004744
n SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY
OF THE PEOPLE OF SPAIN
http://www.pcpe.es
Mail: internacional@pcpe.es
code: (+34) phone: 915329187
fax: 915329187
n SPAIN,
PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF CATALUNA
http://www.pcc.cat
E-Mail: pcc@pcc.cat
E-Mail: internacional@pcc.cat
code:(+34 933) phone:184 282
fax: 180 011
n SPAIN, UNITED LEFT SPAIN
http://www.izquierda-unida.es/
E-Mail:
iu.internacional@izquierda-unida.es
code:(+3491) phone:7227500
fax:3880405
n SRI-LANKA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SRI-LANKA
http://www.communistpartyofsrilanka.org/
E-Mail: compartysl@gmail.com
code:(+9411) phone:2695328
fax:2691610
n SUDAN, SUDANESE COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.midan.net
E-Mail: alilad47@yahoo.com
E-Mail: alilad47@hotmail.com
code:(+4202) phone:33555668
fax:33555668
n SWEDEN,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SWEDEN
http://www.skp.se
E-Mail: skp@skp.se
code:(+468) phone:7358640
n SYRIA,
SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
http://www.syriancp.org
E-Mail:
syriancommunistparty@gmail.com
code:(+96311) phone:4455048
fax:4422716
n SYRIA,
SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY [Unified]
http://www.syrcomparty.org/
E-Mail: scp@scs-net.org
E-Mail: scp@syrcomparty.org
code:(+96311) phone:4410264
fax:4422383
n TADJIKISTAN,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF TADJIKISTAN
E-Mail: communist_party@mail.ru
E-Mail: talbakov-555.@mail.ru
code:(+992372) phone:232953, 231853
fax:351482, 232292
n TURKEY,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY (TKP)
http://www.tkp.org.tr
http://int.tkp.org.tr/
E-Mail: int@tkp.org.tr
354
code:(+90216) phone: 4185351 4146504
fax:3461137
n TURKEY, LABOUR PARTY (EMEP)
http://www.emep.org (Turkish)
http://en.emep.org (English)
http://es.emep.org (Spanish)
E-mail: international@emep.org
code:(+90) phone:539 328 1323
fax:212 587 56 86
n UKRAINE,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF UKRAINE
http://www.kpu.net.ua/
E-Mail: Lorinser@ukr.net
E-Mail: anatolii.sokoliuk@gmail.com
code:(+380) phone: 44-4253137,
425-54-87, fax:463-57-02
phone/fax: 463-57-03
[International Department ]
n UKRAINE,
UNION OF COMMUNISTS OF UKRAINE
http://un-comm-ukr.ucoz.ru/
E-Mail: marx-journal@mail.ru
code:(+38044) phone:2906225
fax:2906225, 2906228
n URUGUAY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF
URUGUAY
http://www.pcu.org.uy/
E-Mail:
pcuinternacional@montevideo.com.uy
E-Mail: partidocomunista@adinet.com.uy
E-Mail: profdcoira@gmail.com
code:(+5982) phone: 9242697 9247056
fax: 9242697 9247056
n USA, COMMUNIST PARTY USA
http://www.cpusa.org
E-Mail: international@cpusa.org
code:(+1) phone: 2129894994
fax:(+1) 212 229 1713
n VENEZUELA,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF VENEZUELA
http://www.pcv-venezuela.org
http://prensa-pcv.blogspot.com/
E-Mail:
internacional.pcvenezuela@gmail.com
E-Mail: carolus1111@yahoo.com
code:(+58) phone:2122566386
fax:2122566386
n VIETNAM,
COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM
http://www.cpv.org.vn
E-Mail: perc@fpt.vn
E-Mail: cpvic@cpvic.org.vn
code:(+844) phone:8436278, 8436274
fax:38234514, 8045657
355
356

15th International Meeting of Communist and Worker&#39;s Parties Information Bulletin

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2

opments; to become better acquainted, with

of profit or make excessive profits . The work-

ciones de ofrecer a la Humanidad, un futuro

ship of capital. Governments have already

"strangers Gorbach" generate well-being and

,>l.. ,>>.. lcl.i> .,>

But overproduction is of course situated

Facing this operation theater, workers acquire

and under expansion, seek to resist the

The governments response has been two-

ness among the people, and the development

donos en la solidaridad internacional.

dilemma, testifying to Marxs criticism on

la creacin del ALBA, la unidad latinoameri-

common objectives to be pursued, as well as

through our class struggle the premises for a

success, the demonstration of its power from

with increased unemployment and worsening

peasants republics, the first steps towards

peaceful popular demonstrations. The army

chos a la salud, a la educacion, al trabajo, los

with the right of the saami-aboriginals for

those of the banks, the multinationals and big

istic system, became apparent. Without such

German different from the lazy Greek, the

ests of the working class, the popular stra-

ous forms of austerity programmes, cutting

has not been any step-by-step capitalisation.

money, finds reflection in the rapid growth of

the emergence and growth of imperialism

boom and bust offered by the social

onization of the territories is not only going on

trary behavior more blatantly than ever be-

strengthen our parties and the class orientat-

terialism which calls for the transformation of

paado por Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nica-

shelves and malls are overstocked with prod-

realization in 1999 were a clear continuity,

We are coming here also in the centenary of

mo que va desde la unipolaridad actual a un

to kidnap the working class, tie it up to the

elections due to several reasons: Unique

ment rate in Greece and Spain has reached

U.S. today, both in the world and domesti-

PRESS STATEMENT OF THE KKE

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15th International Meeting of Communist and Worker's Parties Information Bulletin

15th International Meeting of Communist and Worker's Parties Information Bulletin