CRITICAL THINKING ABILITY, DOGMATISM, AMBIGUITY TOLERANCE AND BELIEF IN THE PARANORMAL
by
Michael James Nanko. Ph.D.
Previous resarch has suggested that individuals who endorse paranormal and psi beliefs do so because of fallibility of reasoning, impaired judgment, lowered understanding of causality, and/or other cognitive inadequacies. Believers in the paranormal have also been represented as possessing fewer favorable personality and cognitive traits than skeptics. Believers (scoring in the highest quartile of the belief scale) were predicted to score lower than Skeptics (scoring in the lowest quartile) on the attribute variables. The present study predicted that those who endorse psi phenomna only. concomitant with low endorsement of other paranormal phenomena (Psi-Only Believers group), would not differ from Skeptics on the attribute variables.
One other purpose of this study was to improve upon an existing paranormal belief scale. and to apply it to the study of possible differences between Believers and Skeptics. The scale categorizes the paranormal subject matter into eight relatively different and meaningful subscales. The test-retest reliability coefficient of the Extended Paranormal Belief Scale was .90.
The hundred and twenty-five subjcts. from age 19 to
77. completed a series of tests and questionnaires. As predicted there were no significant differences between Psi-only Believers and Skeptics on the three attribute variables. Contrary to prediction. however. there was no significant difference on the three attribute variables between those who endorse more global aspects of the paranormal (Believers) and Skeptics.
IIpersonal experience!! was reported as the most compelling source for belief in the paranormal. Report of a personal psychic experience was strongly associated with higher levels of paranormal belief. Religious affiliation was not predictive of higher levels of paranormal belief; Religiosity. on the other hand, was so associated.
Females in this study were no more likely to endorse paranormal beliefs than were males; increased age
correlated positively with higher levels of endorsement of
paranormal belief; level of formal education and college major were not related to level of endorsement of paranormal beliefs.
For this sample of subjects psi-only belief and general paranormal belief did not reflect lowered critical thinking ability. ambiguity tolerance or higher dogmatism as compared with Skeptics. Some tentative theoretical interpretations are offered along with suggestions for future research.
© 1986 MICHAEL JAMES NANKO ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The empiricist thinks he believes only what he sees - but he is much better at believing than seeing
G. Santayana
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. xi
Chapter
1.
INTRODUCTION.
1
Background of the Problem .
4
Statement of the Problem. .
9
Purpose of the Study.
12
Theoretical Framework .
14
Research Hypotheses . .
22
Importance of the Study .
25
Scope of the Study ..
28
Definitions
31
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE.
37
Incidence of Paranormal Beliefs
39
Personality. Psychopathology.
Psychotherapeutics and Paranormal
Beliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
S3
General Context of Belief in Paranormal
62
The Psychology of Belief.
69
Sources of Belief .
74
Explana tion . .
81
Nominal Fallacy .
85
Representativeness Fallacy.
91
Probabilistic Thinking ...
94
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)
Page
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE (continued)
coincidences and Oddmatches
103
Illusion of Clusters .....
110
Dogmatism: The Open and Closed Mind ..
112
Belief and Disbelief System
112
Measure of Dogmatism. . . .
120
Dogmatism and Belief/Disbelief in Psi Phenomena and the Nonpsi
Paranormal. . .
129
Ambiguity Tolerance .
136
Critical Thinking and Paranormal Belief
144
Personal Experience and Paranormal
Beliefs .
152
Demographics. .
158
Summary
169
3 .
METHODOLOGY . .
. .
171
Research Design .
171
Sub jects. . . .
174
Instrumentation .
175
Extended Paranormal Belief Scale ..
176
MacDonald Ambiguity Tolerance Scale AT-20 . . . . . . . .
183
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)
page
3. METHODOLOGY (continued)
Dogmatism Scale . .
188
Watson-Glaser Critical Thinking
Appraisal . .
192
Investigator Questionnaires
200
Research Procedures .
201
Data Analysis .
203
Limitations .
205
4.
FINDINGS. . .
207
Psi-Only Hypotheses .
207
Hypotheses Comparing High and Low Endorsers . . . . .
210
Secondary and Demographics Hypotheses . 212
5 .. CONCLUSIONS, DISCUSSION. AND SUGGESTIONS
FOR FUTURE RESEARCH . . . " 226
summary . .
226
Conclusions .
230
Primary Hypotheses ..
230
Secondary and Demographic Hypotheses ..
235
Discussion.
249
Suggestions for Future Research
262
ix
TABLE OF CONTEN'I'S (continued)
Page
NOTES. . . .
267
REFERENCES .
272
APPENDICES .
A.
B.
D.
E.
F.
H.
M.
295
Cover Letter/Appeal to Subjects . .
295
Tobacyk" and Milford Paranormal Scale.
296
C.
Tobacyk and Milford Factor Loadings for each of the Seven Factors . .
298
Correlations among the Tobacyk and Milford Seven Paranormal Subscales.
299
Extended Paranormal Belief Scale ...
300
MacDonald Ambiguity Tolerance Scale .
302
G.
Short-form Dogmatism Scale ..
304
Percentile Scores/Norms for Critical
Thinking Appraisal.. .....
310
1.
Critical Thinking Appraisal:
Correlations with Other Tests .
311
J .
Critical Thinking Appraisal .
312
K.
Investigator Questionnaires:
Secondary and Demographic Variables
313
L. Correlational Matrix for CTA. AT-20. Dogmatism. and the EPBS with all Subscales . . . . .. 316
- .
Oddmatch or Precognition? (A Personal Anecdote) .
317
x
Table
1.
LIST OF TABLES
Summary of Means, Standard Deviations
for Hypotheses 1, 2,-3 .
Summary of Means, Standard Deviations
for Hypotheses 4. 5. 6. . ...
3.(a) Source of Belief ..
2.
3.(b)
4.
5 •
6.
7 .
8 .
9 •
10.
Source of Belief.
Religious Affiliation and Paranormal Belief .
Religiosity and Paranormal Belief .
Sex and Paranormal Belief . . . . .
Educational Level and Paranormal Belief
College Major and Paranormal Belief
Personal Psychic Experience and Paranormal Belief . . . .
EPBS and Tobacyk and Milford Paranormal Scale and Subscale Means .....
xi
Page
209
211
213
213
215
216
218
220
221
222
224
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
Several research studies have noted the high incidence and apparent increase in paranormal beliefs in the general population (Abell and Singer. 1981: Ayeroff and Abelson. 1976; and Truzzi, 1971). Further, the increase in endorsement of paranormal beliefs can also be evidenced further when one studies the quantity of academic journals that publish articles and studies on the paranormal.
After several decades of treating this topic as taboo (Murphy, 1957), many psychologists have begun to think that it is appropriate to study psi phenomena--topics such as telepathy. clairvoyance. precognition, and retrocognition--as well as states of consiciousness presumed to be associated with putative psi ability.
There is a need to illuminate what is considered paranormal. For the most part. the terms superstitious, occult. paranormal. psychic. and the extraordinary. have. unfortunately. been used interchangeably throughout the social psychological literature to represent the general belief category called paranormal. For the purposes of
1
the present study, the terms will not be used interchangeably and an important distinction will be made between psi phenomena and the other aspects of what is considered paranormal. The "paranormal~ will be used to represent a global category (inclusive of all the following): psi phenomena, psychic, occult,
superstitions, extraordinary life forms. witchcraft. aspects of traditional religious beliefs, and other similar beliefs. Although psi phenomena is included as an aspect of the paranormal, it will be considered separately for some of the comparisons made in this study. Psi phenomena include the ostensible abilities and experiences of telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition, and psychokinesis. Psi phenomena are studied under the domain of parapsychology proper. Psi is considered a more ~reasonable" category of study, even by a large number of academically-based skeptics. However, psi phenomena, which are studied scientifically by parapsychologists, are quite often associated through a negative halo effect with the more improbable and untestable alleged phenomena or events, like that of witchcraft. spirit possession, UFOs and lycanthropy (werewolves, vampires, etc.). Indeed, the field of parapsychology has. as part of its history, an association with the occult, and some of its current professionals still study the controversial question of human survival after death, as well as other events that
2
cannot be empirically verified. However, many knowledgeable scientists (skeptics and believers alike) who have made the effort to study the literature, understand that psi research. for the most part, is performed as science typically is conducted. At least this is the case for academic parapsychology. This study will distinguish between psi beliefs and the more global category of general paranormal beliefs.
For the remainder of this chapter. the background on the incidence and prevalence of paranormal beliefs are presented. This is followed by an elucidation of the statement of the research problem and purpose of the study. A theoretical discussion of each of the major and minor variables used in the study is then followed by the hypotheses that are to be tested. This study is designed to test the relationships between three cognitive attribute variables (critical thinking, dogmatism, and ambiguity tolerance) with two criterion variables--one, a global paranormal belief, and the other, belief in psi phenomena. Several secondary and demographic variables are also explored and are discussed more fully in the theoretical section. Finally, the chapter ends with a discussion on the importance and scope of the study.
3
Background
In the discussion to follow the context from which the present study emerged will be described.
Most of the studies related to belief in the paranormal have come out of the field of parapsychology proper (Krippner, 1982; Wolman, 1977). For the most part, research into the variable of belief has been included in experiments of ostensible psi functioning. Such research did not focus on how and why people come to believe, or differences in attributes between believers and skeptics, rather, they targeted how attitudes and beliefs toward psi were predictive of the subjects performance on· an ESP or psychokinesis task. There has been almost no limit to the variety of factors studied with regard to possible influences on psi performance.
A plethora of cognitive variables have been studied in this regard; intelligence, subliminal perception, concentration, memory, analytical thinking, and imagery ability (see Palmer, 1982). Physiological predictors such as EEG, hemispheric specialization, skin conductance and temperature have also been used. with mixed results (Palmer, 1979) (see Note 1).
Personality aspects have been explored in search of the reliable and high scoring psychic subject. Studies have looked at everything from anxiety (Kanthamani and Rao. 1973; Nielsen and Freman. 1965) to depersonalization
4
(Ullman. 1977). epilepsy (Eisenbud, 1977). psychoses, such as paranoid schizophrenia (Alberti, 1974) and the values one holds (Collymore, 1978) as they relate to possible psi functioning. Some of the more systematic attempts to find reliable personality correlates have been in the study of neuroticism and ESP. The Defense Mechanism Test (Kragh, 1960) and Cattell's 16PF (Cattell, 1965) have been used fairly extensively in the parapsychology literature.
Another variable that has received considerable attention in parapsychological research is extraversion. which is a major factor in the conceptual systems of both Cattel (1965) and Eysenck (1960).
Several studies have demonstrated patterns of correlations between ESP and measures of neuroticism and extraversion, however. there have also been significant reversals of such findings (Haight, Kanthamani and Kennedy, 1978). Unless mediating variables can be specified, such reversals lessen the confidence one can place in the validity of such relationships. In any case. these studies have produced little insight on the research problem of potential differences between nonbelievers and believers in psi and the general paranormal.
Overall. the most reliable finding that has surfaced in the enormous body of psi literature is that of the "sheep-goat" effect (schmeidler and McConnell. 1973). "Sheep" is the term given to those who endorse psychic and
5
related phenomena. "goats" represent those who do not endorse such beliefs. There is also some evidence. albeit less reliable. that subjects who report confidence or unqualified certainty that their own scores will be high because of their purported psi ability ("supersheep") will have unpredictable, highly variable scores (Beloff and Bate, 1970) (see Note 2 for more information on the Sheep-Goat effect).
The criteria used for classifying subjects as sheep or goats have differed somewhat, but they all have as their common denominator the presence or absence of belief in the occurrence of extrasensory perception. either as a theoretical possibility or an established fact, with or without supposed personal experience of similar
phenomena. Quite apart from the reported differential psi performance of sheep and goats. this present investigation
is interested in what personality and cognitive characteristics. if any. distinguish the believers (the sheep) from the nonbelievers (the goats).
The sheep-goat picture thus far is flot a very well-focused one. The findings are either one-time discoveries that are in need of replication, or, even if established, are not easily integrated with one another. One of the major problems with this line of research may be the classification system for what is defined as a belief in the paranormal or psi phenomena. The definition
6
quite often differs with the investigator's idiosyncratic perceptions and beliefs about the phenomena that comprise psi and the nonpsi paranormal.
There is a less flattering view of the believer in the paranormal that pervades in the literature. one that is not always empirically based and which may be the result of stereotypic perceptions. Unfortunately, there are only a few select skeptics who have taken the time to review the legitimate claims of the paranormal and have systematically attempted to study the subject matter. In fact. the extremely skeptical community has decided to confront and dispell such beliefs wherever they are found (Note 3). However. the skeptical community has also suffered from fraud and misrepresentation in their own ranks related to their armed attacks at the believers and the researchers of the paranormal (Rawlings. 1981-82). This may reflect on the threat that some skeptical members perceive from the community of believers. the so-called "occult" movement. from the pervasiveness of paranormal beliefs and from the continued inflitration of psi research in academic circles. There is also the general unwillingness to remain open-minded about claims that are presented by serious and qualified investigators of the paranormal. Some skeptics fall prey to the same unfavorable traits of dogmatic thinking and lowered tolerance for ambiguity they assign to the believers in
7
the paranormal. Some of these attitudes represent an example of why some skeptical inquirers may lump all of the aspects and phenomena of the paranormal (superstitiousness. magical thinking. belief in reincarnation. etc.) together under one umbrella. Furthermore. this may explain why many arguments against psi phenomena and the paranormal use such techniques as: false categorization. personal defamation. group derogation. unsubstantiated allegations. contradictions. nonsequiturs. rumor and innuendo. and appeals to authority. often falling subject to the !ltrue believer" mentality they criticize in the believers (Rockwell. Rockwell and Rockwell. 1978).
The problem of understanding a belief system is exceedingly complex. From the Gallup polls (Gallup and Proctor. 1982) to the psychological. sociological and parapsychological investigations of belief, one can conclude that paranormal beliefs are widespread. However. the understanding of the psychological factors involved in the development of such beliefs are as yet undiscovered for the most part. Are believers gullible, as many skeptics contend? Do they suffer from irrational, rigid, and less intelligent thinking? Are they dogmatic in their beliefs and attitudes? Are those who believe in the paranormal less logical. analytical and generally poorer at critical thinking?
8
Statement of the Problem
The primary research problem involves the study of differences between believers in psi phenomena and believers in the more global aspects of the paranormal with skeptics on the cognitive and personality attributes of critical thinking. dogmatism and ambiguity tolerance. Scores of studies have endeavored to delineate a variable here and there. however. very few studies have aspired to employ a logical and fairly comprehensive constellation of measures to gain insight into the personality. orientations, preferences, and cognitive attributes of those who believe in the paranormal or psi phenomena only.
There are two basic approaches that have been implemented to research paranormal beliefs.
1) parapsychology proper has studied how belief was related to performance on some particular psi task. be it telepathy. clairvoyance, precognition or psychokinesis. The purpose of such research was to attain some correlation between belief and performance scores on an ostensible psi task, whether or not the performance scores were indicative of psi functioning (Palmer. 1982). Belief has also been investigated for its relationship to personal psychic and/or paranormal experiences (Alcock, 1981; Ayeroff and Abelson, 1976; Irwin. 1985; Otis and Alcock, 1982; and Schouten, 1983). 2) The nonparapsychological literature has basically studied
9
paranormal beliefs from the perspective of uncovering relationships between belief an possible personality and cognitive inadequacies (Alcock. 1981; Kahneman and Tversky. 1975; Singer and Benassi. 1981; Tobacyk, 1982).
In very general terms, previous reserach has suggested that individuals who endorse paranormal and psi beliefs do so because of some maladjustment of personality, fallibility of reasoning. impaired judgment. lowered understanding of causality and other cognitive deficits or inadequacies. Believers in the paranormal have been found to possess less favorable personality and cognitive attributes and skills than skeptics (Alcock and Otis. 1980. etc.). However. this unflattering view of the believer does not always hold up (Jones. et al., 1977).
This line of research has not been systematic or process-oriented. One major flaw in the study of belief with other variables has been the inconsistent application of what constitutes the paranormal. Most beliefs scales or surveys are not empirically derived and are idiosyncratic to the perceptions of the investigator. The problem remains to study paranormal belief with logically consistent cognitive attributes usng an empirically-based scale.
Crucial to the present study is the need to categorize those who believe in psi phenomena only (concomitantly not endorsing the nonpsi paranormal), into a separate subject
10
group for comparison with skeptics. This group is termed the Psi-OnlY Believers. This is a unique strategy for studying the problem of possible differences between believers and skeptics on specific phenomena and on various attributes.
Psi belief is a subcategory or aspect of the paranormal, which has been subject to much more scientific research and theory-building than the nonpsi paranormal. The acceptance of psi is more pervasive in the general population, and in the scientific community than are other aspects of the paranormal. It is generally considered to be a more testable, falsifiable and reasonable phenomena than other phenomena which comprise the paranormal.
The research problem also entails the consensual replication of previous research which has demonstrated that believers in the larger aspects of the paranormal do not fare as well as skeptios on cognitive attributes and abilities (Alcock and Otis. 1980; Kahneman and Tversky. 1975; Tobacyk and Milford. 1983).
The present study suggests several research
questions: Who believes in the paranormal? Do those who endorse the paranormal differ in any way from those who do not? Since science tends to reject a priori the phenomena associated with the paranormal and the parapsychological, why do some still believe? Is there a deficit in logical reasoning or critical thinking ability that predisposes
11
some people to believe in paranormal phenomena and/or interpret certain events as paranormal? Are people who tend toward authoritarian personality and dogmatism more likely to develop beliefs regarding the paranormal? Professional researchers on both sides of the issue have been accused of dogmatic approaches to the question of psi phenomena (Alcock and Otis. 1980). Are people with a lowered tolerance for ambiguity about their world more likely to develop paranormal beliefs than those who have a high tolerance for ambiguity? Are those who endorse the paranormal less tolerant of ambiguity? Is this type of thinker, who is intolerant of ambiguity, more rigidly skeptical about the possibility of paranormal phenomena, or, are they as skeptics intolerant of what they might perceive as ridiculous and harmful to science and society?
Furthermore, what are the demographic differences between those who believe and those who do not? Is belief related to education levels, certain religious beliefs or to gender? These are some of the research questions that were extracted from the literature about belief in the paranormal.
Purpose of the Study
The major purposes of this study are twofold: First, to investigate whether those who endor~ only psi beliefs
12
(concomitantly not endorsing .the nonpsi paranormal) differ from skeptics on the cognitive attributes of critical thinking. dogmatism and ambiguity tolerance. Second, to investigate whether those who endorse high levels of paranormal beliefs differ from skeptics on the same measures.
It has been reported in the literature that believers in the paranormal are closed minded, have a strong need for certainty. are lacking in critical thinking ability, and possess a number of other less praiseworthy traits and abilities (Abell and Singer. 1981; Alcock, 1981; Alcock and Otis. 1980; Marks and Kammann, 1980). However, the research results cited above have not produced conclusive evidence that believers in the paranormal are less intelligent and less well-adjusted, and there is no precedence for comparing Psi-OnlY Believers with
Skeptics. Perhaps the problem is that a definitive result. experimentally sound. and clearly derived, has not been obtained. The choice of measuring instruments or experimental tests may be one reason; a delineation of hypotheses that clearly distinguish the basic relationships possible, may be another.
Another purpose of this investigation was to examine the relationship between the variables of self-reported ostensibly psychical experiences with belief in the paranormal. It was also important to study belief for any
13
covariations with age, sex, religion, and with educational level and training as these latter areas of investigatian have yielded incansistent results.
One final and crucial purpase was to. develap a mare up
to. date. legically cansistent. and meaningful paranarmal belief scale and empley it here to. mere adequately reflect the multifermity ef such beliefs. The paranermal is a cemplex subject matter and the term uparanermalu conjures up a plethera ef images and varying cenceptians. Undeniably, there is certainly a need to. divide the
variaus phenamena assaciated with the paranarmal and the distribution af the various subject matter into categories which are based on lagic and cammon sense. For example, it makes sense to. cambine together the beliefs in telepathy and clairvoyance. but not with belief in space aliens. spirit possession o.f humans, and astralagy.
Belief in Big Faat and the Lach Ness manster. perhaps. belang tagether, but nat in the same categary with belief in astral travel.
Theoretical Framework
This sectian will begin with a presentation of the three predictar cagnitive variables af dogmatism, ambiguity tolerance, and critical thinking. The descriptian af the cagnitive attribute variables will be fallawed by discussion af the secandary and demagraphic
14
variables. Each variable is presented in context with the problem of paranormal beliefs. A more detailed explication of each variable is supplied in Chapter Two,
DOGMATISM: The Open and Closed Mind
Dogmatism is a total cognitive configuration of ideas and beliefs organized into a relatively closed system. It is a cognitive system mostly resistant to change, not just of single beliefs (or sets of habits) but to change of systems of belief. To the extent a person is said to be characteristically dogmatic or "closed" in her thinking. the preservation of her total system will be at stake rather than the preservation of just a particular belief within this system.
In his thorough study of dogmatism. Rokeach (1960) found that an important characteristic of a belief or disbelief system is the degree to which it is "open" or "closed." Basically. a system is open if the individual can take in. evaluate. and act upon relevant information from the environment on its own intrinsic merits. That includes attending. evaluating. and acting upon information without being influenced by irrelevant internal and external factors. These internal factors. for example. can be simple habits or even primitive beliefs.
15
For the purpose of the present study, dogmatism, closed-mindedness. or cognitive closedness is expected to be related to belief in the paranormal. This prediction is made on the basis of previous research conducted by Alcock and Otis (1980). However, on the basis of the assumptions of the present investigator, individuals who endorse only psi beliefs (somewhat scientifically. substantiated. and more "reasonable" and socially supported beliefs), and do not endorse any other aspects of the nonpsi paranormal, are not expected to differ on the measure dogmatism when compared to skeptics.
Ambiguity Tolerance
Budner (1962) has defined intolerance of ambiguity as lithe tendency to perceive ambiguous situations as sources of threat.1I Tolerance for ambiguity may be defined as the "tendency to perceive ambiguous situations as desirable,lI The scales that have been developed on this subject measure the extent to which individuals can tolerate ambiguity in a variety of aspects of life, from social situations to chance events and general problem solving. An ambiguous situation may be defined as one that cannot be adequately structured or categorized by the individual due to a lack of sur r i c t en t cues.- Individuals who are intolerant of ambiguity desire immediate "answers" and they tend to perceive issues in terms of black and white;
16
few positions a£e held in the middle. Fo£ example. you a£e eithe£ fo£ gun cont£ol or you a£e against it. While the pe£son who can tolerate ambiguity might be willing to accept that the unlocalized strange noises in the house a£e simply st£ange noises (i.e .• there is no explanation readily available for it. although it might be one of a number of things). a person intolerant of ambiguity may see things differently. Perhaps an individual intolerant of ambiguity. who also holds a belief in some aspect of the paranormal. may be more ready to believe. for instance. that the noises derive from a poltergeist. or
that there is the involvement of a discarnate entity (haunting), rather than remain in a state of suspended judgment or ignorant of its cause.
Many people have difficulty dealing with ambiguous and
novel situations such as coincidence and other personal events that are often interpreted in superstitious ways. It is therefore predicted that individuals who have already developed a strong belief in the paranormal would demonstrate more intolerance for ambiguity than nonbelievers. It is also predicted that those who endorse only psi phenomena. and do not endorse the nonpsi paranormal (the Psi-Only Believers). will not differ from skeptics on the measure of ambiguity tolerance.
17
Critical Thinking
Alcock (1980:479) reasoned "it is possible ... that those students who believe in the paranormal are less capable of detecting flaws (in thinking).11 Believers and skeptics often accuse each other of being less capable thinkers as well as being overly dogmatic in their belief. to the extent that they cannot fairly evaluate evidence
which runs to the contrary. Believers in the paranormal have also been labeled as credulous. gullible. uncritical: and sufferers of illusions. delusions and fallible judgment.
At least one research project has found that skeptics
demonstrated a significantly higher level of critical thinking ability than did believers (Alcock and Otis, 1980). These investigators found that compared with the published norms of American liberal arts college freshmen. the skeptic's scores fell at the 65th percentile. while that of believers fell only at the 40th, thus placing the skeptics in a much more favorable light. This study was limited by the fact that only 26 subjects were tested and that the belief scale used has little support in the literature. The present study will explore the relationship between believers in Psi-Only and in the general paranormal with skeptics on critical thinking ability as measured by the Critical Thinking Appraisal Scale (Wastson-Glaser. 1964). In the larger sense,
18
critical thinking ability is a composite of attitudes, knowledge and skills. The critical thinking abilities under study in this investigation include inference making. recognition of assumptions or presuppositions. deductive ability. interpretation of data. and evaluation of arguments.
Personal Experience
Personal experience is the most frequently offered reason for belief in ESP (Schouten. 1983). From studies by Evans (1973), Ayeroff and Abelson (1976). and McConnell (1977), it appears that many respondents believe that their personal experiences contributed significantly to their belief. These findings suggest that people base
much of their belief on personal experiences. If that is the case. then a positive correlation between these two variables would be expected.
The present study will attempt to replicate the positive association between personal experience and belief in the paranormal using a more reliable measure of belief. Another question will look at what is reported by the subject as the most "compelling source" of their own belief. It is predicted that those who endorse paranormal beliefs will more often attribute the "sourcell of that belief to a personal experience over any other source
(e.g .• books. classes, the media, etc.).
19
Religion
The relationship between religious affiliation and endorsement of the paranormal is still quite exploratory at this point in time. Therefore. no specific
relationship is predicted between these two variables. However. a significant relationship is predicted between self-reported level of "religiosity" and paranormal beliefs based on the notion that both religious and paranormal beliefs are quite similar. Some ways in which they are similar include the lack of empirical evidence to justify the belief, and the involvement of magical or extraordinary claims. etc.
Sex Differences
The preponderance of the studies in belief of the paranormal. have primarily supported the notion that females report more superstitious beliefs (Blum and Blum, 1974) and more belief in the supernatural and pseudoscience than do males (Scheidt, 1973). Haraldsson (1981) also found in two of four studies on belief in psychical phenomena that women tended to score more as sheeps than goats in both Iceland and in Scot~and. Significant sex differences have also been found with regard to belief in the paranormal in the United States (Gallup and Proctor, 1982; Roper, 1974) and in Germany and Sweden (as also reported in Haraldsson, 1981). However,
20
this finding has not been consistent across all samples (Sheils and Berg. 1977; Thalbourne. 1981) quite possibly due to the variability in the measures of belief used as well as other subtle factors (e.g .• survey setting, experimenter effect) and to not so subtle factors (e.g., cultural factors, educational level). As unpopular a typification as it may be, females in the present study are predicted to endorse more paranormal beliefs than are males.
Education
More Americans today have high school diplomas and college degrees than ever before. It is also the case that the incidence of paranormal beliefs has also risen. In the research literature, more times than not, an inverse relationship between educational level and belief in the paranormal holds. There is some indication that scientists are generally more skeptical regarding the likelihood of paranormal phenomena (Alcock, 1977; Gallup and Proctor, 1982; Otis and Alcock, 1982). However, the
most extensive survey of attitudes toward the paranormal was conducted among the readers of a popular English Journal, New Scientist (Evans, 1973) which found a large portion of scientists and technicians with higher degrees possessing favorable attitudes toward psi (67% versus 22% negative). From a common sense point of view, it would
21
seem that the higher the educational level, the lower the incidence of paranormal. superstitious, occult. and extraordinary beliefs in the population. This study will remain with the general trend that predicts a negative relationship between formal educational level achieved and endorsement of paranormal beliefs. It is not expected that this same relationship will hold when studying the relationship between college major and paranormal beliefs in a general way. It has been suggested that science students are more analytical (Otis and Alcock. 1982; Za'Rour, 1972). however. evidence from Evans (1973). Jones. et aI, (1977) and Otis and Kuo (1984) do not support such a viewpoint.
Research Hypotheses
The present study is aimed at the investigation of
belief in the paranormal as a global measure.
It also
endeavors to study belief in the myriad of subcategories of what has generically been considered paranormal beliefs. They are: Traditional Religious Belief; Psi Beliefs; Witchcraft; Superstition; Spiritualism; Extraordinary Life Forms; Precognition; and Miscellaneous Psychic and Occult Beliefs. The global measure of paranormal beliefs and the Psi-OnlY (Psi and Precognition subscales) categorical measures of belief were analyzed for possible differences among the attribute variables of
22
critical thinking. dogmatism (open to new ideas versus closed-mindedness or prejudiced thinking) and ambiguity tolerance. or the need for certainty in one's belief world.
It is a stated premise in this study that it is possible for some to hold a belief in psi phenomena while not holding a belief in nonpsi paranormal. and that a person holding such a belief system will not demonstrate the negative qualities of lowered critical thinking. ambiguity intolerance. and cognitive closedness.
For the predictions made in all hypotheses except I,
II. and III. those constituting the High Endorsers (Believers) category will be those who score in the upper quartile on the full Extended Paranormal Belief Scale (EPBS). Those subjects constituting the Low Endorsers (Skeptics) category for the same comparisons will be representative of those who score in the lowest quartile on the full EPBS. For hypotheses I. II. and III. a Psi-only endorsement (belief) category will be used for comparison with the Skeptics. Psi-OnlY belief is defined by the high endorsement of the Psi and Precognition subscales with a concomitant low endorsement of the nonpsi paranormal (the remaining six subscales). The Low Endorsement (skeptics) category remains the same for hypotheses 1 through 6.
In this study the following primary and secondary hypotheses are to be tested:
23
Primary Hypotheses:
Hypothesis I: There will be no significant difference
between Psi-Only Believers and Skeptics on the measure of
Critical Thinking Ability
Hypothesis II: There will be no significant
difference between those subjects who endorse Psi-Only
beliefs and Skeptics on the measure of Dogmatism.
Hypothesis III: There will be no significant
difference between those subjects who endorse Psi-only
beliefs and Skeptics on the measure of Ambiguity Tolerance.
Hypothesis IV: Low Endorsers (Skeptics) will score
higher on Critical Thinking Ability than High Endorsers (Believers).
Hypothesis V: Low Endorsers (Skeptics) will score
lower on Dogmatism than High Endorsers (Believers).
Hypothesis VI:- Low Endorsers (Believers) will score
higher on Ambiguity Tolerance than High Endorsers
(Believers).
Secondary and Demographic Hypotheses
Hypothesis VII: Subjects reporting a "personal
experiencell as the most compelling source of their belief
in the paranormal will have higher mean EPBS scores than
those reporting other sources.
24
Hypothesis VIII: There will be no significant differences on mean EPBS scores among the categories of religious affiliation.
Hypothesis IX: The higher the self-reported religiosity. the higher the level of endorsement of paranormal beliefs on the EPBS.
Hypothesis X: Females will have higher scores on the EPBS than males.
Hypothesis XI: There will be no significant correlation between age and scores on the EPBS.
Hypothesis XII: It is expected that the higher the formal level of education. the lower the level of endorsement of paranormal beliefs as indicated by mean EPBS scores.
Hypothesis XIII: There will be no relationship between college major and level of endorsement of paranormal beliefs (mean EPBS scores).
Hypothesis XIV: Report of personal paranormal experience will be related to higher endorsement of paranormal beliefs (mean EPBS scores).
Importance
This investigation will contribute to the general social. psychological. anthropological and parapsychological literature on belief in the paranormal. It may also serve to substantiate or to disconfirm pevious
25
studies which have found widespread belief in the paranormal. This study may also provide insight into some of the psychological processes. cognitive and sociometric relationships associated with belief in the paranormal. A specific contribution is made in the area of whether believers and skeptics differ on the cognitive attributes of critical thinking skills. dogmatism. and ambiguity tolerance.
Another important aspect of the present study is that it looks at paranormal beliefs as mUltidimensional. as having relatively independent phenomena and belief categories. This perspective provides for a more intelligent view of belief in the paranormal--an approach that should be followed in future investigations of this subject. The separate grouping of Psi-Only Believers in the comparisons with Skeptics is an important first move in this new direction of studying specific endorsement of paranormal phenomena.
There are implications of the present study for the educational. psychotherapeutic and mass media contexts as well. Very briefly. evidence for less favorable cognitive abilities for those who endorse paranormal beliefs may suggest that certain efforts are necessary in the formal educational system. There are studies which conclude that
the persistence of irrational. unfounded beliefs (i.e .• paranormal beliefs) can be interpreted as a failure of the
26
modern educational system--a system that purports to eliminate erroneous ideas by teaching critical thinking and logical reasoning skills (Otis and Kuo. 1984). The comparisons between belief groups and Skeptics on critical thinking. as well as the findings on the possible relationships between educational level and college major on level of endorsement of the paranormal beliefs should be instructive on this area of concern.
The field of psychopathology and psychotherapeutics may also benefit from some of the variables explored in the present study. There is substantial evidence. both clinical and experimental. to support the proposition forwarded by Ellis (1962) that adherence to a system of irrational beliefs, like superstitions and paranormal phenomena. is associated with psychopathology or a proclivity toward thought disorders. More recently, magical thinking has also been formally associated with paranormal beliefs and is considered to be a prominent symptom of borderline schizophrenia or schizotypal personality disorder (Spitzer Endicott and Gibbon, 1979). Paranormal beliefs and the high incidence of reported psychic experiences in the population have been systematically criticized as irrational, superstitious and psychopathological. Therefore. a superior understanding of the relationships between believers and skeptics on reasoning abilities (critical thinking) and related
27
cognitive and personality attributes as studied here, may help further clarify this problems. Much more is discussed on this issue in Chapter Two.
Finally. one of the most useful contributions to be made by the present study to the academic community and to this problem area is the development of the Extended Paranormal Belief Scale which is derived from the empirically-based scale devised by Tobacyk and Milford (1983). This scale divides paranormal phenomena into eight relatively independent and meaningful subscales.
Scope of the Study
The scope and limitations of the present study are outlined in this section. The potential limitations of the present study include the potential problems of selection of subjects and selection of test instruments.
Due to the many ~onstraints typical of nonfunded research, along with the problem of recruitment and motivation of a volunteer subject base for this study. only a select repertoire of survey and test materials could be employed.
For this study adults were selected over young children or adolescents in order to work with individuals more likely to have established beliefs regarding the subject, and to have some kind of involvement in their belief.
28
Also. due to the pervasiveness of belief in the paranormal and the variety of such beliefs, it was also crucial to include subjects who would make up the full
spectrum of belief and disbelief.
In order to assure that
a wide spectrum of believers and nonbelievers were represented in this investigation. an attempt was made to secure subjects from the general membership organization whose focus was on the promotion of the field of the paranormal. and those whose affiliative purpose was to promote a more skeptical approach to the subject of the paranormal. However. this strategy proved unsuccessful
for the most part, and it was. therefore. decided that subjects would be recruited from the general university population. It was concluded that it would be advantageous to include students of both undergraduate and graduate status to better assure a larger range in age and educatIonal achievement as well as a more likely dispersion of beliefs regarding the paranormal.
Aside from the university population. a random sample of subjects from a group with a demonstrated interest in the paranormal did participate in the study. Therefore, one possible limitaion of the study was that no committed skeptical organization decided to participate.
The other potential limitation to the present study was the possible self-selection at subjects to participate in the testing. At one university used for securing
29
subjects, participation was entirely optional and self-selection was possible. However, steps were taken to guard against this possible factor by appealing to subjects from all belief perspectives.
Although critical thinking. dogmatism and ambiguity tolerance are important cognitive and personality indicators. a possible limitation to the present study was the length of time for subjects to complete all test instruments. Perhaps more subjects would have decided to participate in the volunteer situations if shorter forms of critical thinking were available. (The average time to complete the critical thinking scale alone is 50 minutes.)
The design of the study presented here does, however. allow for a more comprehensive examination of potential psychological and sociological factors associated with belief in paranormal phenomena than has been previously published. Moreover. it uses a logical and coherent approach to the subject of paranormal beliefs. reflecting more accurately the various aspects of the paranormal (e.g., psi versus nonpsi paranormal) which makes the results much more meaningful. Therefore. in the context of the literature on paranormal beliefs. the study will hopefully add yet another piece to the puzzle.
30
Definitions
Altered State of Consciousness: This term can refer to virtually any mental state differing from that of the normal waking condition; hypnosis, trance meditation of the yoga or Zen tradition, hypnogogic and hypnopompic states. drug-induced states, trance dancing. etc.
Apparition: Predominantly a visual experience in which there appears to be present a person (deceased or living) who is in fact out of sensory range of the experient; often associated with "spontaneous extrasensory perception." e.g .• in connection with an Ilagent" who is
dying or undergoing some other crisis, or in connection with a haunting (in which case it is likely to be referred to in non-technical contexts as a 'ghost. I)
Aura: A field of subtle, multicolored, luminous radiations said to surround living bodies as a halo or cocoon; the term is occasionally used to refer to the normal electromagnetic field forces surrounding the body.
Belief: The state of believing; conviction or acceptance that certain things are true or real.
Clairvoyance: Paranormal acquisition of information concerning an object or contemporary physical event: in contrast to 'Itelepathy." the information is assumed to derive directly from the external physical source (object or event), and not from the mind of another individual or group of persons.
31
Extraordinary Phenomena: Phenomena which resides outside of the mainstream of science and which do have not or cannot be verified in an empirical manner.
Extraversion: Disposition to turn onels interests upon or find pleasure and value in external things or the social environment. From the Extraversion-Introversion dimension of Jungls psychological types. Actively outward toward people and objects (Extraversion-Introversion Dimension).
Ganzfeld: Term referring to a special type of experimental environment (or technique for producing it) consisting of homogeneous. unpatterned sensory stimulation: audiovisual ganzfeld may be produced by placing halved ping-pong balls over each eye of the subject. with diffused light (frequently red in hue) projected onto them from an external source. together with the playing of unstructured sounds (white or pink noise) into the ears. while the person is in a general state of relaxation or comfort. This state of deprivation of patterned input is said to be a psi-conducive state due to the inwardly-generated impressions, some of which may be "extrasensory" in origin.
Ghost: As popularly used, this term denotes only the apparition of a deceased person, and is not sufficiently precise for psi research.
32
Intentional Observer Effect: A term applied to the subject in a psychokinesis experiment who attempts to will "observeU a random number generator or quantum mechanical process to deviate in its performance from chance.
Lycanthropy: Belief in the magical power to transform oneself or another into an animal (e.g .• werewolf).
Magical Thinking: Archaic. primitive. prelogical thinking. such as seen in the unconscious of neurotics. in small children. in normal persons under conditions of fatigue. as antecedents of thought in primitive man. and in schizophrenic thinking (Hinsie and Campbell. 1974).
Magical ideation also defined as belief in forms of causation that by conventional standards are invalid.
Nonpsi Paranormal: All aspects of the paranormal with the exclusion of psi (e.g .• ESP. PK. precognition). The nonpsi paranormal beliefs are those which are considered to be less well supported scientifically and culturally.
Occult: Term referring to certain reputed sciences and practices. such as magic. astrology. witchcraft. sorcery, divination. etc .• involving esoteric knowledge or the employment of mysterious agencies; not be be confused wi t.h scientific pa r a p sy cho lqgy.
Ouija Board: A device consisting of a board marked with words, alphabetical l~tters and numerals, together with a smaller board on three legs, one which serves as a pointer; the device is employed to spell out messages,
33
answers. etc .• by having the fingers of one or more persons rest lightly upon the pointer. which moves over the larger board and stops at the various markings; some of these messages are considered by the users to be "extrasensoryll in origin.
Out-of-Body Experience: An experience. either spontaneous or induced. in which onels center of consciousness seems to be in a spatial location outside of onels physical body. For-some students of survival of bodily death. the out-of-body experience provides an example of what a disembodied existence could be like. This experience also has an alleged connection with clairvoyance. This term is preferred by parapsychologists over that of traveling clairvoyance of astral projection or astral travel.
Paranormal: A synonym for psychic or parapsychological; beyond (para) what should occur if only the known laws of cause and effect are operating.
Parapsychology: Term coined by Max Dessoir and adopted by J.B. Rhine to refer to the scientific study of "paranormal" phenomena. i.e .• except in Britain. it has largely superceded the older expression "psychical research. II
Poltergeist: This phenomena involve the unexplained movement or breakage of objects. etc .• and often seem to center around the presence of an adolescence or troubled
34
adult. They differ from a haunting in that an apparition is rarely ever seen.
Precognition: Ostensible knowledge of a future event which could not have been predicted or inferred by normal means.
Psi: A term used to identify an individual's extrasensorimotor communication with the environment. Psi includes both ESP and PK.
Psychic: Refers to an individual who "possesses" psi ability of some kind and to a relatively high degree. As an adjective. it is commonly applied to paranormal events, abilities, research, etc., and thus means "concerning or involving psi," or "parapsychological."
Psychokinesis (PK): Term introduced by J.B. Rhine to refer to the direct influence of mind on a physical system without the mediation of any known physical energy.
Reincarnation: A form of survival in which the mind, or some aspect of it, is reborn in another body. Rebirth is used as a synonym for reincarnation. but some Buddhists make a distinction between them, using rebirth to indicate the idea that from one life to another a continuity of personality occurs, but not an identity.
Retrocognition: A form of extrasensory perception in which the target is some past event which could not have been learned or inferred by normal means.
35
Sheep-Goat Effect: Term first used by Gertrude Schmeidler to indicate the relationship between acceptance of the possibility of ESP under the given experimental conditions and ESP scoring level, those accepting the possibility (sheep) tending to score above chance and those rejecting it (goats) at or below chance.
supernatural: Existing or occurring outside the normal experience or knowledge of man; not explainable by the known forces or laws of nature; attributed to God, or a god or cosmic force. Involvement of ghosts. spirits and other supernatural beings.
Supersheep: A sUbject who is certain that her score will be high because of her ESP ability.
Superstition: An irrational belief in magic. chance, etc., or an exaggerated fear of the unknown. Delusional.
Survival: Continued conscious existence in disembodied form for at least a time after bodily death: differs from immortality in that external existence is not implied (although neither is ruled out).
Telepathy: Refers to the apparent paranormal acquisition of information concerning the thoughts, feelings or behavior of another conscious being: the word has superceded earlier expressions such as "thought-transference. II
36
CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This chapter reviews the psychological, social science and parapsychological literature which are pertinent to the present study. Chapter Two also provides for an elaboration of many of the ideas and concepts presented only in brief form in Chapter One. The present research was designed primarily to investigate the difference between high and low endorsement of paranormal beliefs and psi-only beliefs vs. low endorsement with the personality and cognitive variables of dogmatism, ambiguity tolerance, and critical thinking abilities. Secondary variables and demographic factors as they relate to belief/disbelief are also explored in this review. Most of this review of the specific variables involved starts on page 112.
A secondary focus of this review was to analyze the development. structure. and potential functions of paranormal beliefs, and the exploration of possible factors which may predict the acceptance or rejection of paranormal beliefs. From this review of the literature. a more exact position will be presented as to what
37
constitutes the ~paranormal." as it is an often misconceived and misapplied term. Also. an argument will be made for the distribution of paranormal phenomena into various categories based on the nature of the phenomena in question. This is especially the case with regard to the distinction betwen psi an nonpsi paranormal phenomena.
For the purpose of this chapter the reviews are divided into the following categories!
(1) Incidence and Pervasiveness of Paranormal Beliefs (2) Personality, psychopathology, psychotherapeutics and paranormal beliefs
(3) General Context of Belief
(4) The Psychology of Belief
(a) Sources of Belief
(b) The Role of Explanation (c) Nominal Fallacy and Belief (d) Representativeness Fallacy (e) probabilistic Thinking
(f) coincidences and Oddmatches (g) Illusion of Clusters
(5) Dogmatism: Open and Closed Mind (a) Belief and Disbelief system (b) The Measure of Dogmatism
(c) Dogmatism and Belief/Disbelief in Psi Phenomena and the Paranormal
(6) Ambiguity Tolerance
38
(7) Critical Thinking and Paranormal Beliefs
(8) The Role of Personal Experience in Paranormal
Beliefs
(9) Demographics: Age. Sex. Education, and Religion
(10) Summary
Incidence and Pervasiveness of Paranormal Beliefs
The revival of interest in the paranormal has been
made known by the enormous quantity of books, newspaper
and magazine articles, as well as organized group
activities which focus on the myriad range of such
topics. These topics range from astrology, ESP, spoon
bending, psychic healings, astral travel, demonic possession, and hauntings, to auras. biorhythms, the
Bermuda Triangle, ancient astronauts. witchcraft and
lycanthropy. One can find advertisements. for occult and
paranormal materials and services in the back of most
popular periodicals. including Psychology Today. Most all
of the major radio stations across the country have talk
show programs on the paranormal, or frequently use
~psychics,'1 ~astrologers,~ and the pulp occult authors as
guests. The television and movie media industries are
also enamored of the paranormal and have dramatically
increased their use of these subjects, often exaggerating
39
the phenomena beyond the limits about which academic parapsychologists would even speculate.
Various state legislatures and local ordinances have approved business operations that perform palmistry. tarot card reading, tea readings and similar occult practices. Events known as IIpsychic fairsll are the swapmeets of the occult world with a variety of witches. mediums and psychics providing consultations to the masses.
Courses on how to develop your psychic abilities can be found across the country in adult and community education programs. and there are mUltitudinous private workshop and course offerings. It has been reported that the Swedish government has mandated the study of parapsychology and spiritualism as part of the high school curriculum (Roll. 1978). The American Society for Psychical Research reports that there are currently over 100 recognized college and university courses on the paranormal offered for course credit (American Society for Psychical Research. 1980).
Some of the United States universities that offer course credit include: Yale, Harvard. Princeton, University of California. Duke. CUNY. Washington University and the University of Virginia. Overseas one can find coursework on the paranormal at the University of Utrecht, University of Freiburg, University of Iceland. University of Tasmania and at several of the universities
40
in Great Britain. Several universities now offer opportunities for graduate level work on the paranormal and a select few offer accredited programs for the master or doctorate degree on the study of the paranormal (Malaer, 1984; Schmeid1er, 1979).
The University of California at Berkeley offered the first fully accredited doctoral degree for research in parapsychology in 1980, but not without some controversy. Thus. occult and paranormal beliefs are salient, not only among the lay public. but also among college students (Singer and Benassi, 1981). In 1969. the statistics on the relative number of occult books sold over the more parapsychological mainstream books at college bookstores was at thirty to one (McConnell. 1971). Moreover. a recent study by Otis and Kuo (1984). investigated belief of a wide variety of extraordinary phenomena among university students in Singapore and Canada. They presumed a negative relationship betwen level of technological development of a country and extraordinary beliefs, which was not supported. Students from both countries were strikingly similar in belief in the occult and paranormal. There is now a growing body of literature
that supports the notion that belief in the supernatural and paranormal is eminently strong at the college level (Jahoda. 1968; Jones, et al .. 1977; Levitt. 1952; Lord, 1958; Za'rour, 1972).
41
There are two valuable means of analyzing the situation regarding the incidence and prevalence of psi and nonpsi beliefs. One way is to survey and observe the general population in order to sense what most people consider valid or invalid paranormal phenomena. The second avenue for learning more about the extent of paranormal beliefs is to survey the scientific community. Scientists and the academic context play a large role in determining what is considered legitimate phenomena in most Western societies.
A fairly recent population poll (Roper, 1974) indicated that over half the adult respondents surveyed in
the United States believe in psychic phenomena, while a survey in England indicated 70 percent endorsement of ESP among scientists and technicians (Martin, 1974; Time, 1974). Gallup (1978) and Polzella, et al., (1975) have confirmed that belief in psychic phenomena is consistently found to be moderate or strong in 80-90 percent of the
population.
In one study, belief in the psychical
outranked belief in God in both strength and prevalence (Wiuthnow, 1978).
The most extensive survey of attitudes toward parapsychology to date was conducted among the readers of the British journal, New Scientist (Evans, 1973). Over 71,000 copies of the journal were sold and 1,416 replies were received. The results showed a high level of belief
42
in ESP. Over 67 percent of those responding reported that ESP was either an established fact or a likely possibility. The membership of the American Psychological Association was surveyed in 1938 (Warner and Clark) and in 1952 (Warner) to determine their attitudes toward ESP and parapsychology. Warner and Clark (1938) had a 58 percent return rate on surveys and Warner (1952) had a 68 percent return rate. In both cases. those considering ESP an established fact or a likely possibility. constituted a small percentage of the sample (8 percent and 17 percent, respectively). ESP was not considered a remote possibility or an impossibility by 50 and 49 percent. respectively.
Engineers and physicists with an interest in the paranormal lean in particular toward the investigation of psychokinesis (also known as telekinesis. or the intentional observer effect). colloquially referred to as mind over matter (John. 1982; Rush. 1977; Schmidt. 1973. 1976; Walker. 1975). Psychologically trained researchers are also involved in studying psychokinesis however, with special concern for the internal and environmental mediating variables (Girden, 1962; Levi. 1979; Morris. Nanko and Phillips. 1982; Murphy. 1962; Schmeidler. 1976; Stanford. 1977).
The three major parapsychological associations in the world count Ph.D. psychology-trained academicians as their
43
majority membership. The Society for Psychical Research in Great Britain. the American Society for Psychical Research in New York. an the Parapsychological Association (affiliated with the American Association for the Advancement of S~ience) in Virginia. all report psychology as the leading discipline of training amongst their memberships (Note 4). However. it should be noted that psychologists tend to be more skeptical of the paranormal than those from other ~isciplines (McClenon. 1984).
Various other survey studies reveal aspects of belief in ESP. Moss and Butler (1978) are reported in Wagner and Monnet (1979) to have surveyed their psychology colleagues (number = 37) and their students (number = 80). The professors were found to be significantly more skeptical than the students. Wagner and Monnet's (1979) study which was actually conducted in 1973. is the most methodologically sound. They surveyed a sample of college professors selected at random from the 1968-1969 Cass and Birnbaum. Comparative Guide to American Colleges. The criterion for inclusion was that the institution have at least 1,000 students and 100 faculty. This research indicated a favorable attitude toward ESP similar to that found by Evans (1973) and Gallup (1979) in that 66 percent of their college professor sample were favorably oriented to ESP, whereas only 23 percent considered ESP either a remote possibility or an impossibility.
44
Another well-designed study was performed by McClenon
(1982) using the membership of the American Association
for the Advancement of Science. This study of attitudes
toward ESP. parapsychology and anomalous experience was
directed at Council members and selected Section Committee
representatives of the AAAS. The study was designed to
survey "elitell AAAS members because they are in positions
of leadership and. therefore. constitute an aspect of the
uadministrativell elite in science. Elite scientists play
a critical role in the process of labeling certain systems
of belief as deviant.
This McClennon study found a difference in attitude
when compared to previous research. Only 29 percent were
favorably disposed (consider ESP an established fact or a
likely possibility) while 50 percent considered it a
remote possibility or an impossibility. The population of
elite scientists were far more skeptical about the
existence of ESP than the average college professor or the
average science reader polled through the journal. New
scientist. Of those AAAS members surveyed by McClenan. 69
percent consider the scientific investigation of ESP as a
legitimate undertaking. while 14 percent denied its
legitimacy. The percentage of individuals who denied the
legitimacy of the investigation of ESP was greater than
--
has been found in any major study. Certainly some
conflict exists due to the fact that such a large number
45
of elite individuals within science opposed the scientific investigation of a question considered valid by a majority of college professors and students. Among this elite group. believers in ESP tended to cite personal experiences as grounds for belief. Skeptics tended to cite a priori reasons as grounds for disbelief. A far lower percentage of these elite scientists reported an anomalous experience than is reported by the general American population as evidenced in the survey studies to follow.
The Gallup Poll organization conducted a series of national surveys in 1980 through 1981 probing the attitudes and beliefs that Americans eighteen and older held about the paranormal and immortality (Gallup and Proctor. 1982). In these surveys, two-thirds of those
polled responded "yes" to the question:
"Does a life
exist beyond death?" Based on traditional projecting methods used by Gallup. that percentage translates to about 100 million people. The Gallup Poll also showed that one-third of all adult Americans--about 47 million people--have had what they call a religious or mystical experience. These experiences ranged from those typical of the Ilcore" near-death experience as described by Grosso (1981), Moody {1975}, and Ring (1980) to experiences as dramatic as otherworldly unions with a divine being, communications with deceased people, visions of unusual
46
lights. and out-of-body experiences (see Blackmore. 1984. and Seigel. 1980. for serious reviews of this latter subject).
These findings are not so unusual when compared to the flood of paranormal and hallucinatory experiences reported by Wilson and Barber (1984) in their research of fantasy-prone personalities. which studied professional people from medicine and psychology.
The survey findings pUblished by Gallup and Proctor (1982) were primarily focused on what Americans believe about life after death and other issues related to the question of survival of bodily death. The Gallup Poll has
asked audiences in 1952. 1965. and 1980 this question:
"Do you think there is a Heaven where people who have led good lives are eternally rewarded?" A consistent seven out of ten people responded affirmatively. Although seventy percent of Americans have believed in a Heaven for the past 30 years. there are some interesting variations in belief. depending on such factors as the respondentls educational level. sex. religion. and place of residence. First. more women (75 percent) than men (66 pecent) believe in Heaven. This is in agreement with other research from the parapsychological and social psychological literature. which point to the tendency for women more than men to believe in the paranormal (Scheidt. 1973) as well as the occult and superstitious (Blum and
47
Blum. 1974). Geographically. there are far more people who hold such beliefs in the Midwest (76 percent). the South (84 percent). and the Deep South (89 percent) than any other region by more than 20 to 30 percent. There was also a negative relationship between education and belief in Heaven. wherein 77 percent of those with a grade school education believe. while 60 percent with a college education believe. Surprisingly. there were no age differences in belief in Heaven. One might expect that the older one gets. the more likely one would think
about--and believe in--Heaven. In fact. more than 75 percent of those 18 to 24 years of age believe in Heaven and 70 percent of those 50 and older reported a belief in Heaven. As might be expected those who reported a personal religious experience. say they believe in Heaven (86 percent) substantially more than those without such an experience believe (64 percent).
On the other end of this equation there is the belief in a Hell. In 1952. 1965. and 1980. the Gallup Poll asked their national sampling of American adults this same question: ~Do you think there is a Hell to which people who have led bad lives and die without being sorry. are eternally damned?" Again. the results were quite consistent over the 30 years with the average belief in Hell at 55 percent. These figures are considerably lower than the 70 percent range of belief in a Heaven. Those
48
from the South (72 percent) and the Deep South (81 percent), had the highest belief and were quite different than those from the West (36 percent) or the East (41 percent). As was the case with belief in Heaven, the lower the educational level of the individual, the more likely he or she was to believe in Hell.
In the Gallup surveys, a significant number of people on every educational level believe that the afterlife will be populated by a hierarchy of clearly identifiable supernatural beings. In the most recent survey, people were asked about their belief in the Devil. Thirty four percent of the general adult American public said they believe in the Devil as a "personal BEING who directs evil forces and influences people to do wrong." Another 36 percent said they believe in the Devil as an lIimpersonal FORCE that influences people to do wrong. II Twenty percent did not believe and ten percent were undecided.
In the most recent Gallup survey (1981), the investigators explored what they considered to be the most pressing beliefs in the occult or supernatural. More than half of the adult American population believe in ESP, and two-thirds of those with a college background believe in ESP. They also found that 46 percent of adults in the United States believe that there is alien life on other planets. UFOs and alien life are topics typically categorized (albeit incorrectly) as belonging to the field
49
of parapsychology or anomalous psychology_ Parapsychology proper does not include these phenomena. although they have been known to be included in some popular books and articles on the sUbject.
Twenty-three percent of those polled believe in reincarnation. There are more people in the West who believe in reincarnation (27 percent) versus those in the Deep South (16 percent). Gallup and Proctor (1982) suggest that a possible reason for this variation may be that the West Coast is more susceptible to the influences of the Eastern religions. which include reincarnation as an article of faith. Curiously. however. southern blacks showed an especially high belief in reincarnation at 32 percent. which poses some difficulties for Gallup and Proctor1s interpretation. There was an age effect as
well. with thirty percent of those 18 to 24 years old responding affirmatively to belief in reincarnation as compared to the fifty and older group which had a belief rate of only 21 percent.
Another main area of the occult and paranormal that was tapped was that of belief in the possibility of having contact with the dead. A significant number of Americans (24 percent). projected to be about 37 million adults, believe it is possible to contact the dead. A previous Gallup survey found that 11 pecent of Americans believed in ghosts (Gallup. 1976). One in three in the West
50
believe in contact with the dead, while only two in ten of those in the South do. Another interesting finding is that as many as 38 percent of young adults under 30 years report a belief in contact with the dead, while only 12 percent of those over 50 years old hold this belief.
As far as belief in the paranormal is concerned, both the physicians and the scientists were again more skeptical than the general population. Only eight percent of scientists said they believe in reincarnation and nine percent of the physicians hold this conviction versus 23 percent for the general population. Regarding contact with the dead, five percent of the scientists said they believe, whereas nine percent of the physicians believe as contrasted with 24 percent for the general population. Lastly, there were more scientists (35 percent) who believe that there is life on other planets, in comparison to physicians (25 percent). Forty-six percent of the general public believe in alien life. Many scientists speculate that with such a large number of solar systems in the universe, there is a logical probability that life similar to human form may have evolved.
There are many criticisms that can be levied against the survey research conducted by Gallup and Proctor (1982). There is always the problem of sampling error, that is, the extent to which the results may differ from what would be obtained if the total population surveyed
51
had been interviewed. Moreover, the questio~s employed for this survey were very general. simplistic. and limited in both breadth and depth into any particular topic surveyed. On the positive side. however. the survey has provided a large amount of data that demonstrates the pervasiveness of belief by American adults in ESP. extraordinary phenomena and afterlife. The latter survey with the physicians and scientists demonstrated that such professionals are more skeptical of such phenomena and. as a group, do not believe as much in a life after death. Also of importance were the results that strongly suggest that beliefs in ESP, extraordinary phenomena, and the afterlife are well developed in younger adults.
A "Belief-In-Afterlife" survey conducted by Thalbourne (1984). studied the survival beliefs of MENSA members in Missouri. Subjects were asked whether they agreed. disagreed. or were uncertain about seven survival hypotheses from extinction to reincarnation on another planet. Sixty-two percent believed in some form of survival with twenty-seven percent disbelieving and six percent uncertain. These general results with highly intelligent members resemble those figures obtained by Gallup (1982). More specifically. the reincarnation on earth hypothesis was believed by 17 percent of the MENSA participants, which closely resemble Gallup's 23 percent (1982). Immortality ranked first, followed by
S2
resurrection of the dead, reincarnation on earth,
life-after-death, selective survival, and reincarnation on
another planet. Age was not related to belief. while sex
was related to some measures. Males were more likely to
believe in the extinction of consciousness hypothesis.
whereas women were more likely to believe in the
immortality hypothesis.
Personality, Psychopathology, Psychotherapeutics and Paranormal Beliefs
Most of the literature on the above titled subject
comes from the clinical parapsychological literature and
stresses the dynamics of psi events as they arise in the
clinical context. Only a few researchers and writers have
gone further to study and theorize about the role
ostensibly psychic phenomena may play in the evolution of
symptomatology of the major psychological or psychiatric
disorders. Even fewer investigators have discussed the
problems related to paranormal beliefs or experiences in
the psychotherapeutic context. Although this section does
not review the issue in great depth. it does provide an
adequate sampling of the research interest in this area.
As Brink (1978) pointed out. the relationship betwen
belief in psychic phenomena and personality variables has
been the subject of much speculation from Freud on, but
there has been no real empirical investigation. The
53
off-the-cuff remarks of many psychologists run something
like this:
IIIndividuals who have defective
reality-testing or who are driven by unconscious complexes. are attracted to belief in psychic phenomena II (p. 22).
The studies that have by design. or serendipitously discovered relationships between personality and the sheep-goat effect are few in number. Carpenter (1971) reported that goats scored significantly higher on Mosher's sex-guilt scale than did sheep. Shiels and Berg (1977) found sheep to be less orthodox in their religious beliefs ad more likely to identify themselves as non-Christians than goats. Kanthamani, Haight. and Kennedy (1979). using a large sample of high school students. compared subjects who reported that they had experienced psi with those reporting no such experiences. Utilizing the Cattell High School Personality Questionnaire (Cattell and Beloff. 1962), no personality differences were found. On the other hand. Sandford (1979) predicted on the basis of a pilot experiment that persons reporting fewer experiences would score as more adjusted than those reporting more psychic experiences. Subjects (30 males. 30 females) were administered the California Personality Inventory (CPI), the Maudsley Personality Inventory (MPI. Eysenck. 1959), and a psychic experiences questionnaire. As predicted. both males and
54
females in the hihg-experience groups .scored lower than low-experience groups on CPI scales relating to degree of socialization and maturity. High-experience females also scored higher on the MPl1s neuroticism scale, while both male and female high-experience subjects averaged higher score on the extraversion scale, but not significantly so.
In a small sample study (10 subjects), Roney-Dougal (1979) obtained data which found sheep reporting more experiences relating to hypnotizability than did goats. Harding (1980) gave Shostrom1s Personal Orientation Invenory (POI) along with a sheep-goat scale developed by Thalbourne (1981), and found that sheep were more likely to be self-actualizing people and to be more capable of warm interpersonal relationships than were goats. Thalbourne and Haraldsson (1980) found, in four experiments, that sheep were more warm and outgoing than goats in human relationships and generally more extraverted than goats.
Emme (1940) and Maller and Lundeen (1933) reported significant positive relationships between paranormal belief and trait anxiety and maladjustment. However, later studies have reported that no such relationship exists (Tobacyk, 1982).
Another major concern for the field of psychopathology and psychotherapeutics is the presumed relationship between belief in the paranormal and magical thinking.
55
Magical thinking is a belief in the possibility that events which. according to the causal concepts of this culture, cannot have a causal relation with each other, might nevertheless. somehow, do so (Eckblad and Chapman. 1983). Magical beliefs overlap with many of those events and experiences that are included in a belief in the paranormal. Researchers have found magical thinking to be a prominent symptom of borderline schizophrenia (Spitzer. Endicott and Gibbon, 1979). The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 1980) has relabeled the above syndrome as "schizotypal personality disorder" Which includes the following as part of its diagnostic
cri teria: "magical thinking # e. g., supersti tiousness, clairvoyance, telepathy, 16th sense, I "o t.h e r s can feel my feelingslll (po 313). According to psychiatrically-oriented skeptics, therefore, one of the significat sequelae for some of those who hold a belief in the paranormal may be a proclivity toward psychosis or other thought disorders.
Of course, much more research is needed as to what comprises magical beliefS or magical thinking. The Eckblad and Chapman (1983) Magical Ideation Scale, for example, includes several items pertaining to psi beliefs. Thus, one who endorses telepathy and perhaps similar beliefs will find their scores approaching diagnostic levels~
56
The psychological mechanisms involved in occult beliefs may indeed present forms of some mundane pathologies of reasoning. For example, to the extent that mundane beliefs and paranormal beliefs have similar determinants. the study of paranormal beliefs. which are
at the outer limits of irrationality (Singer and Benassi. 1981). may throw light on more ordinary reasoning pathologies.
There is substantial evidence. both clinical and empirical. to support the proposition forwarded by Albert Ellis (1962) that adherence to a system of irrational beliefs. like superstitions. results in psychopathological
behavior. Beliefs may be irrational depending on the extent to which they are not based on objective reality and cause the individual intrapersonal or interpersonal problems. Paranormal or occult beliefs have been systematically criticized as irrational or pathological throughout the literature. Therefore, the further understanding of relationships and determinants of belief in the paranormal will add to the newly growing literature in this area, hopefully providing a more balanced view.
There are many more implications to the problem of paranormal belief and personality functioning. psychopathology and psychotherapy than has probably been suspected by the field of psychiatry/psychology and even by most clinically oriented parapsychologists.
57
For example, some people who possess paranormal beliefs are also se~king psychics to deal with mental health problems and have bypassed licensed and trained practitioners altogether (Galanti, 1981). Some therapists are taking advantage of this movement by establishing "intuitivell counseling centers and "spiritual" emergency networks and hotlines. At an intuitive counseling center one can obtain "psychic readingsll and astrological workups to help solve their mental health needs. It was presumed that believers are the ones who avail themselves of such services, paying large donations for IIpsychic,lI mediumistic,lI or "spiritualll counselors, believing they have access to other dimensions. including the spirit world.
The paranormal aspects of psychotherapy and psychopathology have poduced increased interest among parapsychologists in the past few years as demonstrated by a growing number of articles. books and symposia on the subject (Devrereux, 1953; Mintz, 1983; Munson. 1986: Rogo, 1981). Parapsychologists have attmpted to deal with theproblems of subjects who present themselves with troublesome psi experiences and with the general community members who come to them for help thinking they have a sympathetic ear. Some parapsychologists have asserted that it is their duty to counsel those who come to them for mental health reasons (Weiner. 1978). It may be the
58
case that some traditional clinicians are all too ready to diagnose as schizophrenic or another catch-all category those individuals who report any experiences that border on the occult or psychic. These individuals tend to seek help outside the traditional psychotherapy circles, which serves to perpetuate the problem.
Some investigators have found that belief in, and involvement with, occult practices like seances and Ouija boards can lead to serious personality disintegration (Bender, 1960). There are several case histories on record where playing with Ouija boards or other psychic
tools have initiated brief psychotic or near psychotic episodes (Ebon, 1976; Vaughan. 1973). Seances have also been known to lead to some very troublesome and lasting emotional experiences. Keene (1977). a reformed fraudulent medium. has written in detail about how seances and other maneuvers have been used to exploit the often fragile conditions of those in mourning over a deceased loved one. In has also been suggested that psychotics may be drawn to the psychic community. Such a community might support the schizophrenic's delusions by convincing him that his experiences are psychic in nature. thus relieving the patient'S anxiety over his mental state (Ullman, 1977). This. of course. is a mental health problem in its own right. Along the above lines, Neppe (1983) has
59
introduced a separate psychopathological entity entitled "psychic psychosis.1I
These are people who regard themselves as psychic and report "feelings" and "impressionsll about the past, present and future. They not only believe that they relate to another reality at times, but they tend to overinterpret most events as psychic.
Some therapists may have feed into such belief systems by promoting the ideas that various behavioral and personality disorders and certain psychoses are related somehow to paranormal involvement. Ehrenwald (1971) was one of the first contemporary psychiatrists to take a serious look at the Utelepathy" hypothesis as a partial explanation for some cases of paranoia ad schizophrenic, whereby the patient sensing his or her vulnerability to unpredictable threats and assaults upon his or her isolation, relies on magical thinking to manage present reality. The patient's weakened concern with real time and events is further augmented by a "paranormal sensingl1 of the sources of possible danger in the future. Ullman surmises the precognition is more Characteristic of schizophrenia (although for purposes of avoidance rather than for manipulation. as might be the case for the antisocial), telepathy and/or clairvoyance of the manic state. and retrocognition of the depressive psychosis. Eisenbud (1970), Albert (1974). Schwarz (1967) and many
60
other clinicians have promoted other psi interpretations for psychiatric disorders from depersonalization and psychosomatic problems to various addictions. The point was that reality testing is fUrther complicated by therapy done under the auspices of the magical context. Past-life therapies and pseudo-exorcisms for mental health problems are currently popular and there is little decline in sight. Perhaps the mental health community needs to address more of-the transpersonal and spiritual aspects of
human needs and experiences. At the very least, psychotherapists need to be informed about the nature of paranormal beliefs and the phenomena that make up the context for that belief.
The massive attention given by the media to psychic and nonpsi paranormal claims, along with many professionals promoting magical therapies. must have increased the plausibility of the paranormal in the minds of the public. For example. there are thousands of people willing to place their lives in the hands of a Ilpsychic" healer or psychic surgeon ~ before attempting to work within the context of traditional or conventional medicine. Thousands of people consult psychics, astrologers, and mediums for their mental health needs, including help for relationships. Some people are also eager to put down hundreds of dollars for purported development courses on psychic ability when academic
61
parapsychology itself admits to not having a handle on how to develop psi. nor even the know-how to consistently demonstrate psi with so-called IIgiftedll subjects.
Thus. another important contribution of this study will be to understand more about the characteristics of those who believe in the paranormal and who are potentially susceptible to participation in the magical milieu. Also. this study will distinguish between the various categories of belief in the paranormal. adding much more clarity to this issue. including whether or not those who hold a belief in psi and not the nonpsi paranormal. are different from those with larger scale paranormal beliefs. and from those skeptical of all such beliefs.
General Context of Belief in the Paranormal
What is meant by the term IIbelief?1I As is the case for most social psychological constructs. the definitions and descriptions are as numerous as they are nebulous. In very general terms. a belief can be defined as a "simple expectancy regarding a property of an object or series of objects or eventsll (Rotter. 1972. p.335). We expect walls to be hard. water to be wet. and fire to be hot. We are quite certain about some beliefs (e.g., the South Pole exists) and not very confident about others (e.g .• intelligence is genetic). Basically, we can only assign a
52
Itpsychologicaltl probability that our belief is veridical (Scheibe. 1970). Thus. we can never be completely certain that what we believe to be true is in fact true.
A belief system is a world-view. To make sense of the enormity of their experiences. humans need a moral and cognitive map of the universe. Such maps may be defined as belief systems. and they include beliefs as to the nature of reality. of causality. the nature of knowledge. and codes of ethics--that is, descriptions of valued and disvalued behaviors. Ultimately, according to Frank (1977), all belief systems will rest on value premises that for the believer are not open for question (read dogmatic) and that cannot be disproved by appeal to experience: they are articles of faith. This notion is as true of the scientific as it is of the transcendental world-view. The transcendental or mystical world-view assumes the existence of one or more realities which are accessible only to states of consciousness other than the ordinary waking one (see Tart. 1974. 1975. for a description of such states). This view maintains that individuals can live in these other realities only temporarily. and the extreme transcendental view regards the sensory reality in which we must all live most of the time as ephemeral and philosophically insignificant.
Belief systems can vary in depth. extent, explicitness. intensity with which they are held.
63
intolerance to other alternative world-views. and in their power to guide and influence the behavior of individuals who hold them. This present review considers some descriptive characteristics correlated with paranormal belief systems. their sources and modes of transmittal, and, to some extent. their psychological and cognitive functions. and concludes with some of the problems involved in conducting research on belief in phenomena that cannot be reconciled to the cosmology of mainstream science.
It must be added that many scientists are capable of maintaining both a scientific and transcendental or paranormal belief system. The scientist may adhere to the scientific view only with respect to those aspects of reality that are the objects of their scientific efforts. Thus (and curiously so). they demand the most rigorous scientific validation ~f one class of phenomena or experiences. while disregarding such validation. altogether with respect to other experiences relating to paranormal beliefs they may hold.
The scientific and the transcendental style world-views share certain functions and differ significantly in several other respects. A shared function is one in which both belief systems supply_a cognitive and moral map with which to order experiences in terms of their importance. Selective perception might be
64
a sub-principle of a belief system. The belief system
provides guides as to what to select and attend to out of
the welter of experience. Moreover, by its representation
of an orderly, consistent universe, it enables the
believers to predict and control their environment and to
evaluate the behavior of others, as well as their own
behavior, from some social and ethical point of view.
Control of the events may be illusory--as a rain dance may
not actually bring about the rain. and a prayer may not
return one's health or life. but for the believer, this
does not challenge the belief system. A belief system has
ways of accounting for failures (e.g .• lithe gods must be
angry.1I "it is a test, II lIit was his time to gall).
At a group or societal level, a major function of a
belief system is to bind the believers together and to
make for a more cohesive group.
Another major purpose of a belief system is to
counteract what Sartre has described as "ontological
anxiety." the prospect of disappearing into nothingness
which all humans must face. Transcendental beliefs
(Frank. 1977) are superior in their ability to reduce
ontological anxiety. Rollo May (1959) has described this
situation quite well:
Anxiety . . . is the subjectiVe aspect of a being facing imminent nonbeing, that is, facing the dissolution of ... himself as a self. Anxiety is the inward state of my becoming aware .
65
that I can lose myself and my world, that I can become "nothingU (p. 1354).
All belief systems may try to counteract this intolerable
feeling by linking individual existence to an absolute, or
some goal or value that transcends the individual or their
culture. This might be expressed in service to God or
science. science does not offer the final answers to the
truth about our existence. and. thusly, one can see how
the scientists could maintain an equally strong belief in
a god that cannot be proven empirically.
Decades ago. Malinowski (1926). revealed that there is
a functional significance to beliefs that cannot be
validated empirically. For example. Malinowski found in
his analysis of magical practices among the Trobriand
Islanders that every such practice and corresponding
superstitious belief ufulfills some vital function, has
some task to accomplish, represents an indispensable part
within a working whole" (p. 132). The functional
significance of many transcendental religions, for
example, promises the individual eternal existence in the
afterlife. Many Eastern religions, among others, see
unity with nothingness as the ultimate goal (albeit often
after several reincarnations), the final stage of the
mystic's quest. By somehow being absorbed into the world
"consciousness, II the individual gains me an i nq or
significance. The suffering and evil on earth somehow
66
become meaningful and. for some religions. it is even desirable as an expression of Godls will. as a test. or as the completion of onels karma before going on.
Many transcendental religions and beliefs. therefore. provide their followers with a greater sense of self. peace. and life satisfaction. especially if they have come to the religion via conversion following a period of despair. There is another side to these beliefs which promotes strong group solidarity. Transcendental beliefs, especially religious beliefs. can often instill fear and guilt by stressing hell and damnation. There may be ruthless rejection and hatred of those who do not mold to the group beliefs. as they may be seen as a psychological threat. For many people, there is little tolerance for uncertainty and such dogmatic attachments to a belief system may provide some solice. Unfortunately. such belief systems may also serve to reinforce righteousness (Frank. 1977).
What are the obstacles to scientific acceptance of the transpersonal and transcendental experience as a reality and to its possible accessibility through research? There are great obstacles for science, as well as for the believers in the transcendental, which are primarily due to the fact that both sides are holders of world-views made uncomfortable by phenomena which challenge their basic beliefs. For instance.the scientistls first
67
reaction to even the mildest suggestion that paranormal experiences such as telepathy. clairvoyance, precognition. or psychokinesis could be valid. is often met with unexamined rejection and indignation. Such phenomena are often dismissed a priori as magical thinking. psychotic,
or as an aspect to some other psychiatric condition, and without having any existence in reality. Paranormal experiences reported by emotionally well-adjusted individuals are, therefore, judged by the critical observer as coincidence, illusion, superstitiousness, magical thinking, deficits in critical thinking and, as some critics are quick to claim without examination, delusions.
From a practical point of view, paranormal and mystical experiences cannot compete in interest as objects of study with phenomena which the understanding and control of promise worldly benefits. Contrary to what many psychics and psi researchers assert, there are currently no tangible, consistent, and replicable psi phenomena which can be applied in an industrial or commercial context. On the other hand, many advocates of transcendental or paranormal belief systems are equally reluctant to expose their beliefs and purported phenomena to systematic scientific study. In some instances, their attitudes are antithetical to research, that is partly because research is based on doubt and is quite often
68
performed by disbelievers. Also, since a believer knows their revelations and experiences to be veridical, many will take the stance that the effort to apply the scientific method to the phenomena is at best irrelevant, and at worst, sacreligious.
The scientist who desires to study transcendental or paranormal experiences must be prepared to deal not only with the myriad of research problems presented by the nature of the subject matter, but also by the skepticism, mistrust, and disdain of his or her colleagues.
McClenon's book, Deviant Science (1984). discussed in some depth how parapsychology and parapsychologists are perceived as deviant by mainstream dominant science, and that any acceptance of the field has come through social and political pressures and not from the research findings and theory building. Thus, those who-study the transcendental and paranormal are perceived with sociological ambivalence and as violating certain norms of organized science (Merton, 1942) and are, therefore, stigmatized.
The Psychology of Belief
Leonard Zusne, professor of psychology at the University of Tulsa, is a scholar and noted critic of superstitiousness and occult and paranormal beliefs. Zusne has written extensively on the reasons for the
69
persistence of beliefs in ESP and related phenomena and
the need for psychology to come to grips with the
pervasiveness of such beliefs. He states that research
and teaching in the area of anomalistic psychology is not
a futile enterprise. and that learning and teaching how to banish the specter of extraordinary phenomena is the way
to live with it until it is defeated and fades away (Zusne
and Jones, 1982). Zusne proposed and advised the field of
psychology:
A specter is haunting psychology, the specter of extraordinary phenomena of behavior and consciousness. Precogntiive dreams. telepathy. psychokinesis. apparitions--what have psychologists done with them? We have tried to kill the specter of psychological phenomena that do not seem to fit the scientific conception of the world by equating it with fraud, but, like the boogey man, it would not die. We have pretended it does not exist, but its face keeps peering at us through the faces of our students who, year after year. challenge us to explain how it is that a dream of someone close to them, dying. actually did come true. We have tried to put it behind us, below us, push it out and away. but, like the revenant, it has kept returning, gaining entrance through back doors. One thing we have hardly tried is to recognize its existence and attempt to live with it. Precognitive dreams, out-of-body experiences. and even apparitions are phenomena of behavior and consciousness like any other, and they need to be understood and predicted. (Zusne. 1982. p. 683).
This turns our attention to the psychology of belief.
especially belief in the paranormal.
We often ref~r to our beliefs as though they were
based on some logical process or as a result of critical
70
thinking.
In most cases. we would be hard-pressed to
present either a logical basis or empirical evidence for many of our most closely held beliefs. We all believe that the world is round and grin when we think that less than 500 years ago people still believed it to be flat. But how do we know it is round? Is it by experience or by evidence that we know the earth is round? We accept that the earth is round because it has been taught to us. We
could cite the space flights around the world, and television and still photographs as evidencing the roundness of the planet. However, just as in the movie IIcapricorn One, II the whole space program could have been produced on a motion picture lot and only made to appear as if it really happened. Basically, we accept on faith that the world is round. We do this despite what our everyday experience tells us, namely that the earth seems to be flat. We believe in democracy as the best form of government, not because we have analyzed the various forms
of government and can defend democracy against all other forms, but rather we believe it because it was inculcated in us as children in school.
Beliefs then. can be viewed, often, as independent of our direct sensory experiences. In many cases. we are not able to express our beliefs and, therefore, we donlt really IIknowll them, although observers may be able to infer our beliefs from our behavior (Rokeach. 1960). In
71
exactly the same manner. we can only infer the nature of other peoplel~ beliefs on the basis of their verbalizations and their physical behavior. Common sense experience demonstrated to most people that. what another often pronounces as a belief was not always the same as onels behavior, thus exposing the more likely underlying belief. The individual who opposes pornography but attends X-rated movies and subscribes secretly to porn magazines, the person who says that looks do not matter in their acceptance of others but who only hires and associates with trim and attractive people, and those who assert their lack of racial prejudice may demonstrate through humor (for example) the nature of underlying beliefs that are at variance with their words. The classic social psychology studies indicating how attitudes are found to be inconsistent with racial behavior are instructive in this regard (Campbell, 1963; Dillehay, 1973: Green. 1968: Triandis. 1971). For example, Weitz (1972) simulated an interracial encounter in which white subjects were expected to interact with a black or white individual. Weitz obtained measures of attitudes (paper-and-pencil) and behaviors (how close the subject sat to the black. and the intimacy of work tasks selected); in addition. she had the voice intonation of subjects recorded and rated by independent observers.
Each subject was told to read instructions to the other
72
participant. who was either black or white. This
investigator found that. whereas the attitudinal responses
indicated friendliness. the behavioral responses reflected
rejection of blacks. In fact. Weitz found a negative
correlation between the friendliness of the subject's
attitude and his voice tone and behavior toward the
black. Weitz concluded:
It appears that these subjects [those with the most extreme favorable attitudes] were repressing negative or conflictive affect toward blacks by overreacting in the positive direction on the verbal measure--the IIdoth protest too muchll syndrome (1972. p.17).
Of course, there are a myriad of possible explanations for
this frequently found phenomena (Fishbein. 1966; Gaertner.
1974; Kovel. 1970).
Phobias are another interesting phenomena which
demonstrate that one may ubelievell one thing and yet be
"compelledll to act contrary to this bellef. A Phobic
Disorder, as stated in the DSM III (APA. 1980), is
the persistent and irrational fear of a specific object. activity, or situation that results in a compelling desire to avoid the dreaded object. activity, or situation (the phobic stimulus). The fear is recognized by the individual as excessive or unreasonable in proportion to the actual dangerousness of the object, activity, or situation (po 225).
A man with a phobia about black cats may IIbelieve,lI with
very high confidence, that a particular little kitten he
73
encounters on the street will not and cannot harm him, however. the individual might still produce an uncontrollable fear reaction leading the observer to infer incorrectly that he believes the kitten to be dangerous. The problem of defining the "real" belief comes up: is it the belief that cats are not dangerous, or is it the belief that he must escape from the cat? In the end. it appears that it is not instructional to reason in terms of an individual's "real" beliefs as though they were somehow independent of his behavior and independent of the time and specific situation. for as Scheibe (1970) advised. "Beliefs are not thing-like and they do not have an independent existence."
Sources of Belief
Where do beliefs originate? Belief systems are transmitted from one generation to the next as an aspect of the process of aculturation (Frank. 1977). They are both expressed and reinforced by recurring group activities such as ceremony, religious rituals, or by repeated demonstrations of their validity, such as scientific discoveries and technological inventions.
Researchers Sarbin, Taft, and Bailey (1960) described four major- sources of beliefs: authority. analogy, inductive reasoning, and theory.
74
1. Authority. An enormous amount of material that we learn and come to believe in is taught to us by someone in a position of authority. Children typically accept what they learn in school because of the authority of the teaqher. The learning process of this sort lasts for several years and spans a multitude of content areas. Children may accept that the teacher is unfailingly correct (Sarbin, et al., 1960). Moreover, books are regarded as authority by most children and by most people in general. Since the paper by Sarbin. et al. (1960). it has become increasingly apparent that the print and electronic media are strong sources of information, influence and belief. Feder (1986) as well as Singer and Benassi (1981) have documented how problematic the role of the media is for promoting paranormal beliefs. Research has repeatedly shown that people attribute a great deal of their occult and paranormal beliefs to the popular media (Evans, 1973). Whether those who believe strictly in the possibility or reality of psi phenomena and not in the nonpsi paranormal also derive the basis for such beliefs from the media has not been determined.
2. A second source of beliefs is by way of analogy.
An individual may develop a belief about something based on its similarity to something else with which he or she is familiar. Sympathetic and imitative magic could be an example of this. A good example of this conceptualization
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of the development of beliefs can be seen by the following example: For centuries there has been a belief in the existence of a human lIaura.1I a IIradiationll which supposedly surrounds the body and projects from it in various colors anywhere from inches to several feet.
There is substantial literature from the periphery of parapsychology which suggests that those with highly developed psi abilities are capable of seeing these auras, and some self-proclaimed IIpsychicsU have been said to use their powers to assess the nature, character. and health of an individual by studying the aura of the subject (Day, 1975; Moss. 1974; Singer. 1981). In 1937. two Russians. semyon and Valentine Kirlian. "discovered" the HKirlian aurall while repairing an electrotherapeutic device (Singer. 1981). During the repair of this device. Semyon Kirlian noticed that sparks manifested between his hand and the glass-covered electrode atached to the device. In subsequent testing using high-voltage photography. the Kirlians were able to capture these sparks on film surrounding the hand. producing what they determined to be a picture of an aura. The Kirlians continued to investigate this effect. refining the photographic and electrical techniques, and also experimented with the photography of both animate and inanimate objects. The Kirlians concluded that the process was of value in making early diagnoses of disease states in humans, animals, and
76
plants. and in studying electrical and physiological properties of living plant and animal tissue. Their research received a great deal of Russian academic attention in the 1950's. however, it was not popularized until the 1970's when two journalists published the best-seller, Psychic Discoveries behind the Iron Curtain (Ostrander and Schroeder, 1970).
These journalists. often perceived by the general public to be researchers, reported the Kirlian technique to be a way of photographing the "human energy field~ or "aura.~ They described the aura as being sensitive to the emotional. physical and psychical states of the individual photographed. Kirlian photography was soon to become a favorite of the news and entertainment media. with newsmagazines publishing a variety of Kirlian photographs alledgedly portraying states of love, hate. disease and psychic healing. The Kirlian effect has been promoted by some on the periphery of parapsychology as depicting psychic states and processes, including so-called "transfers of energy" (Krippner and Rubin. 1974; Moss, 1974), however, it has also been asserted to depict an ~astral body," otherwise known as an energy body, etheric body, or more recently, the bioplasmic body (Moss and Johnson. 1972).
The point here, regarding belief by analogy. is that the Kirlians, rather than attempting to examine what
77
factors might be responsible for the Kirlian effect and ascertain the source of it by carrying out controlled and systematic research. assumed that what appeared on the electrical photographic plate was an image of the hypothetical aura. Furthermore, a thorough investigation into the historical background of the phenomena would have led them to find that this effect was first discovered in 1777 by G.C. Lichtenberg, and studied by Tesla in much greater detail as well' (Prat and Schlemmer. 1939). Most professional parapsychologists, however, are aware of the similarity between the Kirlian effect and corona discharge, a sparking in the atmosphere around any object in a strong electrical field. The most reasonable assumption, then, is that the Kirlian effect is a corona discharge (Singer. 1981). Also, the research on this effect has produced at least twenty-five variables that may influence tne discharge on the Kirlian film (Eidson, et al., 1977). Some of these variables include: position and pressure of finger on photographic plate; air temperature; air pressure; air moisture; skin resistance; moisture extruded from the skin; and electrical circuit characteristics (amperage, voltage, frequency, .etc.); photographic plate characteristics (size. sensitivity, type of emulsion); and other variables such as type of film and electrode characteristics. In essence, the case is made here for analogizing as a source of belief. In
78
our everyday life. we are typically not aware of the extent to which we derive new beliefs from old ones on the basis of analogy.
3. A third source of beliefs is inductive reasoning (Sarbin. et al .• 1960). Basically. this premise states that. with limited experience with a certain person or object. people often come to believe that similar people or objects will behave in the same way. The stereotyping of people would serve as a good example for this dimension. A person who has had a bad experience with a black person or two (e.g .• mugged by a black male in the bad part of a city) may come to believe that all black
males are to be distrusted.
Induction is a process used
by everyone. It is a matter of making generalizations; of making predictions based on onels experiences.
4. The fourth source of beliefs is from theories. A theory is a set of related propositions (hypotheses) that attempt to explain and sometimes to predict. a set of events. Theories. then. are tentative formulations (Hoover. 1980). Theories generate hypotheses which serve as tentative explanations or descriptions of some aspect of reality.
However. not all hypotheses are drawn from theory.
For example, Alcock (1981) asserts that the hypothesis that paranormal phenomena exist is not derived from theory. This claim. by the way, is debatable in the
79
professional circles of psi research, as parapsychology
has devoted much effort to theory building. One of the
most important differences between scientific and
non-scientific belief systems is the way in which
hypotheses are evaluated. An example from Alcock
(1981:43) reads:
The hypothesis that the ingestion of Vitamin E will improve the ability to withstand stress may be ~tested~ by a layperson by taking Vitamin E for a few weeks and noting if his ability to withstand stress improves. He might conclude that the vitamin was effective. Such a verification procedure is open to many error-producing influences. It can lead to IIsuperstitiousll belief in the efficacy of an action if IIsuccess" follows the action, but was not caused by the action.
Scientific hypothesis-testing involves the gathering
of empirical evidence in a way in which all extraneous
variables that might have an influence on the outcome of
the test have been eliminated or controlled for. However,
the scientific method is not a guarantee that some
IIhidden" variable responsible for the outcome will be
discovered. A researcher can never be completely certain
that all error-producing influences have been eliminated.
It is inevitable in this complex world that we will be
confronted with conflicting sources of belief and with
authorities who differ from one another. How do we
--
choose? Berger (1970) maintained that one of the
fundamental propositions of the sociology of knowledge is
80
that the plausibility of what people find believable often depends upon the social support they receive. Any social group normally attempts. often below the level of consciousness, to socialize and standardize the beliefs of its members. Deviant attitudes are often subjected to considerable pressure in the attempt to help them return to the path of ~reason.'1 The groupthink mentality and the social group pressure to maintain the group-sanctioned belief is a significant influence toward causing individuals to maintain the party belief. However, individuals may differ greatly in the extent to which they are influenced by group pressure. Cults provide poignant examples of the extremes of this process, aiming to standardize and maintain a certain belief that perpetuates a group mentality.
Explanation. Humans are continually seeking explanations for the events and experiencs in life. They are troubled by the events for which there is no apparent explanation or cause; the noise out of nowhere, the unidentifiable object soaring across the sky; the twins separated at birth who find each other 40 years later and find they have a wife and three children all with the same name; or the clock that stops at the same time that a loved one dies miles away_ Most people cannot rest easy until they can assign a cause to these seemingly anomalous
81
events. The ambiguity and uncertainty surrounding such events can be very uncomfortable. especially for those who have a low threshold for ambiguity. The assignment of causes for these anomalous events can lead to error, for often we do not have enough information or training upon which to base an explanation.
Most people prefer not to leave an experience or event as unexplained or uncategorized. They may prefer to
conclude that the strange noise in the house was a ghost, poltergeist or some form of spontaneous psychokinesis caused by an agent in the home rather than categorize the strange situation as one which plainly defies easy explanation. Some individuals cannot tolerate open-ended situations that are without explanation. According to Quine and Ullian (1970), the elimination of some possible explanations often unreasonably increases one1s confidence
that one of those remaining is the correct one. That is, sometimes, even an explanation that was initially held to be implausible is accepted because it explains something that can be explained in no other way.
Explanation is a complicated issue. For example, have scientists adequately explained gravity? One may say that a dropped egg falls to the ground because of gravity, but the layperson really does not know the full complexity of the phenomena. Electrical appliances. lights and other forms of elecricity are utilized every day with virtually
82
little understanding, if any. o~ how electricity really works. Most people are satisfied if they have at least some "feeling" that the event, process, or phenomena is not a mystery. That is, they are content knowing that, although they do not have a full explanation for the event or process, there are specialists who do "understand." According to Alcock (1981). the "perplexity about an event is often removed if the event can be subsumed under a general principle, even if the general principle is not itself understood" (p. 41). Computers, television, micro-waves, x-rays. and telephones are generally beyond the knowledge level of the layperson. yet as per Alcock1s suggestion. man is content with a vague lIexplanationll which gives an analogy to some other, more commonplace, concept. Analogy, as was previously mentioned. is one source of beliefs (Sarbin, et al., 1960). One may believe that the functioning of the sensorimotor nervous system operates like a telephone system and. thus, this person feels they understand telephones conceptually. This process of analogy may lead one to feel that there is no IIrnysteryli about the system, although they remain ignorant.
The above process is instructional for how people may come to attribute paranormal explanations for the novel or ambiguous events and situations they face. When a person
is confronted with an unusual experience, she may attempt to fit a simple explanation to it, and if she fails at
83
that. she may conclude. therefore. that no rational explanation is possible, and that paranormal processes must be involved. The individual who functions this way may not be cognizant of the basic limitations of their knowledge of such phenomena or situations, and they may be equally ignorant of the limitations of their own sensory. perceptual. and evaluative processes. This person is likely to resort to the conclusion that no normal explanation Is possible before questioning their own abilities and limitations of the senses and situation. It is possible that most individuals have not been taught or trained to critically analyze or think out such situations. Perhaps it is assumed that such skills are a natural by-product of the formal educational process, or inherent in onels natural cognitive development.
Quine and Ullian instruct:
liThe reason .
widespread misbeliefs can thrive is that the ignorance of relevant truths is often accompanied by ignorance of that ignorancell (1970:39). Persinger (1976) elaborated on this issue by proposing that those people who experience unusual events, if obvious explanations escape them. fall back on. or jump to. a paranormal explanation. He termed this as "analytical rigidity,lI and summarized the process as "if not this, it has to be that." This may be reflective of individuals who hold dogmatic and rigid cognitive styles.
84
Nominal Fallacy. People sometimes accept the labeling process of a behavior or event as a substitute for an explanation. This process is referred to as the ~nominal fallacy." An example borrowed from Alcock (1981) can illustrate this point. An individual is labeled as ~neurotic" by his fellow workers or friends because of his seemingly odd behavior. This gives the impression. then. that the cause of the behavior has been explained. Why does he exercise so much. pick his nails. or worry so much? ~Because he is neurotic. II IIHow do you know he is neurotic?1I IIBecause he is always worrying about trivialities and biting his nails.1I From this simple example it is possible to understand how the nominal fallacy can lead to serious sequelae for the labeled
individual.
It may lead to the treatment of certain kinds
of behavior as though they were "caused" by some disease-like process. "Cure the neuroticism and the neurotic will regain normalcy," chided Alcock (1981).
The commission of the nominal fallacy often serves to ward off further inquiry because it appears to provide an explanation. Several decades ago, social scientists had thought they explained a large number of behaviors by labeling them as instincts (Herrnstein and Boring. 1965). It has been reported that people strive to have children because of the "reproductive instinct" and that a mother protects her offspring because of her "maternal
85
instincts." However. both of these explanations have been seriously challenged (Leibowitz. 1978; Martin and Voorhies. 1975). For example, human reproductive behavior. like for many animals. is greatly influenced by social learning experiences. The fact that humans are also capable of exercising control over their reproductive activities poses significant problems for the reproductive instinct theory.
Anthropologists have studied maternal or parenting behavior both in subhumans and humans. both in the laboratory and in the field. This cross-cultural. historical. and laboratory research has significantly challenged the notion of maternal instincts and even motherly love. including the need to protect onels offspring. Anthropologists have encountered entire societies in which mothers do not necessarily care for their young (Liebowitz. 1978). and too few researchers were prepared for the lack of evidence of appropriate inborn maternal instincts in rhesus monkeys (Williams, 1973) . Thus. "mo t he r i nq " as well as Ufatheringll behaviors among higher primates and humans seem to be acquired during the course of development. The evidence suggests that the roles and tasks for men and women across societies are more varied and flexible than ever expected. and how these roles are allocated is molded more by social. religious, political. economic, and historical
86
factors than by any genetic predisposition. None of these ideas would have been pursued and understood had the instinct "explanation" been totally accepted.
The nominal fallacy and the paranormal. When an unusual event or experience occurs. people may attribute to it a paranormal "explanation," after which they look no further. For example. why did a subject in a remote viewing experiment score higher than would be expected by a chance? IIBecause" of his telepathy or clairvoyance.
Why do animals become agitated and act oddly just prior to an earthquake? "Becausell they have precognition. The behavior is explained by the simple use of a label rather than by further investigation of or further thought given to the total context of the research. A label (such as neurotic or psychic) can lead one to derive analogies that do not necessarily fit and to misunderstand the phenomena.
One of the most astounding examples of our tendency to overlook reasonable alternatives and to fall into the trap of the nominal fallacy is in the difference between the way one perceives "psychicsn and the way one perceives magicians. That is. when an alleged psychic reads minds, bends metal. predicts an event, or dematerializes an object, many people become excited and impressed by the apparent demonstration of psi phenomena. However. if the magician was to perform these same behaviors, most people
87
would think the performance stale and old hat. Even with more magnificent tricks, the observer of magic knows the "impossible" is being performed before his very eyes, yet he knows there is a normal explanation for the phenomena. There is no need to attribute another explanation even if the observer cannot figure out how it was done (or for that matter, how the television or telephone works).
If one was being thoroughly reasonable and methodical about our beliefs when observing a "psychic,1I then the performance might be compared against whether a magician could perform that stunt or not. However, because belief in the psychic holds much more excitement and there is a need to have beliefs confirmed. one might perceive the psychic1s performance only in ways that tend to confirm that belief. The nominal fallacy would predict that since the performance cannot be figured out by a specific natural cause, the explanation of the psychic is employed.
Singer (1981) conducted an experiment in which he had a magician perform a standard routine to college classes. In this routine he read three-digit numbers through his fingers while thoroughly blindfolded. teleported ashes through the hands of a volunteer. and bent a thick brass rod by gently stroking it with his index finger. All the tricks used were simple and standard magical maneuvers that take only minutes to learn. At no time during the performances did the magician call himself either a
88
magician or a psychic. In half of the six classes in which he appeared. the professor introduced him by telling the students that this person said he was psychic, and in the other half of the classes, he was referred to as a magician who would be using simple magic to simulate psychic performances. In these classes, the professors asked the students to write down and interpret these introductory statements to make sure that the students had
heard and understood them. After the performer was
finished, the students were asked by him to write down any
reactions they had.
In the classes informed that the performer believed
himself to be the psychic. about 80 percent of the students also believed that he was psychic. Only few expressed any real skepticism. Anecdotal information from the investigator (Singer, 1981) reported that many students gasped, screamed. were agitated, and astounded.
A dozen students became clearly disturbed or frightened. writing on their reaction papers to the performer about exorcism rites, or warning him against trafficking with Satan. Other students asked, IICan anyone develop such powers? II
In the classes in which the performer was presented as an amateur magician, two interesting findings were had. First, the number of students who believed he was psychic was one-third lower than in the classes told he might be
89
psychic. This means, however, that 50 percent of those in the class that were emphatically instructed that the performer was a magician still believed that he was psychic! Anecdotal data suggested that some students could not accept what they saw as not being psychic (Singer. 1981).
Presenting mentalist vaudeville tricks to a class and then finding that the students attribute them to psychic abilities is an old stunt. Marks (1986) reported on a similar study in the British science weekly Nature. He performed five mentalist tricks a class of 226 psychology students. Although Marks at no time claimed to be psychic. 90 percent of the class stated that he had demonstrated psychic ability.
The above is an experimental example of how people will attribute mysterious causes to unfamiliar events, as in nominal fallacy. and that peop;e may too easily confuse their feelings about these events with their reality.
This section on the problem of nominal fallacy as it pertains to belief in the paranormal can best be summarized by Alcock. "Explanations. then. can serve as much to delude us as to enlighten us. Sometimes it is better to categorize events as unexplained, and. for the moment. inexplicable, without suggesting that these events are in some way unnatural or supernaturalJ1 (1981:42).
90
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