Hair and the Construction of Identity in Ancient Egypt, c. 1480-1350 B.C.
Author(s): Gay Robins
Source: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 36 (1999), pp. 55-69 Published by: American Research Center in Egypt Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40000202 Accessed: 12/06/2010 12:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=arce. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. American Research Center in Egypt is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. http://www.jstor.org Hair and the Construction of Identity in Ancient Egypt, c. 1480-1350 B.C.1 Gay Robins Introduction Beginning at birth, the identity of individuals, an amalgam of age, gender, social status and role, has to be constructed in accordance with the norms of the social system they inhabit. This identity changes over time not only in the transi- tions from one life stage to the next, but also with the various roles a person may play at any given life stage. A number of means may be em- ployed to construct identity and mark the shifts between life stages or between different roles. These can be verbal, as in modes of address; be- havioral, as in the way individuals interact; or displayed on the body, as in circumcision, scari- fication or dress. In many societies human hair too has been and still is highly charged with meaning. Not only can it carry erotic, religious and magical significance, but the way in which it is worn of- ten encodes information about gender, age, and social status.2 Since in many societies, although by no means all, the body is usually covered by clothes, it is normally the head hair and the beard that have been and are subject to most at- tention, although body hair may be considered undesirable and carefully removed. Head hair can be allowed to grow unrestricted; it can be shaved off; it can be cut to any length or lengths between these two extremes. It can also be ar- ranged in more or less elaborate styles. Because head hair is so visible, what is done with it can be used to display information about the wear- ers, but the forms these various messages take will vary from one society to another, because they are culturally specific. People will readily read the meaning of different hairstyles within their own cultures, but will often be at a loss to interpret correctly the hairstyles worn by people of other cultures. It follows, then, that anyone studying an unfamiliar society will have to set out consciously to discover the significance of the different hairstyles employed in that society. My aim in this paper is to examine the ways in which head hair was worn in ancient Egypt, and to consider how it might have helped construct social identity. Because ancient Egyptian society, despite its more than 3000 years of cultural conti- nuity, was not unchanging, I shall restrict my en- quiry to a period of approximately one hundred and thirty years from c. 1480-1350 B.C., in order to obtain a relatively coherent body of material.3 1 A version of this article was given as a paper at the 1996 ARCE annual meeting in St. Louis. I would like to thank Michelle Marcus for reading an earlier draft and for useful comments and suggestions. 1 For hair in general, see Charles Berg, The Unconscious Significance of Hair (London: Allen and Unwin, 1951); J. D. M. Derrett, "Religious Hair," Man 8 (1973), 100-103; Raymond Firth, "Hair as Private Asset and Public Symbol," in: Symbols Public and Private (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1975), 262-98; Christopher Hallpike, "Social Hair," Man 4 (1969), 256-64; idem, "Hair," in: Mircea Eliade (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1987), 154-57; P. Hershman, "Hair, Sex and Dirt," Man 9 (1974), 274-98; Edmund Leach, "Magical Hair," Journal of the Royal Anthro- pological Institute 88 (1958), 147-64; Gananath Obeyesekere, Medusa 's Head. An Essay on Personal Symbols and Religious Ex- perience (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1981); Marcia Pointon, "The Case of the Dirty Beau: Symmetry, Disorder and the Politics of Masculinity," in: Kathleen Adler and Mar- cia Pointon (eds.), The Body Imaged (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 175-89. 3 For aspects of hair in ancient Egypt, see Philippe Der- chain, "La perruque et le cristal," Studien zur altdgyptischen Kultur2 (1975), 55-74; Joann Fletcher, "A Tale of Hair, Wigs 55 56 JARCE XXXVI (1999) The structure of ancient Egyptian society was organized by status, gender and, almost cer- tainly, age. Broadly speaking the social hierarchy divided into the king, the elite, and the non-elite who formed the greatest part of the popula- tion. The elite group consisted of the literate, male officials who formed the administration, together with their families. The non-elite com- prised the semi-literate and non-literate pro- fessionals, who provided goods and services for the elite; and the farmers, tenant farmers, and laborers who worked the fields and harvested the abundance of the marshes. Organization by gender dictated different roles for men and women within society. Among the elite, only men could hold government office, whereas women ran the household, bore and reared children, made music to accompany tem- ple ritual, and sometimes held positions at court.4 Non-elite men and women were both employed by the elite as household servants and musicians, but women ideally played a far smaller role in outdoor labor.5 Organization by age divided the population into different age groups through which indi- viduals would pass as they moved from one life stage to the next. The most obvious of such stages in any society are birth, puberty, adulthood, mar- riage, parenthood and death. Unfortunately, ex- cept for the passage through death to the next life, there is little evidence of how the ancient Egyptians marked the transference from one life stage to the next. Textual and representational evidence suggests that circumcision may have sig- nified the transition from childhood for at least some boys.6 Evidence for an equivalent opera- tion performed on girls, such as clitoridectomy, is lacking in texts and, if it had been performed, unlike circumcision, it would not be apparent in the art.7 For both sexes, the biological effects of puberty in themselves denote the passage from childhood. Physical evidence of hair, both natural and in the form of wigs made of human hair, survives from ancient Egypt. It shows that elite women could wear either their own long hair, sometimes supplemented by additional tresses,8 or a wig placed over their long hair,9 whereas men kept their hair short or shaven,10 so that complex male hairstyles had to be achieved through wigs.11 Nevertheless, such material fails to show the full range of hairstyles found in art; relates only to the elite group; and does not help us understand the way hairstyles were correlated with different social roles. Fortunately, far more information is provided by representational evidence, which shows interactions among figures of different age, gender, and social status. Our main visual and Lice ," Egyptian Archaeology 5 (1994), 31-33; Joyce Haynes, "The Development of Women's Hairstyles in Dynasty Eigh- teen," Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 8 (1977), 18-24; C. Miiller, "Friseur," Lexikon der Agyptologie 2 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1977), 331-32; idem, "Haar," Lexikon der Agyptologie 2, 924; idem, "Kahlkopfigkeit," Lexikon der Agyptologie 3 (1980), 291-92; idem, "Periicke," Lexikon der Agyptologie A (1982), 988-90; Saphinaz-Amal Naguib, "Hair in Ancient Egypt," Acta Orientalia 51 (1990), 7-26; Georges Posener, "La legende de la tresse d'Hathor," in: Leonard Lesko (ed.), Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard A. Parker (1986), 111-17; Elizabeth Riefstahl, "An Ancient Egyptian Hairdresser," Brooklyn Museum Bulletin 13 (1952), 7-16, "Two Hairdressers of the Eleventh Dynasty," Journal of Near East- ern Studies 15 (1956), 10-17; Elisabeth Staehelin, "Bart," Lexikon der Agyptologie 1 (1975), 627-28. For a wig workshop, see Ewa Laskowska-Kusztal, "Un atelier der perruquier a Deir el-Bahari," Etudes et Travaux 10 (1978), 83-120. 4 Gay Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt (Cambridge: Har- vard University Press, 1993). 5 Ibid., 120-24. 6 Constant de Wit, "La circoncision chez les anciens Egyptiens," Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache und Altertums- kunde 99 (1972), 41-48; Wolfhart Westendorf, "Beschnei- dung," LA 1 (1975), 727-29 with bibliography; Rosalind and Jac. Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt (London: The Rubicon Press, 1990), 90-97. 1 For the possibility of such an operation in Ptolemaic Egypt, see John Baines, "Society, Morality, and Religious Practice," in: Byron E. Shafer (ed.), Religion in Ancient Egypt, Gods, Myths, and personal Practice (Ithaca and London: Cor- nell University Press), 144 n. 59. 8 E.g., H. E. Winlock, The Tomb of Queen Meryet-Amun at Thebes (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1932), 9-10, pls. 13, 33; G. Elliot Smith, The Royal Mummies (Cairo: Insti- tut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1912), nos. 60153-54, 61061, 61088, 61095; Iwataro Morimoto, The Human Mummies from the 1983 Excavations at Qurna, Egypt, Studies in Egyptian Culture No. 2 (Tokyo: Waseda University, 1985), heads B, D-F. 9 Female mummies with wigs: e.g., Smith, Royal Mum- mies, nos. 61062, 61087, 61090. 10 Shaven heads: e.g., Smith, Royal Mummies, no. 61065; Morimoto, Human Mummies, head A; short hair: e.g., Smith, Royal Mummies, nos. 61066-67, 61069, 61073; Iwataro Mori- moto et al., Ancient Egyptian Mummies from Qurna, Egypt II, Studies in Egyptian Culture no. 7 (Tokyo: Waseda University, 1988), 2, fiffs. 1-5. 11 Surviving male wigs: e.g., Fletcher, Egyptian Archaeology 5 (1994), 32. HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 57 sources are the monuments produced for the elite: their tomb chapels, stelae, and statues. In this paper, I shall concentrate mainly on rep- resentations from tomb chapels. Although built only by high-ranking male officials, such tomb chapels incorporated images of both male and female family members, as well as images of non- elite individuals, who left no monuments of their own; the scenes feature agricultural activities, animal husbandry, work in the marshes, work- shops, and some household activities. Since the images on these monuments were manipulated to fit the elite world view, they may not always have coincided with actual practice. They should, nevertheless, conform to prevailing ideals about social identities and hierarchies. Children Several visual indicators, not all of which need be present at once, distinguish prepubescent chil- dren from adults.12 Children are depicted on a smaller scale; they are usually nude; they suck their index fingers; and most important for the purposes of this paper, their heads are shaved apart from a lock of hair that falls from the right- hand side. This sidelock, worn by both girls and boys, occurs in several styles, either as a single braid or as a series of braids or curls.13 Since children are conventionally represented as naked, boys and girls lack the differentiation in dress that distinguishes gender in adults. Never- theless, boys are usually depicted with the darker skin that is the marker of adult male status, and girls with the lighter skin of adult females. In some images, however, boys wear earrings and below-the-elbow circlets that among adults are only worn by women,14 so that the construction of gender for boys is somewhat ambivalent. Thus, male gender seems to become fully constructed only with the transition to adulthood, when nu- dity and female jewelry are abandoned, and hair- styles and clothes become gender specific. Since images of male children show them to be uncir- cumcised, circumcision may also have occurred as part of this same symbolic system to mark the transition from one life stage to another.15 Although girls share nudity and hairstyles with boys, they are represented with certain other traits that are characteristic of adult female gen- der, such as earrings, below-the-elbow circlets, hip girdles and light skin color. It seems to be the adoption of specific female hairstyles and dress that marks the transition from girlhood to womanhood. Status differentiation is also less marked among children than among adults. Although the king and his female relatives are clearly distinguished from members of the elite class by the wearing of royal insignia, their offspring, when shown as prepubescent children, appear to be represented little differently from the offspring of the elite. Although children of the non-elite are usually shown with a shaven head only, without a side- lock, royal and elite children can also be shown in this way, so they are not clearly distinguished from the non-elite. Although non-elite children 12 Because scale indicates importance, adult offspring and other figures of less importance than the tomb owner may be shown on a small scale. However, as adults, these figures are clothed and wear adult hairstyles. 16 Braid with curled end: tomb of "Nebamun," Arpag Makhitarian, La misere des tombes thebains (Brussels: Fonda- tion egyptologique reine Elisabeth, 1994), pl. 8 (boy); tomb of Paheri, J. J. Tylor and F. LI. Griffith, The Tomb ofPaheri at ElKab (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1894), pl. 4 (boy), pl. 10 (sex unclear, no inscription); Boston MFA 1981.2, Sue D'Auria et al., Mummies and Magic (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1988), no. 80 (boy); Bologna KS 1917, Silvio Curto et al., II Senso delVArte nelVantico Egitto (Milan: Electa, 1990), 103, 105 no. 52 (boy); statue of Senenmut and Neferura, Janssen and Janssen, Growing up in Ancient Egypt, 127 fig. 45 (girl); statue of Benermerut and Meritamun, Georges Legrain, Statues et statuettes de rois et de particuliers II (Cairo: Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1909), no. 42171 (girl); series of braids/curls: TT 52, Abdel Ghaffar Shedid and Matthias Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Za- bern, 1991), 60 (boy), 61 (girl); tomb of "Nebamun," Nina M. Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), pl. 65 (girl?); Pierre Lacau, Steles du Nouv el Empire (Cairo: Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orien- tale, 1909), no. 34095 (two girls); Ludwig Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten von Konigen und Privatleuten im Museum von Kairo (Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1930), no. 800 (girl); Arielle Kozloff and Betsy Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and his World (Cleveland: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1992), 292 (boy). For the mummy of a boy, probably a prince, with a shaven head and long flowing sidelock, see Smith, Royal Mummies, no. 61071. 14 E.g., TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 60; TT 226, Norman de Garis Davies, The Tombs of Menkheperra- sonb, Amenmose and Another (London: Egypt Exploration So- ciety, 1933), pl. 30E (naked with earrings, boys); tomb of "Nebamun," Mekhitarian, La misere, pl. 8. 15 See n. 6. 58 JARCE XXXVI (1999) are not shown wearing jewelry, not all royal and elite children wear jewelry either in their depic- tions. Thus images of children that clearly mark a prepubescent stage of life differ from adult images in that they are only lightly marked for gender and status. Infant and childhood mortality were both high in ancient Egypt, as in most pre-modern societies.16 Burials of babies and very young chil- dren tended to be poor in content, with old jars, baskets and chests reused as coffins. As they be- came older, children seem gradually to have re- ceived more elaborate burials with purpose-made coffins and an increasing amount of funerary equipment. This trend probably reflects the fact that as they grow, children acquire a personality, getting to be recognizable as individuals, and be- come socialized, gradually learning to fulfil their allotted role within the family and eventually in society as a whole. The more integrated into family and society a child has become by the time of its death, the more care is likely to be taken over its burial. Children who survived to reach puberty, the age when a person becomes capable of reproduction, would have left childhood be- hind, passing into the next stage of life as an in- tegrated member of society. Puberty marks a point when men and women are distinguished biologically to a far greater de- gree than as children. For boys, body hair be- comes more prolific, growing on the chin, under the arms, and on the torso and pubic region. At the same time, seminal emissions begin to occur and bring the possibility of fathering children. For girls, body hair grows under the arms and on the pubic triangle, and menstruation begins, a sign that conception is now possible. Elite adults, unlike children, are not shown nude, for only non-elite adults are unclothed, and in adult- hood, nudity carries a connotation of lack of status.17 Not only are adults clothed, however, but the clothes they wear serve to mark the wearer for gender (figs. 1-3). To reinforce the message conveyed by clothes, the types of hairstyles worn from puberty onwards are also strongly marked for gender. Gone are the unisex styles of child- hood, to be replaced by adult styles appropriate only to men or to women. Men Adult hairstyles, therefore, function both to signal a new life stage, and to help establish gen- der identity. In art, elite men, when depicted without a wig, and male household servants both have shaven heads.18 The former, however, usu- ally cover their heads with wigs, which may be elaborately dressed, but which do not come be- low shoulder level. By contrast, elite women and female household servants are represented with long hair falling below the shoulders, often to breast level. This difference in length applies also to the non-elite, although they are distinguished from the elite, in part, by their rather unkempt hair. In addition to distinguishing gender, adult male hairstyles also helped to display and rein- force social status and hierarchies among men. For elite men, the most prestigious hairstyle was the shoulder-length wig, in which the hair is often elaborately arranged in strands, curls or braids.19 It is worn by the high officials who owned tomb chapels, stelae and statues, as well as by their high-ranking male relatives, including 16 Gay Robins, "Women and Children in Peril: Pregnancy, Birth and Infant Mortality in Ancient Egypt," KMT, A Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt 5 no. 5 (Winter 1994-95), 27-28. See also Lynn Meskell, "Dying Young: The Experience of Death at Deir el Medina," Archaeological Review from Cambridge 1 3 (1994), 35-45. 17 Gay Robins, "Dress, Undress and the Representation of Fertility and Potency in New Kingdom Egyptian Art," in: N. Kampen (ed.), Sexuality in Ancient Art (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1996), 27-40. 18 Figures with shaven heads are often shown with a line marking the boundary between the face and the shaved part of the head. Sometimes the upper part of the head is the same color as the rest of the skin and sometimes paler, perhaps to indicate that this area was normally protected from the sun by a wig. In Old and Middle Kingdom art male figures are not shown with shaven heads but with a cap of close-cut hair outlined and painted black. In line drawings where the cap of hair and the shaven head are both ren- dered by outline only, the results often look very similar. 19 E.g., TT 38, Nina Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1963), pls. 1-5 (all figures of tomb owner); TT 39, Norman de G. Davies, The Tomb ofPuyemre at Thebes I- II (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1922- 23); TT 45, Norman de Garis Davies, Seven Private Tombs at Kurnah (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1948), pls. 2, 4; TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 18, 34-35, 56- 57, 74, 77 (nine out of ten surviving figures of tomb owner); TT 82, Nina Davies, The Tomb ofAmenemhet (No. 82) (London: HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 59 Fig. 1. The tomb owner Djeserkaraseneb makes a ritual offering followed by his wife and son. Three more sons are shown in the upper register. The other figures are not labelled; the two men in the middle register may be servants, and the three women in the bottom register are probably daughters. TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 1. Reproduced by kind permission of the Griffith Institute. their fathers.20 Adult sons, who were not only members of a younger generation but who were also likely to be junior to their fathers in the bureaucratic hierarchy, most frequently appear in their fathers' tomb chapels with either a short, round wig or a shaven head (fig. 1). One of the most common scene types from tomb chapels shows the deceased owner, the most important figure in the decorative program, seated before a table of offerings; one of his sons or less often another male relative stands on the other side of the table, performing the offering ritual. This figure is usually depicted with a round wig or shaven head, whereas the chapel owner frequently wears the shoulder-length wig (fig. 2).21 This difference in hairstyle signifies the relative status and roles of the figures. Be- cause the performer of the ritual was ideally the deceased's son, any male who enacted the part also undertook a filial (and hence junior) role in relationship to the deceased. In other words, the Egypt Exploration Society, 1915), pls. 4, 14, 24, 27, 35; TT 100, Norman de G. Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebes (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1953), pls. 51, 63, 70, 73, 75, 77, 85, 95, 97, 103 (all surviving figures of tomb owner); TT 343, Heike Guksch, Das Grab des Benja, gen. Pa- heqamen. Theben Nr. 343 (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Za- bern, 1978), pls. 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 21, 24, 25 (all figures of tomb owner); El Kab, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri at El Kab, pls. 2, 4, 6, 9-10; Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, 38, 40, 41,43-44, 47. 20 E.g., TT 82, Davies, The Tomb of Amenemhet, pl. 3 (vi- zier), pl. 7 (father, father's father, father's mother, wife's father(?), father of wife's father(?), brother of wife's fa- ther(?)); TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pl. 109 (ban- quet guests); TT 181, Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Two Sculptors at Thebes (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1925), pl. 5 (banquet guests), pl. 17 (father); TT 343, Guksch, Das Grab des Benja, frontispiece (father); El Kab, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pl. 7 (father, mother's father) . 21 E.g., TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 3; TT 45, Davies, Seven Private Tombs, pl. 2; TT 82, Davies, The Tomb of Amenemhet, pl. 35; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pl. 70; TT 112, Davies, The Tombs of Menkheper- rasonb, pl. 24; TT 343, Guksch, Das Grab des Benja, pl. 12; El Kab, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pl. 6. 60 JARCE XXXVI (1999) Fig. 2. The tomb owner Paheri and his wife Henuterneheh sit while their son performs the offering ritual for them. El Kab, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pl. 6. Reproduced by kind permission of the Egypt Exploration Society. shoulder-length wig establishes the senior status of the deceased, while the round wig or shaven head marks the junior status of the performer of the ritual. This relationship is also embodied in the posture of the participants: visual and textual evidence indicates that sitting (here the position of the deceased) was more prestigious than standing when it came to the conventions of hierarchy.22 The tomb chapel owner may not be the only recipient of ritual in the chapel. Sometimes he gives up his primary status to honor his parents, in which case they are the ones shown sitting before the table of offering, while he stands to perform the ritual before them. The identity of the tomb owner has therefore shifted from being the recipient to the enactor of the ritual. Inter- estingly, this new identity is often accompanied by a change in wig style: while the seated father wears the shoulder-length wig, the tomb owner may be represented with the short wig or shaven head to mark his now junior, ritual role in rela- tion to the senior figure of his father.23 In other words, ritual context, relative status, and hair are all highly interrelated in this performance. The so-called round wig, which has a long his- tory in ancient Egyptian art, is less restricted in its use than the shoulder-length wig (see fig. 2 right), and in many ways it appears to be an all-purpose adult male wig. Sometimes it is worn by the tomb chapel owner (instead of the shoul- der-length wig),24 as well as by his adult sons25 11 Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature II (Berke- ley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1976), 139. 23 E.g., TT 39, Davies, The Tomb of Puyemre, pl. 6; TT 82, Davies, The Tomb of Amenemhet, pl. 7 (owner offers to se- nior family members including father, father's father and mother's father); TT 112, Davies, The Tombs of Menkheperra- sonb, pl. 26; TT C4, Lise Manniche, Los Tombs: A Study of Certain Eighteenth Dynasty Monuments in the Theban Necropolis (London and New York: KPI, 1988), pl. 27 no. 45; Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pl. 10. ^ E.g., TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 60 (1 example only); TT 81, E. Dziobek, Das Grab des Ineni The- benNr. 81 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1992), pls. 2-3, 7, 17; El Kab, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pls. 1,3-4, 8. 1 E.g., TT 181, Davies, The Tomb of Two Sculptors, pl. 5; El Kab, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pls. 6, 10 upper. HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 61 Fig. 3. The tomb owner Rekhmira and his wife Merit are offered sistra and menit- necklaces by their daughters. TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pl. 63. Reproduced by kind per- mission of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. and other male relatives. In the first half of the eighteenth dynasty it is depicted on figures of offering bearers and various kinds of priests. By the end of our period, however, the rep- resentation of priests changed so that we find them more often with a shaven head. Shaving the head solves the problem of keeping the hair clean and free from headlice and their eggs (nits), for lice do not infest wigs.27 Therefore, a shaven head guaranteed cleanliness and per- haps became associated with ritual purity, so that for a priest it may have encoded a message of ritual purity rather than strict social hierar- chy. Since priests were government officials and part of the bureaucratic hierarchy, their identi- ties could shift between an official and a priestly one. High-ranking priests, therefore, could com- mission images with the shoulder-length wig to indicate their status, or with a shaven head to emphasize their priestly function.28 Similarly, when the tomb chapel owner is shown per- forming a ritual action, the ritual context - and 26 E.g., TT 343, Guksch, Das Grab des Benja, pl. 13 (ban- quet guests); TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pls. 66- 67 (banquet guests). 11 Fletcher, Egyptian Archaeology 5 (1994), 31-33. Compare, for instance, the statues of Taitai, high priest of Hebenu with a shaven head and Anen, second prophet of Amun with a shoulder-length wig, Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling' Sun, nos. 42-43. 62 JARCE XXXVI (1999) hence his proper role vis-d-vis his parents and deities - could be reinforced by showing him with a shaven head.29 As already mentioned, shaven heads are not confined to the elite. In fact, it is the only style depicted for indoor male servants and musi- cians, who are never shown wearing wigs.30 This may relate to their sphere of work inside the house, since they would not need protection against the sun, a practical benefit from wearing a wig, or it may indicate a concern with cleanli- ness. It is even tempting to suggest a link between the shaven heads of male household servants who served the elite, and those of elite priests who served the gods and the dead. In some tombs, male guests at banquets are shown without wigs and with shaven heads, some- times alternating with guests wearing wigs. Since these guests must belong to the elite class, it is possible that we should understand them as rep- resenting holders of priestly office, or simply as being marked as inferior in status to the tomb chapel owner who wears a wig. However, other explanations are possible. It may have been ac- ceptable to remove one's wig when indoors and out of the sun. Further, the artist may have wished to introduce variation among the male guests by mixing wigs and shaven heads. Two particular types of priest, the Iunmutef priest31 and the high priest of Ptah at Mem- phis,32 are associated with a unique type of hair- style: a round wig with the braided sidelock of a child. The Iunmutef priest performed the ritual in the funerary cults of the king and members of the royal family, and sometimes in private funer- ary cults, where he played the part of the de- ceased's eldest son. Thus, the attached sidelock identifies the filial role adopted for the perfor- mance of the ritual, whereas the wig denotes the wearer's actual adult status. It is less clear why the high priest of Ptah should have worn a braided sidelock, but he may likewise have been regarded as playing a filial role toward the god that he served. It is interesting that the only male figures shown wearing their own hair are of non-elite status: mostly laborers working outdoors in the fields or marshes, and occasionally workshop per- sonnel. In some cases they are shown with heads of thick, black hair,33 but often they appear bald- ing, with short, unkempt hair at the back.34 Un- like the wigs of the elite, which are almost always black,35 this natural hair may be rendered as reddish-brown36 or as graying.37 In addition, non- 29 E.g, TT 139, Cyril Aldred et al., L'Empire des Conquerants (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1979), fig. 68. 30 E.g., TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 6; TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 46; TT 79; TT 80; TT 82, Davies, The Tomb ofAmenemhet, pl. 15; TT 85; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pls. 66-67. 31 E.g., Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, 254 fig. 46b. For the Iunmutef, see Hermann Te Velde, "Iunmutef," Lexikon der Agyptologie 3 (1980), 212-13. 32 Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, 241 no. 37. 33 E.g., TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 38- 39; TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 2; TT 69, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pls. 50-51. E.g., outdoor laborers: TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 2; TT 39, Davies, The Tomb ofPuyemre I, pls. 12, 15; TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 35, 39, 41, 57, 68-69, 71; TT 69, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 51; TT 78, Annelies and Artur Brack, Das Grab des Harem- heb. Theben Nr. 78 (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1980), pl. 24; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pls. 45- 46, 48, 50; TT 261, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 28; tomb of "Nebamun," ibid., pl. 68; workshop personnel: TT 39, Davies, The Tomb ofPuyemrel, pl. 23; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pls. 52, 54-55; TT 181, Davies, The Tomb of Two Sculptors, pl. 13. 35 In the art, hair and wigs are almost always represented as black. Surviving hair, however, can be black, Smith, Royal Mummies, nos. 61063, 61067; brown to dark brown, ibid., nos. 61057, 61066, 61069-70; reddish-brown, Smith, Royal Mummies, nos. 61080, 61097; Fletcher, "A Tale of Hair, Wigs and Lice," 32; or, in older mummies, gray, Smith, Royal Mum- mies, nos. 61062, 61068-69, 61078-79, 61087. The embalm- ing process may have affected hair color, Morimoto, Ancient Egyptian Mummies, 2. Wigs could also be made of brown rather than black hair, Fletcher, "A Tale of Hair, Wigs and Lice," 32. That brown hair was not usually shown in the art may be purely a matter of convention. Since human skin was represented by various shades of brown, black, rather than brown, may have been chosen as the conventional hair color in order to provide a clear contrast between hair and skin. The convention may have been deliberately ignored for non-elite figures to signal their low status. E.g., TT 69, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 51; TT 78, Brack and Brack, Das Grab des Haremheb, pl. 24; TT 82, Arpag Mekhitarian, Egyptian Painting (Geneva: Editions d'Art Albert Skira, 1954, reprinted 1978), 42; TT 261, Davies, An- cient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 28. 37 TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 68-69. HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 63 elite men sometimes appear with straggly beards or stubble on their cheeks and chins,38 in con- trast to the clean-shaven faces of most male Egyp- tians or the very short, square-cut beard worn on the point of the chin by some elite figures. These non-elite fashions are dramatically dif- ferent from those conferred upon images of elite men, who are almost always shown with their natural hair removed, or with it replaced by an artificial wig constructed from the hair of an- other person. Thus, if hairstyle was intimately connected to identity, elite males may have been rebuilding their identities, overlaying nature by culture. By shaving their heads and wearing wigs, they were able to hide visible signs of aging: baldness or gray hair. The wearing of wigs also indicates the power of the elite to command the hair of others for their own use. The intricate styling of the wigs, with their carefully arranged strands, curls and braids, shows that their wear- ers had the resources to acquire and maintain them. All this is in contrast to the unkempt, bald- ing and sometimes graying natural hair of the non-elite laborer who worked closer to nature in the fields and marshes and had none of the arti- ficial overlay of high culture or elite status. Although household servants were not part of the elite group, they lived in the same homes as the elite and hence shared the same space. Thus, their working context removed them from the natural world and brought them into elite spheres. Although their natural hair was re- moved, it was not artificially replaced by a wig; hence, their participation in elite behavioral pat- terns went only so far. It is more difficult to explain why some workshop personnel and peasant labor- ers seem to have had shaven heads or round wigs. Possibly, their heads were not deliberately shaven, but were naturally bald, while the structure of the wigs is not clear from the available visual depic- tions; they may perhaps have been distinguished from the skilfully made wigs of human hair worn by the elite by poorer craftsmanship or by the materials used, such as animal hair or vegetable fiber. Women Female hairstyles differed fundamentally from those of men; as already seen, women wore their hair longer, and are never shown with shaved heads. Even when a wig was worn, the natural hair remained underneath, as is demonstrated by some female statues on which the natural hair is represented emerging from under the wig at the forehead.39 Elite women wear hairstyles equally elaborate as those of men, but they are totally different in style from male wigs, reinforcing the gender dis- tinction inherent in Egyptian society. The most striking difference is in length, for while male styles at this period rarely reach below the shoul- der, women's hair usually falls to the level of the breasts. Further, although elite men may be shown without their wigs, revealing their shaven heads, it is not clear how elite women wore their hair under their wigs. Since a number of female mummies have been found with long hair under- neath wigs, while others were buried with their own hair elaborately dressed, it may be that in life some women wore wigs over their own long hair, whereas others wore their own hair arranged in the required style. In either case, women would not have been protected against lice. Although texts provide relatively little infor- mation about hair, the available references sug- gest that women's hair had erotic significance, helping to mark women as icons of sexuality and fertility.40 There are no comparable references to suggest that male sexuality was linked to hair. One might posit, therefore, that women, in con- trast to men, kept their natural hair and kept it long, even if they wore a wig over it, because it 38 E.g., TT 39, Davies, The Tomb ofPuyemre, pls. 12, 15, 28; TT 73, Charles Wilkinson, Egyptian Wall Paintings (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1983), 75; TT 78, Brack and Brack, Das Grab des Haremheb, pl. 24; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pls. 48, 58; TT 181, Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, pl. 12 = Mekhitarian, Egyptian Painting, 125; TT 261, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 28; Karl-Heinz Preise (ed.), Agyptisches Museum (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1991), 85 no. 52. 39 Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, 171. 40 Derchain, "La perruque et le cristal," Studien zur alt- dgyptischen Kultur2 (1975), 55-74. 64 JARCE XXXVI (1999) more directly embodied their sexuality and hence female gender identity.41 The mothers, wives and daughters of tomb chapel owners are usually depicted wearing one of two general hairstyles: the so-called tripartite style, common in the first part of the eighteenth dynasty, or the enveloping style, which replaced the tripartite in the second half of the period.42 In the first style, the hair is divided into three bun- dles, two falling on either side of the face, and one down the back, leaving the shoulders exposed (figs. 2-3). In the enveloping style, the hair is ar- ranged in a single mass, covering the shoulders (fig. 1). Detailed renderings show the hair ar- ranged in masses of braids or ringlets. Daughters of the elite may also be depicted with an alternative tripartite style, in which thick tresses or ringlets frame the face, while a thin bunch of hair at the back, like a ponytail, leaves the rear part of the head more exposed (fig. 3).43 Since this alternative tripartite style is not gen- erally worn by wives, mothers, or those daughters who are specifically called "mistress of the house," a title that indicates a married woman, one might imagine that the style marked a particular stage in a young woman's life, when she was no longer a child but still not married. This hy- pothesis is strengthened by representations of female household servants who share similar hair- styles.44 While servants with the common tri- partite or enveloping style often wear an opaque dress, those with the alternative tripartite style are frequently represented nude,45 or wearing a transparent garment (figs. 4, 5).46 Although we know from indications of pubic hair that the lat- ter group of women are post-pubescent,47 their bodies, nevertheless, still appear to have the soft flesh and plumpness of extreme youth. This evi- dence suggests, therefore, that different hairstyles may have distinguished adolescent girls from fully adult women, and unmarried or marriageable girls from married women. Interestingly, corre- sponding life stages do not seem to have been marked on the male head. Younger female servants and musicians may also be shown with a variety of "non-standard" hairstyles that are usually fairly elaborately arranged.48 The erotic context of the banquet scenes in which they occur suggests that the pur- pose is to heighten the sexuality of the wearers. Some servants waiting on guests, however, wear short, round wigs that end above the shoulder (figs. 4, 5). This type of wig can be found worn by elite women in the Old and Middle Kingdoms and again in the Late Period, but at the time un- der study, the style seems to be confined to ser- vants; its significance is unclear. In contrast to what happens with men, women's hairstyles and identities do not seem to change from one social context to another. Although elite women - mostly wives and daugh- ters - could, like men, perform rituals for the deceased, this junior role does not affect their hairstyle. Thus, we do not find wives wearing the more junior alternative tripartite style, in con- trast to the way in which adult men took on junior hair styles in this context. In other words, elite 41 A female mummy found in the tomb of Amenhotep II had hair that had been cut very short or had perhaps been shaved, Smith, Royal Mummies, no. 61072, but this seems to have been exceptional. Haynes, "The Development of Women's Hairstyles," 18-24. 43 E.g., TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 6; TT 75, Norman de Garis Davies, The Tombs of Two Officials of Tuthmosis the Fourth (Nos. 75 and 90) (London: Egypt Explora- tion Society, 1923), pl. 14; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh- mi-re, pls. 70-71; Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, 286, 296. E.g., TT 75, Davies, The Tombs of Two Officials, pl. 14; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pl. 63. E.g., tripartite: TT 100, Davies, The Tomb ofRekhmire, pls. 64-67; enveloping: TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 6; TT 75, Davies, The Tombs of Two Officials, pls. 5-6; alternate tripartite: TT 22, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 26; TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 6; TT 45, Mekhitarian, Egyptian Painting, 64; TT 78, Brack and Brack, Das Grab des Haremheb, pl. 3; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh- mi-re, pls. 64-67; tomb of "Nebamun," Davies, Ancient Egyptian Paintings, pl. 70; Manniche, Lost Tombs, pl. 46 nos. 65-66. 45 E.g., TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 6. 46 E.g., TT 22, Davies, Ancient Egyptian Painting, pl. 26; TT 100, Kazimierz Michalowski, Art of Ancient Egypt (New York: H. N. Abrams, 1969), 93. E.g., TT 38, Mekhitarian, Egyptian Painting, 67; idem, La mis ere, pl. 9. 48 E.g., TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 52; tomb of "Nebamun," Miriam Stead, Egyptian Life (London: British Museum Publications, 1986), fig. 82 (lower register and upper register right; the figure on the left in the upper register wears a version of the alternative tripartite style); T. G. H. James, Egyptian Painting (London: British Museum Publications, 1985), cover (dancing girls). HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 65 Fig. 4. Part of a banquet scene showing female guests, musicians and servants. TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pl. 64. Reproduced by kind permission of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. female hairstyles appear to define absolute age or social status, rather than relative hierarchies that may shift with movement from one context to another. A scene in the tomb chapel of Djeserkaraseneb at Thebes illustrates this difference in style and significance between male and female hairstyles (fig. 1). The owner, Djeserkaraseneb, makes a ritual offering together with his wife and son. Behind this group are three registers of figures on a smaller scale: on top, three more sons bring- ing offerings; in the middle, two servants run- ning with offerings; and at the bottom, three female figures (almost certainly daughters) also bringing offerings. Most important here is the uniformity of hairstyle among Djeserkaraseneb 's four sons and servants (in contrast to Djeser- karaseneb's shoulder length wig) compared with the differentiation of styles among his daughters. Two of his daughters wear the enveloping hair- style, which they share with his wife, but the third daughter wears the alternative tripartite style. This difference in hair may indicate a difference in age and/ or marital status among the sisters. A similar relationship between the female life cycle and hairstyle may be seen in a few tomb chapels dating to the reign of Amenhotep III. In these cases, we find the mothers of the tomb owners wearing tripartite-style wigs, which oth- erwise were by now out of fashion.49 Although uncommon, the intention was surely to mark these women as belonging to an older genera- tion than that of the tomb owner. 49 yx 45, Davies, Seven Private Tombs, pl. 2; TT 55, Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb of the Vizier Ramose (London: The Egyptian Exploration Society, 1941), pls. 10, 11, 16; TT 181, Davies, The Tomb of Two Sculptors, pl. 17. 66 JARCE XXXVI (1999) Fig. 5. Part of a banquet scene showing female guests, musicians and servants. TT 38, Davies, Scenes from Some Theban Tombs, pl. 6. Reproduced by kind permission of the Griffith Institute. As already discussed, there is in the art a clear distinction between the hairstyles of high male officials and their male household servants. By contrast, there is far less distinction between the hairstyles of elite women and their female house- hold servants, although possibly only elite women wore wigs over their natural hair. Wigs would have had the same social significance for women as for men: to hide thinning and graying hair, and to demonstrate the ability to appropriate the hair of others for one's own use. When elite women wore their own hair elaborately dressed, often with extensions to give extra body, this added another level of luxury: it implied that they had the leisure to expend on having their hair groomed and the resources to command an- other's services for the task. The differences in the treatment of the hair throw some light on gender ideologies and hier- archies current at this time. The identity and status of elite men depended mainly on their po- sition in the government bureaucracy; on their monuments, men constructed their identity tex- tually by listing all their titles of office. In other words, men looked outside the home to fulfil their ambitions, their concerns being centered on the social structure of government order and control. Women, by contrast, had few official ti- HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 67 ties. Instead, their identities on monuments were constructed in terms of their kinship to a man: mwt.f "his mother," hmt.f "his wife," sBt.f "his daughter" or snt.f "his female relative." These kinship terms were often followed by the most common title given to women, nbt pr "mistress of the house," signifying a married woman and de- noting her main sphere of activity. Ideologically, the concerns of women did not relate to govern- ment, but to the natural process of reproduc- tion.50 In art, we find generic images of naked women with long hair or wigs being used to en- sure conception and safe birth into this world, and, by extension, rebirth into the next.51 It might be that an ideology that stressed the role of women in reproduction also saw women as being closer to nature than men and that this was expressed through their unshaven heads and long hair. Turning now to non-elite women working out- side the domestic sphere, we seldom find them wearing any of the basic hairstyles associated with elite women and their servants. Unfortunately we have fewer depictions of such non-elite women than we do of men, since women are not in- cluded among the personnel in workshops or as laborers in the marshes. Nevertheless, women are sometimes present in agricultural scenes, mostly at the harvest. They present a range of unelabo- rated, often unkempt, hairstyles: most frequently, tied back with the ends falling down the back;52 but also loose;53 in a few thick ringlets;54 in straightish strands ending at chin level;55 or in a solid black mass cut off at the shoulders.56 Al- though many women no doubt actually worked out of doors in the fields, the prevailing ideology seems to have held that outdoor work was to be performed mostly by men. In this context, women working in the fields almost certainly had a lower status than household servants. This hierarchy becomes expressed on the head; while the house- hold servants have the same hairstyles as the elite women they served, the female laborers are de- picted with their hair undressed and often un- kempt. Hair thus becomes a way to distinguish not only between rich and poor, but also between different non-elite groups. Nevertheless, basic gender distinctions are generally maintained at all levels of society through differences in hair length. Although women's roles were more limited than those of men, women did sometimes have a part to play in certain ritual contexts. In scenes depicting the funeral procession of the tomb chapel owner, two women regularly take on the identities of the goddesses Isis and Nephthys, known as the "two kites," who mourned the death of their murdered brother Osiris, the god of the dead, and brought him back to life. In many de- pictions these women cover their head with the Ma-headdress, made of white cloth, that is not normally worn by women, but which is a fre- quent accoutrement of the goddesses;57 the head- dress was thus used to identify the women with the goddesses in this particular context. Else- where, the women playing the two kites are shown with a cap of short black hair that leaves the ear uncovered, and with a white fillet tied round the head (fig. 6) .58 There is no evidence as to whether the women's natural hair was cut for this occa- sion or whether it was concealed under a wig. A similar hairstyle is worn by the god's wife of 50 Gay Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt. 51 Gay Robins, "Dress, Undress and the Representation of Fertility and Potency in New Kingdom Egyptian Art," in: N. Kampen (ed.), Sexuality in Ancient Art; Geraldine Pinch, "Childbirth and female figurines at Deir el-Medina and el- Amarna," Orientaliab2 (1983), 405-14. 52 E.g., TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, 35; TT 57, Walter Wreszinski, Atlas zur Altaegyptischen Kulturge- schichtel (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1923), pl. 192; TT C4, Manniche, Lost Tombs, pl. 34 no. 56; tomb of "Nebamun," ibid., pl. 49 no. 69; Mekhitarian, La misere, pl. 24. 53 TT 69, Wilkinson, Egyptian Wall Paintings, 50 no. 49. 54 TT 52, Shedid and Seidel, Das Grab des Nacht, frontis- piece. 55 TT 6g? Mekhitarian, Egyptian Painting, 79. 56 TT 69> Wilkinson, Egyptian Wall Paintings, 49 no. 46. 57 E.g., TT 82, Davies, The Tomb of Amenemhet, pls. 10-11; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh- mi-re, pls. 83-84, 87-88, 92-93; TT C4, Manniche, Lost Tombs, pl. 34 no. 56, pl. 42 no. 62 [1]; El-Kab, tomb of Paheri, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pl. 5. 58 E.g., TT 39, Davies, Tomb of Puyemre, pl. 46; TT 82, Davies, The Tomb of Amenemhat, pls. 10, 12; TT 96, Christiane Desroches Noblecourt et al., Sennefer. Die Grabkammer des Biirg- ermeisters von Theben (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1986), 30; TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pls. 79-80; TT 139, Aldred et al., L'Empire des Conquerants, fig. 68; Paheri, Tylor and Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pl. 5. 68 TARCE XXXVI (1999) Fig. 6. The two kites engaged in a ritual performance at the tomb owner's funeral TT 100, Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re, pi 79. Reproduced by kind permission of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Amun, one of the few female priests in the cult of Amun at Thebes, when she is shown per- forming temple rituals.59 Since short hair is not a style normally associated with eighteenth dy- nasty women, its use seems designed specifically to mark the performance of a cultic role by a woman and to shift her identity from a secular to a religious one. This shift is also made visible by the continued use of the traditional, tight- fitting sheath dress, after depictions of women in more secular contexts had changed to show them wearing a longer, looser wrap-around dress. Death The final transformation of the social identity of both elite men and women occurred at death, when they made the dangerous passage from this world to the next and took their place among the blessed dead in the afterlife. Their new identity was displayed through the images on their cof- fins. Once again, hair plays an important role in this process of identity formation. Both men and women are shown wearing, not the hairstyles of the living, but a striated, breast-length, tri- partite wig specifically associated with images of male and female deities.60 In addition, male cof- fins sometimes incorporated the long, braided false beard associated with Osiris as well as other male deities.61 This last shift in identity trans- formed the deceased into an idealized divine be- ing proper to an inhabitant of the next world.62 Conclusions Depicted adult hairstyles clearly divide be- tween those appropriate to men and those appro- priate to women, thus reinforcing the division 59 A. Gayet, Le Temple de Louxor (Paris: Mission arche- ologique francaise au Caire, 1894), pl. 35 fig. 100, pl. 51 fig. 125; Pierre Lacau and Henri Chevrier, line chapelle d'Hatshep- sout a Karnak II (Paris: Institut Franc ais d'Archeologie Orien- tale, 1979), pls. 18 top, 19 middle. 60 E.g., Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, fig. X.2a-b, nos. 61-64 (coffins), nos. 17-19 (deities). 61 E.g., ibid., no. 62. 62 J. Taylor, Egyptian Coffins (Aylesbury: Shire Publica- tions, 1989), 39. HAIR AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY IN ANCIENT EGYPT 69 of society by gender. Among elite women who have passed childhood, hairstyles appear to dif- ferentiate between younger, possibly adolescent, women and older, possibly married, women. These hairstyles are shared with non-elite female household servants, suggesting that age rather than social status is the primary information imparted. Women working outside the house, who are certainly of lower status, rarely wear these same hairstyles, so here social status rather than age may be important. Among elite men, increased social status came with promotion in the government bureaucracy. At a certain level, officials seem to have become eligible to wear a form of the shoulder-length wig. Unlike the tripartite and enveloping wigs of elite women, the shoulder-length wig is not shared with non-elite servants. Further, within a composition, the different hairstyles worn by the male figures often establish a relative hier- archy between them, with the primary figure wearing the shoulder-length wig and secondary figures the round wig or a shaven head. Such relative hierarchies do not commonly occur with female figures, where instead senior and junior women often both wear either the tripartite or enveloping hairstyles. In addition to the use of hair to indicate social status, age, and gender within the hierarchies of ancient Egyptian soci- ety, different styles were also employed to mark figures playing certain religious roles, such as the Iunmutef priest or the god's wife of Amun. The evidence thus shows that the hairstyles depicted in ancient Egyptian art were not freely selected by artists. Rather they formed part of a visual system that was used to help construct and display the social identities of the figures rep- resented, and so had to be appropriate to the age, gender and status of the wearers. Although scenes in tomb chapels were not intended to reproduce exactly the real world, but rather represented an elite ideal, the system of identity constructed in the art must have reflected a cor- responding system in life that defined the iden- tity of individuals and their place within society. Its incorporation into visual representation not only served to convey information to viewers about the figures depicted, but by constant rep- etition reinforced what the elite group held to be the correct social order. Emory University