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Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo:


The Region of South Kivu



May - July 2013
FIELD SURVEY

Report by:
Augostine Ekeno



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Contents
LIST OF ABBREVIATION AND ACRONYMS ......................... 3
1. Executive Summary ...................................................... 4
2. Introduction .................................................................. 6
4. Points for Improvement ............................................... 8
5. Historical Background ................................................. 10
7. Sexual and Domestic Violence in South Kivu .............. 12
9. Needs of SGBV Victims ......................................... 16
10. Key Perpetrators of Violence in South Kivu:............. 18
12. HIV/AIDS and SGBV .................................................. 23
13. Current Intervention ................................................ 27
14. The Role of Advocacy ............................................... 30
15. Conclusion and Recommendations .......................... 32
Appendix: Questionnaire ................................................ 35



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LIST OF ABBREVIATION AND ACRONYMS
AJAN African Jesuit AIDS Network
CAFORD The Catholic Agency for Overseas Development
BDOM Bureau Diocsain des Ocuvres Mdicales
CDJP Commission Diocsain Justice et Paix
D.R.C Democratic Republic of Congo
FARDC Force Arme de la Rpublique Dmocratique du Congo
FDLR Forces Dmocratiques de Libration du Rwanda
GIAN Global Ignatian Advocacy Network
HIPSIR Hekima International Peace Studies and International Relations
IDPs Internally Displaced Persons
JRS Jesuit Refugee Service
LRA The Lords Resistance Army
M23 March 23
MONUSCO Mission of the Organisation for the Stabilisation of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations
PLWHA People Living with HIV/AIDS
PNMLS Programme National Multisectoriel de Lutte Contre le Sida
SGBV Sexual and Gender-Based Violence
S.O.S Solidaritie SIDA
UNICEF United Nations Children Fund
UN United Nations





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1. Executive Summary
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been described as the worlds most dangerous
place for women. Others even view it as the rape capital of the world. This description follows
the systematic use of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence as a weapon of war. The Congos
Eastern regions of south and north Kivu have the highest rates of SGBV. The UN estimates that
a staggering 200, 000 women and girls have been the victims of sexual violence during the last
15 years. The most prevalent forms of sexual violence reported in South Kivu, which is the focus
of this research are rape, gang-rape, sexual slavery, and the insertion of foreign objects into the
mouth, vagina, or anus. Civilian populations, especially women, ranging between 20 to 80 years
constitute the most affected category of the population. Within this category, elderly women are
a target mainly due to their decreased ability to resist or escape attacks.
The war in the Congo is complex, and thus difficult to understand. This is so or rather perceived
to be so, because of its interconnectedness to other political developments in the region involving
Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC. The 1994 civil war and genocide in Rwanda had a large impact
on internal affairs in the Eastern Congo; the arrival of Rwandan Hutu refugees triggered two
Congolese wars that same year. The combination of local dynamics related to the cultural and
governance in the region have a direct bearing on the prevalence of sexual violence inflicted on
the local communities. The relative anonymity of perpetrators and the ease with which the
crimes are perpetrated stems directly from the volatility of the general situation across the region.
Before the beginning of the war in 1996, there were almost no reported cases of rape or sexual
related cases. Large-scale reporting of SGBV surfaced with the onset of the war.
The alarming increase of SGBV indicators prompted many agencies, mainly non-governmental,
to intervene to assist the survivors. The General Referral Hospital of Panzi is among those
institutions that have supported the survivors. The Panzi hospital and many other institutions
operating in the region, though without coordination and monitoring, continue to fill the vacuum
left by the weak government institutions. The needs of the survivors range from medical,
psychosocial, legal to economic support. The key perpetrators of SGBV are mostly foreign rebel
groups like the FDLR, the Lords Resistant Army (LRAUganda), and M23. In addition to
foreign groups, other Congolese armed militia groups, such as Ma Ma and the national army
are also involved in the crimes. Most of the affected places are villages in the remotest areas of
the region close to the armed groups hideouts. The prevalence of SGBV in these areas can be
attributed to several factors, for example, poverty and livelihood issues, proximity, insecurity,
cultural aspects and culture of impunity. Evident from the findings is the fact that the spread of
HIV/AIDS in the province of South Kivu is directly linked to the war being waged in the region.
Regarding advocacy, NGOs, faith-based organisations, and civil society groups working in the
region have championed several advocacy works. Areas of focus linked to particular agencies or
organisations vary according to their missions and mandates. Existing advocacy strategies
include campaigns and lobbying. However, little success, if any, has been registered following
the above-mentioned campaigns. The study identified the government as the main obstacle
against finding long-lasting solutions.
In sum, the historical realities underlying the Congolese war create a need for a sustainable
solution rooted in the regional aspect of the war. A practical long-lasting solution to the on-going


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sexual violence seems to lie in the resolution of the social, historical, economical, and political
aspects of the war. In addition to this approach, there is need for a holistic approach that takes
into consideration the life-altering experiences of the survivors of SGBV.
Considering the current prevalence of SGBV crimes, uncoordinated interventions, and a lack of
governmental authority in directing policies towards improving coordinated interventions, the
researcher cites several findings of this study:
Appalling physical and psychological damage from SGBV on the lives and futures of
countless women, men, and children.
Enormous humanitarian and developmental support is offered by faith-based
organisations, NGOs, and the UN mission; however, inter-organisational coordination
remains almost non-existent. There is a need for alternative strategies to address the
shortcomings of available aid and short-term interventions.
The need to address the concerns and conditions of SGBV survivors and People Living
with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) as well as the mobilisation of a range of resources and holistic
approaches.
A demonstrated lack of political will from the Congolese government to monitor,
coordinate and fulfil its constitutional duty to protect people.
The failure of leadership on the local, national, regional, and international levels to
prevent and stop rape and gender violence.

Recommendations
1. An Approach to Build the Capacity of all Survivors of SGBV: Survivors of SGBV left
without resources need help to establish income-generating activities and so become self-
reliant.
2. Approaches to Expand and Strengthen Psychosocial Support: Survivors of SGBV need
more than medical assistance; however, some hospitals do not offer psychosocial support.
3. Enhance Security and Inclusive Approaches to Include Women in Protection
Mechanisms: For too long the security sector has been a male-dominated arm of the
government. Therefore, the inclusion of women into all positions within the security
sector is important. The protection of women should be made a priority, particularly in a
country considered by some to be the most dangerous place on earth for women. One
way to prioritise the protection of women is through the reform of the national army,
police, justice, and security services.
4. Shifting to High-Level Advocacy: The complex nature of the conflict in the Congo
requires high-level advocacy workthe sort of advocacy that targets prominent
personalities within the region and throughout the country.
5. Evaluation of Current Interventions against SGBV: This implies improvement in the
governmental coordination of planning, implementing, monitoring, and evaluating
interventions against sexual violence.
6. Shifting from Inaction to a Solution Oriented Approach to the Conflict: Regional and
national governments, as well as the international community have failed to act


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collectively to end the suffering of Congolese people. Interventions address symptoms of
the conflict, rather than the root causes.
7. The Need to Empower Governmental Institutions: Governmental support is minimal.
8. Strengthening Local Legal Systems: This includes prosecution of perpetrators at national
and international levels, as well as comprehensive reparation for survivors.

2. Introduction
The aim of this study was to collect substantial qualitative data on Sexual and Gender-Based
violence (SGBV) in Eastern Congo, specifically South Kivu, for advocacy purposes on behalf of
SGBV survivors. This research was carried out by Hekima Institute of Peace Studies and
International Relations (HIPSIR)
1
, Jesuit Refugee Service Eastern Africa (JRS-EA),
2
and the
African Jesuit AIDS Network (AJAN)
3
. Through this study and many others to follow, these
institutions hope to (a) give a voice to the voiceless victims of sexual and gender-based
violence; (b) elaborate on existing policies and legal frameworks that protect and prevent the
escalation of SGBV; (c) and create pragmatic channels to adequately communicate the
injustice(s) experienced by survivors to authorities that hold positions to influence needed
changes.
This study is one of the many studies launched by the Society of Jesus in the Great Lakes Region
aimed at enhancing collaboration with other regional and international interventions and is
geared towards addressing the plight of survivors of SGBV in the Great Lakes region. The
Society of Jesus (along with other humanitarian agencies that are active in the region) hopes to
voice her concerns over SGBV and other human rights violations to call for urgent attention
from all relevant parties. The Society of Jesus recognizes that an effective response to the plight
of SGBV survivors could evolve from the formation of strategic partnerships among Jesuit and
other like-minded institutions. An integrated approach hopefully will influence policies and
practices that are likely to both promote peace and protect human rights within the region.
This study is launched in collaboration with GIAN Advocacy Framework
4
under the theme of
Peace and Human Rights, with special attention to SGBV in the Great Lakes region. The

1
Hekima Institute of Peace Studies and International Relations (HIPSIR) is a constituent college of Catholic
University of Eastern Africa. It was established to train students and provide instruction and expertise in
peacebuilding at a higher-tertiary education level. See the website for more on HIPSIR:
http://ipsir.hekima.ac.ke/vision-mission/
2
The Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) is an international Catholic Organisation with a mission to serve, accompany,
and advocate on behalf of refugees and other forcibly displaced persons. JRS-Eastern Africa participates in thirteen
projects throughout Eastern AfricaUganda, Kenya, Ethiopia and Sudanassisting refugees, internally displaced
persons, and returnees. See the website for more information: http://www.jrsea.org
3
African Jesuit AIDS Network (AJAN) is a network of Jesuits and their co-workers in Sub-Saharan African who are
involved in AIDS care and HIV prevention. See the website for more information: http://www.ajanweb.org
4
Global Ignatian Advocacy Network (GIAN) is a Jesuit Fathers global network that aims to build bridges between
rich and poor and establish advocacy links of mutual support between those who hold political power and those who
find it difficult to voice their interests. For more on GIAN, visit the following link:
http://www.ignatianadvocacy.org/


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findings of this study will be used by three interconnected Jesuit institutionsThe HIPSIR,
AJAN and JRS-EA to devise a well-structured advocacy engagement that adds value to the
discourse regarding SGBV. The focus will be on a joint initiative that helps address some of the
root causes of SGBV as well as to advocate on behalf of SGBV survivors.

3. Methodology
A total of 58 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and 10 representatives of the leading Non-
Governmental organisations (NGOs) working on SGBV were interviewed during the course of
this research. The organizations referred to are:
Bureau Diocsain des Ocuvres Mdicales (BDOM) (one representative)
Centre OLAME (one representative)
Commission Diocsain Justice et Paix (CDJP) (two representatives)
Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) (one representative)
PANZI Hospital (Dr. Denis Mukwege)
Programme National Multisectoriel de Lutte contre le Sida (PNMLS) (one
representative)
Solidaritie SIDA (S.O.S) (one representative)
United Nations Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (MONUSCO) (two representatives)
The research was conducted using individual structured, semi-structured interviews and focus
group discussions with the survivors, IDP, camp elders, and the heads of some leading
organisations. Two discussions with community members and IDPs were done in large open-air
meetings with more than 50 IDPs. Interviews with other IDPs and representatives of the above-
listed leading organizations were more structured. However, open-air meetings with IDPs tended
to remain generally unstructured in order to encourage individuals to share sensitive details and
impacts of SGBV and conflict. Relevant questions, which did not directly allude to personal
experiences of SGBV, were also asked for the purpose of expanding on certain points and to
guide the conversation. Both internally, within the IDP camps, and externally, the conversations
were less about establishing the hard facts of the conflict and more about understanding the
SGBV situation from the perspective of IDPs.
Questions were translated into open-ended questionnaires for the IDPs, while some
representatives of the leading organizations were also approached. These questions addressed the
following themes: the forms of SGBV reported; the segments of population targeted; key
perpetrators; the correlation of HIV/AIDS and SGBV; attempted NGO interventions; and
advocacy projects. These themes have been previously identified by HIPSIR, AJAN, and JRS-
EA as important elements which may provide crucial explanations about why SGBV is so


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prevalent in Eastern Congo, and what is being done (or conversely, not being done) to address
the situation.
This research was conducted by one person. This presented several limitations and challenges, as
outlined in the next section. The interviews were conducted in Kiswahili (and English in some
instances) to ensure maximum comprehension for both researcher and interviewee. Furthermore,
the research was conducted in several selected sites: IDP camps (in Goma) and within Bukavu
town.
4. Points for Improvement
There were five main disadvantages to the methods used:
1. The majority of people interviewed were people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA). By
focusing more on this category of people, the overall intention of the research somehow
shifted from the original intent to research all aspects related to SGBV.
2. Unlike the previous intent to focus on Eastern Congo as a wholeboth South and North
Kivuthe research only covered the region of South Kivu (particularly Bukavu town),
which is located far from the territories most affected by SGBV. Furthermore, focusing
on IDPs living in Bukavu deprived many SGBV survivors remaining in the most affected
villages an opportunity to voice their views and experiences. As a result, the choice of
Bukavu denied the representation and documentation of thousands of the voices of the
originally targeted populations.
3. Little information was collected regarding interventions by leading organizations present
in the field. Contributing factors included a lack of collaboration and an unwillingness to
be interviewed. Also influential is the perception expressed by many of the interviewed
that there is lack of coordination among the leading organizations working in South Kivu.
In one case, the assistant director of a leading international organisation on SGBV
refused to be interviewed simply because the organization did not want to be mentioned
in this research. Within only the month of June, seven such organizations turned down
requests for meetings, claiming always to be too busy.
4. A trip to Goma, the capital city of North Kivu, failed to generate helpful data to complete
the information collected in Bukavu. The stay was too short to adequately learn from and
engage with IDPs and organizations working on SGBV in Goma. As a result, a much
longer stay would be worthwhile in a future study.
In the future, it would be beneficial to the research if the challenges mentioned above were
amicably resolved to avoid their recurrence:
Involve a larger team with more people (at least three) from the Great Lakes Region.
Conduct more meetings, interviews, and discussions with IDPs from both Goma and
Bukavu in order to gain a balanced and exhaustive perspective on the prevalence of
SGBV in the region. This may include visiting some of the most affected places
mentioned within the study.


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Plan more meetings and interviews with leading organisations in both Goma and Bukavu
to gain a broader knowledge of their attempted interventions.
Use a variety of meeting formatsprivate and public forums, as well as private
interviews where individuals can speak comfortably and freely.
Recruit more women to conduct research in this field. In regards to this case, involving
only men prevents many women from speaking freely and comfortably.
Acquire a team member who is fluent with a good understanding of both Swahili and
French. Advanced French language capabilities enable the researcher to engage all
stakeholders dealing with SGBV and analyze the numerous written materials on the topic
available only in French.



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5. Historical Background
The war in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is complex, and thus difficult to understand.
Regardless of its causes, the conflict has local, national, regional and international impacts.
Conflicts in this region are typically complex because of their interconnectedness to other
political developments in the region involving Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC. For example, the
1994 civil war and genocide in Rwanda had a large impact on internal affairs in the Eastern
Congo; the arrival of Rwandan Hutu refugees triggered two Congolese wars that same year.
The combination of local dynamics related to the cultural and governance with the armed
conflict in the region have a direct bearing on the prevalence of sexual violence inflicted on the
local communities. The relative anonymity of perpetrators and the ease with which the crimes
are perpetrated stems directly from the volatility of the general situation across the whole of
Eastern Congo.
Before the beginning of the war in Eastern Congo in 1996, there were almost no reported cases
of rape or sexual related cases. Large-scale reporting of SGBV surfaced with the onset of the
war. During this time the General Referral Hospital of Panzi, which was then a small health
center in a tent donated by United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF), started to receive patients
suffering from extreme genital complications. Doctors at Panzi Hospital first performed a
surgical operation in response to a case of SGBV in 1999.By the end of the year, 45 women with
similar symptoms were admitted. These numbers increased to 135 in 2000. Most patients treated
by Panzi doctors in 2000 were victims of sexual and physical violence abuses, ranging from
rape, torture, and mutilation, including damaged genitals from gunshots.
The alarming increase of sexual and physical violence indicators prompted the hospital, in
collaboration with other national and international agencies, to investigate the cause of the
violence. This effort led to an investigation and subsequent report by Human Rights Watch
entitled, The War within the War: Sexual Violence against Women and Girls in Eastern Congo.
5

Meanwhile, Panzi Hospital continued to receive more patients, and by 2004 the hospital was
admitting approximately 10 victims of sexual violence per day, excluding those who could not
get to the hospital or those who died during or after their assaults. Panzi records show that in
2004 alone, over 4,000 women visited the hospital for medical assistance.
While the reported number of victims of sexual violence drastically dropped in 2010 and 2011,
the decrease was attributed to the inactivity of rebel groups during that period. The number of
reported victims seeking medical treatment dropped from 4,000 per year in 2004 to 2,600 in
2011.
6
These figures suggest a strong causation between the ongoing conflict in Eastern Congo
and the reported rates of SGBV.
However, the sharp decline in SGBV rates noted in 2011 did not last long. It increased again in
2012 due to recurrences of clashes between the regular army and numerous armed groups, both

5
See report by Human Rights Watch, The War within the War: Sexual Violence against Women and Girls in
Eastern Congo, 2002. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/drc/Congo0602.pdf
6
The statistical data presented here was provided by Dr. Denis Mukwege during an interview at the General
Referral Hospital of Panzi on 2 and 9 July 2013.


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Congolese and foreign;
7
For example, the Rwandan Hutu armed group known as Force
Dmocratiques pour la Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) and the March 23 (M23) both engaged in
fighting. Consequently Panzi hospital began to receive more victims of SGBV, back up to
approximately 10 people a day.
The regional aspects of the Congolese war create a need for a sustainable approach that takes the
historical realities of the region into account. A long-lasting and sustainable solution to both the
conflict and incidences of SGBV will only be found (and work successfully) if the social,
historical, and political aspects of the war are taken into consideration. Interventions directed
towards the psychological states of the victims that take into consideration the life-altering
experiences of these women, including trauma interventions, are a necessity.




7
The word foreign, as used in this study, refers to armed groups originating from neighboring countries such
Rwanda, Uganda, and in some cases, Burundi.


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6. A Map of the province of South Kivu



7. Sexual and Domestic Violence in South Kivu
The most prevalent forms of sexual violence reported in South Kivu are rape, gang rape, sexual
slavery, and the insertion of foreign objects into the mouth, vagina, or anus. These forms of
sexual violence are categorized as crimes according to jurisprudence in international law.
Domestic violence also exists, though mainly in the rural areas because of strong reliance on past
attitudes and traditions. Domestic violence makes up to 10% of all reported SGBV cases, when
examined alongside rates of sexual violence and physical violence within the conflict. Although
perpetrators of domestic violence are less difficult to locate compared to those belonging to
armed groups residing in the bush, the national legal system appears legally ineffective and weak


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in regards to prosecuting civilian culprits of SGBV. However, corruption is just but one of the
factors rendering the legal system ineffective.


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8. Categories of Populations Most Affected by SGBV
a. Civilian Populations Residing in the Most Remote Areas
Civilian populations, especially women, ranging between 20 to 80 years constitute the most
affected category of the population. Within this category, elderly women are a target mainly due
to their decreased ability to resist or escape attacks. The graph below shows the figures reported
during an interview by Solidarite SIDA (S.O.S SIDA), an association based in Bukavu.
8


As our study reveals, a small proportion of men living in the affected areas also experience
SGBV.
9
As revealed by the interviews, Congolese communities suffer from constant attacks by
what are believed to be Rwandan rebel groups. Notorious foreign rebel groups such as the FDLR
are accused of committing over 75% of the reported rape cases. Other perpetrators cited by
survivors include the Congolese national army known as Force Arme de la Rpublique
Dmocratique du Congo (FARDC) and armed militia groups such as the Ma Ma.
Noteworthy, however, is the challenge for researchers and human rights watchers to acquire
reliable information and data on SGBV following an attack. Obstacles include the clearly
apparent ethnic hatred between the Rwandese-speaking community and non-Rwandese-speaking
community. Dr. Mukwege
10
finds this ethnic animosity a challenge to the fight against SGBV as

8
Interview with S.O.S SIDA, Bukavu, DRC, 21 June 2013.
9
Members of several organizations and a majority of femaleinterviewees acknowledged the difficulties many men
face when either speaking out about SGBV or seeking assistance in case of sexual violence. This view was
consistent with the higher numbers of women known to be survivors of SGBV [though its important to note women
experience SGBV at higher statistical rates than men], and reports indicating that some men only seek support when
their conditions worsen.
10
Dr. Denis Mukwege, the founder and medical director of Panzi Hospital in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo,chief gynecologist, based in Bukavu , 10 June 2013.

0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Women aged between 20 - 80 raped
Women raped


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the local community associates and blames the foreign rebel groups for SGBV reported, even
when the culprits are indeed Congolese. In some situations the assaults are attributed to
foreigners simply because the affected population is afraid of reprisals by the local militia
groups. Fear of reprisals, particularly from local militia groups, seems to be the primary factor
influencing such skewed testimonies.
The unprecedented destruction of local communities, combined with the prevailing belief of a
war waged by foreign Rwandese groups, appears to be the main catalysts for negative attitudes
towards the Rwandese community living in the Congo. Prejudices and perceptions arising from
these attitudes have reinforced ethnic hatred and other xenophobic behaviours between the
Congolese and the Rwandese communities living at the border of the two countries.
Since 1996 when the war broke out in Eastern Congo, the warring sides have always been
identified by the Congolese government as belonging to specific groups within and outside
Congo. As revealed by our interviews, the FDLR is generally perceived to be the security arm of
the Rwandese government, and they aim to control the mineral-rich Eastern Congo. Interviewees
also cited the belief that the FDLR enjoys moral support from the international community. As a
result, international interventions are now regarded by the Congolese with a lot of suspicion and
distrust.
b. Adult Males
Women are not the only victims of sexual and physical violence during war: Men, albeit at a
lower rate than women, experience sexual violence (see Solidarit SIDA [S.O.S SIDA]), and
hundreds of men have also died in the process of defending their families. S.O.S SIDA reports
accessed during the course of this study indicate that about 20 men report rape every year.
Though this figure is just from one organisation and does not account for victims that did not
report their attacks or sought help from other organisations, it represents a general situation that
has influenced the view even in the international debate that Congo is today the most dangerous
place to be as a woman. Some prevalent forms of sexual violence against men are:
Rape: Male rebels (commonly known as enemies) sometimes rape men when they attack
villages. Like women, sexually assaulted men are often abused in public before their
wives, children, and other family members. As is often the case with sexually abused
women, male rape does not target any particular category of men, but men of all ages and
ethnicities.
Gang Rape: Abducted men are taken to the forest and forced to have sex with abducted
women (and sometimes with other men). Particular reports indicate situations where a
man is forced to rape multiple abducted women, at least ten or twenty at a time. In the
event that a man fails to execute these orders, he is tortured and killed.
Genital Mutilation: In some extreme cases, mens genitalia were crushed and destroyed.
These and many other similar scenarios demonstrate the attackers intent to destroy the
victims manhood and human dignity.
11

Other forms of sexual violence: Forced sexual acts (such as filling holes dug in the
ground with semen) under threat of death. Such acts often painfully rip off the foreskin of

11
Interview with forcibly displaced Congolese women, Goma IDP camp (North Kivu), 22 June 2013.


16

the mans penis, causing severe pain and presenting a significant risk for infection. This
study revealed some men are even forced to commit incest.
12

The local population finds these forms of violence meted against men and women inexplicable.
It appears these acts are purposefully aimed at destroying the humanity of the targeted
communities and branding the victims identities with lasting marks of shame and humiliation. In
addition, some survivors exposed and subsequently infected with the HIV virus during their
attacks think that some perpetrators purposefully infected their victims in an attempt to eliminate
both existing and subsequent generations.
13

c. Children
Children between the ages of 2 to 15 years have also become targets of sexual violence.
Congolese civilians constitute the largest group of both perpetrators and victims within this
subcategory.
14
Interviews revealed that children are targeted for various (but not mutually
exclusive) reasons:
An intent to destroy the childrens reproductive organs,
Cultural myths and beliefs linking sex with a child to fortune and success
Sexual satisfaction
15


9. Needs of SGBV Victims
i. Medical Assistance
Survivors of sexual and physical violence incur serious health complications that require urgent
medical attention to prevent the development of permanent and terminal health complications,
such as the commonly rape-related obstetric fistula. An obstetric fistula occurs when a hole
develops between a womans vaginal canal and one or more of her internal organs.
16
Those
diagnosed with fistula complications require constant and regular medical check-ups, which, in
these cases, are often beyond their financial capacity. Panzi Hospital offers free treatment for
obstetric fistulas, but it is often physically inaccessible to many remote patients. Successful and
timely medical assistance is crucial for the reintegration of family members separated by the
attacks and resulting medical conditions associated with rape and other forms of SGBV.

12
Interview with forcibly displaced Congolese women, Goma IDP camp (North Kivu), 22 June 2013.
13
Interview with a Congolese woman, Nguba Catholic parish Bukavu, 10 June 2013.
14
Interviews with Congolese women survivors of SGBV, Bukavu, 5 June 2013.
15
This claim is however challenged by current scholarship which rules out sexual satisfaction as a goal of mass
rape.
16
Obstetric fistulas often cause the disintegration of tissue, and the woman is left with a hole between her vagina
and her bladder. This type of fistula is called a vesicovaginal fistula or VVF; when a hole develops between the
vagina and rectum, it is called a rectovaginal fistula or RVF.


17

ii. Psychosocial support
Psychosocial care and assistance is vital following a victims attack, yet survivors rarely receive
the psychological care needed for recovery.
17
Although several agencies offer psychosocial
programs,
18
most of them are concentrated in urban areas such as Bukavu town, which is
inaccessible to those in rural areas where there is great need. As revealed by the interviews,
many survivors of sexual and physical violence report signs of psychological problems such as
chronic insomnia, crying, nightmares, and social isolation to the point of muteness. These are all
symptoms of psychological problems in need of counselling.
All survivors of SGBV who participated in the study report witnessedeither directly or
indirectlyacts of sexual and/or physical violence. Participants report painful recurrences and
preoccupations with flashbacks or memories. These traumatic experiences are caused by not only
what they themselves went through, but also what they witnessed being done to their loved ones
and neighbours. Noteworthy too is the extent to which men reported psychological symptoms of
trauma. Evidence shows that some men in the region developed psychological issues after
witnessing sexual and/or physical violence against their loved ones. Many men reported feeling
haunted by shame and shock resulting from their failure to protect loved ones. The family
integration and reconciliation programs of various organisations incorporate activities offering
psychosocial assistance to affected men. Through psychosocial therapy, hundreds of men were
helped to reunite with their wives/families. For example, during interviews representatives from
S.O.S SIDA described a case in which a young man initially abandoned his fiance after her
rape; however, after a series of reintegration sessions organised by S.O.S SIDA involving and
engaging the ex-fianc in sessions of intense therapy, they reunited and later married. Through
the same program within a period of approximately ten years, S.O.S SIDA succeeded in
reuniting and reintegrating approximately 252 men with their wives.
19
Survivors point to
discrimination and mistreatment by family and community members as an influential reason to
migrate to urban areas such as Bukavu. Socially hostile environments force survivors of SGBV
into urban areas where they are often subjected to abject poverty and a life dependent on
charity.
20

iii. Economic Support
Harsh economic realities compound the situation facing many survivors of SGBV. IDPs and
others fleeing their homes because of conflict often leave behind their means of livelihood. As a
result, they are forced to begin a long and difficult socioeconomic journey to rebuild their lives
in completely new and unfamiliar territories. Interviews revealed that many survivors of SGBV
find it extremely difficult to cope and meet their day-to-day needs in their new environment,
lacking social support systems. Some interviewees complained of total dependence on aid and
the limited financial means at their disposal. Some IDPs in Goma, for instance, complained of
insufficient food rations and deplorable camp conditions. They expressed how the emergency-

17
Interview with Dr. Denis Mukwege, the founder and medical director of Panzi Hospital in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo,chief gynecologist, based in Bukavu , 10 June 2013.
18
These programs offer psychological and emotional support in forms of counseling and medical treatment.
19
Interview with the director of S.O.S SIDA, Bukavu, 20 June 2013.
20
Interview with female Congolese survivors of SGBV, Bukavu, 5 June 2013.


18

oriented forms of support provided at the camps stands as a barrier to the manifestation of a mid-
or long-term future.
Most survivors acknowledged the tremendous support received from national, parochial, and
international organisations.
21
They do, however, criticise that the aid does not adequately meet
their secondary needs, such as the education of children. Survivors question current aid
programs focus on basic needs, often overlooking the importance of early and secondary
education for those children in the IDP camps and in the streets. Some IDPs
22
also expressed
fears regarding the safety of school-bound children outside the camp, due to the tension between
host communities and the IDPs.
iv. Legal Support
While the key perpetrators of SGBV are difficult to identify since they are mainly members of
the armed rebel and militia groups, arresting and prosecuting them is often an impossible task.
Often, perpetrators belonging to these groups are legally and physically untouchable, since they
operate from dangerous forests and across borders. International
23
and local legal frameworks
can be used to track rape and gender violence perpetrated by both Congolese soldiers and
civilians. For example, medical records and reports collected from the survivors and victims of
SGBV have been instrumental in the attempted prosecution of such crimes. In spite of a poor
legal framework, several arrests have been petitioned, although many have been dismissed
because of a corrupt judicial system. Fortunately, some organisations dealing with SGBV have
legal components that promote both the prosecution of perpetrators and comprehensive
reparations for survivors.
24


10. Key Perpetrators of Violence in South Kivu:
As noted in the figure below, the key perpetrators of SGBV are mostly foreign rebel groups like
the FDLR, the Lords Resistant Army (LRAUganda), and M23. In addition to foreign groups,
other Congolese militias, such as Ma Ma and the national army are to blame. The following
figure is only an estimation of the whole situation.
25



21
The word parochial as it has been used in this research refers to the Catholic Church.
22
Many IDPs in Goma acknowledged the effort of JRS to build schools outside the camps.
23
The appearance before the International Criminal Court of the Congolese rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda early this
year after he unexpectedly surrendered himself to the US embassy in Kigali has been considered a major
achievement on the path to ending human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Ntaganda
is accused of committing war crimes of recruiting, enlisting, and using children under 15 while a commander for the
armed group Union of Congolese Patriots (Union des Patriotes Congolais, UPC) during the Ituri conflict in 2002
and 2003.
24
Interviews with representatives of the leading organizations, Bukavu, DRC, June 2013.
25
Dr. Mukweges estimates come from his experience as the chief gynecologist and the founder and medical
director of Panzi hospital which is the only referral hospital in the region.


19



The Ma Ma militia group is comprised of the Kirikisho, Nyatura, Morgan, and other Congolese
communities; they terrorise women and steal property from the Shi, Hunde, Rega, Fulero,
Dembe, and Lega communities. Unlike the FDLR, M23, and LRA rebel groups competing for
control of the region, the Ma Ma attack communities to seek control of natural resources
(minerals) or land for their own administrative agendas, including forcibly installing
administrative officials loyal to their own group and their allies.
Two primary resources are used to identify perpetrators of SGBV. First, the examination of
testimonies from the SGBV survivors, especially sex slaves, reveals that the identification of the
language spoken by perpetrators is often the only means of determining the attackers origin.
These methodologies constitute the identification procedures used by the UN, NGOs, the
government, and other agencies to identity the origins of perpetrators of SGBV. Language,
therefore, is vital to the establishment of the origin of the perpetrators in a region populated by
numerous ethnic, national, and armed groups. The challenge, however, remains with the
reliability of these means of identification, particularly in a region where people speak more than
one local language.

Additionally, victims are often abducted as sex slaves or titular concubines.
26
Similar to the
foreign rebel groups of the Rwandese origin, militia groups are equally brutal and are often just
as deeply feared. Victims and survivors of SGBV acknowledge that the local militia groups
purporting to protect local populations often subject local communities to rape, forced labour,
and the destruction and theft of crops.
27
In the past, foreign rebel groups committed

26
Interviews with Congolese women in Bukavu and Goma, DRC (South and North Kivu), June and July 2013.
27
Interviews with Congolese women in Bukavu and Goma, DRC (South and North Kivu), June and July 2013.
75%
5%
10%
10%
Key Perpetrators
Foreign groups
Domestic/civilians
FADRC
Maimai


20

approximately 90% of reported SGBV cases in the region. Significantly, this figure dropped to
approximately 75% following the emergence of other local and foreign armed groups.
28

Unfortunately, as shown by the above diagram, even the Congolese army, charged with the
protection of the local population, commits SGBV crimes against the Congolese people.
Response: Womens Network against SGBV
Several NGOs and parochial organisations established networks for women across the region.
These organisations responsibilities include reporting cases of sexual violence and monitoring
the situation in case of an attack. These groups have proved to be instrumental in the fight
against SGBV, since they exist on the grassroots level where such acts often take place.
29

MONUSCO (United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo)
relies on the information collected by the aforementioned groups to determine which areas
require enhanced security. Though the UN offers opportunities for the protection of the local
population, their intervention is not always appreciated.
30
Unfortunately, the national
government rarely responds to the networks requests for security provisions preceding or
following attacks.
31



28
Interview with Dr Denis Mukwege, the founder and medical director of Panzi hospital in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo chief gynecologist based in Bukavu , 10 June 2013. Again the figures presented are Dr Mukweges
assertions given his long experience as a gynecologist at Panzi hospital.
29
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013.
30
Interviews with MONUSCO staff working in the Human Rights, HIV/AIDS, Sexual Violence, and Gender-Based
Violence section, Bukavu, DRC, 17 June 2013.
31
Interviews with Congolese women survivors of SGBV, Bukavu, DRC, June 2013.


21

11. Places Most Affected by SGBV
a. Villages;
Over 90% of SGBV cases happen in the villages located in the remote places near rebel hideouts;
Shabunda , Mwenge, and Walugu are the most affected places in South Kivu. Other highly
affected areas include Kabare, Walikale, Masisi, Minova, Bungakizi, Minja, and Kalehe.
Interviews with IDPs in Goma revealed that very few cases of SGBV crimes happen inside IDP
camps.
32
In contrast, a considerably larger percentage of SGBV crimes happen around the IDP
camps in North Kivu. Victims tend to be IDP-residents of the camps, attacked while outside the
camp while either fetching firewood or searching for water.
33
As reported by the IDPs, the
Congolese army, police, and host communities are the most notorious perpetrators outside the
camps, while SGBV crimes committed in the camps usually involve teenage boys.
34
Some IDP
camp leaders have been implicated for using their positions in the camp to lure and abuse young
girls.
35
Presently the prevalence of SGBV in remote villages can be attributed to several factors:
Poverty and Livelihood: According to a 2008 United Nations report, the DRC has a
population of over 57.5 million people. The report notes that 75% live below the poverty
line.
36
Due to the high poverty rate in the region, inhabitants, in search of better
livelihoods, choose to live in considerably insecure locations with often high agricultural
potential attributed to rich soil. Resettlement to areas with minimal security has exposed
many people to violent foreign and militia groups. One woman, attacked while on a
journey through a thick forest for her small business, described her ordeal: I was raped
and suffered obstetric fistula problem. I cannot walk much nor carry out a hard task. All
this happened whereas coming back from a nearby village, where I had gone to buy
bananas for my small business. Since the incident, the business closed and our life
changed to misery and begging.
37

Proximity: All interviewed survivors of SGBV reside in close proximity to rebel
hideouts.
Insecurity: The overstretched Congolese government security sector is more
concentrated in the urban areas, leaving the rural areas vulnerable. During the course of
these interviews, several people admitted that the lack of security has given perpetrators
and undisciplined security personnel opportunities to mistreat people living in conflict-
prone zones. Generally, all 52 people interviewed during this research acknowledged that
the national army and police have failed to protect people living in the most affected
areas.
Cultural Aspects: The majority of the representatives of the leading organisations
working in South Kivu strongly contend that the traditional beliefs and practices
portraying women as private property and mens slaves contribute to womens general

32
Interview of a Congolese IDP woman, Goma IDP camp, North Kivu, DRC, 22 June 2013.
33
Interview with JRS lawyer, Goma, DRC, 23 June 2013.
34
Interview of a Congolese IDP woman, Goma IDP camp, North Kivu, DRC, 22 June 2013.
35
Interviews withj teenage boys in the juvenile prison in Goma, DRC, 23 June 2013.
36
For more, see Child Solders: Global Report, www.child-
soldiers.org/user.../congodemocraticrepublicof7740484.pdf, accessed 10 July 2013.
37
Interview with a survivor of SGBV, Nguba Catholic Parish, Bukavu, DRC, 10 June 2013.


22

mistreatment. This same attitude informs the chronically weak civic institutions, denying
women equal representation in all sectors, including security. Therefore, a significant
contributor to the normalisation of rape in the DRC is both cultural barriers and
chauvinistic mentalities.
Culture of Impunity: Members of the army and the police accused of rape and other
forms of sexual violence often go without prosecution. Many survivors of SGBV
interviewed in Bukavu and Goma attribute this culture of impunity to a lack of
cooperation from the security mechanisms; an unwillingness to protect women; and an
absence of laws (or their application) guaranteeing safety, protection, and equal rights.
38








38
Interviews of SGBV survivors in Bukavu and Goma, DRC, June and July 2013.


23

12. HIV/AIDS and SGBV
a. HIV/AIDS Situation in South Kivu
The first diagnosed case of HIV in the DRC was in 1983.
39
HIV-1 is the dominant type. The
2007 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
estimates HIV prevalence in the general population at 1.3%, with rates of 1.9% in urban areas
and 0.8% in rural areas.
40
Rates range from 1.6% among women to 0.9% for men.
41
The 2008
Antenatal Care Surveillance (ANC) data estimates HIV rates at 4.3% among pregnant women,
with the lowest prevalence found in urban areas and the highest prevalence found in rural areas.
42

Relative to the 2006 ANC report, rates in 2008 dramatically increased in some areas.
43
For
example, Kasumbalesa had a rate of 16.3%, followed by Kisangani (north-central DRC) at 8.7%,
and Lubumbashi (southeast DRC) at 6.3%.
44
From 1990 to 2008, rates in Kasumbalesa have
quadrupled, from 4.8% to 16.3%.
45
Rural areas continue to demonstrate higher rates among
pregnant women than urban areas. The prevalence of HIV among women 15-24 years of age is
elevated but has remained stable since 2005, according to 2008 ANC data.
46

b. HIV/AIDS from Sexual Violence
The consensus among those researched in this studyvictims and survivors of SGBVis that
the spread of HIV/AIDS in the province of South Kivu is directly linked to the war being waged
in the region. Dr. Mukwege notes that, before the war erupted in 1996, HIV infection rates in the
province of Kivu were 1%.
47
The rate in the rural areas was even lower than urban areas. Dr.
Mukwege also notes that this situation changed with the explosion of SGBV in the rural areas.
Consequently, the rate of HIV in rural areas increased from 1% to approximately 6%. These
figures provide the basis of research aiming to expose issues affecting the inhabitants of Eastern
Congo.
Dr. Mukwege and other interviewees in the medical profession
48
affirmed the intrinsic
relationship between the spread of HIV/AIDS in rural areas and the war. They acknowledged
that the war seemed to reverse the HIV prevalence trend from predominantly just urban areas to
rural areas as well. This claim of causation has been supported by the growing numbers of those
infected with the HIV virus in the rural areas affected by the war. The fact that the majority of
victims reporting sexual abuse are often later diagnosed with Sexually Transmitted Infections
(STIs) is also noteworthy. Although there has never been an official explanation for the spread of

39
US Presidents Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), Democratic Republic of the Congo Operational Plan
Report for the year 2010.
40
Ibid.
41
Ibid.
42
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
44
Ibid.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid,.
47
Interview with Dr. Denis Mukwege, the founder and medical director of Panzi Hospital in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo chief gynecologist based in Bukavu , 10 June 2013. Again, the perspective presented is Dr.
Mukweges, deriving from his long experience as a gynecologist at Panzi Hospital.
48
The names of the medical professionals referred to have been withheld to respect their request to remain
anonymous for security reasons.


24

STIs, Dr. Mukwege associates it with the prevalence of SGBV cases. In contrast to those
diagnosed with HIV/AIDS, those with other STIs are often reintegrated to their families after
treatment. One woman living with HIV/AIDS explains that those infected with HIV face
rejection and discrimination from their loved ones, as well as greater society.
49
Nevertheless, Dr.
Mukwege and the director of Programme National Multisectoriel de Luttecontre le Sida
(PNMLS), Mr. Freud Bayunvanye Muciza Bayunvanye
50
agree there is a demonstrated need to
establish, during attacks, the exact number of women who contracted HIV/AIDS during rape.
The absence of these figures presents a challenge to advocacy efforts and attempts at a clear
understanding of the spread of HIV/AIDS among survivors of SGBV.
c. Categories of People Most Infected with HIV/AIDS
People of all ages are affected by this epidemic. HIV/AIDS infection is highest among those ages
1549 years. South Kivus HIV/AIDS national office reflects these figures: community members
between 15-49 years constitute the highest percentage of people living with HIV/AIDS
(PLWHA). The HIV/AIDS national office in Bukavu attributes the high prevalence among youth
populations to the following factors: (1) high rates of sexual activity, (2) ignorance of HIV/AIDS
prevention, (3) poverty, and (4) the War in the region.
According to PNMLS, rural areas have the highest prevalence of HIV/AIDs. Dr. Mukwege and
other medical professionals attribute the lower prevalence in urban areas to HIV/AIDS
awareness campaigns
51
and other preventive measures propagated by church organisations,
NGOs, and other international organisations operating in the region.
Other groups affected through high-risk behaviour are the Congolese Army, prostitutes, and
truck drivers. Many women married to HIV-infected men in the Congolese Army spoke about
the worrying HIV/AIDS situation in the army barracks. The women interviewed blamed
deplorable living conditions at the barracks, low wages, and harsh working conditions for
contributing to the spread of HIV/AIDS; however, army work carries an intrinsically high
HIV/AIDS risk because of the psychological, economic, and social pressures (compounded by
appalling living conditions) that push soldiers to heavy drinking, drug consumption, unprotected
sex, and other high-risk behaviours.
d. Needs of Those Living with HIV/AIDS
The minimal health care system across the region denies SGBV survivors adequate medical
services, rehabilitation programs, and psychological counselling. Failed government institutions
ranging from hospitals, security organisations, infrastructural bodies, and communication
networks cripple the delivery of services to those in great need. Ineffective institutions hamper
effective response times and delivery of services. These circumstances serve to aggravate the
already precarious well-being of PLWHA, who generally require:

49
Interview with a Congolese woman, SGBV survivor and HIV positive, Nguba Catholic Parish, Bukavu, DRC, 10
June 2013.
50
For more see the website of Programme National Multisectoriel de Luttecontre le Sida (PNMLS):
http://www.pnmls.cd/, accessed on 10 June 2013.
51
Interview with representatives of Bureau Diocsain des Ocuvres Mdicales (BDOM), Diocese of Bukavu, 15 June
2013.


25

Medical Assistance: According to Panzi Hospital, the majority of women admitted to the
hospital want to know their HIV and pregnancy status, respectively. Panzi Hospital
successfully offers these services through the use of the HIV Post-Exposure Prophylaxis
PEP kit.
52
While representatives of BDOM and Dr. Mukwege agree that anti-retroviral
drugs (ARVs) are readily available, some PLWHA disagree, claiming that not all health
centres in both rural and urban areas distribute ARVs. However, the greatest challenge
for PLWHA remains poor nutrition and access to treatment for opportunistic infections.
PLWHA continually express their frustration and struggles to raise money for medical
treatment against opportunistic infections. Interviews conducted among PLWHA reveal
that most understand the effects of ARVs. A Congolese woman from Nguba parish says
that for her, ARV is a poison if taken in the absence of a good diet, which she cannot
afford.
Psychosocial Support: Psychosocial support is often required following trauma from
SGBV. Symptoms reported by those seeking medical assistance include but are not
limited to sleep deprivation, hallucinations, prolonged periods of crying, or social
isolation. Observed among the majority of SGBV survivors is their unwillingness to seek
medical assistance for psychological problems. In response to reported psychological
problems, however, Panzi Hospital and other health centres run counselling programs and
provide social workers to accompany both inpatients and outpatients.
Economic Assistance: Some PLWHA experience challenging economic hardships
following their diagnoses, and poor health further compounds economic productivity.

The above services are insufficient and often inaccessible. For example, different organisations
provide different services but in some cases overlap in activities. The desperate situation caused
by the absence of critical medical services renders infected and affected individuals vulnerable to
social stigma and discrimination. Social discrimination often forces infected persons to migrate
to urban areas where they become disconnected from their relations and neighbours, thereby
depriving them of social support structures and reliable sources of income. Economic hardships
may compel some people to resort to high-risk behaviours (such as prostitution) for viable forms
of income. In response to requests from SGBV survivors living with HIV, the coordinator of
PNMLS
53
expressed the need for a holistic approach in the intervention. He noted that just
providing medical services in the absence of peace, security, and governmental support to
existing institutions (like PNMLS) would weaken any effective response to the fight against
SGBV and HIV/AIDS.


52
The PEP kit (Post-Exposure Prophylaxis kit) treatment is an emergency medical response tool used to protect
individuals exposed to the HIV virus. A PEP kit consists of preventive medicine and laboratory tests. The PEP kit is
provided in order to initiate medication immediately after possible HIV exposure (e.g. following a sexual assault),
ideally within 2 and no later than 72 hours. It is emphasized that the earlier PEP treatment is initiated, the more
effective it is in preventing HIV infection.

53
Interview with PNMLS coordinator of the South Kivu region, Bukavu, DRC, 21 June 2013.



26

PNMLS coordinator, Mr Freud, criticises the inadequate attempts to provide services by the
government, arguing that it forces many people in need to depend on hand-outs from non-
governmental organisations (NGOs). Many PLWHA, he claims, are continually left without
medication or information on where they can find treatment when such organisations close or
move their operations.



27

13. Current Intervention Attempts
a. Church Institutions,
The involvement of the Catholic Church in issues affecting people in the Congo goes back to the
days before the onset of the war. The Church in the Congo attempted to acts as it has done
elsewhere to defend the weak, oppressed and the exploited. The main issue the Church chose to
confront was the violation of womens rights. These practices are still apparent in many parts of
the modern DRC.
After observing injustices against women and inaction by the local authorities, the Catholic
Church Peace and Justice Commission initiated programs as aimed at confronting SGBV and
protecting the rights of women living in the area.
54
The patriarchal governance system concealed
the true reality of domestic and sexual violence taking place in the society. Violations against
womens rights skyrocketed in the 1990s with the onset of violence.
55
The first cases of sexual
violence came to the publics attention by way of reports about SGBV in the IDP and refugee
camps. The magnitude of suffering associated with these crimes broke traditional taboos that
previously had discouraged open discussions on sexual issues.
56

Through the intervention of various agencies and faith-based organisations, news of horrendous
sexual violence in the IDP and refugee camps was exposed. As a result, the Catholic Church felt
called to effectively respond to the needs of the survivors of SGBV. The Churchs response was
grounded on an emphasis of a relationship among sexual violence, human dignity, and human
rights. Consequently, the Church launched a regional campaign
57
to raise awareness regarding:
the prevalence of sexual violence in the region; the grave impacts of failing to seek medical
assistance; The need to encourage victims of sexual violence to break free of cultural facades to
seek medical assistance; the consequences of maintaining a culture of secrecy on matters related
to sexuality; the need to educate communities to accept without discrimination those conceived
from rape. The program emphasised the need to treat such children with the dignity and respect
that all human beings deserve.
i. Awareness and education interventions
In 1992, the Archdiocese of Bukavu set up health commissions under BDOM as a preventive
measure against the escalating HIV/AIDS situation. These commissions were mandated to
sensitise the population and identify those most indirectly at risk, like orphans, for further
assistance. Using the Church as a broad network, the Archdiocese appointed representatives to
the commissions from 34 parishes scattered across the region. Inter-parish groups were trained
and equipped with the knowledge to help people seek medical assistance at the commissions
head office. The initiative enabled many people to receive medical assistance and advice as
needed.
58


54
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013.
55
Sadly, SGBV issues are still in need of urgent attention and consideration as they have worsened since the 1990s.
56
Interview with Dr Denis Mukwege,, 10 June 2013.
57
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013.
58
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013


28

The educational components of the commission focused on training educators/facilitators from
all the schools in the diocese. Each school received a trainer, whose tasks involved educating the
youth and guiding Education for Life clubs. The educational program benefited immensely
from the support of the Ministry of Education, which ordered all public schools to introduce the
club as a form of enhancing behavioural change among youth populations. It was that support
which enabled the implementation of the program throughout the country. Currently many public
schools still run these clubs.
Following the increased prevalence of HIV/AIDS, the Catholic Church included as part of the
health commission a mandate to deal with sexual violence. Services offered by the Catholic
diocese included medical treatment, psychosocial support, and socio-economic support.
59

Training: The Justice and Peace Commission used networks already in existence in parishes
within the diocese to create a unified force to combat the problem of sexual violence. Two
people (a man and a woman) were selected from each parish through a competitive process and
charged with sensitising the community as social workers. Among the necessary qualities
required for selection was the ability to listen with compassion and sensibility. The Commission
Diocsain Justice et Paix (CDJP), through the help of CAFORD, runs open forums known as
listening centres throughout the most affected areas.
60
Men and women are given opportunities
to choose the gender of their facilitators. The three main functions of these listening centres
include:
(1) Providing psychological support and healing through sharing traumatic experiences in a
forum informed by respect and openness to others experiencing similar issues;
(2) Providing friendly and non-judgmental spaces to victims to share their day-to-day
experiences;
(3) Creating through the support group a family support system (solidarity groups) to replace
the extended and local community system that may now reject such members of the community.
All members of the support group are encouraged to visit each other in hospitals or health
centres.
During this process all affected women (and a few men) were referred to the hospital for
treatment. Social workers also accompanied those in need of medical attention during treatment
periods and followed their health and social progress thereafter. The process of referral was
beneficial, as those referred could seek treatment for identified and specific needs.
ii. Social Integration
Post-treatment services organized by health centres include home visits by social workers, whose
work includes monitoring and evaluating the reintegration of sexual violence survivors back into
the community. Regrettably, the potential of this process has not been fully realised, due to the
governments inability to coordinate and monitor the existing programs or projects.
61
One of the
weaknesses of local government authorities is its unwillingness and inability to direct policies to

59
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013
60
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013
61
Interviews with representatives of the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu Diocese, 15 June 2013


29

improve interventions and coordination. This is evident in the way programs are duplicated
without considering the most pressing needs of a particular context or locality.
There is a need for monitoring of existent organisations. For example, organisations like BDOM
and S.O.S SIDA, which conduct monitoring, succeeded in reuniting hundreds of women initially
rejected and mistreated by family members. Social assistants facilitate and accompany married
couples during the process of reunification dependent on the physical and mental health of the
survivors.
62

iii. Legal Support
Commission Diocsain Justice et Paix (CDPJ) offers legal support to survivors of sexual
violence. In situations where perpetrators are known, the Church intervenes by providing
survivors with lawyers for judicial purposes. Little success has been achieved through this type
of intervention, however, due to the dysfunctional nature of the entire legal system. The study
revealed two additional challenges hampering legal processes: a culture of impunity enjoyed by
Congolese soldiers and the ineffectiveness of the judicial system. Other complaints expressed by
the victims and people working with SGBV victims concern health centres that do not issue
survivors the medical certificates necessary for judicial recourse.
63

Most of those interviewed expressed the overwhelming need of the people in the region. They
observed that the communities need more support to supplement the ineffective government
institutions. For example, some CDJP staff admitted that their health centres reach out to only
40% of pregnant women in need of antenatal and postnatal care, leaving 60% of pregnant women
without recommended care.
64

b. Non-Governmental Organizations,
Numerous local, regional, and international NGOs operate in several areas of the Eastern Congo.
Mixed reactions from the beneficiaries exist, however, regarding their interventions and whether
they actually address the real needs of the local populations; some even question their intentions.
Although in comparison to the governments, NGO interventions seem highly appreciated, the
majority of people are not completely comfortable with their operations. However, one cannot
overlook NGOs humanitarian contributions offered to the dilapidated and overstretched
government institutions. Humanitarian services provide medical, food, and other basic needs for
the displaced. For example, Panzi Hospital has strong collaborative relationships with several
NGOs supplying medical equipment, services, and personnel.
This study did reveal the existence of a reasonable level of collaboration among organisations
working in this region; however, it is striking that the binding factor is often the financial gains
expected to come out of the partnership. Dr Mukwege admits however that more still needs to be
done by the existing organisation to address the current lack of collaboration very much

62
Interview with S.O.S SSIDA staff member, Bukavu, DRC, June 24 2013.
63
Interviews with SGBV survivors and representatives from Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu
Diocese, DRC, June 2013.
64
Interviews with SGBV survivors and representatives from Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu
Diocese, DRC, June 2013.


30

aggravated by the remote control
65
nature of programs. Dr Mukwege believes that a unified
force would enable coordinated training and capacity building of the local organizations and the
government projects on how to assist women in reporting their cases to the right authorities.
Differing visions and missions of the organisations working in South Kivu also contribute to the
discord. Also observed was lack of a functional network and reliable information available to all
in terms of who is doing what. Evident within our study is the high level of collaboration among
faith-based organisations. Faith-based organisations seem to have a strong unified force likely to
make a big difference in the lives of the Congolese people who have suffered for years.
c. Governmental Agencies
The majority of interviewed Congolese perceive government institutions as being unreliable and
ineffective. Services are considered to be slow and under the management of corrupt local
elites.
66
Low salaries and lack of motivation fuel rampant corruption. Inaction by the government
to act and attend to civil servants needs aggravates the already dire socio-economic situation
experienced by all.

14. The Role of Advocacy
NGOs, faith-based organisations, and civil society groups working in the region have
championed several advocacy works. Areas of focus linked to particular agencies or
organisations vary according to their missions and mandates.
a. Existing Advocacy strategies
i. Campaigns
Numerous campaigns have been organized to raise awareness on all sorts of issues threatening
the livelihoods of the people in the region, on subjects including rights and protection for all,
gender sensitive legislation, institutional reforms that promote gender equality and
empowerment, redress of deplorable living conditions for SGBV survivors, legal protection for
the survivors of SGBV, and the end of the war in Eastern Congo
67

Little success, if any, has been registered following the above-mentioned campaigns. The study
identified the government as the main obstacle against finding solutions.
68
Lack of political will,
as observed by many respondents, is also a key factor in prolonging the settlement. Similar
problems explain the gap in the security and provision for survivors legal protection.
69




66
Interviews with SGBV survivors and representatives from Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu
Diocese, DRC, June 2013.
67
Interviews with SGBV survivors and representatives from Catholic Peace and Justice Commission, Bukavu
Diocese, DRC, June 2013.
68
Interview with Dr Denis Mukwege, 10 June 2013.
69
Interview with Dr Denis Mukwege, 10 June 2013.


31

ii. Lobbying
Lobby groups exist across the region to target influential organisations, agencies, individuals,
and governmental bodies (especially local authorities). The Justice and Peace Commission, in
conjunction with other organisations, engage local leaders (village chiefs, army officers, police
officers and church leaders) to lobby for SGBV prevention. This approach, which has proven
crucial in the fight against SGBV, aims to strengthen legal frameworks and enhance protection
for vulnerable groups. It also questions the culture of impunity enjoyed by security personnel.
b. Advocacy Programs Currently in Operation

1. CDJP Advocacy Unit
Children born of rape suffer stigma and discrimination. Society labels these children as visible,
permanent marks of shame
70
left by enemies. To some, erasing that horrific past implies
ostracizing such children. So that such children are identified as Congolese citizens and to be
treated as so, the Catholic Church lobbied for their registration.
The Catholic Church lobbied provincial and national governments to register children
and secure their recognition as Congolese citizens.
Through the CDJP advocacy wing, the Church lobbied to extend the 30 day timeline for
registration after birth. The lobby group succeeded in its advocacy to extend the timeline,
which allowed displaced people and others living far away from registration centres to
register.
Registration books: The limited number of available registration books hindered some
families from registering their children. Consequently, the CDJP lobbied and mobilised
NGOs and other agencies to provide birth registration offices with these crucial materials.
The initiative sought to negate the charge by the local government that children borne of
rape were not being registered due to the absence of materials.

c. Networking Capacity among Existing Organisations;
Bukavu is host to many local and international organisations, including the World Food Program
(WFP), Mdisan son Frontiers (MSF), etc. All of these organisations are present in Bukavu
because of the war and its effect on and disintegration of vital institutions across the country.
71

The public perception regarding the role of these organisations is mixed. Whereas some are
grateful for their contribution, several people remain sceptical of their role in the region. An
elderly man working for a faith-based organisation complained, most organisations are here to
make a fortune out of the chaotic situation and the rich natural resources underlying the cause of
the conflict.
72



70
Interview with SGBV survivor, Nguba Catholic Parish, DRC, 15 June 2013.
71
Interview with a Congolese woman, survivor of SGBV, Bukavu, 19 June 2013.
72
Interview with a Congolese woman, survivor of SGBV, Bukavu, 19 June 2013.


32

15. Conclusion and Recommendations
Considering the current prevalence of SGBV crimes, uncoordinated interventions, and a lack of
governmental authority in directing policies towards improving coordinated interventions, the
researcher cites several findings of this study:
Appalling physical and psychological damage from SGBV on the lives and futures of
countless women, men, and children.
Enormous humanitarian and developmental support is offered by faith-based
organisations, NGOs, and the UN mission; however, inter-organisational coordination
remains almost non-existent. A need for alternative strategies to address the shortcomings
of available aid and short-term interventions.
The need to address the concerns and conditions of SGBV survivors and PLWHA, as well
as the mobilisation of a range of resources and holistic approaches.
A demonstrated lack of political will from the Congolese government to monitor,
coordinate and fulfil its constitutional duty to protect people.
The failure of leadership on the local, national, regional, and international levels to
prevent and stop rape and gender violence and conflict situations.
On the basis of these conclusions, the report recommends:
a. An Approach to Build the Capacity of all Survivors of SGBV
Bukavu town has become a haven for survivors of SGBV and PLWHA. Victims of social
discrimination in rural areas have been pushed to Bukavu. However, many survivors face
daunting realities in urban areas: poverty is often inescapable, as many find themselves in
foreign territories without any economic activity. Addressing such economic challenges involves
strengthening the institutional capacity and agency of staff. One such national office is the
Ministry of Gender, Family, and Children, mandated to fight against violence against women. In
addition, female victims and other vulnerable individuals left without resources need help to
establish income-generating activities.
b. Approaches to Expand and Strengthen Psychosocial Support
Survivors of SGBV need more than medical assistance; however, some hospitals do not offer
psychosocial support. Before and after treatment many victims continue to suffer psychological
problems resulting from sexual and physical violence. Establishing psychosocial monitoring of
SGBV survivors would help to fill the gap left by family members. Therefore, there is a need to
increase resources for prevention, protection, and psychosocial and physical healing for
survivors, their families, and entire communities.
c. Enhance Security and Inclusive Approaches to Include Women in Protection
Mechanisms
Insecurity in the region contributes to the ease in which perpetrators of SGBV carry out atrocious
acts. Local populations residing in the rural areas have little to no security apparatus. For
example, people living in places like Walikale, Shabunda, Masisi, Kampala, Uvira, Walugu, and
Fizi have been targets for over a decade and require reliable security. Women also need to be


33

engaged in protection mechanisms. In the spirit of UN Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888,
women must participate and be included in peace building, national reconstruction, and the fight
against SGBV. Some survivors of SGBV claim that the inclusion of women in security meetings
in rural areas enables women to share security problems affecting them with local authorities.
73

For too long the security sector has been a male-dominated arm of the government. Therefore,
the inclusion of women into all positions within the security sector is important because:
Women play significant and complex roles during and after conflict, mainly as caregivers
for orphans, peace advocates, heads of households, widows from conflict, IDPs, etc.
Female suffering often continues after the war. War often destroys or severely inhibits the
economy, and women are forced to work under extreme or difficult circumstances in
search of livelihood for their dependents.
Women constitute the largest category of the population affected by SGBV. SGBV
crimes by armed groups/civilians on women and girls are carried out unabated in most
parts of the country, particularly in the East.
There are no women at the senior levels of the military and police. The patriarchal nature
of the society seems to have blocked women from being involved in security matters,
both in deliberations as well as as members of security personnel. Other hindering
factors include cultural norms that dictate that such tasks are meant for men.
In a country where women constitute over 52% of the population and about 60% of the active
labor force, their exclusion from active participation in key government institutions is a breach of
fundamental principles of equality and democratic representation. They constitute potential
sources of vital information on security and protection mechanisms, particularly in regards to
SGBV prevention policies. In addition, little appears to have been done to try and engage women
in the gathering of crucial information regarding security. The level of impunity enjoyed so far
by the army members involved in rape cases stands out as a major drawback in the fight against
SGBV. The protection of women should be made a priority, particularly in a country considered
by some to be the most dangerous place on earth for women. One way to prioritise the protection
of women is through the reform of the national army, police, justice and security services.
d. Shifting to High-Level Advocacy
The complex nature of the conflict in the Congo require high-level advocacy workthe sort of
advocacy that targets prominent personalities within the region and throughout the country. To
supplement the current regional approach, an internationally oriented approach may exert enough
political pressure to influence an effective intervention from the UN. Such a goal involves
advocacy with the UN Security Council African Union. In other words, actors need to engage
other bodies involved in the resolution of conflicts in the Congo to take decisive action, fair and
practical to restore lasting peace and security in eastern D.R.C.
e. Evaluation of Current Interventions against SGBV
Numerous SGBV interventions exist in almost every organization operating in South Kivu. The
proliferation of NGOs and other agencies committed to humanitarian and/or developmental
interventions utilizes several advocacy strategies, including lobbying and campaigns.

73
Interview with an SGBV survivor, Nguba Catholic Parish, DRC, 15June 2013.


34

Evaluations of the outcomes and effects of these strategies and the general types of interventions
improve service delivery. This implies improvement in the governmental coordination of
planning, implementing, monitoring, and evaluating interventions against sexual violence.
f. Shifting from Inaction to a Solution Oriented Approach to the Conflict
Regional and national governments, as well as the international community have failed to act
collectively to end the suffering of Congolese people. Current Interventions address symptoms of
the conflict, rather than the root causes. The recent negotiations in Kampala and resolutions for
more talks between the Rwandan government and the FDLR ended with vague promises to
engage in more talks with FDLR and M23. Lack of political will from the national government
and the African Union to intervene continues to prolong the conflict. A review of the current
dialogues may open up practical, legitimate, and effective strategies for all stakeholders at the
local, national, regional, and international levels.
g. The Need to Improve Government Institutions
The humanitarian and developmental assistance provided by NGOs cannot be compared with the
support coming from the Congolese government. Survivors of SGBV and PLWHA depend
almost entirely on support provided by NGOs. Governmental support is minimal.
h. Strengthening Local Legal Systems
In need of action is the expansion of the 2006 Act Against Sexual Violence to take appropriate
action against perpetrators. Some SGBV survivors interviewed believe that the prosecution of
perpetrators occupying positions in public institutions must be streamlined and regulated to make
any real progress towards justice. On a related note, educational initiatives must reach both rural
and urban communities to inform individuals about the new legal framework for the protection
of girls and women. Awareness of these rights may encourage more victims of violence to come
out and report their cases to the right authorities. This call for justice for survivors must include
the prosecution of perpetrators at national and international levels, as well as comprehensive
reparation for survivors.
Conclusion
In summary, the aim of these recommendations is to provide background information in the form
of the survivors views and those of other key personnel working in the area of SGBV to form
the basis for strategy of advocacy, consultation, and awareness, which can and will be
implemented by the recently created Jesuit joint-advocacy network.







35

Appendix: Questionnaire
Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Situations of Armed Conflict & Forced
Displacement
Focus (on): Eastern DR Congo (Goma and Bukavu)
Questionnaire for Preliminary Research on SGBV Concerns
1) Engage as much as possible with local organizations, church institutions, communities
assisting SGBV survivors and where appropriate, with individual SGBV survivors.
2) Document as many accounts as possible about their perceptions on SGBV within North
Kivu (Goma and if possible, other areas) and South Kivu (Bukavu and if possible, other
areas), how rampant it is in these areas and the general impact it has had (could be
economically, psychologically, socially, spiritually, etc).
3) What forms of SGBV are reported and which ones are more prominent that others:
a. Sexual Violence (includes rape, gang-rape, sodomy, sexual slavery, etc);
b. Physical Violence (includes severe physical assault with or without weapons
beating, maiming, killing, etc);
c. Any other forms of violence reported.
4) What are the categories of population most affected by SGBV:
a. IDPs (Congolese people displaced from their places of origin and fled
elsewhere because of the on-going conflicts);
b. Host Communities (Congolese people residing within their places of origin in
spite of the on-going conflicts);
c. Refugees (non-Congolese people who fled to Congo for safety);
d. Adults (women and men);
e. Children (boys and girls);
f. Elderly persons;
g. Affected Age groups.
(If possible, please provide some statistics to explain the proportion of discrepancies
among categories of victims)
5) Who are the key perpetrators of the violence:
a) Armed groups (militias) any specific groups?
b) Congolese Army?
c) Civilians (including persons known to the survivors such as family members,
neighbours, relatives, family friends, etc.)
d) Unknown groups?
(Where possible, please explain the role of each category vis--vis the issue of sexual
abuse in the E-Congo)
6) Where are cases of SGBV most experienced in the region:
a. Homes, Schools or Villages;
b. Town-centres or other public places;
c. IDP or refugee camps;
d. Army barracks


36

(Please explicate the variances among the places)
7) Assess the situation of HIV and AIDS spread in relation to the escalation of SGBV
a. Did affected persons contract HIV/AIDS through sexual violence?
b. Who are the people most affected by HIV/AIDS disease?
c. What are their needs?
d. What are the coping mechanisms available for those living with the virus?
8) Assess the kind of interventions already present in the field and the leading organizations
i. Church institutions,
ii. Non-Governmental Organizations,
iii. Civil Society Groups,
iv. Governmental bodies
9) Advocacy works:
i. Identify the existing strategies of advocacy lobbying, campaigns, etc.
ii. Conduct a survey on success/failure indicators of:
(a) Programs which started only to die off soon after;
(b) Advocacy programs still operating in the region together with success stories
behind the programs
iii. Examine the level of networking capacity among the existing organizations;
iv. Mark out the gaps to bridge among the various interventions present in the area;
10) Compile the Research evaluation, Recommendations and Conclusions.

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