Creating New Discursive Terrain for the Custodians of the Tibetan Spiritscape:

A Bio-cultural audit of Sacred Natural Sites in NW Yunnan with special

reference to the Yubeng Valley
John Studley
Abstract
For hundreds of years numinous spiritscapes, presided over by place gods or gzhi bdag, have
been a defining cultural feature of Tibetan lay society, as well as being exemplars of explicit nature
conservation. The animistic beliefs that support Tibetan spiritscapes have had to be discursively
recalibrated repeatedly in the face of Tibetan Buddhism, the Cultural Revolution, and currently by
modernity, tourism and formal education.
Little is known about the recovery of Tibetan spiritscapes since the Cultural Revolution, the revival
of traditional religious practices (1984) and the felling ban (1998), so a bio-cultural audit was
conducted in 12 selected sites in Deqin Prefecture in Sept/Oct 2013 to assess their current bio-
cultural status and importance as exemplars of explicit nature conservation.
The audit was predicated on a literature review, participatory field methods and GIS technologies,
and was informed by the authors research in the region.
Most villages surveyed in Deqin Prefecture have on average 700ha of gzhi bdagspiritscape spread
over 3 sites comprising up to 60% of village land, although 25% is more typical.
Most respondents can describe the rituals for honouring a gzhi bdag, the taboos and forms of
retribution and restitution, the current status of biodiversity in the spiritscape and name unique
flora and fauna.
Whatever metrics are used there is greater biodiversity in sacred sites than in pilot plots and
these findings are supported by 83% of respondents. Although many respondents stated that gzhi
bdagspiritscapes had recovered from felling it was evident that there was much greater
biodiversity prior to 1950.
The preservation of gzhi bdagspiritscapes is contingent upon the protection of indigenous culture
and its intergenerational transmission. The greatest threats to gzhi bdagspiritscapes are posed by
the formal education and tourism.
Although Tibetan spiritscapes are exemplars of biodiversity and may constitute 25% of the land
mass of Cultural Tibet they have been discursively excluded from official narratives. Consequently
they are not recognized or protected internationally as unique phenomenon in their own right.
This chapter concludes by elaborating the challenges posed by the audit and provides some
recommendations for those interested in enhancing and protecting the bio-cultural diversity of
the Tibetan spiritscapes of Southwest China.
Key words: spiritscape, numina, Tibetan, gzhi bdag, animism, place gods, discursive terrain
Introduction
The sacred natural sites (SNS) of indigenous societies are mostly supported by a worldview
predicated on animism and numinous spiritscapes
1
. This paradigm is characterized by strong
psycho-spiritual values
2
, eco-spiritual auditing
3
, topocosmic reciprocity
4
and explicit nature
1
Spiritscape describes an animistic phenomenon where landscape features (mountains, hills, knolls) or bodies of water
(lakes, ponds, mires) are inhabited by a divinity or numina See Byrne 1999
2
Studley 2005
3
Hollan 1996, Reichel 1992
4
Posey 1999, Reichel 1992, Sahlins 2004
conservation within the domains of numina
5
. In spite of this, numinous landscapes are more
vulnerable and threatened than SNS associated with mainstream faiths
6
.
1.1 Tibetan Spiritscapes
The spiritscape paradigm is a defining characteristic of Tibetan lay society and is exemplified in
territorial cults
7
and cadastral spirits
8
. These beliefs, however, have been subsumed by Tibetan
Buddhist (TB) and an environmental paradigm exemplified by holy mountains
9
and the
mandalization of landscape
10
. As a result Tibetan Spiritscapes are often discursively excluded as a
discrete phenomenon in their own right.
Historically the cultural identity of Tibetan nomads and farmers was predicated on the honouring
of mundane numina (known collectively as yul lha
11
and locally as gzhi bdag
12
) under the aegis of
what are commonly described as mountain cults
13
, territorial cults or the cult of height
14
.
Most mountains in the Tibetan world are owned and inhabited by a gzhi bdag
15
associated with
specific communities and territories. They are part of an animistic and shamanistic tradition
concerned with the immediate world, involving various rituals that take place in the home and
mountain locales. The gzhi bdag
16
and other 'gods of the past', theoretically 'tamed' by
Buddhism
17
are closer to Tibetan nomads and farmers in both geography, identity and in sensed
presence. In the world of the lay Tibetan, many landscape features point back to the worship of
ancient gods. They are not only conscious of the constant scrutiny of gzhi bdag when they go
hunting, but engage in rituals and place demands on them for protection and health, and success,
in hunting, trading, travel, farming etc.
5
Bayo 2012, Verschuuren et al 2010
6
Wild et al 2008
7
Huber 2004, 2006
8
Mus 1975
9
gnasri
10
McKay 1998
11
Tibetan landscape is populated by a myriad of deities known as yul lha, who act both as protectors and wrathful gods,
depending on the ability of the local community to please them. They are grouped under the aegis of jigrtenpai lha,
or mundane deities, and classified into the following categories: klu(nagaspirits dwelling in the water), gnyan(kind of
spirit usually dwelling in trees and rocks), btsan(kind on spirit), sabdagand gzhi bdag(protective spirits of the
ground), gdon(kind of demon), dre(kind of demon), sri (kind of demon), srungma(protectors) and dgralha(war
gods) See Punzi 2013
12
Often yul lhaand gzhi bdagare used together i.e. yul lhagzhi bdagin a general sense for any places gods, including
gods of land, mountains, stone, water, etc (Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 20/11/2013)
13
Blondeau & Steinkellner 1998
14
Karmay 1998
15
Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13
16
a place god or territorial numina i.e a spirit or deity that presides over or inhabits a place or landscape feature
17
When they theoretically became Dharma protectors (or srungma)
Participation in territorial cults is still an essential element of rural Tibetan life and identity and is
expressed in cultural, economic, eco-spiritual and political behaviour. It is part of an ongoing
process of folk practice recovery
18
and a contemporary means of expressing Tibetanness
19
.
1.2 Explicit Nature Conservation
Territorial cults are characterized by explicit nature conservation and ritual protection within the
domain of the gzhi bdagwhich is encompassed by the territory they preside over
20
.
1.3 Monocultural myopia
The unique animistic spiritual ecologies of the Tibetan laity, which support these biodiversity
hotspots appear to have been discursively excluded
21
from official narratives. Elite interests have
attempted to assimilate these beliefs or ignore them as a result of secondary ethnocentrism or
monocultural myopia
22
.
Within the last ten years there has been a discursive recalibration
23
of the cultural and spiritual
values of biodiversity
24
and the promotion of sacred natural sites as a means of conserving nature
and culture
25
. This new discursive terrain
26
, however, has often excluded the spiritual ecologies
of animism
27
which is the most common belief system of the worlds indigenous people
28
.
It has been estimated
29
that 25%
30
of Cultural Tibet is comprised of Sacred Lands dedicated to
gzhi bdag.
The purpose of this study is to redress the monocultural myopia
31
by attempting: -
1) To ground truth the realities and extents of selected SNS, under the aegis of a divinity known
as a gzhi bdagpredicated on a bio-cultural audit.
18
Huber 2002
19
Kolas 2004
20
Studley 2010
21
Weinblum and Iglesias 2013
22
Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3
23
Ferrera 2007, Page 13
24
Posey 1999
25
Wild et al 2008
26
Rabgey 2008, Page 333
27
Sponsel 2012
28
Clarke and Beyer 2008
29
Buckley 2007, Shen et al 2012
30
567,000km
2
31
Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3
2) To bring phenomenological recognition and understanding of the gzhi bdagphenomenon to
local and global audiences.
3) To begin to secure, with others, international recognition and protection for 500,000 km
2
of
Tibetan Spiritscape.
2 The Study Area
The Yubeng Valley
The Yubeng Valley, comprising 8899ha
32
, lies at the heart of the Khawakarpo mountain range in
Deqin Prefecture, NW Yunnan and straddles the inner kora pilgrim route
33
. It encompasses nine
groups of peaks which circumscribe the abodes
34
of the gzhi bdag
35
, including three forested
peaks which are also sealed
36
. It is only accessible on foot and is an important trekking and
pilgrimage centre. Its Tibetan inhabitants mostly live in Upper Yubeng
37
or Lower Yubeng
38
and
speak a dialect of Kham. It is a constituent part of one of the properties within the Three Parallel
Rivers World Heritage Site because of its biodiversity, its sacred peaks and its ritual sites
39
.
3 Survey Methods
The survey methods were predicated on:-
a literature review of sacred sites in NW Yunnan
contact with sacred site researchers who have studied NW Yunnan
the preparation of GIS data sets of Deqin, Zhongdian and Khawakarpo
a bio-cultural audit of the Yubeng Valley and selected villages in Zhongdian County
40
3.1 Site Selection
The Yubeng Valley was selected as the principal research site because it was known as an
important Tibetan Buddhist site, its mountains are inhabited by gzhi bdagand several of them are
also sealed
41
. In additional 11 sites were selected in Zhongdian County
42
to assess the distribution
across the Prefecture.
32
GIS estimate
33
http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/
34
Known as palaces or citadels or or phobrangin Tibetan
35
Pronounced redain much of Deqin TAP this should not be confused with rida.
36
Known in Tibetan as or ri rgyabsdam
37
3350m
38
3250m
39
which include a sacred waterfall, a mystic temple, a conic megalith and a sacred cave complex
40
Also known as Shangri-la County
41
Known in Tibetan as ri rgyabsdam
42
Also known as Shangri-la County
Figure 1 Research sites (including Yunnan insert)
4 Results
4.1 The gzhi bdag survey
6 How many gzhi bdag
1 1 8.33%
2 5 41.67%
3 4 33.33%
5 1 8.33%
9 1 8.33%
Total 12
Mean 3.08
Standard Dev. 2.11
Variance 4.45
Response 12 100.00%
5 are there any gzhi bdag here
yes 12 100.00%
no 0 0.00%
Total 12
Mean 1.00
Standard Dev. 0.00
Variance 0.00
Response 12 100.00%
8 is there a known liminal boundary
yes 12 100.00%
no 0 0.00%
Total 12
Mean 1.00
Standard Dev. 0.00
Vari ance 0.00
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics fromwww.questionpro.com
7 what is the size of the total gzhi bdag
domains in the village (mu)?
(howlong does it take to walk around)
15 mu = 1 ha
Data Set:
350, 450, 500, 1212, 2000, 2500, 4401, 4500,
4500, 9000, 85320 ha
Descriptive Statistics: Minimum: 350
Maximum
:
85320
Range: 84970
Count: 11
Sum: 114733 7648.86
Mean: 10430 695.33
Median: 2500
Mode: 4500
Standard
Deviation:
24970
Variance: 623600000
10 can you describe the gzhi bdag rituals
househol d devotions 10 27.03%
men/monks offer bsang at la btsas 8 21.62%
community and ad hoc 9 24.32%
al l offer bsang at bsangthab 10 27.03%
Total 37
Mean 2.51
Standard Dev. 1.17
Variance 1.37
Response 10 83.33%
Data analysis and graphics fromwww.questionpro.com
9 Is the domain sealed (ri rgya)?
Yes 1 8.33%
No 0 0.00%
I have never heard ofsealing 11 91.67%
Total 12
Mean 2.83
Standard Dev. 0.58
Variance 0.33
Response 12 100.00%
11 what activities are sanctioned in gzhi bdag
domain
limited cutting 1 6.25%
collectingherbs 1 6.25%
collect grass 1 6.25%
collect dry firewood 1 6.25%
grazing 5 31.25%
male access 1 6.25%
protect trees 3 18.75%
protect animals 2 12.50%
special access forwomen 1 6.25%
Total 16
Mean 5.44
Standard Dev. 2.22
Variance 4.93
Response 12 100.00%
13 can you name the types of retribution
for upsetting a gzhi bdag
human i llness 4 23.53%
cancer 1 5.88%
human death 2 11.76%
animal il lness 2 11.76%
animal death 2 11.76%
hail and storms 1 5.88%
avalanches 1 5.88%
glaciers recede 1 5.88%
madness or craziness 1 5.88%
dreams and ni ghtmares 1 5.88%
bad thi ngs happen 1 5.88%
Total 17
Mean 4.94
Standard Dev. 3.60
Vari ance 12.93
Response 6 50%
14 What are the means of restitution
offer bsang 7 43.75%
chanti ng 1 6.25%
prayer fl ags 2 12.50%
pray for al l vil lagers 1 6.25%
whi te scarf 1 6.25%
plant trees 3 18.75%
rel ease ani mals 1 6.25%
Total 16
Mean 3.06
Standard Dev. 2.26
Vari ance 5.13
Response 9 75%
Data analysis and graphics fromwww.questionpro.com
12 what activities are not sanctioned in gzhi bdag
domain
no treecutting 2 10.00%
no litter dropping 1 5.00%
improper dress 2 10.00%
no hunting 4 20.00%
no burning 1 5.00%
no access to snowpeaks 1 5.00%
no access for women 3 15.00%
no firewood collection 4 20.00%
no herbcollecting 1 5.00%
no urinating ordefecating on glaciers 1 5.00%
Total 20
Mean 5.45
Standard Dev. 2.70
Variance 7.31
Response 9 75.00%
15 who assists you when you make
restitution
a lama 3 60.00%
a cangba 1 20.00%
a lha pa 0 0.00%
a sngags pa 0 0.00%
a divination master or mo pa 1 20.00%
an amchi / Tibetan doctor 0 0.00%
nobody 0 0.00%
Total 5
Mean 2.00
Standard Dev. 1.73
Variance 3.00
Response 3 25.00%
16 who is responsible for cultural
reproduction (of gzhi bdag cult)
Village elders 2 50.00%
Parents 2 50.00%
Lamas 0 0.00%
Cangba 0 0.00%
Total 4
Mean 1.50
Standard Dev. 0.58
Variance 0.33
Response 2 8.16%
17 Is biodiversity greater in the gzhi bdag
domain?
Yes 10 83.33%
No 2 16.67%
Total 12
Mean 1.17
Standard Dev. 0.39
Variance 0.15
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics fromwww.questionpro.com
18 Can you name any unique
flora or fauna in the gzhi bdag domain
nabi 1 3.45%
pheasants 4 13.79%
small panda 3 10.34%
wol ves 2 6.90%
bears 1 3.45%
l eopards 3 10.34%
tigers 2 6.90%
musk deer 2 6.90%
many bamboo speci es 2 6.90%
rare plants 3 10.34%
rare animal s 1 3.45%
monkeys 2 6.90%
108 plant/tree speci es 2 6.90%
other 1 3.45%
Total 29
Mean 7.00
Standard Dev. 4.00
Variance 16.00
Other Option [Other]
serow
Response 8 66.66%
19 What are the greatest threats to gzhi
bdag sites
Tourism 1 5.56%
Formal Education (in boarding schools) 1 5.56%
Economic development 1 5.56%
Logging 3 16.67%
Mining 0 0.00%
Globalisation 0 0.00%
External philosophic values 6 33.33%
External cultural values 6 33.33%
Total 18
Mean 6.00
Standard Dev. 2.33
Variance 5.41
Response 6 50%
Data analysis and graphics fromwww.questionpro.com
Q15, 16 and 19 were based on volunteered information
4.2 The GIS Survey
5 Discussion
5.1 gzhi bdag Sites
gzhi bdagsites are a common phenomenon throughout the Tibetan world
43
and comprise
44
25%
of the land area of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau
45
. On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (section 4)
43
Huber 1999a+b, Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13
respondents
46
were familiar with gzhi bdag(100%), the number of sites (100%)
47
and their size
(91.66%)
48
.
There are nine gzhi bdaglocales in the Yubeng Valley, and six of them are snow mountain groups,
and three are forested mountains. The gzhi bdagmountains comprise in total an area of 5278 ha
or 60 % of the Yubeng catchment.
Figure 2. The protected and sealed gzhi bdag domains of the Yubeng Valley
5.2 Ritual Protection and Sealing
44
with gnasor monastery land
45
Buckley 2007
46
Q5-7
47
An average of 3.08 sites per village
48
An average of 10,430 mu or 700ha this was estimated in several cases from the time it took to walk around the
domain
The protection of gzhi bdagsites is not merely a cultural or spiritual phenomenon. It is a human
right that has been identified and protected by international law
49
. On the basis of the survey
100% of respondents knew the liminal boundary
50
of the gzhi bdagsites (Q8) and were able to
describe its geospatial extent and taboos. Only 8.33% of respondents were familiar with sealing
(Q9) which ensures double protection of gzhi bdagsites.
gzhi bdagsite sealing is not a universal practice in every Tibetan community but it is quite
widespread
51
. Mountain domains are sealed to protect flora and fauna owned by gzhi bdagand to
prevent any disturbance within the domain of the gzhi bdag. Eleven villages
52
out of fifty, in the
Khawakarpo Mountains have sealed off their numinous gzhi bdaglands from domesticated
settlements by establishing liminal lines above their villages.
Three forested mountains
53
in the Yubeng Valley have been ritually sealed in a ceremony involving
the hereditary headmen of Yubeng and a Lama fromHongPoMonastery, Deqin
54
.
5.3 Maintaining Topocosmic Equilibrium
The economies and well-being of most indigenous societies are maintained on the basis of
topocosmic reciprocity
55
. This is manifest through behavioural expectations, customs, taboos,
rites, and values and articulated in stories, histories and lessons.
Equilibrium is maintained in Deqin by securing the patronage
56
of the gzhi bdagby protecting
their domain, honouring and thanking them and by restitution when necessary.
Habitat Taboos in gzhi bdagdomains
49
Article 25 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that Indigenous peoples have the right
to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied
and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to future
generations in this regard.
50
A threshold to a liminal zone (See Durkheim 1995, Robertson 2006)
51
See Huber 2004
52
Lanier 2005
53
tsoda, benderuand bonboru
54
Upon the request of the local people, the Lama is invited to check the "feng-shui" (geomancy) of the gzhi bdag
mountain first. They will decide the direction of the boundary line after they have surveyed the landscape, forest, as
well as the places that are likely to be frequented with mudslides and landslides. They will set the line according to the
sun-dial, and then set up mani stone piles intermittently, or bury a treasure vase containing 25 kinds of medicinal herbs,
five kinds of silk and satin, five sorts of gold, silver and gem stones and five kinds of grain. Afterwards, they will recite
the Buddhist manuscripts for seven to 21 days. When all these have been completed, the grass above the divide line
cannot be collected, the trees cannot be felled and stones cannot be quarried. Each year, the local community will send
for the Lama to preside over the ceremonies and recite the Buddhist manuscripts (Guo Jing 2000)
55
Bird-David 1992, Gaster 1961
56
success (in hunting, trading, travel, farming, forestry), protection, blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny
and power for the people and their political and religious leadership
Taboos exist in most cultures where norms rather than juridical laws determine human behaviour
including treatment of the natural environment
57
where they are defined as "resource and habitat
taboos
58
. On the basis of the survey 100% of respondents knew which activities were sanctioned
in a gzhi bdagdomain (Q11), namely grazing (31.25%), protecting trees (18.75%), protecting
animals (12.50%), limited cutting (6.25%), collecting herbs (6.25%), collecting grass (6.25%),
collecting dry firewood (6.25%), male access (6.25%), special access for women (6.25%)
59
.
75% of respondents knew which activities were not sanctioned (Q12) namely no hunting (20.00%),
no firewood collection (20.00%), no access for women (15.00%), no tree cutting (10.00%),
improper dress (10.00%), no litter dropping (5.00%), no burning (5.00%), no access to snow peaks
(5.00%), no herb collection (5.00%), no urinating or defecating on glaciers (5.00%)
41.66% of respondents mentioned that non/sanctioned activities in gzhi bdagdomains were self-
regulated i.e. restrictions were self-imposed, self-monitored and self-enforced
60
.
Honouring and thanking the gzhi bdag
gzhi bdagsites are inscribed in the landscape and in local consciousness through folklore and
through a cycle of daily, monthly, seasonal and annual ritual devotions. For each gzhi bdagthere
are specific prayers for specific occasions, many of which have been preserved in ritual texts
61
.
On the basis of the survey (Q10) 83.3% of respondents were aware of the gzhi bdagrituals
including; household devotions (27.03%) the offering of bsang
62
for all at a bsangthab
63
(27.03%),
community and ad hoc offerings (24.32%), offerings by monks and/or men at mountain labtsas
64
(21.62%).
Retribution
gzhi bdagare capricious and easily offended
65
especially if they are not honoured and thanked
and humankind disturbs them, their domain, or the flora and fauna they own. If they are angered
they will take retribution
66
on the people they are responsible for, or their stock, or their crops.
57
Teng et al 2004, 2007
58
Colding and Folke 2001
59
On specific sites
60
Colding and Folke 2001
61
known in Tibetan as (bsangyig)
62
incense
63
incense altar
64
mountain altar
65
The Tibetan word for this is (or phog thug gtong) to be offended
66
The Tibetan word for this is (or las bras)
On the basis of the survey (Q13) only 50% of respondents were aware of the types of retribution
that would result from upsetting or disturbing a gzhi bdag. These included human illness
(23.53%), human death (11.76%), animal illness (11.76%), animal death (11.76%), cancer (5.88%),
hail and storms (5.88%), avalanches (5.88%), glacial retreat (5.88%), madness (5.88%), nightmares
(5.88%), bad things happening (5.88%).
Figure 3 An altar on the roof of a house in Upper Yubeng for honouring and appeasing the gzhi bdag of snow peak mintsomo
and forested peak of benderu
Making restitution with the gzhi bdag
When a gzhi bdagis offended this not only results in retribution but it has an impact on
topocosmic equilibrium. As a result restitution is required between the transgressor and the gzhi
bdagand the transgressor and the community.
On the basis of the survey (Q14) 75% of respondents were aware of the measures required to
make restitution with a gzhi bdag. Typically the measures included offering bsang
67
(43.75%),
67
incense
planting trees (18.75%), erecting prayer flags (12.50%), chanting (6.25%), praying for the village
(6.25%), offering a white scarf (6.25%), and releasing animals into the wild
68
(6.25%)
Mediation or Ritual Enquiry
Some form of mediation or ritual enquiry is often employed to establish which gzhi bdagis
offended, who the transgressor is, and what type of restitution is required. Traditionally deity
mediums
69
were consulted but as many of them were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution
transgressors have had to rely on other cultural specialists
70
(i.e. blamas, cangba
71
, amchi
72
, or
mopa
73
). In the case of a deity medium the gzhi bdagcommunicates verbally, but most other
cultural specialists have to rely on divination
74
through astrology or chance.
On the basis of the survey (Q15) 25% of respondents referred to ritual enquiry, namely blamas
(60%), canga (20%) and mo pa
75
(20%).
The gzhi bdagdo sometimes warn transgressors through dreams, visions, omens
76
, theophanies
77
and even the abduction of relatives
78
. Omens and divination are important for maintaining
harmony with a gzhi bdagand the topocosm
79
.
Cultural reproduction (of the gzhi bdagcult)
In most indigenous societies cultural specialists are knowledgeable about wildlife and play an
important role in environmental storytelling and the transmission of culture and indigenous
knowledge ensuring harmony within the cosmos.
As a result of persecution the role of the cultural specialists in Deqin appears to be limited to
mediation
80
, and with the exception of one cultural specialist
81
elders and parents appear
82
to be
shouldering most of the responsibility for intergenerational enculturation
83
.
68
known as tshethar gtongin Tibetan. The release of animals is a pre-Buddhist custom, for averting danger,
regaining bla(soul) and health, and the annulment of misdeeds (sdigpasel ba). It is a common practice among nomads
and the Tibetan diaspora (See Bauer 2013, Gerke 2012, Rosing and Spurkhapa 2006, Tucci 1988)
69
Often known as lhapain Tibetan
70
Yang Fuquan 2002
71
The author was unable to establish if cangbawere trance mediums or relied on dice divination.
72
Tibetan Doctor or
73
Divination master
74
moin Tibetan
75
Divination masters
76
(rtenbrel) in Tibetan and pronounced tendrel.
77
The temporal and spatial manifestation of a divinity in some tangible form (e.g. human or animal)
78
Norbu 1997
79
Samuel 1993
80
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q15)
81
A monk in the chapel next to the padmacave complex in Yubeng
82
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q16)
5.4 Biodiversity
Sacred land, especially ritually protected numinous enclosures such as gzhi bdaglocales, are
typically characterised by explicit nature conservation and serve as exemplars or refugia
84
of
biodiversity.
In spite of the Cultural Revolution and Logging between 1950 and 1998 the survey revealed that
83.33% of respondents (Q18) believed that there was more biodiversity inside the gzhi bdag
domain than outside, although most of them recognized that there had been much greater
biodiversity prior to 1950. In addition 66.66% of respondents were able to name unique flora &
fauna (See Q19 for detail).
Biodiversity studies of Yubeng flora
85
suggest some significant differences based on sanctity.
These included differences in useful species, endemic species, tree size (DBH) and basal area
(m2/ha). The literature
86
suggests that the fauna found in the Yubeng Valley includes:- deer, blue
sheep, golden-haired monkey, monkey, tiger, panda, musk deer, pheasant, bear, rabbit, wolf,
small panda, snow leopards, Ja
87
,parakeets, golden eagles, bearded vultures, rose finches,
yellow throated buntings, Goulds sunbird and Lady Amhersts pheasant.
5.5 Threats to gzhi bdaglocales and culture
The preservation of gzhi bdagsites and their biodiversity is contingent upon the protection of
indigenous culture and its intergenerational transmission. Threats to indigenous culture are
addressed elsewhere
88
and can only be summarised in this chapter.
The greatest bio-cultural threats, on the basis of the survey (Q19), include: - external philosophic
values (33.33%), external cultural values (33.33%), logging (16.67%), primary education in
boarding school (5.56%), tourism (5.56%) and economic development (5.56%)
In Yubeng the greatest threats are posed by: - formal education and tourism followed by the
expansion of transportation and communication links, mountaineering, and economic
83
Enculturation is the process by which people learn the requirements of their surrounding culture and acquire values
and behaviours appropriate or necessary in that culture. As part of this process, the influences that limit, direct, or shape
the individual (whether deliberately or not) include parents, other adults, and peers. If successful, enculturation results
in competence in the language, values and rituals of the culture
84
An area where special environmental circumstances have enabled a species or a community of species to
survive after extinction in surrounding areas.
85
Anderson et al 2005, Salick et al 2007
86
Guo Jing 2000 Eckholm 2001, Holmes and Holmes 2011, Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013
87
Ja is believed to be gyain Tibetan or serowin Lepcha or Capricornis thar. In the Khawakarpo mountains they
often have a white mane.
88
Studley 2005
development
89
. According to the Khawakarpo Culture Association if the local culture is degraded
by outside influences it will affect the religious culture and the conservation ethic
90
.
There is already evidence of alienation
91
in Tibetan secondary school children in Ganzi TAP
92
which
may have spread to Tibetan primary school students in NW Yunnan
93
. Although the headmaster
still lives in Yubeng the Primary School was closed in 2012 and primary school children currently
attend boarding school in Deqin.
Tourism
94
and the market economy have been more destructive in Southwest China than the
Cultural Revolution, because it has resulted in a new generation who care little for religion and
culture.
The forced elimination of Tibetan Culture in one generation coupled with the effects of modernity
has significantly changed Tibetan culture in Yubeng
95
and as a result of tourism
96
the protected
areas in Yubeng are no longer safe, and beliefs in gzhi bdagare beginning to break down.
Figure 4 Yubengs defunct primary school (CCTV)
In marked contrast to Deqin TAP efforts are being made globally to bring indigenous language and
knowledge into school curriculum, and to move learning back into the community, thus
reaffirming the status of elders as knowledge holders
97
.
89
Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013, Moseley et al 2003
90
Moseley et al 2003
91
From place and culture
92
Studley 2012
93
Recently the Deqin TAP government has established boarding schools in the main towns, for primary school students
from remote villages.
94
Ma Jianzhong in Lanier 2005
95
Lanier 2005
96
Tanga Lobsang p.c. 29/19/2013
Although the Khawakarpo Cultural association and others
98
have created a bio-cultural archive of
the region there are no formal mechanisms to reproduce enculturation or to move learning back
into the community.
6. Conclusions
Sacred Natural Sites continue to play a major role in the lives and identity of the Tibetan
population of China, but for very different reasons. The gzhi bdagsites are the numinous abodes
of territorial divinities that protect and grant success to lay Tibetans and undergird their identity
and Tibetanness.
Ritually protected enclosures are common throughout the Tibetan world and the diaspora
99
and
may comprise up to 25% of the land mass of Cultural Tibet. In NW Yunnan most villages have three
gzhi bdagsites totalling approximately 700ha with well known and well defined geospatial extents
and greater biodiversity than adjacent areas.
The ritual protection of the flora and fauna within a gzhi bdagdomain is currently conducted on
the basis of self-regulation in order to ensure topocosmic equilibrium. Although ritual protection
is being maintained it is coming under pressure as a result of timber requirements for tourism.
There is recognition that if the local culture is degraded by outside influences it will affect the
religious culture and the conservation ethic. Some steps have been taken both globally and locally
to strengthen ties between elders and youth in order to reinforce the transmission of indigenous
knowledge and culture, but more needs to be done.
Cultural specialists were heavily persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and in some locations
only a few remain today.
Given the paucity of cultural specialists elders and parents appear to be shouldering most of the
responsibility for intergenerational enculturation. It is questionable, however, if cultural
reproduction will continue automatically in much of Deqin TAP with primary school children
currently being sent to boarding school.
Currently there are two main international channels for recognizing and protecting unique areas
of bio-cultural diversity, namely via the IUCN
100
or ICCA
101
. Both of these avenues present
problems when the custodians are minority peoples living in countries that have top-down
97
Arenas et al 2010, http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf
98
Greer 2002, Lanier 2005, Xiao Xiangyi 2012
99
Tibetan emigration has occurred in five waves, 1) during the reign of Langdharma (836-842AD), 2) during the Era
of Fragmentation (9
th
-11
th
century), 3) following the 1959 Tibetan uprising 80,000 Tibetans emigrated to India, 4)
following opening and reform (from 1987), 5)School children going to India for further education (from 2000).
100
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature
101
http://www.iccaconsortium.org/
hierarchical political systems and ambiguous autonomy. In the light of these difficulties the
current ICCA registration processes and GIS data publication protocols are in urgent need of
review.
7 Recommendations
Further field work is required to confirm the total area of spiritscapes in Cultural Tibet. This
information can also be used as base material for their protection.
Further research is required in order to audit gzhi bdagritual activity.
Further research is required into the role of cangbaand mopain Tibetan society and the viability
of increasing their numbers and distribution through training or mentoring.
Research is required into mechanisms for ensuring cultural reproduction.
There is an urgent need to identify international organisations and forums that can disseminate
the endangered status of Tibetan Spiritscapes and highlight the need to recognise them and
secure protection for them as discrete categories in their own right.
Representation need to be made to ICCA, WCMC
102
and IUCN to amend registration and GIS
protocols so that Tibetan spiritscapes can be recognized and protected.
Lastly there is an urgent need for all to assist in the process of discursive recalibration of SNS to
ensure the bio-cultural diversity of the Tibetan Plateau and bring recognition to its custodians.
Acknowledgements
The author is indebted to the support provided for this research by China Exploration and
Research Society
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