1

MARXISM, WITHOUT GUARANTEES: WHAT I LEARNED FROM STUART HALL

With the death of Stuart Hall we have lost the last of the British, or British-based,
leftwing intellectuals who began their work in the decade or so after the end of the Second World
War. The roll of honor of the departed is long, and it includes, in addition to Hall, Raymond
Williams, Edward Thompson, Eric Hobsbawm, Christopher Hill, Rodney Hilton, Victor Kiernan,
Raphael Samuel, Ralph Miliband, John Westergaard, Roy Pascal, Geoffrey de Ste Croix, George
Rud, Isaac Deutscher, Norman Geras, Chris Harman, and Tony Cliff (and these are only those
Im aware of). Of the succeeding generation, Terry Eagleton, David Harvey, Sheila Rowbotham,
Perry Anderson, and Robin Blackburn endure in immensely productive ways, but weve also lost
Ernesto Laclau, Peter Gowan, Gerry Cohen, and Andrew Glyn from this later generation. The
prospects for a continued and vibrant British Marxism, combining intellectual activity with
practice, are certainly not sunny on the surface, but there is still before us the formidable, albeit
posthumous, instance of Stuart Hallan always bracing presence, at all times combining a
gravity in his analyses with an unstoppable willingness to be up for the next battle, even as he
was engaged in what seemed like two or three other concurrent battles as he was speaking or
writing (and these included poor health, barely mentioned by him, involving long-term dialysis
and an eventual kidney transplant, in the two decades before his death).
I was at Birmingham from 1972 to 1977, doing my PhD in Philosophy and Theology. On
most days it was possible to see this stylish black man (the only one on the faculty as I recall) --
usually wearing an open-necked shirt and blue jeans, with a sports jacket reserved for cooler
days-- walk across the main quad between the Muirhead Tower and the faculty common room.
1

Hall was director of the Centre of Contemporary Cultural Studies, whose remit was a source of
puzzlement for those of us chained intellectually, and mostly unknowingly so, to the seminar
2

tables of more traditional departments. What do they do there?, some of us asked, a question to
which even our fellow PhD students in English, naively presumed by the questioner to be
interested in culture, seemed not to have an answer. In time this questioner got a vague sense
that they worked on topics usually ignored by the academic mainstream, using a distinctive
pedagogy involving team-based research and working groups.
Hall had a reputation, which transcended departmental boundaries, as a rivetingly
charismatic lecturer, and he did give the occasional open lecture, a couple of which I attended.
But at that point in my intellectual formation, with a first degree in analytical philosophy,
plodding now with a zig-zagging passion through a narrowly focused dissertation on the
ontological argument for the existence of God using the semantics of modal logic, I had no real
reference points for engaging with the intellectual agendas associated with Hall, even though I
was in complete agreement with the essence of his politics. Towards the end of my time at
Birmingham, as a respite from reading (ah, that endless bibliography!) Quine, Saul Kripke,
David Lewis, Richard Montague, Alvin Plantinga, Richmond Thomason, Nino B. Cocchiarella,
Richard Routley (who changed his name to Richard Sylvan when he abandoned quantified
modal logic for environmental philosophy), Jaakko Hintikka, Stig Kanger (a pioneering modal
logician in his 50s from Helsinki who gave a talk to our philosophy department; he was a very
dignified grandfatherly figure with shoulder-length gray hair, dressed in what looked like a pale
blue spacesuit with boots of the same color, a veritable prefiguration of Gary Numen and Devo
in the post-punk movement of a decade laterdid they know that a great Finnish logician was
their precursor in fashion?), and others; I read with absolute fascination Adornos Minima
Moralia and Martin Jays intellectual history of the early Frankfurt School at the instigation of
Rex Ambler, the much-loved but at times bewilderingly eclectic Quaker theologian in
Birminghams theology department.
3

A revolution in modal logic had taken place in the 60s and 70s, and some of it was deeply
fascinating even for someone who was starting to become interested in other quite different
things. But it was now dawning on me, with a sporadic but nonetheless unbending force-- and in
spite of the excruciatingly delightful logical itch that compelled someone like me to scratch this
itch in the form of a tightly circumscribed dissertation on modal logic somehow capable of
surviving the caprices of the British external examiner system-- that not a single aspect of my
PhD work addressed the social and political questions pressing on me in what were the dying
days of Jim Callaghans sclerotic Labour government.
Callaghans doomed Labour regime was soon to be supplanted by the upstart Margaret
Thatcher. Id of course been interested in many of these now burning social and political
questions in simpler and more practical ways since I was in high school in Wales and
subsequently an undergraduate at Keele and Reading. My political concerns at that time were
largely in agreement with the late Tony Benn, viewed as being on the extreme left of the
Labour Party. Benn of course started to leave behind the official and increasingly watered-down
Labour Party positions in the later stages of his political career. Like many of us on the extra-
parliamentary left, Benn firmly acknowledged that these official positions were framed,
intellectually at any rate, entirely within the terms of a protection and retention of the postwar
compromise between labor and capital. Hall never made an explicit repudiation of Benns
militantly socialist platform, though it was clear from Halls close affiliation with the journal
Marxism Today that he believed that this Bennite socialist platform, with its statist
underpinnings, was already being superseded by the existing political conjuncture.
2

The soon to be terminal crisis of this postwar concordat between labor and capital, and
the seemingly rapid emergence of its Thatcherite successor, signaled the necessity for new
modes of description and analysis, as well as alerting those of us on the left to the need for an
invention of forms of opposition perhaps not seen since the General Strike of 1926 and the Great
4

Depression (these were to occur in the year-long miners strike in 1984, in which Thatcher
prevailed largely by turning the police into a paramilitary army; and the 1990 riots over the so-
called poll tax which prompted Thatchers party to dismiss her as its leader).
3
With the
exception on the 1984 miners strike and the 1990 riots, most of these oppositions emerged in
ways that Thatcher-- with a typical combination of ruthlessness and sheer good fortune was
able to quell relatively easily. She was of course aided by crucial events and circumstances,
primarily the Malvinas War (which already seems like one of those meaningless but seemingly
unending British neocolonial enterprises condemned to be forgotten by the next generation of
Britons, many of whom would probably now say that the Falklands are somewhere off the coast
of Scotland next to the Shetlands), and major defections from an already faltering Labour party,
that led in a seemingly unstoppable way to the formation of the breakaway Social Democrats.
These circumstances forged for Thatcher an increasingly manageable consensus sufficient to
defeat or neutralize almost all of the oppositions confronting her.
With PhD in hand, but no academic job, I became a schoolteacher for seven years, did
my best to continue publishing in the philosophical aspects of theology, and having abandoned
analytical philosophy, was reading (in addition to a lot of theology), Marx, Gramsci, Althusser,
Benjamin, Raymond Williams, the continental philosophers proscribed by the typical UK
philosophy department, and of course much more Adorno. Thus, more through happenstance
than anything else, I was able to acquire, after leaving Birmingham, some of the intellectual tools
needed to engage in due course with the work of Stuart Hall.
As already indicated, the election of Thatcher as prime minister in 1979 was a decisive
turning-point for many of us on the left. Her project-- it was nothing less than this, as Hall was
one of the first to realize was aimed ultimately at a complete overturning of the postwar
rapprochement between labor and capital. We were now forced willy-nilly into the position of
looking for theoretical resources, most still to be summoned into some kind of public visibility,
5

able in whatever way to augment our visceral opposition to Thatchers gleichschaltung. Hall had
since his arrival in the UK in the early 1950s always been interested in issues of public import
(the CND campaigns and marches of the early 1950s in which he took part; the Vietnam War;
racism in Birmingham, especially in the borough of Handsworth, where the neo-fascist National
Front used to hold rallies as a provocation to its overwhelmingly Afro-Caribbean residents).
This prior activity on Halls part notwithstanding, Thatchers emergence also marked his own
growth in prominence. He was of course by this time a fully-fledged intellectual with a national
audience, but Hall now soon acquired an international visibility, as it became clear that Thatcher
and Reagan had embarked, with an increasingly confident single-mindedness, on a political
project that was to be epochal in its ultimate reach.
With a barely concealed fervor, Thatcher and Reagan were sensing, in ways sometimes
untidy and sheerly opportunistic even as they were always resolute in intent (Reagan with his
actors smile, Thatcher with her teeth-clenching harshness), that they were launched on the
business of undoing the economic and political paradigm of their political predecessors. The
waning Keynesian accord that had prevailed since the end of the war was now being supplanted
by an emerging neoliberalism, and Hall was its earliest theoretical cartographer.
Hall is of course credited with coining the emblematic term Thatcherism even before
Thatcher was elected. He was soon recognized as the foremost analyst of the intellectual-cultural
formation whose label is now indelibly associated with her name. The label Thatcherism
designates a populism combining a then new-fangled economic neoliberalism (the crackpot ideas
of Milton Friedmanbased on the premise that just about any macroeconomic problem could be
resolved by tweaking the money supply-- were being installed in a position of official primacy
where the economy was concerned, in the UK and US, and not just in the Pinochet-ruled Chile
admired by Friedman), along with an atavistic social authoritarianism, as evidenced by
Thatchers braying refrain We need a return to Victorian values, etc.
4

6

Before anything is said about Halls analysis of Thatcherism, it has to be noted that in
addition to dealing with Thatcherism and its legacies, Halls richly varied purview included the
key topics of our time: cultural coding, policing, implicit racism, immigration and diaspora, the
role of television, neoliberalism, and this is only skimming the surface. The reader who followed
his treatment of these topics soon realized that while Hall eschewed an explicit systematicity in
his presentation of this material, there was nonetheless a powerfully implicit coherence in his
work: the treatment of Thatcherism was therefore inextricably bound-up with the analyses he
provided of cultural coding, policing, implicit racism, moral panics, immigration,
neoliberalism, and so on.
So what was distinctive about Halls analysis of Thatcherism? Using the Gramscian
notion of hegemony as his primary reference point, Hall characterized her politics as an
authoritarian populism. This right-wing populism mobilized consent through an integration of
several fronts: primarily, racism both explicit and implicit, the crude but effective rhetoric of
law and order, and the generation of moral panics (these were created to stigmatize certain
social and cultural groups for political advantage, hence she called the miners the enemy
within
5
); there was a repeatedly stoked and media-driven disquiet about crime involving inner-
city youth, especially mugging (the very designation of which by Rupert Murdochs pro-
Thatcher tabloids carried racial overtones); and an equally contrived alarm over skiving (i.e.
shirking) strikers and welfare recipients.
Hall argued that this populism could not be overcome by a left still attached to a statist
political horizon, bent on using the instruments of the state to defend or advance interests based
on class and class positions. Instead, he suggested, the left had to promote a populism of its own,
involving the marshalling of forces along a broad and diverse front not overwhelmingly
dependent on state formations for its potential success. Hall was criticized for this proposal, on
7

the one hand by those who thought it too nebulously utopian (their argument being that any
expanded politics of the kind proposed by Hall would require bringing together heterogeneous
groups and movements that were unlikely to cohere into any kind of effective longer-term bloc);
and on the other by stalwarts of the old left who were dismayed by what they perceived as Halls
demotion or abandonment of class as an analytical category in what was ostensibly a Marxist
assessment of Thatchers UK.
6

But today five virtually uninterrupted decades of the Thatcherite hegemony-- the Labour
governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown having merely embedded her neoliberal policies
while giving them a less bellicose visage, as Blairs rictus smile replaced Thatchers hectoring
snarl on television screens-- have in the main proved Hall right. The mobilization undertaken by
Thatcher exploited, shrewdly, the complex fractures and dissents emerging in the British body
politic as the post-war Keynesian compromise buckled under the weight of pressures its
economic model could no longer resolve. In their quest for an adequate response to the collapse
of the postwar settlement between capital and labor, Thatchers opponents always seemed one
step behind her in the wretched but nonetheless crucial competition for the available forms of
ideological primacy. Thatcher enveloped her economic agenda in a wrapping that contained
carefully, and always opportunistically, selected components of British culture that could be
ordered in ways that recomposed to her advantage the forms of opposition confronting her. Her
opponents, by contrast, seemed always to be in a fatal lag when it came to finding alternative
resources for the task of hegemonic recomposition.
Many of the key ruptures and transformations associated with the collapse of the
Keynesian compromise were only tenuously connected with class and explicit class positions.
Thatcher and her backers realized, for instance, as Reagan and his promoters did in the US, that
repeated invocations of patriotism and striving to earn your way, when delivered with the
8

appropriate rhetorical pitch and the requisite symbolism (the fictional Reaganite welfare queen
demonized for picking up her checks in a Cadillac; the Thatcherite equivalent being the equally
mythical chappie on the dole with a Jaguar and (small) yacht on a trailer parked in front of his
rent-subsidized council house), served to dragoon significant fractions of the working class into
voting against their own economic interests. The essence of this class-dividing strategy is
reflected in the words one of Reagans slogans, used by supporters of Mitt Romney in the 2012
presidential election: "I believe the best social program is a job. This catchphrase-- indicating
that taking a job with miserable pay that made one a veritable serf could somehow obviate the
need for a welfare state-- also represented the quintessence of Thatcherism, even as she espoused
policies which destroyed the industrial base that was the massive core of working-class
employment in the UK. Overcoming this Thatcherite hegemony was clearly going to require a
counter-mobilization on a comparable scale. So far, alas, no such counter-mobilization on the
part of the left has been forthcoming, as, at the time of writing, the Labour Party led by Ed
Miliband trails behind the ruling Conservatives in some opinion polls with the next general
election due to take place in May 2015.
Hall always worked with an extensive and varied theoretical palette, and as evinced by
his analysis of Thatcherism. His range of interests were correspondingly broad (indeed too far-
reaching to be dealt with adequately in the span of a single article such as this). He was also the
foremost explorer of the phenomenon labeled multiculturalism, a label much excoriated in the
right-wing press because of its implied dilution or relativizing of a settled and robust English
identity, an identity accompanied by largely unacknowledged and sometimes savage
mechanisms of interpellation. These mechanisms interpellated the British people primarily by
resorting to some version, whether mildly attenuated or full-blown, of the rebarbative fantasy of
a Britain that was once populated by sturdy folk who talked like Miss Marple, and dressed like
Margaret Thatcher with her hats, handbags and decorous costumes, or Denis Thatcher in his
9

Harris tweed jackets (the petty bourgeois Margaret Thatcher was once recorded on a leaked tape
taking elocution lessons to make herself sound more like televisions Miss Marple)-- the Miss
Marple of this caricature who cycles decorously down the cobbled streets of antique and orderly
villages, coupled with a yeoman working class that would tip its collective working-class cloth
cap at Miss Marple as she cycled past these befittingly deferential representatives of Englands
yeomanry. Somehow this was also portrayed as an England where food (anthropologists from
Lvi-Strauss to Jack Goody have alerted us to the centrality of food as a decisive marker of
cultural and social demarcations and identifications) was not tainted by such importations as
curry, kebabs and sushi, but consisted instead of wholesome roasts, pies and puddings, and cider
or real ale, and involving routines such as the four oclock afternoon tea with triangular
cucumber sandwiches and scones with strawberry jam and clotted cream, all consumed by
seemingly redoubtable English men and women still more or less in active touch with such
traditions as Morris dancing, playing cricket on the village green, tending an allotment, and
having a small wager on the Grand National.
7

Hall of course had no truck with this cockeyed and anachronistic sentimentalism, which
naturalized and concealed the very mechanisms of interpellation served by such rose-hued
invocations of a merrie olde England.
8
In acknowledging, correctly of course, that the UK has
always taken many more multifarious, less overt and often troubled paths when dealing with
questions of national and ethnic identity, Hall quickly decided that there is more than one species
of multiculturalism.
9
The one that grabs the headlines-- with its sometimes vacuous and
politically-correct sloganswas based typically on an identity politics propped-up by the
appropriate discourse of rights and liberal inclusivity. Hall, however, was about something
much more challenging and hard-headed than the latter identity politics, namely, the question of
how the dominant culture has an inbuilt insularity which can only be contested (without
guarantees, his favorite phrase) if we manage to find real alternatives to it, without resorting to
10

the self-defeating means espoused by single-issue constituencies using their self-identities as the
only basis for this struggle against the prevailing order. Halls writings on this topic were really
much more about the partial and selective ways in which all identities are constructed by the
dominant order, that is, he wrestled above all with the question of multiculturalism as a
problematique, rather than simply being interested in championing a boutique multiculturalism
where the picture of the fabled Miss Marple is expanded or supplemented by the insertion of a
smiling turbaned Sikh or beaming dreadlocked Rastafarian.
10

The above sketch is unavoidably incomplete, and vastly so. Nothing has been said here
about Halls pivotal role in the inauguration of cultural studies, not just institutionally at
Birminghams Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, but also in providing this field with its
conceptual underpinnings.
11
Nothing has been said about the unflagging energy and verve with
which he inaugurated and sustained collaborative projects, from giving the Centre for
Contemporary Cultural Studies its distinctive approach both methodologically and
pedagogically; to the founding editorship of New Left Review; his participation in several
educational and artistic projects after his retirement from the Open University; his life-long
political campaigning and activism; as well his numerous interventions (his involvement in The
May Day Manifesto in 1967, his abundant contributions to groundbreaking collections, his
association with Marxism Today, and shortly before he died his participation with Doreen
Massey and Michael Rustin in the launching of The Kilburn Manifesto).
12

I met Hall once, in the 1990s, and we had a conversation about C.L.R. James (we had
contributed to the same volume on James a short time before). In 1977 I read Jamess Beyond a
Boundary for the first time, which marked the start of an engagement with the work of James
that continues to this day. One of the highpoints of this interest for me was Halls marvelous
1985 television interview with James, dealing with cricket (of course), but also Trotskyism, Paul
11

Robeson, and Jamess life and writings.
13
Hall also wrote essays on James.
14
It would be very
easy to emphasize the affinities between Hall and James-- the Anglo-Caribbean background, the
colonial education that sought to replicate a constricted version of the English prototype, the
domicile in the UK, the lifelong (but always probing) affiliation with the Marxist tradition, and a
cosmopolitanism both intellectual and practical. But there were also differences: James was a
prodigious autodidact whereas Hall was a renowned university academic; and there were evident
generational differences, marked by tastes in music (Jamess love of the calypsonian Mighty
Sparrow in possible contrast to Halls devotion to the jazz of Miles Davis); Jamess persistent
engagement with nationalist movements in the pan-African world, as opposed to Halls place in
the world of neo-coloniality; and so on. James inhabited the world of Marcus Garvey, Lenin,
Stalin, and Trotsky; Halls world, a world marked decisively by the demise of actually existing
socialism, was peopled (though not exclusively!) by Thatcher, Tony Blair, and Rupert Murdoch.
These were hugely different worlds, obviously, but responding to both required an indomitability
and creativity with striking characteristics that overlapped, the differences between James and
Hall notwithstanding.
A massive and irreplaceable force has departed, but Halls sheer density of influence is
likely to endure, even in unpropitious times. And if it does not.


12

NOTES

1
The main quad at Birmingham was in those days, and probably still is, a favorite spot for many
who escaped, or pretended to escape, the library fronting it when there was a vestige of pale
sunshine. The reading of books, often in circles of three or four, somehow served as a pretext for
surveying the action around oneself. Edward Thompson, who was on the faculty at nearby
Warwick while his wife Dorothy taught in Birminghams history department, was a frequent
sight as he walked across the quad, his wonderful mane of silvery hair made even more glorious
when caught by the sun. Also unforgettable for me, even though I had not read him then, was
Nicos Poulantzas, invited by Hall in 1976 to give some lectures at the Centre, who loped across
the quad wrapped in a heavy scarf seemingly in an attempt to keep even the warmish weather at
bay. His face had a look of unspared anguish, noticeable even to our small group of light-
hearted sitters on the quad.

2
Marxism Today, which existed from 1977 to 1991, was widely regarded in old-leftist circles as
the purveyor of a watered-down and reformist version of Marxism, indeed for many in these
circles it marked the emergence of a British post-Marxism.

3
While analytical philosophy in the main avoided addressing questions of political and social
import (hence the extraordinary attention given to Rawlss A Theory of Justice when it appeared
in 1972, a tour de force certainly, but with premises and conclusions that were banal for anyone
with a left-wing bone in their body); it should be stressed that analytical philosophers were
politically engaged in the opposition to Thatcher in their individual capacities. If the Marxist
historians (Thompson, Hobsbawm, Samuel) and the cultural and literary theorists (Williams,
Eagleton, Hall) were prominent in their opposition to Thatcher, it should be remembered that
well-known analytical philosophers were also at the forefront of opposition to Thatcher-- most
notably Antony Kenny, Michael Dummett, and Simon Blackburn.

4
Nigel Lawson, Thatcher's Chancellor of the Exchequer (i.e. finance minister) from 1983 to
1989, described Thatcherism in the following terms:
Free markets, financial discipline, firm control over public expenditure, tax
cuts, nationalism, 'Victorian values' (of the Samuel Smiles self-help variety),
privatisation and a dash of populism. (Lawson, 64)
In reality of course, Lawsons phraseology failed to indicate that markets were freed precisely
in order to be rigged by big businesses and the financial sector; that financial discipline was
always selectively imposed (Lawson himself engineered a massive pre-election boom to enhance
Thatchers electoral prospects); that tax cuts invariably favored the rich; and of course
privatisation provided repeated opportunities for privileged interests with the appropriate
political connections to loot the Treasury coffers.
For Halls writings on Thatcherism, see his collection of essays in Hall 1988. Especially
significant are the essays The Great Moving Right Show, Popular-Democratic versus
Authoritarian Populism, and Gramsci and Us. Also important is Hall and Scraton 1981.
5
The following segment from one of Thatchers speeches (delivered on November 25, 1984)
conveys the tone she used on such occasions where undertaking an Althusserian interpellation
was clearly her task at hand, this time aligning British trade unionists with the IRA gangs in the
North of Ireland:
13



At one end of the spectrum are the terrorist gangs within our borders and
the terrorist states which arm them. At the other are the hard left, operating
inside our system, conspiring to use union power and the apparatus of
local government to break, defy and subvert the laws. Now the mantle has
fallen on us to conserve the very principle of parliamentary democracy
and the rule of law itself.

Quoted in Scraton 2005.

6
A flavor of this old-left sentiment regarding the primacy of class is to be found in Alex
Callinicoss obituary of Hall (Callinicos 2014). It should however be acknowledged that
Callinicos is largely complimentary in his treatment of Hall, and that he does recognize that
Halls refusal to make class the preeminent Marxist analytical category did not entail an
accompanying rejection of economic determination-- Hall was always resolute, albeit in ways
subtle and carefully qualified, in his adherence to the latter.



7
Anyone in the US who believes the above-mentioned to be too outlandish in its depiction of
fantasies regarding English identity should spend several months watching Sunday evenings
Masterpiece Theater on the American PBS channel.

Of course one persons identification with a dish betokening a distinctive national or regional
identity may have no such significance for an outsider. The former German Chancellor Helmut
Kohl, who oversaw Germanys reunification, would insist on serving saumagen (stuffed pork
intestine) to an unreceptive Mrs Thatcher, who was of course a strenuous opponent of German
reunification. See How Kohls favourite pig dish turned Mrs Ts stomach, at
http://www.theweek.co.uk/people/37711/how-kohl%E2%80%99s-favourite-pig-dish-turned-
mrs-t%E2%80%99s-stomach, accessed on May 19, 2014. Some maintain that this merely
reflected the burly Kohls provincialism where food tastes were concerned, but the more
appropriately cynical, mindful of the unconcealed mutual antipathy between Kohl and Thatcher,
were ready to discern a seeming ulterior motive on Kohls part.


8
Hall was not alone in this. Raymond Williams, in his classic The Country and the City
(Williams 1973), uses countless historical and literary sources to demonstrate how this idealized
vision of an English identity was manufactured in ways that were often hard-fought and largely
exclusionary in their intent.


9
In Hall 2000, Hall identifies at least six multiculturalisms: conservative, liberal, pluralist,
commercial, corporate, and a critical or revolutionary multiculturalism. Hall was of course a
proponent of the last-mentioned (and none of the others).

10
For Halls work on multiculturalism and its cognate issues, see, in addition to the article
mentioned in the previous footnote, Hall 1986, 1992, 1993, 1996a, 1996b, 1996c. For the phrase
without guarantees, see Hall 1996d.
14


11
For Halls writings on the theoretical bases of cultural studies, see Hall 1980 and 1996e.

12
All of these, and more, are documented in the many obituaries of Hall. See, for instance,
Blackburn 2014, Morley and Schwarz 2014, Williamson 2014, Jeffries 2014, Gilbert 2014, Wark
2014.

13
For this interview, see Hall 2014.
14
For these essays (and one interview on James), see Hall 1992b, 1995, Hall 1998.

WORKS CITED

Blackburn, Robin. 2014. On Stuart Hall. In New Left Review 86: 75-93.

Callinicos, Alex. 2014. Stuart Hall in perspective, International Socialism, no. 142 (April
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2014).

Chen, Kuan-Hsing and David Morley, eds., 1996. Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural
Studies. London: Routledge.

Gilbert, Jeremy. 2014. A tribute to Stuart Hall. In Open Democracy February 10, 2014, at
http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/jeremy-gilbert/tribute-to-stuart-hall (accessed May
19, 2014).

Hall, Stuart. 1980. Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms. In Media, Culture & Society 2: 57-72.

Hall, Stuart and Scraton , Phil. 1981 "Law, Class and Control". In Crime and Society: Readings
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London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981.

Hall, Stuart. 1985. CLR James in Conversation with Stuart Hall, on the New Left Project
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tuart_hall (accessed May 19, 2014).

Hall, Stuart. 1986. Gramscis Relevance for the Study of Race and Ethnicity. Journal of
Communication Inquiry 10: 5-27.

Hall, Stuart. 1988. The Hard Road to Renewal: Thatcherism and the Crisis of the Left. London:
Verso.

Hall, Stuart. 1992a. "The Question of Cultural Identity". In Modernity and Its Futures. Eds.
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Hall, Stuart. 1992b. C. L. R. James: a Portrait. in C. L. R. Jamess Caribbean. Eds. Paget
Henry and Paul Buhle, 3-16. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

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Hall, Stuart. 1993. Culture, community, nation. Cultural Studies 7:34963.

Hall, Stuart. 1995. A Conversation with C.L.R. James , in Rethinking C.L.R. James: A Critical
Reader. Ed. Grant Farred, 14-44. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995.

Hall, Stuart. 1996a. Introduction: Who Needs Identity?. In Questions of Cultural Identity.
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Eley and R. G. Suny, 339-49. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.

Hall, Stuart. 1996c. New Ethnicities. In Chen and Morley 1996: 441-51

Hall, Stuart. 1996d. The problem of ideology: Marxism without guarantees. In Chen and
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Hall, Stuart. 1996e. Cultural studies and its theoretical legacies, in Chen and Morley: 262-75.

Hall, Stuart. 1998. Breaking Bread with History: C. L. R. James and The Black Jacobins, Stuart
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2000.

Jeffries, Stuart. 2014. Stuart Hall's cultural legacy: Britain under the microscope, The
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