Cognitive Development, Culture, and Conversation. Comments On Harris and Koenig's 'Truth in Testimony. How Children Learn About Science and Religion' - Callanan (2006)
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This commentary considers how their analysis relates to constructivist and sociocultural theories. The issues discussed by Harris and Koenig are crucial if we are to take seriously the importance of culture in cognitive development, says Maureen callanan. The focus on science and spiritualityFclearly contrasting categories in Western academic thoughtFsets the stage for an interesting debate.
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Cognitive Development, Culture, And Conversation. Comments on Harris and Koenig's 'Truth in Testimony. How Children Learn About Science and Religion' - Callanan (2006)
This commentary considers how their analysis relates to constructivist and sociocultural theories. The issues discussed by Harris and Koenig are crucial if we are to take seriously the importance of culture in cognitive development, says Maureen callanan. The focus on science and spiritualityFclearly contrasting categories in Western academic thoughtFsets the stage for an interesting debate.
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Cognitive Development, Culture, and Conversation. Comments On Harris and Koenig's 'Truth in Testimony. How Children Learn About Science and Religion' - Callanan (2006)
This commentary considers how their analysis relates to constructivist and sociocultural theories. The issues discussed by Harris and Koenig are crucial if we are to take seriously the importance of culture in cognitive development, says Maureen callanan. The focus on science and spiritualityFclearly contrasting categories in Western academic thoughtFsets the stage for an interesting debate.
Cognitive Development, Culture, and Conversation: Comments on Harris
and Koenigs Truth in Testimony: How Children Learn about Science
and Religion Maureen A. Callanan University of California, Santa Cruz Harris and Koenig make a compelling case for the importance of adult testimony and its influence on chil- drens developing conceptions of topics in science and religion. This commentary considers how their analysis relates to constructivist and sociocultural theories and discusses several ways in which Harris and Koenigs arguments help to debunk some prevalent assumptions about research on the social context of cognitive de- velopment. Finally, a number of additional issues are raised for debate and discussion, and some critiques and suggestions for future research are discussed. The issues discussed by Harris and Koenig are crucial if we are to take seriously the importance of culture in cognitive development. Harris and Koenig have provided a thought-pro- voking and compelling analysis regarding the role of adult testimony in childrens developing concep- tions of the world around them. This paper makes the important point that cognitive development does not happen in isolation, that childrens thoughts are connected in crucial ways to the language they hear around them. The focus on science and spirituali- tyFclearly contrasting categories in Western aca- demic thoughtFsets the stage for an interesting debate about the importance of culture, community, and activity in cognitive development. In this commentary I will first discuss the reasons why this argument about the role of testimony is a timely and relevant one, and I will then focus on three key points made by Harris and Koenig that I see as debunking erroneous assumptions about re- search on the social contexts of cognitive develop- ment. Finally, I will discuss four points about how this approach can be expanded further, perhaps in an even more radical direction. Why Is There a Need to Argue for the Importance of Testimony? An initial reaction one might have to this paper is that it is surprising that the thesisFthat children learn from what adults tell themFis at all contro- versial in our field of developmental psychology. It is less controversial, I believe, in the neighboring field of education. And certainly it is an idea that seems self-evident to many people outside the academic study of development. The need for this carefully argued and persuasive paper perhaps illuminates how seriously our field has taken Piagets con- structivist notion of development happening in the individual mind of the child. Harris and Koenig begin with Piagets construc- tive process but deviate from his emphasis on first- hand observation in focusing on how children use evidence from testimony. Indeed in some do- mains, as they point out, the relevant types of ob- servation are impossible. In mainstream cognitive developmental psychol- ogy, claims about the social contexts of childrens development are sometimes rejected as outside of the scope of what can account for development. Be- cause some scholars believe that mechanisms must be located in the childs mind, input and other extraneous information are seen only as peripheral to the true nuts and bolts of development. When childrens involvement in conversation and activity are emphasized, in fact, this is sometimes wrongly interpreted as a view that children are passive in the process, as if the mechanism for cognitive develop- ment must be either internal development or exter- nal transmission. Harris and Koenig do a persuasive job of showing why this rigid divide between individualist and social context theories is neither necessary nor r 2006 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2006/7703-0002 My thanks to Nameera Akhtar, Jennifer Dyer-Seymour, Megan Luce, Jennifer Rigney, Barbara Rogoff, Mark Sabbagh, Deborah Siegel, Katie Silva, Lara Triona, and Araceli Valle for insightful comments on a previous draft, and to my lab groupFpast and presentFfor discussions of the ideas in this commentary. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Maureen A. Callanan, Department of Psychology, Social Sciences 2, University of California, Santa Cruz, CA 95064. Electronic mail may be sent to callanan@ucsc.edu. Child Development, May/June 2006, Volume 77, Number 3, Pages 525 530 productive. In doing so, they provide compelling arguments against three pervasive and erroneous assumptions about research on the social contexts of development. These three assumptions are that (1) focusing on the social context implies a passive child, (2) focusing on the social context implies a didactic adult, and (3) conversational explanations are not useful because they tend to be piecemeal rather than fully developed. Debunking Assumptions Importance of Testimony Does Not Preclude the Active Role of the Child One of the key pieces of Harris and Koenigs ar- gument is the evidence suggesting that the influence of testimony on children does not preclude the active constructivist thinking of the child. With each of the case studies they present, Harris and Koenig em- phasize how children take the information that par- ents provide and construct a new understanding of the relevant concept. For example, in their discussion of childrens developing understanding of the brain, Harris and Koenig state: Their conceptualization is dependent on adult testimony but it is also evident that children do not assimilate such testimony in either a piece- meal or passive fashion. They re-work what they are told so as to arrive at a coherent conceptual- ization that permits them to go beyond the explicit claims or directives that they hear. (p. 9) Harris and Koenigs view about testimony is re- lated to a broad set of theoretical traditions that also contrast with Piagets focus on the individual. Soci- ocultural theories and cultural historical theories (Cole, 1996; Rogoff, 2003), inspired by Vygotsky (1978), take it as given that childrens cognitive de- velopment occurs within the context of meaningful everyday activity; related work situates language development in activity and conversation (Akhtar & Tomasello, 2000). Research findings in these tradi- tions support the view that interactions involving important other people are an essential piece of the developmental puzzle. These views differ from Har- ris and Koenigs arguments in important ways that I will discuss later, but they are consistent with the general notion that children are both active in their development and influenced by important people around them. Why is it that people so often assume that a re- search focus on interactions with parents implies a passive child? Perhaps Vygotskys notion of inter- nalization inadvertently invites the interpretation that an emphasis on the social context implies a de- emphasis on the active child. The term does seem to imply a one-sided process that calls for little in the way of interpretation on the part of the child. Indeed, more recent incarnations of these sociocultural ap- proaches clarify that childrens interactions with parents involve the activity of both parent and child. Rogoffs (2003) notion of guided participation, for ex- ample, explicitly names two actions in the interac- tionFthe guidance provided by parents is directly linked with the active participation of the child. They are argued to be two inseparable components of the same situation. In recent years, perhaps because they start with such different assumptions about development, constructivist and sociocultural theories of cognitive development have appeared to be at a standoff, with very little opportunity to consider whether there are testable claims that distinguish the two views and that can be evaluated with evidence. While Harris and Koenig do not explicitly address these theoreti- cal issues, their analysis presented in this paper has the potential to open up productive discussion re- garding the role of social interactions in cognitive development. The assumption that children whose thinking is influenced by their parents must there- fore be passive in their own learning begins to break down in the arguments presented by Harris and Koenig, as it has in the writings of many sociocul- tural theorists. In particular, Rogoff (2003) argues that seeing individual and environment as different sides of an equation is a fundamentally flawed perspective. This also fits in with some recent re- search in the theorytheory tradition. For example, Woolley, Boerger, and Markmans (2004) recent study showed that parent child conversations about a novel fantasy being (the Candy Witch) were an important component in childrens construction of their beliefs. Further explication of the ways in which childrens conversations and experiences influence their thinking is likely to have important implica- tions for future developmental theory. Testimony Involves Subtle Cues in Conversation, NOT Didactic Teaching Another very important point made in this paper involves the argument that much of the impact from adult conversation is likely to come from subtle cues rather than from explicit teaching. In other words, 526 Callanan the assumption that parents are only influential when they are being didactic is also debunked. Har- ris and Koenig suggest that parents are less likely to expound on a topic with their child than they are to use subtle wording giving implications that may influence childrens thinking. For example, they suggest that parents use of matter of fact language regarding germs, wherein the existence of germs is assumed, will give children a certain set of expecta- tions about the nature of germs as an entity. Again, this important point is consistent with a theme in sociocultural theory (Rogoff, 2003) and is supported by a number of important research findings. Carey and Bartletts (1978) chromium study was one of the early findings showing that children are able to learn a new word through a single casual mention in conversation. More recently, Sabbagh and Baldwin (2001) found that children are less likely to learn a new word if the speaker gives a meaning for the word while also expressing uncertainty. Further- more, Gelmans (2003) research found that parents rarely gave detailed explanations about the nonob- vious properties of objects, but that they did use many generic phrases (e.g., otters eat fish) and that these phrases may have an impact on the inferences that children make. Indeed, Keil (1998) and others have suggested that perhaps if parents do attempt to teach their child in a more didactic way, it may not be as effective. Interestingly, much of this work seems to suggest that when parents and other adults are having the most influence on childrens thinking, they are not necessarily consciously attempting to teach their children. Rather, they are going about their daily activities, using language to communicate about those activities, and at the same time providing subtle cues to children about a myriad of topics and fine-tuning their language to the childs age and developmental abilities (Bruner, 1983). Harris and Koenig point out that these subtle uses of language to communicate goals are apparent in childrens contributions to conversation as well. They argue, for example, that when children ask questions of parents, the act of questioning in itself is an indi- cation that children look to parents as sources of information. Piecemeal Testimony May Not Imply Piecemeal Understanding Avery common criticism of research exploring the social contexts of cognitive development is the view that children may learn from conversations with parents, but that they are just parroting back words or phrases and do not have a full understanding of their meaning. Harris and Koenig, again, provide evidence that this assumption may not be true. They provide good arguments, in a number of domains, that children take fragments from adult testimony as a starting point and go on to create a coherent un- derstanding. These arguments are compelling, although I also believe that it is an open question whether fragments of explanations are inferior to fully formed expla- nations. Consistent with Rozenblit and Keils (2002) notions of explanatory depth (and shallowness), as well as with the work of DiSessa (1993) and others, I would argue that cognitive processes may be less a matter of fully formed and coherent representations than we tend to suspect. Instead, many explanations of everyday phenomena may be constructed in pieces, on the fly, and in the context of ongoing ac- tivity (see Crowley & Galco, 2001). Critiques and Comments for the Future Despite my generally positive reaction to the argu- ments presented in this paper, I offer four additional pointsFcritiques of the approach or comments re- garding ways in which the approach could be ex- panded in different directions. These include (1) a comment about the use of the term testimony, (2) an urging for more attention to the actual conversa- tions that children participate in, (3) an urging for further elaboration on the ways in which variation in cultural practices may have important implica- tions for this approach, and (4) a discussion about possible alternative interpretations regarding Harris and Koenigs distinction between science and reli- gion. Problems With the Term Testimony Sociocultural approaches to cognitive develop- ment suggest that childrens involvement in every- day activities constitutes development. In other words, rather than seeing testimony (much like input) as a variable that enters into an internal process of development, these views would charac- terize development as happening in the ongoing negotiation between children and the important people in their lives. A possible connotation of the word testimony is that it is one sided, coming from the adult to the child. In the work going on in my lab, we are exploring a somewhat different approach that is perhaps even further removed from the main- stream constructivist view. Consistent with socio- cultural views, we see childrens active dialogue and Culture and Conversation 527 negotiation with parents as a dynamic process con- tributed to by both, and as the site where conceptual change occurs (Callanan, Jipson, & Soennichsen, 2002; Callanan & Sabbagh, 2004). Perhaps the nego- tiation of meaning that goes on in conversation may even serve as an important mechanism of cognitive developmental change. In this approach a word like testimony would not do justice to the ways in which parents and children mutually influence one anothers understanding in conversation. Testimony also seems to connote deliberateness and belief in the truth of particular claims. This seems somewhat inconsistent with Harris and Ko- enigs point about the subtle cues that children pick up from parents speech. It may be useful to think of testimony as one of a number of different ways (both verbal and nonverbal) that parents language and activity guide childrens learning. More Evidence Needed Regarding How Parents Talk to Children Perhaps one of the biggest gaps in the current argument, in my view, is that relatively little atten- tion is given to naturalistic parent child speech. Given the goals of this paper, it seems important to turn to evidence regarding what parents actually say to children regarding the topics under discussion. One example is that it would be very interesting to know whether parents talk about bodily organs in ways that they were talked about in the Slaughter and Lyons (2003) training study. Looking at parents speech may also lead to framing the research questions differently. For ex- ample, Valle (2005) found that middle-class U.S. parents differed from one another in the ways that they talk with children about evidence, and that these variations were related to the parents educa- tional background. For example, Valle gave children and parents magazine-like articles pointing out some conflicting claims about food additives and about the origins of the pyramids. She found that parents with engineering backgrounds were likely to focus almost exclusively on scientific methods for obtaining evi- dence to decide on the value of these claims. How- ever, parents with science backgrounds focused on both scientific strategies and alternative strategies (e.g., intuition, religion) for evaluating claims. And parents with humanities and other nonscience de- grees the favored alternative methods (in other words, focused less on testability). These findings suggest that there may in fact be a great deal of variability in how parents talk to chil- dren about both science and religion content and about scientific and religious ways of thinking. Im- portantly, the existence of patterns in these conver- sations is an empirical question that must be further investigated. More Elaboration Needed Regarding Culture and Cultural Variation I would also recommend expanding the explora- tion of cultural aspects of cognitive development in the future, as well as focusing more attention on how we might want to define terms such as culture and cultural community. Harris and Koenig make several insightful points about how cultural varia- tion in the experiences of children around the world is likely to have profound effects on their notion of the distinction between scientific and spiritual do- mains. For example, they describe a hypothetical study comparing children in a traditional small-scale town (where children are not likely to hear talk that questions the existence of God) versus in a more urban multicultural area. Studies such as this one would indeed be informative in the quest to uncover links between how children distinguish science from spirituality, and how these domains are talked about in conversation. In Harris and Koenigs analysis, however, there seems to be an assumption that there is a clear and objective distinction between the sci- ence and religion domains, and that it is based in a distinction between empirical testability and non- testability. In different cultures, however, the boundary regarding which content can be thought about as testable might be drawn quite differently. Indeed, Valles (2005) research described earlier in- dicates that, even within middle-class U.S. popula- tions, there may be important differences in whether or not families think about and talk about certain topics in terms of testability. Valles research also raises a more fundamental question about what we mean by culture, and whether cultural variation might exist along di- mensions other than ethnicity, race, and country of origin. Sociocultural theories place great emphasis on shared cultural activities and practices in their definitions of culture (Cole, 1996; Rogoff, 2003). It is likely that the conventional ways of talking about topics such as science and religion vary a great deal across different communities of practice. A more comprehensive analysis of culture will need to con- sider the ways in which these practices vary, and research that explores these differences will need to take seriously the implicit assumptions that are often carried in our methods and measures. 528 Callanan Is Testability the Key Distinction? The particular argument that Harris and Koenig make about how adults language may guide chil- dren in making the distinction between scientific and spiritual domains is an intriguing one. This key point hinges on the idea that children hear a certain type of talk about scientific unobservables and a different kind of talk about spiritual unobservables. Harris and Koenig posit that children hear matter-of-fact talk about germs, where the existence of germs is assumed. In contrast, they argue that children are likely to hear statements regarding belief in or ex- istence of other entities, such as God or the Tooth Fairy. The argument, then, is that children are led to construct a distinction between claims that are open to empirical check or verification and claims that cannot in principle be verified. But, somewhat paradoxically, it is the set of claims that people state in matter-of-fact ways that are argued to lead chil- dren to expect empirical testability. In contrast, the extent to which children encounter people express- ing doubt about the existence of an entity is argued to lead children to see that entity or event as one that is not empirically testable. This intriguing prediction seems somewhat counterintuitive to me. Further analysis of both this prediction and the underlying assumption about how parents speak to children about such claims will be important next steps in the elaboration of these ideas. Harris and Koenig argue that claims about God and the afterlife cannot easily be construed as straightforward, empirical data gathered by others as a proxy for childrens own first-hand observa- tion. But isnt it possible that some parents might talk with children in exactly this way about spiritual claims? In fact, the notion that expressions of doubt are linked with notions of lack of testability could be specific to communities (such as the scientific com- munity) where empirical ways of knowing are privileged. In some very religious communities, however, it could be that certainty would be linked to support from sacred texts, and that everything else would be discussed with expressions of doubt. In other words, while parents may express doubt or certainty in many cultures around the world, the kinds of entities that are linked with these expres- sions may vary a great deal. Again, we need to know more about how such issues are actually talked about with young children in different cultural communities. Even if parents do distinguish between the do- mains in the ways that Harris and Koenig suggest, there are good reasons to question whether the evi- dence will support the claim that the scientific and the spiritual are seen as empirical versus nonem- pirical domains. On the one hand, there are numer- ous anecdotal examples of children looking for empirical tests with regard to fantastical beings, such as trying to stay awake to see if Santa or the Tooth Fairy really do arrive. I knew a child whose only request on a Christmas list was an actual photograph of Santa taken at the North Pole! Sometimes, it seems, childrens reaction to hearing differences of opinion about the existence of beings might be to become more focused on proof, rather than less so. On the other hand, in the discussion of the re- search findings related to childrens understanding of the brain, researchers ask children questions such as whether a rabbits brain transplanted into a skunk would have memories of being a rabbit. Childrens answers to these questions are taken to indicate whether they understand the scientific view about the brain, but are these truly questions that are in the realm of empirical claims? Similarly (as Harris and Koenig discuss), talk about death as removing any capacity for independent movement and agency seems to potentially be part of the spiritual beliefs in some cultural communities. Further, I would argue that it is at least possible that even in Western society, some parents may express no more certainty about the existence of such entities as quarks and electrons than they do of religious entities. These are, of course, empirical questions, and it will be very interesting to see which predictions are supported once more data are available on the actual language children hear from others and the views that they construct. One other thought about the centrality of testa- bility in this approach is that there are a number of other possible reasons why parents might talk dif- ferently about spiritual versus scientific matters. Harking back to the earlier discussion of cultural practices, for example, conventionality may be a very important element in determining how different topics (such as germs vs. God) are discussed. If the existence of an entity is conventionally accepted in a cultural community, one might expect very little discussion about its existence, whereas an entity that is not conventionally accepted may be discussed in more depth (Clark, 1995). It could turn out to have very little to do with expectations about which entities are verifiable or not. Conclusion In sum, there are a great number of provocative claims made by Harris and Koenig in this paper, as well as a rich set of ideas that will no doubt be Culture and Conversation 529 followed up with research. These ideas connect with themes that have been pursued for some years within a theoretical perspective outside of main- stream constructivist approaches. Harris and Ko- enigs work may encourage fruitful discussion of these themes across theoretical perspectives, a move that is likely to be very productive for the field of cognitive development. Childrens developing un- derstanding of the scientific and the spiritual world is a topic that is worthy of our close attention, and it is a topic that challenges us to take seriously the ways in which children with widely varying expe- riences develop into knowledgeable members of their cultural communities. References Akhtar, N., & Tomasello, M. (2000). The social nature of words and word learning. In R. Golinkoff & K. 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