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Communication Studies
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The Jasper dragging death: Crisis communication and
the community newspaper
Jack Glascock Ph.D.
a
a
Assistant Professor, Department of Communication, Illinois State University, Campus Box
4480, Normal, IL, 61790 Phone: 3094387630 E-mail:
Published online: 22 May 2009.
To cite this article: Jack Glascock Ph.D. (2004): The Jasper dragging death: Crisis communication and the community
newspaper, Communication Studies, 55:1, 29-47
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Communication Studies, 55(1) (Spring 2004), 29- 47
THE JASPER DRAGGING DEATH:
CRISIS COMMUNICATION AND THE COMMUNITY NEWSPAPER
JACK GLASCOCK, PH.D.
This essay examines approximately 1 1/2 years of opinion page content in The Jasper NewsBoy
concerning the dragging death of James Byrdjr. in June of 1998. The manner of Byrd's murder horrified
much of the nation and galvanized public discussion about race relations. The NewsBoy's coverage was
an important part of the community's response to the crisis, which ranged from prayer vigils to town hall
meetings. This paper sketches a brief outline of the crisis as it unfolded to provide a context for the papers
role, followed by an analysis of the NewsBoy's opinion section based on Fishman's methodology for
examining crisis communication events. By combining elements of civic journalism and crisis communica-
tion, the newspaper helped the town stage a successful image restoration campaign.
KEY WORDS: Racism, image restoration, crisis communication, civic journalism, focusing event
D
uring the early morning hours of Sunday, June 7, 1998, what was left of the body
of James Byrdjr. was found on Huff Creek Road, on the outskirts of a small, rural
town in East Texas, Jasper. Later the same day police arrested three young white
males, one of whom confessed early Monday morning. Byrd had been beaten, then
chained to the back of a pickup truck and dragged almost three miles to his death
apparently because he was black. When news of the murder broke later that Monday,
the reaction of the rest of the country was outrage, knowing that Byrd's murder had
taken place in an area historically steeped in racism and Ku Klux Klan activity. On
Tuesday the media onslaught began, with hundreds of journalists descending on the
town in search of the "good old boy" sheriff and an "old South" angle.
Byrd's dragging death was immediately termed "one of the most vicious racial
crimes in modern Texas history" (Stewart, 1998, p. Al). Jasper was described as
located in an area, East Texas, "long vilified by the nation and fellow Texans as a hot
bed of racism" (Bragg, 1998, p. Al) and "notorious as a redneck refuge with a fearsome
history of black lynchings" (Graczyk, 1998, p. 8)a place where links to the Klan were
strong but clandestine ("Mayor of Jasper," 1998). As one resident, who requested
anonymity, noted, "We know the Klan is here, but we just don't know who they are"
(Turner, 1998, p. Al). Repeated references were made in the media to the Klan's
presence in nearby Vidor, where a KKK rally had been staged just a month before and
black newcomers had been recently welcomed by teen-agers wearing sheets (Jones,
1998).
When white officials tried to downplay racism, the reaction of black residents was
reported as skeptical. For example, when the local sheriff, who was white, claimed at
a press conference "we have no organized KKK or Aryan Brotherhood groups here in
Jasper County," black residents were described as having responded with "whoops
and catcalls" (Stewart, 1998, p. Al). Interviews with black residents led to reports of
previous questionable deaths such as that of a black college student who was dating a
white woman, job discrimination and lack of service to blacks at some local restaurants
and clubs - all of which were cited as contributing to "a general atmosphere of racial
animosity" (Turner, 1998, p. Al). On a grander scale, the very nature of the act seemed
to warrant the presumption of the town as racist. As one reporter noted, "The moment
Jack Glascock, Ph.D. is Assistant Professor, Department of Communication, Campus Box 4480, Illinois State
University, Normal, IL 61790. E-mail: jaglasc@ilstu.edu. Phone: 309-438-7630.
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the sun came up on the first Sunday in June and pulled back the covers on a grotesque
crime scene, America's scarlet letter was branded on the courthouse clock towerR,
for racist" (Thurow, 1998, p. A15).
Clearly, the circumstances called for a response from the community. One reason
was the threat the dragging death posed to the area's second largest industry, tourism.
A couple of recent timber plant closings had pushed the area's unemployment rate up
to 12%. A major drop-off in tourism, which counted on nearby fishing tournaments to
fill area hotels and restaurants, would have been a devastating blow to the local
economy (Thurow, 1998). There was also the possibility of the crisis escalating into
more racial violence, which would have furthered sullied the town's image. Some
black residents initially feared that Byrd's murder might have been part of a more
widespread conspiracy. One story circulating was that a note had been left near the
body, reading "One down: two more to go" (Garza & Siemaszko, 1998, p. 5). Outside
the community racial tensions had been stirred anew. Kenneth Lyons, pastor of
New Bethel Baptist Church, which was attended by the Byrd family, says that
numerous blacks from nearby cities told him of their anger and readiness to come to
Jasper after Byrd's murder (K. Lyons, personal communication, July 12, 2000). There
were also rumors of a possible retaliation by the black community in Jasper itself (Hart,
1998).
The Jasper dragging death merits scholarly study for a number of reasons. One,
it was a significant event, garnering attention worldwide. Media from major TV
networks and newspapers in the United States as well as foreign press from the world
over, including London, Paris and Tokyo came to the town (O'Toole, 1998). Dan
Rather anchored the CBS Evening News from the courthouse square (Webb, 1999).
An Australian radio station broadcast a live interview with the county sheriff (B.
Rowles, personal communication, March 14, 2000). Black leaders from around the
country attended Byrd's funeral, which was paid for by then professional basketball
player Dennis Rodman of the Chicago Bulls (Mitchell, 1998).
A second reason is to extend the study of communication crisis discourse to the
media, in this case the community newspaper. Other studies of crisis communication
have examined corporations (Benoit, 1995; Benoit & Brinson, 1994; Brinson & Benoit,
1996; Brinson & Benoit, 1999; Brown & Crable, 1983; Fishman, 1999; Hearit, 1995;
Johnson & Sellnow, 1995; Ulmer & Sellnow, 2000) politicians (Benoit, 1982; Benoit,
Gullifor & Panici, 1992), celebrities (Benoit, 1997; Benoit & Mil, 1998), sports (Benoit
& Hanczor, 1994) and religious figures (Blaney & Benoit, 1997), even fictional TV
characters (Benoit & Anderson, 1996). While there was a concentrated effort in the
town to respond to the crisis and from that proliferated a number of initiatives, one of
the more visible was that of the local newspaper, The Jasper NewsBoy, a weekly
publication with a circulation of about 6,000 (Editor & Publisher, 2000). According to
editor and publisher Willis Webb, the paper's objectives during the crisis were twofold,
to report the news as it happened and to help the town cope with the crisis (W. Webb,
personal communication, March 3,2000). The latter initiative, according to Webb, was
pursued primarily in the paper's opinion section. It is argued here that the combination
of crisis communication discourse and the practice of community, or civic, journalism
allowed The NewsBoy to implement an effective campaign in its opinion pages to help
restore the town's image.
Civic journalism is loosely defined as a recent trend in which the media, primarily
newspapers, become more involved in a community's affairs (Anderson, Dardenne &
Killenberg, 1997). One important element of civic journalism is for the media to
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become more active in finding solutions to community problems, as opposed to
merely reporting them. By providing a forum, or public space, for people to speak out,
be it town meetings, focus groups, etc., newspapers can advocate change or assist in
solving problems based on community input (Voakes, 1999). In sum, the media seeks
out community input on issues and solutions to problems, and this community
involvement in turn shapes the newspaper's coverage. Civic journalism seems to be
particularly suited to small-town markets, such as Jasper, in which local journalists are
more likely to be involved in community organizations and have been found to be
more accepting of the approach, which to some critics reeks too much of "community
boosterism" (Fouhy, 1994; Voakes, 1999).
Newspaper opinion pages provide a ready-made public forum for readers to share
information in the form of "Letters to the Editor." The NewBofs guidelines for
submission describe the section as forum for readers in the paper's circulation area.
Typically letters to the editor are edited for length as well as libel and invasion of
privacy, as was the policy of The NewsBoy ("Letters to the editor," 1999). The editorials
reflect the paper's official stance on issues while the columns at the NewsBoy are
written by and attributed to members of the editorial staff. As such they typically
reflect a more personal point of view than the editorials.
During the crises the letters to the editor provided a forum for the community to
react to the dragging death. As such they could offer outsiders, as well as residents
themselves, a glimpse into the true identity of the town, as opposed to the official
version put forth by community spokespersons. Since either the editor or managing
editor wrote all the paper's columns, their function during this time period was similar
to that of the editorials-to communicate objectives and strategies for the community
to follow in dealing with the crisis.
BACKGROUND
What remained of James Byrd's body was discovered by ajasper County resident
who called the sheriffs department. While on the scene, sheriffs officers were hailed
by another resident who told them a head and right arm had been found in a ditch in
front of her home, about a mile away ("Berry's statement," 1998). The body was so
mutilated investigators had to use fingerprints to identify it. Eventually 81 Day Glo
orange hash marks, circles and labels were used to mark remnants from Byrd's body,
which had been dragged three miles down a paved back road (Hohler, 1998).
Jasper, population about 8,000, is located approximately 120 miles northeast of
Houston. Surrounded by thousands of acres of pine forests, the area's primary industry
is timber products. Several nationally known paper companies, including Temple-
Inland and Louisiana-Pacific are large employers (Webb, 2000). Until the mid-1960s
Jasper was a "sleepy sawmill town." Then nearby Lake Sam Rayburn was impounded
by the state and transformed the area into a Mecca for bass fishermen around the
nation (Spivey, 2000). Tourism now ranks as the area's second largest industry. While
the racial makeup of the county is predominantly white, the town has a relatively large
black component, about 42% (U.S. Census Bureau, 1990). As a result, blacks hold
many positions of leadership in the community. At the time of Byrd's death, the
mayor, the president of the school board and chief administrator of the local hospital
were African Americans. However, perhaps like many towns across the country, the
economic disparity between whites and blacks is significant. The per capita income of
blacks in Jasper is a third of that of whites, and blacks are twice as likely to live below
the poverty line (U.S. Census Bureau, 1990).
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Within 12 hours of finding Byrd's mutilated body, local police had arrested three
white males, thanks to evidence left at the scene and an eyewitness who had seen Byrd
being driven around late Saturday night in the back of a pickup truck belonging to one
of the suspects. By early Monday morning police had elicited a confession; so within
24 hours law enforcement officials knew who had been involved, and basically what
had happenedthat Byrd had been chained, then dragged three miles behind a
pick-up truck primarily because he was black. That the case was solved so quickly may
have alleviated some fears in the black community of a more widespread Klan uprising
and also meant that the community as a whole could focus on the task at hand dealing
with the media onslaught. As described by the District Attorney Guy James Gray, who
prosecuted the three cases:
They (the media) came to tear us down. They came to picture us as Southern rednecks, hillbillies; to
picture us the way things happened in Alabama, Georgia and all through the South 50, 75 years ago.
The tone of their voice, the nature of their questions, their whole attitude told us in a heartbeat that
they weren't our friends. They had come to attack us (Rowles & Gray, 2000).
The national media began arriving almost immediately and by Tuesday num-
bered in the hundreds (Journee, 1998a). A meeting on Wednesday, arranged by
George Miller, an African-American and chief administrator of the local hospital,
proved pivotal in terms of the community's response to the crisis. During that meeting,
which included many of the community's business leaders, a number of goals were
formulated for dealing with the rapidly unfolding crisisfor the community to maintain
calm, to present a united front and to promote racial healing.
These objectives were operationalized in several ways. A prayer vigil, consisting
of "songs and prayers for healing," was planned for the Monday following Byrd's
funeral on the courthouse square ("Leaders hope," 1998). The purpose of the vigil,
according to the Rev. Ron Foshage, was to bring the black and white community
together and perhaps more importantly "to show the black community that the white
community was as deeply offended as the black community" (R. Foshage, personal
communication, July 20,2000). At the prompting of Justice Department officials, a task
force on racial relations was proposed as a more long-term solution ("Mayor to
announce," 1998). The committee, to be headed by Mayor R.C. Horn, was to have
regular meetings and provide a forum for the community to address issues relating to
race relations. Dealing with the media was another concern addressed at the Wednes-
day meeting. The consensus was to present a unified front and "try to eliminate
anybody and everybody from talking to the press" (W. Diggles, personal communi-
cation, July 26,2000). As editor and publisher of the local newspaper, Willis Webb was
an omnipresent figure at the various community meetings and functions that took
place during the week following Byrd's death. As a participant at the pivotal Wednes-
day meeting, Webb was aware of the community's planned response to the crisis, and
as editor of the local newspaper, the dominant mass media in the area, was in an ideal
position to communicate the plan to the rest of the community.
Besides the dragging death, the town endured rallies staged simultaneously by the
Ku Klux Klan and the Black Panthers. In addition, two of the three suspects' trials were
held in Jasper. With each occurrence, the media horde returned, again putting the
town in the national spotlight. While the extremist rallies were an unwelcome intru-
sion, the trials offered the town further opportunity to dispel its racist image. As Diane
Domenech, head of the Jasper Chamber of Commerce, explained:
The courthouse lawn was packed with people the day of the first verdict, waiting for him (King) to
come out. There were blacks and whites there alike, and you could feel the happiness and pride that
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we had done what we had done, and he had been convicted, found guilty with the death sentence.
We felt like that would help Jasper because the world could see that we were taking care of the
problem (D. Domenech, personal communication, March 14, 2000).
CRISIS COMMUNICATION DISCOURSE
Typically a communication crisis involves an organization or individual. Barton
defines a crisis as a situation characterized by surprise, posing a significant threat to
important values, with a short amount of time in which to respond (Barton, 1993).
Fishman expands on this, defining five characteristics common to a communication
crisis: (1) an unpredictable event occurs; (2) important values are threatened, (3) the
intention of the actors plays a minor role, (4) the event creates pressure for a timely
response and (5) effective communication is required (Fishman, 1999).
Benoit asserts that a major goal of crisis communication discourse is to save face.
Drawing upon literature dealing with individual self-defense strategies, Benoit con-
tends that maintaining a favorable impression is important for organizations as well.
Therefore when an organization's reputation is threatened by an unexpected event, the
natural inclination is to present a response consisting of defenses, justifications, ex-
cuses, etc., for the offense (Benoit, 1995a). Hearit describes a similar concept, "the
re-legitimization of an organization," as a primary motive for corporate response to
crisis. According to Hearit, an organization depends on its social legitimacy for
survival since it enables the company to attract the necessary resources for survival,
such as scarce resources, patronage and political approval. Once damaged, a compa-
ny's legitimacy has to be restored for the sake of survival (Hearit, 1995).
Fishman synthesizes three major approaches to communication crisis theory,
which, he argues, allows for a more integrated, hence superior, methodological
orientation. These include stage analysis, a strategies approach and a focusing events
perspective. In Fink's stage analysis there are four stages through which a communi-
cation crisis evolves (Fink, 1986). During the prodromal stage warning signs that a
potential crisis looms on the horizon are present. In order to avert a full-blown crisis
an organization would need to be able to anticipate and detect these warning signs
during this stage. In the second phase, the acute crisis stage, the crisis unfolds with rapid
speed and intensity. The situation attracts media attention and threatens the well being
of the company. In the next stage, the chronic crisis stage, the organization takes steps to
correct whatever problems surfaced during the acute phase. In the final stage, the crisis
resolution stage, the company recovers from the crisis and becomes whole again.
Birkland describes a focusing event as a sudden, unpredictable occurrence that
results in public policy discussions, possibly leading to policy changes (Birkland, 1996).
As such a crisis communication is seen as having an agenda setting function in that
media coverage of the event focuses public attention on the issue and creates an
urgency to correct the problem. An example would be the Columbine shootings,
which renewed nationwide debate on gun control and school violence. In the after-
math schools have enacted a variety of regulations, such as requiring clear-coated or
mesh backpacks, to protect students from gun violence (Fishman, 1999).
Benoit's image restoration offers the most pragmatic approach, consisting of five
categories and 14 strategies overall (Benoit, 1995a). Benoit's first category is denial,
which includes simple denial and shifting the blame to another party. The second
category is evasion of responsibility and contains six strategies: provocation:the act was
in response to another wrongful act; defeasibility: a lack of information about or control
over factors involved in the crisis situation; accident: the action occurred inadvertently;
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34 COMMUNICATION STUDIES
good intentions: the act was done with good intentions. The next category is reducing the
offensiveness and contains five sub-strategies: bolstering: emphasizing positive aspects
of the organization; minimizfition: the negative act isn't as bad as it might seem;
differentiation: distinguishing the act from other similar but even more negative acts;
transcendence: placing the act in a more favorable context; attack accusers: attacking the
credibility of the source of the company's alleged wrongdoing; compensation: offering
remuneration to the victims. The next category is corrective action. Here the organiza-
tion promises to correct the problem so it won't happen again. The last category is
mortification, where the accused admits responsibility for the act and asks for forgive-
ness.
Fishman argues that each approach offers separate strengths and should be used
in conjunction to analyze a communication crisis situation (Fishman, 1999). For
example, Benoit's model provides specific strategies but offers less overall perspective
than Fink's stage analysis approach. Most of Benoit's image restoration strategies
would take place during Fink's acute and chronic stages. Birkland's focusing events
model is useful primarily when the event has public policy implications and fits into
Fink's last stage, the crisis resolution.
THE NEWSBOY'S CRISIS COMMUNICATION DISCOURSE
This section examines the content of One Jasper NewsBofs opinion section during
the Byrd dragging death crisis. Included in the analysis were issues of the NewsBoy from
June 10, 1998, the first issue following Byrd's death, through November 24, 1999, a
date one week after the sentencing of the third and last defendant, Shawn Berry, to go
on trial. During this time, all editorials, columns and letters to the editor relative to
King's dragging death were included in the analysis. A format similar to that suggested
by Fishman was used to frame the analysis.
Prodromal Stage
Fink describes this as the pre-crisis stage during which warning signals, or
prodromes, of the impending crisis may be evident, but usually not recognized until
after the acute crisis has occurred. In the case of the Jasper dragging death, there were
a number of potential indicators of the tragedy to come. All three defendants had
criminal pasts. Berry and Bill King, the acknowledged ringleader of the three, had
been convicted of burglary together in 1992. King was later convicted of another
burglary and served two years in prison, where he met the third defendant, Russell
Brewer, who was serving a 15-year sentence for a cocaine conviction (Dorman, 1998).
In prison Brewer and King apparently began associating with hate groups; in 1995 the
two were disciplined for involvement in a racial disturbance between white and
Hispanic prisoners (Vulliamy, 1998). From prison King, ajasper native, began to write
letters filled with such "blood-curdling hatred" that they terrified even his friends back
home (Vulliamy, 1998). In one letter King criticized Jasper area "whores" who had
betrayed their race by dating blacks. Such women, wrote King, should be hung from
the same tree as their black boyfriends (Reinert, 1999). One recipient's parents were
so alarmed by King's letters they contacted prison authorities, who began to monitor
King and Brewer's prison gang affiliations (Vulliamy, 1998). When King was released
from prison and returned to Jasper, he was literally a walking gallery of "skin art," the
prison name for tattoos (Stewart, 1999). His arms and torso were covered with racist
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and satanic tattoos, which he liked to show off to friends. Reportedly, one tattoo that
King was especially proud of was that of a black man hanging by a noose from a tree
(Reinert, 1999).
At the time of Byrd's murder, the three defendants were sharing an apartment on
Highway 190, just southwest of Jasper. In March 1998 King had moved into the
one-bedroom apartment and was eventually joined by Brewer and Berry. By the time
of the dragging death, the apartment manager had already tried to evict the occupants
three times, albeit unsuccessfully, after complaints from neighbors about their drinking
and loud arguing (Dorman, 1998). Later authorities were to find in the apartment
membership forms, a constitution and bylaws for a hate group King had allegedly
planned to start on July 4 (Reinert, 1999). In addition, the mother of King's girlfriend
at the time had recently contacted the sheriffs department after finding explicit photos
of her daughter, who by then was 17 years old, and King with all his tattoos. According
to Sheriff Billy Rowles, the mother wanted King arrested, describing him as a "weird
duck."
Acute Crisis Stage
The shortest of Fink's four stages, the acute stage is what most people have in
mind when they think about a crisis. According to Fink this stage is characterized by
the "avalanche-like speed and intensity" with which the crisis unfolds (Fink, 1986).
While Fink offers no clear-cut distinction between the acute and chronic stages, one
criterion might be the intensity of media coverage. In Jasper, media coverage was most
intense the first week of the tragedy, the time between Byrd's body being found and
the funeral the following weekend. After the funeral, most of the media left, only to
return two weeks later for the Klan and Panther rallies. In the months after the rallies,
media coverage tapered off until King's trial began in March 1999. For the purposes
of this study, the first three weeks of the crisis (June 10 through June 24 issues) were
defined as the acute stage,
1
since during that time the outcome was still somewhat
uncertain.
Shifting Blame
One form of denial is shifting the blame to another. A variant of this strategy is for
the organization to try to distance itself as much as possible from the offensive action.
Texaco employed such a strategy when several of its executives were caught on tape
making derogatory comments about black co-workers. The company referred to the
offenders as "a few rotten apples."
In an initial editorial (June 10) following Byrd's death, the NewsBoy employed a
similar tactic, asserting that the act was carried out "by a few individuals who are not
representative of the true nature of Jasper." The act, characterized as an "unwanted,
cruel bigotry," was contrasted with the community, "a wonderful town filled with
good, decent people." The extraneous nature of the act was further emphasized by
noting that it was a "blemish" that had been "thrust upon" the community, which was
"shocked beyond belief."
The following week, letters to the editor echoed this notion. One writer pro-
claimed that "this instance is the exception, NOT THE RULE!" (June 17). Others
shifted the blame from the attackers and community to a darker force, describing the
dragging death as "not a chronic problem, but an isolated act of evil" (June 17).
Another writer characterized the act as the work of Satan, asserting, "the attack came
straight from the enemy whose bunker is hell" (June 24).
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36 COMMUNICATION STUDIES
In a column (June 17) written by Michael Journee, managing editor of the
NewsBoy, the paper attempted to shift the blame for any perceived or potential racial
problems in Jasper to outsiders, who were seen as trying to exploit the racial overtones
of the dragging death. One of these "external forces" was the national media who,
according to Journee, "came to town looking for the 'old south' angle, "looking to label
Jasper and place it on the list of cities known only for their roles in hatred." Also
criticized were high profile figures such as Jesse Jackson, NAACP President Kweisi
Mfume and the Rev. Al Sharpton, all of who "helped add to the stress of an already
overwhelmed town." And last were the "unwanted hate groups that cameor threat-
ened to cometo our bleeding community just to incite and cause more pain." Journee
noted that the town was able to take all this in stride "despite the cameras and
celebrities looking down our throat" and in the end Jasper" shined like the Jewel she
is." (The town, surrounded by the piney woods of East Texas, is known as "The Jewel
in the Forest")
Bolstering
To mitigate the negative effects of the act, an organization may try emphasizing
its positive attributes or actions. The more relevant these are to the crisis at hand the
better. Perhaps because of its availability and obviousness, bolstering seems a preva-
lent strategy for image restoration.
In its second editorial following the tragedy (June 17), the NewsBoy emphasized
the community's assets. These included the Byrd family, law enforcement officials and
the community's leaders. Overall Jasper's leadership had "proved to be up to the task."
Law enforcement officials were praised for moving swiftly to make arrests, seeking
outside help from the FBI and implementing measures to prevent any further distur-
bances. The paper noted that all three suspects had been arrested within 24 hours of
the crime, establishing a sense of "faith and trust in our local law enforcement officials."
Especially noteworthy was the prompt response of investigators, particularly that of
Sheriff Rowles who "stepped into action immediately," was "quickly joined" by the
local police department and "quickly engaged" a host of other agencies including the
FBI, Texas Rangers and Texas Department of Public Safety.
The NewsBoy framed this effort, which the paper termed "extraordinary" and also
included local political figures and ministers, as sending a two-part message to the rest
of the world, that the case was being handled fairly and the town was united. In
contrast to the initial assumption of Jasper as a racist town, the image conveyed by the
NewsBoy was that blacks and whites in the community were working together and that
this case was not going to be yet another example of a small, Southern town trying to
cover up a black person's murder. The paper also praised the Byrd family for their
response to the tragedy, which was described as demonstrating to the world "what
faith, strength, wisdom, courage, compassion, grace and dignity are all about." The
implication seemed to be that the Byrd family would be a good model for the rest of
the community, specially the black community, to follow.
Community action taken during the crisis was also extolled in a column by
Journee (June 17). First mentioned was a prayer vigil, which was held on a Monday
night following Byrd's funeral. The vigil attracted several thousand residents, black
and white, who "stood shoulder to shoulder, sang praises and prayed for healing." This
helped convey the spiritual nature of the community as well as the racial harmony now
on exhibit. Journee also praised the local black leadership for calling for restraint and
supporting "local law enforcement agencies' swift action in the case."
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Letters to the editor during this time period also emphasized positive aspects of
the community. Reader comments emphasized the spiritual nature of the community
(53 churches in the vicinity), praised public officials for their role in handling the crisis
and noted the racial harmony that existed within the community. One writer, referring
to the Byrd family, wondered "what would have been the outcome if they weren't
Christians?" (June 17). Another wrote, "In times like this we must try to comprehend
God's message to us as a community" and "try to search for what blessing can be
discovered" (June 17). Religious leaders urged residents to renew their faith in God
(June 24) while another resident wrote" may Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, rule in
Jasper, Texas, during this turbulent, desperate time" (June 24).
Race relations were described as "usually quite compatible" (June 17). One writer
noted, "we work together, live close to each other, eat together, pray together and are
united in most instances." A local resident pointed out that "as a Hispanic minority, I
have always felt respected and loved, and have always been treated as an equal here;
more so than in any community in which I have lived" (June 17). What little
disagreement there was in this regard was relatively subdued. One writer remarked
that the dragging death should serve as a "wake-up call for the African-American
community", but primarily in the context of urging blacks to patronize black busi-
nesses more, particularly his own (June 17). Toning down the dissent even more was
the paper's headline for the letter, "Wylond Hadnot: James Byrd Jr. didn't die in vain."
In the week following Byrd's death, Byrd family members also wrote letters
praising the town's leadership for their role in the crisis. The family thanked the entire
community, law enforcement officials, religious groups, the mayor as well as the
business community for their "outpouring of support" (June 17). In a relatively lengthy
letter (over 600 words, twice the normal allotted limit), a minority resident "counted as
a blessing" numerous public officials including, the sheriff, district attorney, mayor,
city manager, the ministerial alliance, black leaders, outside law enforcement officials
and national black leaders (June 17).
Minimization
Another strategy for reducing the offensiveness of an act is to minimize the
amount of negative affect associated with it. In other words the organization has to
persuade the audience that the act is not as bad as it might first seem. Initially, the
NewsBoy tried to do this by grouping the dragging death with other similarly undesir-
able acts and attributing them to a more general social trend of increasing violence. In
a column (June 10) that appeared during the week of Byrd's murder the paper noted
other recent crimes in Jasper including murder, drive-by shootings, gang activity in
addition to the hate crime. In fact, the columnist noted, this was the second week in a
row the lead story in the NewsBoy had been about a murder. The previous instance also
involved race; a black man had been arrested for killing his white employer. The
writer also referred to another recent murder in Jasper in which a Hispanic's body was
found buried in a shallow grave. This was comparable to Byrd's murder in that both
made the front page of the Houston Chronicle and reflected unfairly upon the town.
Finally, the column described this string of crimes as symptomatic of a national culture
of violence and that "even our small town is feeling its Shockwaves." In retrospect the
grouping of Byrd's murder with other acts of violence seems ill conceived given the
heinous nature of the dragging death, which represented much more than just an act
of violence. Perhaps Journee was just groping for an explanation-the column was
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written just a few days after Byrd's murderas opposed to trying to defend the
community. Regardless, given the nature of the crime, distancing seemed a much
better approach.
Corrective Action
In this strategy the organization promises to mend its ways and make changes to
prevent a reoccurrence of the undesirable act. The primary thrust in this regard was a
task force on race relations, which was proposed at the first community meeting
following Byrd's death. In a column the following week (June 17), Webb urged the
community to support the task force, primarily by nominating members and suggest-
ing topics for discussion. The task force, Webb wrote, "would serve as a liaison for race
relations" by interceding in "situations that have the potential for stress between races."
Webb also advanced a practical rationale for readers to support the task force-given
the potential economic impact of the crisis on Jasper, the town needed to show the
world that it was willing to try to prevent similar occurrences in the future.
Also falling into this category would be calls by the paper for the town to avoid
any future displays of what might be construed as racism. In a column following Byrd's
funeral Journee (June 17) urged residents to avoid attending a Klan rally, planned for
the weekend of the 27
th
, two weeks after Byrd's funeral. Marking these rallies as "our
most pressing test" Journee encouraged residents to "let these divisive instigators have
the square and the media spotlight all to themselves." By not showing up the com-
munity could "send a strong message to the world that Jasper does not care anything
about what such groups have to say." Readers were warned that "faces of local
spectators at this rally could say the wrong thing about Jasper."
Chronic Crisis Stage
The chronic stage
2
is the period of recovery and healing. According to Fink, it is
a time for self-analysis for the company and if the crisis is handled skillfully, can also
be a time for congratulations and testimonials (Fink, 1986). During this time, the crisis
should turn the corner, and the organization is perceived as cleaning up its act. For
Jasper, this period lasted the longest, from just after the Klan and Panther rallies
through Berry's trial, which concluded in November of 1999.
As the crisis played out during this stage, media coverage of the town's image
improved noticeably. For example, syndicated columnist William Raspberry charac-
terized the town's response as "extraordinary" and advised readers to not be surprised
if Jasper "comes through not merely OK but as a stronger, more racially unified
example for America" (Raspberry, 1998). Another journalist, reporting the tragedy's
aftermath, noted that "the world came here in search of the all-too-familiar tale of a
racist killing in a backward town with redneck lawmen unwilling or unable to solve the
crime. But that's not Jasper's story." Instead the town had become known "around the
country as a model for healing hate" (Hancock, 1998). An article in the foreign press,
The Irish Times, described Jasper residents as exhibiting "considerable dignity and
grace" (O'Toole, 1998). While not entirely convinced of the town's innocence, an
editorial in Hie Christian Science Monitorreferred to Jasper as "fighting a good fight on
the side of community wholeness.... Their example bears watching and support ("A
town to watch," 1998)." A national news magazine, U.S. News & World Report,
concluded that the town's handling of the crisis "could be a case study" for other
similarly traumatized communities (McGraw, 1998).
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Bolstering
Editorially the paper bolstered the town's image during this stage by recognizing
individual achievements, referring to other media's positive coverage and describing
racial relations in the community in a progressively positive way. When Walter
Diggles, who was one of the town's spokespersons during the crisis, was named Citizen
of the Year by the Chamber of Commerce, the paper noted that Diggles had
distinguished himself in 1998 "in an unsolicited role into which he was thrust. Quietly
he worked behind the scenes during the activities surrounding the James Byrd Jr.
murder case, to bring stability, dignity and a rule of good sense and judgment to the
way the community has handled that terrible tragedy" (February 3, 1999). The paper
also cited an editorial (February 17, 1999) from another paper, The Normangee (Texas)
Star, in which the community's handling of the crisis was viewed favorably. When the
media descended on Jasper, The Star wrote, expecting to "a town permeated by
violent, premeditated southern racial injustice, what they found instead was level-
headed, concerned ordinary people who were just as incensed by the heinous
crime . . . as the rest of the world." Instead of finding a "country bumpkin" sheriff,
"playing to the good-old-boy network" they found a "articulate, educated sensitive
man." In conclusion The Star wrote, "The Jasper story will be told over and over again
in the years to come, but it will not be a story of a community in shambles. It will
instead by a story of strength and cohesiveness and understandinga story that all
communities should try to emulate in times of trouble."
Several columns also noted media coverage that depicted Jasper in a positive
light. One was an article about racism in East Texas that appeared in a major metro
newspaper. According to the columnist "Jasper was treated very well" and described
as "among the more enlightened and integrated communities" in the region (Septem-
ber 23). Discussed in another column was a BBC documentary on the white suprem-
acy movement that "portrayed Jasper in a favorable light as would any medium that
spent any time truly delving into the soul of this city" (January 27, 1999). Also
described was a CBS news broadcast from in front of the courthouse on the day of
King's sentencing. After the broadcast, the columnist described meeting Dan Rather,
who was "extremely complimentary of Jasper and how we've handled events." In all,
the column concluded, it "was a good day for Jasper. True healing received a solid
foundation that day and Dan Rather and the CBS Evening News gave it immediate
credibility around the world" (March 3, 1999).
The paper also elevated the status of race relations in the community during this
time. This progression went from the town being an exemplar for East Texas to the rest
of the world. In an early editorial during (July 8, 1998), the paper asserted that, if the
task force was successful, "the city may just become known for having the best race
relations in the country, not just East Texas." A few weeks later (July 22, 1998) the
paper noted that Jasper had "been held up as a pretty good example of race relations
for small towns in East Texas." In a couple of editorials the following year, the paper
remarked that the town had responded to the tragedy with "calm, grace and dignity"
and as such, Jasper had now become "a shining example to the world with regard to
race relations" (January 20, 1999), which were now described as "excellent" (March 3,
1999).
Letters to the editor also bolstered the town's image during this stage. A large
number of letters came from outsiders, former residents or visitors, who praised the
town and assailed the image of Jasper as a racist place. According to Webb, these
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letters were helpful in two ways; (1) they helped modify the views of the media, many
of whom had come to town assuming the worst, and (2) they also reaffirmed locals'
belief that Jasper was not that bad a place. The headlines for these letters played up the
positive slant. A few examples were: "Former resident says Jasper still beautiful city";
"World War II GI remembers Jasper's kindness"; "News resident says Jasper has a lot
to offer"; and "Bradshaw sees Jasper as loving, nurturing town." These letters de-
scribed Jasper as a place where "black and white communities have worked together"
(July 1, 1998) and as home to "the friendliest people you would ever want to meet"
(October 21, 1998). Another writer from McKinney, Texas, wrote, "The people of
Jasper have presented themselves with dignity and class. I am not the least surprised,
but I bet the rest of the world is" (July 1, 1998). A military veteran living in Valentine,
Neb., remembered a time when the "good women and housewives of Jasper" served
dinner, prepared for their own families, to a truck convoy of U.S. troops that had
unexpectedly stopped over in the town during World War II (February 24, 1999).
As events unfolded, the letters seemed to focus more on the present and how
Jasper had successfully dealt with the crisis. Many congratulated the community on its
mature and dignified response and held Jasper up as an example for others to follow.
One example was a former resident, currently living in Stockton, Calif., who wrote,
"We were especially proud of the citizens of Jasper who banded together to let the
nation know that Jasper is a friendly place where citizens respect one another." As a
result the town was seen as "teaching the world a wonderful lesson," and setting an
example "society would do well to follow" (March 31, 1999).
There was some dissension, albeit somewhat muted, in the letters to the editor
during chronic stage. One example mentioned previously was that of the writer calling
on the "African American community to wake up" but only to more often patronize
black businesses such as his own (June 17, 1998). Others were critical of the task force,
equated to "big brother" by one writer (July 22, 1998), and city funding for a park to
be named for Byrd, who had an "unsavory reputation" (December 9,1998). According
to Rowles, at the time of his death Byrd was 49 years old, unemployed, with no driver's
license, an alcoholic and drug user and had served time in prison for shoplifting
(Rowles & Gray, 2000) Typically the few letters critical of racial relations in the town
were given a positive spin by the newspaper's headline writers. For example, a letter
written by a local black resident noting past racial injustices and critical of Berry's
televised account of the murder was headlined, "Racial woes don't begin with Byrd
murder, but can end there" (October 20, 1999).
Corrective Action
A major focus of the editorials during this time was to guide the town's corrective
action process. Particular attention was given to the task force for racial healing, the
town's primary strategy for corrective action. Such a proposal was a positive begin-
ning, the paper noted, but now, a month after Byrd's death, it was time to select
members, start meeting and take action. The town needed to do this with some
urgency, the paper stated, because "no doubt the world will carefully scrutinize,
undeservedly or not, this community for some time to come" (July 8, 1998). Several
weeks later the paper called upon certain community officials to join the task force,
chastised others for "thus far choosing not to participate" and urged the community as
a whole to take part in the upcoming neighborhood meetings (July 22, 1998).
Editorially the paper also provided guidance for the town in dealing with events
arising in the aftermath of Byrd's death. These included the trials, the extremist groups'
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rallies and the cancellation of Martin Luther King Day as a holiday by the local school
district. Before the first trial, the paper, noting some local rumblings over the county's
having to foot the bill for the trials, pointed out that the community had an obligation,
both financially and morally, to see that justice was carried out. Only by fulfilling that
responsibility, the paper cautioned, would Jasper be perceived as "the fair and won-
derful place it has represented itself to be" (July 15, 1998). The following year the town
was confronted with the third, and last trial, which had an "added degree of difficulty"
in that Berry was "the most local of the three defendants" with "roots that go back at
least three generations," the implication being that Berry might receive special treat-
ment (October 20,1999). The paper warned the community that the world was waiting
to see "if the area handles this trial with the same even-handedness as the first two" in
which the defendants were convicted and received the death sentence. Interestingly,
the paper seemed to signal that it might be acceptable if Berry received some leniency,
noting that the case didn't have to have a" a hang 'em high handling, but a fair and
just" one. Berry was later convicted, but spared the death penalty.
The paper also had advice for residents regarding the hate groupsstay away from
their rallies (June 24, 1998). Later the paper offered a few suggestions for dealing with
the extremist groups should they decide to return. These ranged from encircling group
members at their rallies and singing hymns to them to having local businesses and
churches book the town square (where the rallies were held) each weekend for the
following year (October 14, 1998). The following year, when the Jasper school board
surprisingly opted to eliminate MLK Day from the list of that year's school holidays
(due to a two-week delay in opening school the board decided to trim some holidays
from the school calendar), the paper urged the board to call a special meeting and
quickly rectify its "grave error" (August 18, 1999). Noting that perception is important
and that "much of the world views Jasper as a racist place," the paper pointed out that
when news of this "grievous error reaches the rest of the world . . . that perception will
only be reinforced." In a sense the paper was the guardian of the town's image, and as
events unfolded during the crisis, made sure the community didn't forget its priorities.
Likely following the lead of the newspaper and other community leaders, a
number of letter writers focused on the hate groups and their imposition on the town.
One writer characterized members of these groups "over-hormoned, under-experi-
enced misfits" and ridiculed the groups as the "Kluk-Kluk-Klan" and "Pink Panthers"
(July 1, 1998). Typically the message was stay away from Jasper. As another writer
noted, "None of these hate groups are wanted here. I don't understand what part of
NO they don't understand" 0uly 22, 1998). Others called upon the media not to
publicize the groups' visits, since "publicity is what they are seeking" (July 22, 1998).
Yet another writer wished "swollen tongues . . . for three days" upon Klan members
should they return to Jasper again (October, 21, 1998).
Attacking Accusers
The national media were perceived by many in Jasper as the adversary, having
initially labeled the town as racist and arriving in what seemed like an "endless stream"
in search of an "old South angle" (Journee, 1998b). According to Benoit, an effective
strategy may be for an organization to attack its accusers thereby reducing the source's
credibility as well as the damage to one's own image (Benoit, 1995a). As mentioned
earlier, the paper did this to a limited extent during the previous stage. However the
tact used during this stage differed from the strategy described by Benoit in that, as
opposed to attacking the media's credibility, the paper attempted to advance it,
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primarily by trying to explain the media's role to local residents. The rationale behind
this seemed to be that a better understanding of journalistic practices might lessen the
towns' distrust of the outside media, apparently regarded by many as "intrusive,
meddlesome, slanted and biased" (Webb, 1998).
In an initial column Webb explained "the five W's and the H," the basic formula
for gathering information for news stories (July 1, 1998). Webb reasoned that "knowing
what the media looks for in a story might help us understand the attention." In another
column Journee attempted to explain pack journalism, described it as the "media
frenzy" or journalists' "zeal to get the story" (September 30, 1998). The pressure to
break a big story comes not only from editors and publishers trying to sell papers or
boost ratings, Journee related, but also from reporters trying to make a name for
themselves. One example was that of war correspondents who risked their life in
combat situations to get the story. According to Journee, those journalists who suc-
ceeded in similar situations could "become the next generation's Walter Cronkite or
Dan Rather." A major issue before the third trial was CBS's refusal to release outtakes
from a jailhouse interview with Berry, despite a court order. Noting that "some folks
were righteously indignant" over the network's position, Webb defended the network,
explaining that if the press was forced to reveal sources or surrender notes, then
sources would be less likely to come forward and as a result, many stories of
government and public dishonesty and corruption would be left undone. CBS
shouldn't be blamed, Webb said, for trying to protect a right "sacred and necessary to
a free press" (November 3, 1998).
Crisis Resolution Stage
This is the period when, according to Fink, "the patient becomes well and whole
again" (Fink, 1986). While Jasper may never shed the stigma of Byrd's dragging death,
based on the positive media reports referred to previously, the town seems to have
effectively countered its image as a racist place. One indication is the return of tourism
to previous levels. According to Domenech (2000), tourist inquiries and hotel tax
revenues, critical indicators of the local tourism industry, bounced back to pre-crisis
levels in 2000, less than two years after Byrd's death. An initial outcome of the task
force town meetings was the removal of an iron fence, a lingering symbol of segrega-
tion, in the town's cemetery that had separated the graves of white and black residents
for overl60 years ("Tearing down fences," 1999). A major concern of many blacks,
unearthed by the mayor's task force, was that of economic disparity. As a result blacks
have begun to find jobs at previously all-white businesses and in city and county
offices. To further mark its ongoing commitment to racial awareness, the city pur-
chased the land for a downtown public garden, the centerpiece to be a life-sized bronze
sculpture depicting children of all races playing together, hand-in-hand ('Jasper cre-
ates circle," 2000).
Focusing Event
According to Birkland, a focusing event has an agenda setting effect since media
coverage of the event typically creates a sense of urgency for public policy reform
(Birkland, 1996). As mentioned, Byrd's dragging death captivated the nation's atten-
tion and received worldwide media coverage. President Clinton referred to it as a
"shocking and outrageous" crime (Jones, 1998). Civil rights leaders and politicians
from around the country came to Jasper to attend Byrd's funeral. From a public policy
standpoint, the tragedy lead to renewed calls for hate crimes legislation. The topic
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became an issue in the 2000 presidential primaries when Democrats attacked then
Gov. George W. Bush's lack of support for a pending hate crimes bill, named after
Byrd, in the Texas legislature. Members of the Byrd family were persistent in urging
state and federal lawmakers to strengthen existing hate crimes laws. While federal
legislation was scuttled in 1999 after a threatened filibuster by conservative Republi-
cans (Simon, 2000), the Texas legislature, after years of trying, finally passed the James
Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Act in 2001 (Eilzondo, 2001).
DISCUSSION
Fishman's integrated model for crisis communication provides a functional frame-
work for analyzing the NewsBofs opinion page discourse during the Jasper dragging
death. By providing a chronological perspective, Fink's stage analysis allows a tracking
of Benoit's restoration strategies as the crisis unfolded. In addition, Fink's model allows
consideration of precursor events and their impact on the discourse as well as an
assessment of the discourse in terms of future policy initiatives. Birkland's model
provides a focal point for Fink's last stage. In this example, a new state law against hate
crimes was given renewed emphasis and eventually passed by the Texas legislature.
Such policy ramifications may be indicative of the impact of the crisis as well as the
success of the discourse surrounding it.
Warning signals during the prodromal stage, such as King's prison gang affilia-
tions and racist tattoos, surfaced during the chronic stage, too late to affect the
discourse, except to reaffirm it. While such knowledge would have been helpful in
terms of shifting the blame at the outset from the town to the prison environment, it
did lend credence to initial attempts by the paper to distance the suspects from the rest
of the community. That King's tattoos and racist attitudes were apparently tolerated in
the community after he returned from prison was an issue not raised by the outside
media. This sort of ambiance may have been worth probing further, especially since
the town was at that point claiming to be an exemplar in race relations. That questions
were not raised may have been more an indication of the success of the community's
restoration strategies by then than oversight by the media.
The practice of civic journalism was employed at the beginning of the acute stage.
Webb attended the community meetings during the first week including the pivotal
hospital meeting on Wednesday. It was there that the town leaders formulated a
campaign, which was communicated to the rest of the community by the NewsBoy in
its editorials and columns, to deal with the media onslaught. As the primary local
media in the area, the NewsBoy's leadership seems critical in the community present-
ing a united front to the outside media during the crisis.
In the acute stage, the paper's strategies included shifting the blame (distancing),
bolstering, minimization and corrective action. In its initial editorial after the dragging
death, the paper asserted that the suspects were a few bad apples who had thrust their
bigotry on an otherwise good and decent town. This strategy seemed successful in
eliciting a number of letters to the editor the following week, also distancing the
suspects from the rest of the community. The paper's attack on outsiders-the media,
black national leaders and the extremist groups may have also help unify the com-
munity toward those who had come "looking for the old south angle" or to stir up more
trouble.
As the town began to receive more favorable coverage from the media during the
chronic stage, the paper's, strategy shifted from attacking to defending the press.
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Perhaps trying to balance its duo role of journalistic enterprise and community
supporter, a basic tenet of civic journalism, the paper was, in essence, defending its
own identity as well as attempting to lessen readers' distrust of the outside media.
Minimization was attempted once during the acute stage. Byrd's dragging death
was such an abomination that to somehow equate it to other routine acts of violence
seems shortsighted at best. In fairness, this strategy surfaced just once, in a column
written just days after the dragging death, likely under deadline pressure. Obviously
any long -term attempt to downplay the racial overtures of Byrd's death would have
worked against the restoration process by making the paper, and in turn the town,
seem insensitive to the racist nature of the act.
Praising the community's efforts during the crisis and urging implementation of
the mayor's task force were strategies that bolstered the town's image and signaled
outsiders that the town was willing to face whatever racial problems it might have and
try to do something about them. The task force was essential to the image restoration
campaign. Simply asserting that Byrd's death was an abomination and that town's
racial problems were typical would likely not have assuaged the national outrage. The
commitment to a self-healing process such as the task force was the sort of long-term
repentance the town needed to exhibita notion not lost of the paper, which devoted
a total of three editorials to the task force within two months of Byrd's death.
During the chronic stage many of the same strategies, primarily bolstering and
corrective action, were continued. A newfound source of praise came from letter
writers living outside the area as well as other media. While offering a more objective
assessment of the community, the letters and media praise more likely served to
bolster the community's self-image since most were published after the national media
had departed. At times directives that appeared in the editorials and columns were
later reflected in the letters to the editor. One example would be advice for dealing
with the extremist groups (stay away from their rallies). Letter writers who seemed to
be personally addressing the extremist groups reiterated this in the following weeks.
These letters may have provided a way for the community to distance itself from these
groups as well as to reaffirm the paper's strategy of avoiding the Klan and Black
Panther rallies. A similar pattern was noted in the acute stage in regard to labeling the
suspects as exceptions to the rule. Such a correspondence might be partially reflective
of the leadership role of the paper and also reinforces the impression that the
community was speaking with one voicea major goal of the image restoration
campaign. Other strategies were abandoned (minimization) or modified (attacking the
media) as conditions changed. For example, as the media's role changed from that of
the attacker to ally, it was cast in a more favorable light by the paper. The strategy
shifted from depicting the media as descending on the town in search of "the old South
angle" to explaining the "Five W's and H."
Birkland's focusing event perspective fits well within the crisis resolution stage
because it focuses on possible outcomes, thereby providing a sense of finality to the
crisis. The removal of the cemetery fence, which actually occurred during the chronic
stage, and the "Circle of Peace" statue were symbolic of the town's racial healing. More
concrete have been the return of tourists and the employment of blacks in previously
all-white businesses. Byrd's dragging death focused the nation's attention on race and
resulted in the passage of up-to-then, stalled hate crimes legislation. While Birkland's
perspective does not necessarily provide a measure of the success of a crisis commu-
nicationthe policy change could have come about regardless of how the situation in
Jasper turned outit does consider the social ramifications of the crisis thereby allow-
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ing a more inclusive analysis. As such, Byrd's death has resulted in more protection for
hate crime victims in Texas and may have improved the economic disparity between
black and whites in Jasper. Certainly it created a much greater awareness of racial
relations in Jasper and elsewhere in the country.
The dragging death crisis differs from previous studies in that the object of the
crisis was not an organization or individual, but a whole community. It is argued here
that the local paper played a crucial role in the town's image restoration. The paper's
involvement in community affairs at the outset allowed it to convey the agreed-upon
objectives of the crisis discourse to the rest of the community. As the crisis played out
the paper extended its leadership role by continuing, dropping or modifying its
strategies. The paper's opinion pages also provided a forum for the community to
participate, primarily by bolstering the town's image, both within the community as
well as to outsiders. The letters to the editor also exhibited to outsiders that the town
was in general united in its effort to confront and deal with the crisis. As a result the
town was not only able to withstand the initial media onslaught but to effectively blunt
any potential media "feeding frenzy" thereafter. Using Fishman's approach to analyze
the crisis provides a broad but detailed perspective, allowing the inclusion of civic
journalism practices and policy implications, which took place before and after the
crisis discourse, in addition to evaluation of specific restoration strategies used during
the middle stages. While there may have been, and perhaps still are, two Jaspers, one
white, one black (Dow & Williams, 2003), during the Byrd dragging death crisis,
thanks, at least partially, to a well orchestrated communication campaign conveyed
through the opinion pages of the local newspaper, there appeared to the world outside
to be only one.
NOTES
1
Issues of The Jasper NewsBoy sampled during this stage-1998: June 10, June 17, June 24.
2
Issues of The Jasper NewsBoy sampled during this stage-1998: July 1, July 8, July 15, July 22, July 29, Aug.
5, Aug. 26, Sept 9, Sept 16, Sept. 23, Sept. 30, Oct 7, Oct. 14, Oct. 21, Nov. 18, Dec. 9, Dec. 1; 1999: Jan. 3,
Jan. 13, Jan. 20, J a n . 27, Feb. 3, Feb. 10, Feb. 17, Feb. 24, March 3, March 10, March 17, April 7, April 21, June
9, July 7, July 21, Aug. 18, Sept. 8, Sept 22, Oct 6, Oct. 20, Oct. 27, Nov. 3, Nov. 10, Nov. 17, Nov. 24.
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