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Media occupy a crucial position in between the citizens and the political world. The information flow between these two worlds is to a high degree a mediated flow. A strong concept in its genre is that of the colonization of politics by the media.
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Essay Smaele Access to Information as a Crucial Element in the Balance of Power Between Media & Politics
Media occupy a crucial position in between the citizens and the political world. The information flow between these two worlds is to a high degree a mediated flow. A strong concept in its genre is that of the colonization of politics by the media.
Media occupy a crucial position in between the citizens and the political world. The information flow between these two worlds is to a high degree a mediated flow. A strong concept in its genre is that of the colonization of politics by the media.
Access to information as a crucial element in the balance of power
between media and politics Hedwig de Smaele The interdependent relationship of media and politics Dependency of politics on media All political actors whether political parties, governments, public organizations, pressure groups or terrorist organizations have in common that they rely heavily on the media to get in touch with the world outside their own circles. Media occupy a crucial position in between the citizens and the political world, and the information flow between these two worlds is to a high degree a mediated flow. Although not a totally one-way flow, the information flow is pretty unbalanced as well. oing down are party programs, government decisions, appeals or promises, published in the media and reported upon, commented and analyzed. oing up are the results of opinion polls, reported on in the media !and often organized by the media themselves" and letters to the editors !Mc#air, $%%&, p. &". 'olitical actors cannot chose not to communicate. (he need for legitimacy forces them to communicate with the people. )n a democracy, politicians and political parties see* every four to si+ years the consent of the voters. 'oliticians have to win trust, ma*e *nown their proposals and achievements, or simply themselves. )n order to do so, they need media e+posure. (hey need media. (hey need ,ournalists. (his way of considering the relation between media and politics stresses the power and influence of media above politics. -onceptual views such as the mediatization of politics, or politics increasingly becoming politainment !Meyer, .//., p. &0", bear testimony to this interpretation. A strong concept in its genre is that of the colonization of politics by the media !Meyer, .//.". 12rgen 3abermas introduced the notion of the colonization of one societal domain by the rules of another, as a result of which the original rules are either abrogated entirely or $ made dependent on the second set. Meyer applies this notion to the domains of politics and media4 the sphere of politics became almost entirely dependent on the medias rules and logic. Media logic affects the selection focus on events, persons, and conflicts5 the pro+imity rule as well as the presentation personification, dramatization, entertainment, commodification of !political" news. (he political time !long-term, processes" collides with media time !short- term, deadlines" but loses, and adapts. (he result is described by Meyer !.//." as stage-managed politics4 issueless and symbolic politics, and image building. 6emocracy became media democracy. (he political world has surrendered voluntarily, almost eagerly it seems, driven by power-see*ing via media e+posure4 (he leitmotif of effective spin-control is that you can only control the media by submitting to them. !Meyer, .//., p. &.". 'oliticians outside the media spotlights remain ignored or in the best case are used as unformed raw materials for the medias own productions !Meyer, .//., p. &0". Dependency of media on politics 'olitics is not powerless either. 3ence, media need politics as hard as politics need media. Media are in constant need for news, for content. 'olitics has always been, and will be for the times coming, a very important supplier of news, whether hard political news !issue-oriented" or soft news in the margin, rumors and scandals surrounding politicians whether in love or business. )n order to access news, preferably scoops, media wor*ers are prepared to obey politicians to a sometimes unhealthy degree. Media agendas and political agendas are often fine-tuned. (his way of considering the relation between media and politics stresses the power and influence of politics above media. (he politicization of media is only the natural outcome of this. 'oliticization is realized mainly through staff appointments that assure politicians indirectly informational control. 'oliticians can pressure media also by other means4 administrative control, financial control !subsidies or financial conditions", media regulation and policy, granting or refusing access to information, accreditation of ,ournalists, or indeed blunt manipulation and even violence. Access to information appears as a crucial element in the balance of power between media and politics as information is e+actly the property of politics most wanted by the media. (herefore it is a mighty weapon in the hands of political actors if they can decide who gets access to what *ind of information and when. . Interdependency Media need politics, and politics need media. A merger of the content !production" sector and the distribution sector is not an aw*ward outcome of this observation. (he goals of both sectors are united in the common goal of reaching as many people as possible4 audience for the media, voters for the politicians. (he close alliance !voluntary, but not eagerly admitted" is obvious in concepts such as the mediapolitical system !eg. 7assours*y, $%%%, .///". 1ournalists and politicians live together in a mediapolitical atmosphere, in a give-and-ta*e relationship. (he citizens and their interests are left aside in this power-balance-play between media and political actors. (o what degree do they accept8 (he climate of acceptance brings us to the sphere of behaviors and attitudes, norms and values, in other words culture. 9hat is the prevailing attitude in a certain society towards information, the openness and closeness of information, the status of information8 )n order to e+plore this topic, we introduce the concept of information culture. The concept of information culture Information culture )n political science, the concept of political culture has ta*en hold strongly and is widely elaborated on. )t has taught us that a certain political system !structure" is or must be supported by a certain political culture as a set of attitudes, beliefs, values. 'ioneering research on this topic was done by abriel Almond and :idney ;erba, in The Civic Culture !$%<%, originally $%=0". (he idea, however, is not new. 'lato already taught us that forms of government !oligarchy, democracy, aristocracy, tyranny" differ according to dispositions of men !:t>rig, $%<&, vol. ), p. $&&". Analogous concepts such as academic culture or business culture are increasingly being used. ?y analogy we can also spea* of a media culture or, in more general terms, an information culture. @i*e political culture, information culture cannot be separated from culture as a whole !?rown, $%A%, p. B5 6eutsch, $%AB, p. .0A". ?ut while political culture deals with orientations and attitudes towards authority and distribution of authority, information culture is geared toward media and deals with attitudes towards information and the distribution of information. 0 -ulture is a difficult concept to grasp. (he danger of cultural determinism is always looming somewhere. 3owever, it is not because the concept may be difficult or even dangerous, that it has no meaning or no use. -ulture provides a lin* both between present, past and future !vertical dimension" and between different subsystems within society !horizontal dimension". 3ence, we consider the media system as an integral part of the broader societal system. (he media system is a social system, encompassing media-institutions, media wor*ers !,ournalists", the public, the politicians and news sources as well as the relations between all these actors, settled by laws, institutions and norms. McCuail !$%%B, p. ." defines the media system as a social institution, with its own distinctive set of norms and practices but with the scope of its activities sub,ect to definition and limitation by the wider society. Dn the one hand, the media system operates according to intrinsic values and strives for autonomy. Dn the other hand, and at the same time, it is not an isolated system but it operates in close connection with the respective political, economical, and ,uridical systems as it is grounded in basically the same culture. -ulture, here, is considered a set of values, norms and beliefs that shape behaviour, as shared by a !relatively large section of" society !horizontal" and transmitted from one generation into another !vertical". (he concept of culture supposes a great deal of inertia and continuity otherwise the term would not be able to e+ist !9yman, .///, p. $/=". (riandis !$%%&, B" has put the vertical dimension aptly4 -ulture is to society, what memory is to individuals. Universalism as a measure for information culture 9hat values do determine the prevailing attitude towards information8 (he values of universalism versus particularism appear as a useful tool to describe this particular attitude. )n short and in general, the distinction between universalism and particularism comes down to the precedence of general rules, codes, values and standards over particular needs and claims of friends and relations !universalism" or, in contrast, the precedence of human friendship, relations, and situations over rules !particularism". )n the original, theological sense, universalism points to the belief that ultimately all man will be saved by ods grace. 'articularism, on the other hand, holds that only the chosen will be saved. )n the sociological sense, the pair universalism-particularism refers first and foremost to the !dichotomic" pattern-variables of (alcott 'arsons !$%%/". (hese are inherently patterns of cultural value-orientation, but they become integrated both in personalities and in societal B systems. )n the ontological or philosophical-anthropological sense, as underlying the Erench Fevolution and the Gnlightenment, universalism sees all man as eHual. Iniversalism then is the treatment of all persons ali*e based upon general criteria and not upon any special or uniHue characteristics of the persons themselves !Drum et al., $%%%, p. &0B" whereas particularism is the treatment of people as special individuals, based on their personal features, rather than as members of some broader class or group !Drum et al., $%%%, p. &.<". 'articularistic cultures are in the terminology of Gdward (. 3all !$%<%" high context communication environments while universalist cultures are low context communication environments. -onte+t, in this sense, has to do with how much you need to *now before you can communicate effectively. )n high-conte+t cultures most of the information is either in the physical conte+t or internalized in the person, while very little is in the coded, e+plicit, transmitted part of the message. )n low-conte+t cultures, in contrast, the mass of information is vested in the e+plicit code !3all, $%<%, p. %$". -onseHuently, high-conte+t cultures communicate intensively within their in-groups who are aware of the conte+t while out-groups are largely left out !particularism". @ow-conte+t cultures dont differentiate as much as high-conte+t cultures between in- and out-groups5 information is freely available for both in- and out-group members !universalism". More specifically, we can state that information is considered a universal right for all individuals without distinction in the universalistic theory and a particularistic right or a privilege for certain groups or individuals in the particularistic theory. A measure for universalism At the university of hent a measure for universalism was composed on the basis of the $%%$ 9orld ;alues :urvey Huestionnaire !;erbeeren, .///5 ;erbeeren J de :maele, .//B". :i+ Huestions were combined into the variable universalism $ and chec*ed up for .B 9estern and Gastern Guropean countries as well as for the I.:. and (ur*ey. (he results show a clear pattern. Eirstly, there is a stri*ing Gast-9est opposition, only bro*en through by Austria !which had until the $%=/s an ambiguous status" and 'ortugal !which suffered under a long political isolation". $ (he Huestions appeal to the normative as well as the ontological dimension of universalism. #ormative dimension4 $. KDn this list are various groups of people. :ort out any that you would #D( want as neighboursL. .. 9hen ,obs are scarce, employers should give priority to !Kown nationalityL" over immigrants. 0. iven a list of Hualities which children should be encouraged to learn at home. 9hich are especially important8 Dntological dimension4 B. K9hy are there people who live in need8L !reasons for poverty". &. (wo secretaries, same ,ob, one is Huic*er, more efficient, more reliable and earns &/ M a wee* more4 fairNunfair. =. 9hich of these geographical groups would you say you belong to first of all, and ne+t8 & (he #orthern countries !#etherlands, 6enmar*, :weden and #orway" are the most universal, followed by the central group !Erance, reat-?ritain, ?elgium, 9est-ermany, )reland, and the I.:." and, at last, the :outhern countries !:pain, )taly, 'ortugal". (he e+-communist countries of Gastern Gurope all have lower values on universalism than the :outhern countries of 9estern Gurope !;erbeeren, .///, p. =-$&". Eigure $4 (he score on Iniversalism in Gurope !based on the 9orld ;alues :urvey" :ource4 ;erbeeren J de :maele, .//B (hese findings are confirmed in other studies as well. :uvarierol !.//B" has studied the communication habits of Guropean -ommission officials and observed a clear #ord-:outh dimension according to the degree of universalism causing different communication behavior patterns. )n general, a parallel between universalism and transparency of governance interpreted as openness of government information can be observed. (he #orthern countries, which score high on universalism according to different approaches !:uvarierol, .//B5 ;erbeeren, = .///" are frontrunners on the domain of transparency of governance as well. :weden !together with Einland" was the first Guropean country to install in $AA= the Act on the Ereedom of 'ublishing and the Fight of Access to Dfficial 6ocuments. :weden was followed by the other #orthern countries #orway and 6enmar*, as well as universalist #etherlands and Erance. (ransparency of governance in -entral and :outhern Guropean countries was the sub,ect of legislative acts only much later, and legislation is still inadeHuately implemented. Case: Information culture in Russia (he concept of information culture, inspired by the values of universalism whether particularism, will be illustrated by the case of communist and post-communist Fussia. 9hat values, and conseHuently what attitude towards information, prevails in Fussia8 Information culture in the Soviet Union 6espite its theoretical universal ambitions, -ommunist Fussia was particularistic rather than universalistic4 )mportant features of the @eninist type were that it was not based on citizenship and that it was not, despite its protestations, universalistic in the real sense of the word, because entitlement to social benefits depended upon being a loyal wor*er or employee of the state write MareO, Musil and FabuOic !$%%B, p. <0". (he sociologist )gor Pon !$%%=, p. $%A" points at the priority of the particularistic norm of group privilege over the universalistic principle of human rights. (he Drwellian phrase all animals are eHual but some animals are more eHual than others reveals as nothing else the discrepancy between the universalist claims and the particularist reality. (he empirical study based on the 9orld ;alues :urvey of $%%$ reveals for early post- communist Fussia a wea* score on the value of universalism and confirms the failed universal ambition of Mar+ism in Fussia !see Eigure $". (he :oviet Inion was a closed society4 closed for information from outside !e.g. ,amming of foreign radio stations, limited import of foreign boo*s and ,ournals, small percentage of foreign television programmes" but also reluctant to release inside information to its own citizens. 1ournalists !who were carefully selected and educated themselves" had e+tremely limited access to information in the first place, and even the information acHuired had to pass several strict !mainly political-ideological" filters before appearing in the news. A limited flow of information A was the norm. )n addition, information has never been available to everyone on the same conditions. )n sharp contrast with the theoretical ideal of the classless society, the :oviet Inion was characterized by a strong vertical segregation of society with the elite !party leaders" on the one hand and the mass on the other hand. #ovosel !$%%&" spea*s of first class and second class citizens. (he first class was a privileged class, which privileges were institutionalised by the nomenlatura system. (hese privileges not only encompassed material privileges !such as housing, food, health care, and education" but also enhanced access to information, going from the right to see forbidden films or read forbidden boo*s !that is, films and boo*s not considered suitable for general distribution" !e.g. ?enn, $%%., p. %" to the receipt of the special foreign news bulletins, put together on a daily basis by (A:: and distributed on differently coloured paper according to the degree of detail and the targeted readers !@endvai, $%<$, p. $.%- $0$". Although the highly-placed officials obviously could claim access to more information, they too received information on a need-to-*now basis !?auer et al., $%&%, p. B0". (he overall result was an information deficit. )nformation was one of the most sought after commodities in the :oviet Inion !Gllis, $%%%, p. =". )nformal networ*s, oral communication and rumours filled the vacuum !?auer J leicher, $%=B5 )n*eles J ?auer, $%&%, p. $=0-$=&5 ?anai, $%%A, p. .&.5 -hilton, $%%<, p. ./". 'arallel to the official information circuit, and on the analogy of the blac* mar*et, an unofficial information circuit !eg. samizdat" was functioning. ?auer et al. !$%&%, p. AB-A<" spea* of informal ad,ustive mechanisms developed by the population as a reaction to the high degree of control and centralization. (he use of personal networ*s and informal contacts to obtain sparsely available goods, services, and information and to sidestep formal procedures, is indicated by the Fussian word !lat or the term "IS !znaomstva I svyazi, acHuaintances and contacts" !@edeneva, $%%<, p. $". Information culture in post-communist #ussia (he particularist orientation can be found until today in all aspects of societal organization. Fussian political life, for e+ample, is highly characterized by particular in-groups versus out- groups4 different clans !whether chea$s or oligarchs" fight each other and value their particular interests higher than the common interest. )n economics, personal, particularistic relations, often lin*ed with corruption and privileges, are still more important than professional, impersonal, universal mar*et relations, procedures and institutions !?ryant, $%%B, p. A/". < )n the transition from communism to post-communism, privileged access to information played a crucial role in the process of privatizations, which became *nown as insider privatizations !e.g. Ari*, $%%%, p. &.-&0". :tate property was privatized according to rules written by the elite for itself !Androunas, $%%0, p. B&". (ogether with @edeneva !$%%<, p. $<B-<&" we can state that !lat played a role in the first privatizations. 9hereas in the :oviet Inion information concerned mainly what, where and how to obtain scarce goods, during the transition period it also pertained to information about money, business, laws and ta+es, licenses, loans and other scarce inside information !@edeneva, $%%<, p. ./%". 'rivileged information played an important role in the transition process, but remains important also in post-communist Fussia, where the right to information and inadmissibility of censorship are included in the $%%0 constitution !Art. .%" and in the $%%$ Fussian Eederation @aw on the Mass Media !Art. $". (he @aw on Mass Media assigns the right to receive information only directly to the mass media, while Fussian citizens have the right to receive true information on the activities of state organs, public organisations and officials via the mass media !Art. 0<.$". :tate officials, in turn, are obliged to inform the media about their activities4 on demand, but also actively via press conferences and the distribution of statistical and other materials !Art. 0<..". Fefusing information is allowed only in case of state, commercial or other law-protective secrets !Art. B/.$". Fefusals must be clearly communicated !Art. B/..". (he 'enal -ode !Art. $BB" fi+es high penalties for unlawful refusal of information and for hindering the professional activity of ,ournalists !"aonodatel$stvo #ossi%so% &ederatsii o sredstvah massovo% informatsii' $%%%, p. .A%". #otwithstanding the law, restricted access to information is still common practice. 'anellists of an )FGQ !.//$, p. $%=" meeting to discuss the media situation in Fussia agreed unanimously that access to some publicly relevant information is not free4 authorities continue to view information as their property, and want to control access. )n the annual reports of violations of ,ournalists rights !compiled by the lasnost 6efence Eoundation since $%%0", the violation of ,ournalists right to information namely denials of information, refusals of accreditation and admission to press conferences and certain locations - remains a highly Huoted problem. . :urveys cited by :vitich and :hiryaeva !$%%A, p. $&A" confirm this finding as well as the deterioration of . 6ata from $%%< onwards can be found on the 9orld 9ide 9eb4 http4NNwww.gdf.ruNmonitorN. Garlier reports are published in boo* form by 'rava -helove*a in Moscow. )n .//0, for e+ample, $/% infringements of the right to information are recorded on a total of $$$% registered conflicts. )n $%%=, .AA violations were listed by the lasnost 6efense Eoundation5 =A of them concerned a restricted access to information !Eond 7ashchity lasnosti, $%%A". % the situation throughout the $%%/s. Gspecially difficult to obtain are bare facts, figures, and documents. @ittle has changed in this respect since :oviet times. (he e+ecutive branch has the worst reputation with regard to openness of information, followed by the security services, commercial, state and financial companies. :tate organisations have generally become !compared to the :oviet Inion" less transparent with less clearly defined functions and competences !:vitich and :hiryaeva, $%%A, p. $&B-$=/". (he lac* of access to information provo*ed the 'residential 1udicial -hamber for )nformation 6isputes and the Inion of Fussian 1ournalists in $%%& to issue a ,oint recommendation on the freedom of mass information and the responsibility of ,ournalists !'rice et al., .//., p. 00%- 0B.". 0 According to this statement, only parliament is sufficiently open to the press. As far as the presidential structures, government circles, and administrative offices are concerned, however, they are sealed off from ,ournalists5 they are more closed than the former party committees !'rice et al., .//., p. 0B$". (he numerous press centres, press services, press secretaries, and others of their il* that have been established everywhere, did not brea* through this tide. Dn the contrary4 )n theory, they were intended to facilitate ,ournalists access to information. )n practice, they have turned into insurmountable barriers and supply only the information that is of interest to the given structure. !'rice et al., .//., p. 0B$". -ommercial and financial companies hide behind the new commercial secret !ommerchesaya ta%na" while state bureaucracies have state secrets and military structures military secrets at their disposal. (he vague notion of protection of state and other law- protective secrets, including commercial secrets, thwarts and subverts the general right to information as guaranteed by the $%%0 -onstitution and the $%%$ @aw on Mass Media. )nadmissible misuse of freedom of mass communication !Art. B of the Mass Media @aw" includes, among others, the use of mass media for purposes of divulging information maing up a state secret or any other law-protective secret. (he law on Mass Media gives no further description of law-protective secrets but Art. .%-B of the Fussian -onstitution stipulates that the list of information constituting a state secret must be determined by federal law. :uch a law on state secrets was adopted by the :tate 6uma on 1uly .$, $%%0 !amended in Dctober $%%A". Art. & of this law contains a list of information categories that could be classified as state secrets 0 1oint Fecommendation of the 'residential 1udicial -hamber for )nformation 6isputes and the Inion of Fussian 1ournalists on the Ereedom of Mass )nformation and the Fesponsibility of 1ournalists of $& 1une $%%&, translated by Erances Eoster from #ossi%saya (azeta, $$ 1uly $%%&, for publication in )ost-Soviet *edia +aw , )olicy -ewsletter, .A :eptember $%%&, at. %, and reprinted in 'rice et al., .//., p. 00%-0B.. $/ !)erechen$ svedeni%' otnesennyh gosudarstvenno% ta%ne.. (hese categories are, for e+ample, military information, information on foreign politics and economics, science and technology, intelligence /rasvedyvatel$no%. and counter-intelligence !ontrrazvedyvatel$no%", the fight against criminal activities !operativno-rozysno% deyatel$nosti" and the organization of the protection of state secrets. Dnly broadly defined, these categories are open for divergent interpretations. B Art. % of the law reHuires the president to elaborate and approve the list of information already classified as a state secret via the publication of a public !R" decree. & As such, a clear-cut hierarchical system for classifying information as secret was established in Fussia4 the federal law defines the list of information categories comprising state secrets5 the presidential decree defines its own list that outlines each category of secret information indicated in the law. Dn the basis of the presidents list, ministries are permitted to restrict access to specific information under their control !'avlov, .///". A reference to politics or ideologies does not occur any more, but the broad categories of secret information do allow for a large measure of control. Eor e+ample, any information regarding the Ministry of 6efence and the military-industrial comple+ could fall under the rubric of military secrets. )nformation in this area, therefore, remains difficult to obtain. )van Ponovalov !.//., p. &A", military correspondent of (;: (elevision, even observes a change for the worse. Ponovalov !.//., p. B%" sees the only remedy in maintaining close and personal connections with the 6efence Ministry and the security services. (he observation of ;ladimir Grmolin !.//., p. A" is identical4 1ournalists dont receive rights by laws, but by the personal preference of !state" officials and press services. ?y law, the media are eHual, but by preference some media are more eHual than others. -ode words in the process of information gathering in Fussia remain trust, relations, and integration !?anai, $%%A, p. .B.". Authorities have relations with some media professionals, who en,oy privileges to receive information unavailable to the rest of the media. Among the privileged media in the Seltsin era were, according to ulyaev !$%%=, p. $B", news agencies such as )(AF-(A:: and Interfas, newspapers such as 0ommersant and Izvestiya, and wee*lies such as Argumenti i &aty1 (he most important private channel #(; has had changing B Art. A of the law on state secrets, on the other hand, contains information that cannot be considered secret, such as information on natural disasters that can endanger the health and safety of the citizens, ecological and demographic data, information on privileges and advantages of state functionaries, human right violations, information on the presidents health, etc. )n the :oviet Inion, all this information was considered secret. Ma*ing this information e+plicitly public can be considered a brea* with the past. & (he presidential decree of 0/ #ovember $%%& !with amendments of .B 1anuary $%%<, = 1une, $/ :eptember .//$ en .% May .//." e+tended the list of categories with, among others, information on nuclear weapons and the preparation of international treaties !Aslamazyan, $%%%, p. B". $$ relationships with the president and his administration !from neutral or opposition in $%%B- $%%& to supporter during the $%%= presidential elections, and opposition in .///". 9ith each phase the level of access to information shifted accordingly. )n the early years, when #(; adopted an oppositional stand, access to the Premlin was forbidden for #(;-,ournalists on occasions !Dmri 6aily 6igest, $0 Eebruary $%%=". )n :eptember $%%=, however, the collaborating channel received a broadcast license for the entire fourth channel by presidential decree and en,oyed privileges such as the same transmission rates as state channels and more access to information. Acting in opposition again, the channel saw its privileges, and ultimately its future, disappear. A more recent illustration is provided by the Premlins handling of the Purs* disaster in the summer of .///. Media coverage was restricted, only one ,ournalist from the state-controlled television channel, F(F, was granted full access to the scene. Ponovalov !.//., p. &$" calls the Purs* disaster crucial for dividing ,ournalists into ours !svoi" and others !chuzhih". 1ournalists of state media, li*e F(F, are ours and conseHuently en,oy enhanced access to information. Ponovalov also ran*s the obedient media according to their pro+imity to the Premlin !for television stations, in declining order4 F(F, DF(, #(;, (;--enter". ;ery few ,ournalists or media organs claim their right to receive information before court !:vitich and :hiryaeva, $%%A, p. $=/". (hey prefer to overcome the information barriers by other means, such as maintaining privileged relations or bribing officials and openly purchasing information from them. 1ournalists also only rarely send formal letters of inHuiry. Eormal inHuiry, moreover, appears as a highly ineffective method in comparison with personal contacts and physical visits to institutions and officials. An e+perimental study in ;oronezh is illustrative4 where appro+imately A/T of formal letters of enHuiry resulted in the refusal of information, A/T of physical and personal visits to officials, in contrast, led to acceptance and access to information !Arapova, .//0". And, if these methods Ubac* doors, privileged relations, personal contactsV are beyond them, they Uthe ,ournalistV resort to fabrication and con,ecture according to the 'residential 1udicial -hamber for )nformation 6isputes and the Inion of Fussian 1ournalists in their $%%& ,oint recommendation on the freedom of mass information and the responsibility of ,ournalists !'rice et al., .//., p. 0B$".
(he latter, thus, assigns responsibility for the dissemination of untruthful information in the media to the closed administration4 Inreliability, incompleteness, and distortion of information very often results from the inaccessibility of sources of information !'rice et al., .//., p. 0B$". $. Conclusion 'olitical actors need media institutions and ,ournalists in order to get media e+posure and to establish communication with their voters. Media institutions and ,ournalists need politicians in order to access information and generate content for their audiences. Access to information appears as a crucial element in this balance of power between media and politics. -ontrol over the information flow is mostly in the hands of the political actors as they can decide who gets access to what information and when. Media wor*ers and ,ournalists, from their side, can play it hard !no information is no media e+posure" or can see* alliances with politicians. Felations between them are established in a general climate or culture. (he concept of information culture can be a useful concept in trying to understand why things are as they are. 9hat is the prevailing attitude towards information and the distribution of information in a given society8 9hat are the basic values underlying attitudes and situations8 (he value pair of universalism and particularism appears in this conte+t as a powerful e+planatory tool. Iniversalism can be measured on the individual level as well as on the level of a society, or country. -lusters of countries can be distinguished according to their particular degree of universalism. 9e focused on the particular case of communist and post-communist Fussia to illustrate the concept of information culture. )t ma*es sense to state that the general information climate is shared by politicians and ,ournalists and to a certain degree by the public at large. Feferring again to the ;oronezh study, it appears that out of their own very few ,ournalists used formal letters, but indeed used personal contacts instead. -onseHuently, access to information was not really recognized as a problem by them while outsiders, in contrast, might indeed detect a problem of access to information. Iniversalists might have a hard time in a particularist environment. References Almond, .A. J ;erba, :. !$%<%, orig. $%=0". The Civic Culture1 )olitical Attitudes and Democracy in &ive -ations1 #ewbury 'ar*, @ondon, #ew 6elhi4 :age. Androunas, G. !$%%0". Soviet *edia in Transition1 Structural and 2conomic Alternatives. 9estport, -onnecticut, @ondon4 'raeger. $0 Arapova, . !.//0". The #ight to Access to Information3 *onitoring 2xperience. 'ublished in *edia 2xpert, nr. B. Fetrieved from the 9orld 9ide 9eb http4NNwww.medialaw.ruNeWpagesNlawsNpro,ectNr.-0.htm. Ari*, M. !$%%%". -ontroversies of the post-communist transition. 2urasian Studies $=, &$-A0. 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Randy M. Shilts 1952-1994 Author(s) : William W. Darrow Source: The Journal of Sex Research, Vol. 31, No. 3 (1994), Pp. 248-249 Published By: Stable URL: Accessed: 02/09/2014 13:37