Shivani Joshi SNDT, Churchgate MA Linguistics Part1 2013-2014
Introduction Few things play as central a role in our everyday lives as language. It is our most important tool in communicating our thoughts and feelings to each other. As we grow, language becomes a badge of sorts, a means of identifying whether a person is within a social group. Similar processes are at work in gender and social class differences in language use. Over time, for many of us language becomes not merely a means to an end but an end in itself. We come to love words and word play. So we turn to writing poetry or short stories. Or to playing word games, such as anagrams and crossword puzzles. Or to reading novels on a lazy summer afternoon. A tool that is vital for communicating our basic needs and wants has also become a source of leisurely pleasure. The diversity of how we use language is daunting for psychologists who wish to study language. How can something widespread and far-reaching as language be examined psychologically? An important consideration is that although language is intrinsically a social phenomenon, psychology is principally the study of individuals. The psychology of language deals with the mental processes that are involved in language use. Three sets of processes are of primary interest: language comprehension (how we perceive and understand speech and written language), language production (how we construct an utterance, from idea to completed sentence), and language acquisition (how children acquire language). The psychological study of language is called psycholinguistics.
What is Psycholinguistics? "Psycholinguists study how word meaning, sentence meaning, and discourse meaning are computed and represented in the mind. They study how complex words and sentences are composed in speech and how they are broken down into their constituents in the acts of listening and reading. In short, psycholinguists seek to understand how language is done. . . .
"In general, psycholinguistic studies have revealed that many of the concepts employed in the analysis of sound structure, word structure, and sentence structure also play a role in language processing. However, an account of language processing also requires that we understand how these linguistic concepts interact with other aspects of human processing to enable language production and comprehension." (William O'Grady, et al., Contemporary Linguistics: An Introduction. Bedford/St. Martin's, 2001)
"Psycholinguistics . . . draws on ideas and knowledge from a number of associated areas, such as phonetics, semantics and pure linguistics. There is a constant exchange of information between psycholinguists and those working in neurolinguistics, who study how language is represented in the brain. There are also close links with studies in artificial intelligence. Indeed, much of the early interest in language processing derived from the AI goals of designing computer programs that can turn speech into writing and programs that can recognize the human voice." (John Field, Psycholinguistics: A Resource Book for Students. Routledge, 2003)
"Psycholinguistics has classically focused on button press tasks and reaction time experiments from which cognitive processes are being inferred. The advent of neuroimaging opened new research perspectives for the psycholinguist as it became possible to look at the neuronal mass activity that underlies language processing. Studies of brain correlates of psycholinguistic processes can complement behavioural results, and in some cases . . . can lead to direct information about the basis of psycholinguistic processes." (Friedmann Pulvermller, "Word Processing in the Brain as Revealed by Neurophysiological Imaging." The Oxford Handbook of Psycholinguistics, ed. by M. Gareth Gaskell. Oxford Univ. Press, 2009)
Aims and Objectives The common aim of psycholinguistics is "to find out about the structures and processes which underlie a human's ability to speak and understand language". Psycholinguistics involves: Language processing - reading, writing, speaking, listening and memory. [2]
Lexical storage and retrieval - how are words stored in our minds and then used. Language acquisition - how a first language is acquired by children. Special circumstances - twins, deafness, blindness, dyslexia and brain damage. The brain and language - unique to humans? Evolution and part of the brain concerned with language. Second language acquisition and use - Bilingualism, how a second language is learnt.
History From the development of the rst psychological laboratory, at the University of Leipzig in Germany in 1879, until the early 1900s, psychology was dened as the science of mental life. A major gure in early scientic psychology was Wilhelm Wundt (1832 1920), a man trained in physiology who believed that it was possible to investigate mental events such as sensations, feelings, and images by using procedures as rigorous as those used in the natural sciences. Moreover, Wundt believed that the study of language could provide important insights into the nature of the mind. Psycholinguistics boomed (as did the rest of psychology) in the early to mid-1960s. The Chomskian revolution (e.g. Chomsky, 1957, 1965, 1968) promoted language, and specifically its structures, as obeying laws and principles in much the same way as, say, chemical structures do. The legacy of the first 50 or so years of the 20th century was the study of language as an entity that could be studied independently of the machinery that produced it, the purpose that it served, or the world within which it was acquired and subsequently used. The philosopher Bertrand Russell (1959) was sensitive to this emerging legacy when he wrote: The linguistic philosophy, which cares only about language, and not about the world, is like the boy who preferred the clock without the pendulum because, although it no longer told the time, it went more easily than before and at a more exhilarating pace. Subsequently, psycholinguistic research has nonetheless recognized the inseparability of language from its underlying mental machinery and the external world.
What Does a Psycholinguist Do? A psycholinguist studies the way humans learn, understand, and use language. Psycholinguists also examine the effects that the use of language has on human social dynamics; a speaker's choice of words and the manner in which he speaks, for example, can lead listeners to infer what personality traits the speaker might possess. The field of psycholinguistics spans several related topic areas, including cognitive psychology, behavioural neuroscience, and psychological disorders. In addition, a psycholinguist might find himself specializing in specific areas of study, such as semantics, phonology, and speech therapy. In general, a psycholinguist dissects every aspect of human language and attempts to produce practical applications for his findings. An expert trained in the field studies both written and spoken language, the progression of words in a statement, and the manner in which an idea is expressed. She/he then applies existing psychological theories to his/her observation in an effort to gain a fuller understanding of how people adapt language for their purposes. The entire field can be broken down into specific areas of interest, each with its own uses in working towards scientific and social progress.
The scope of Psycholinguistics Psycholinguistics is part of the emerging eld of study called cognitive science. Cognitive science is an interdisciplinary venture that draws upon the insights of psychologists, linguists, computer scientists, neuroscientists, and philosophers to study the mind and mental processes (Johnson-Laird, 1988a; Stillings et al., 1995). Some of the topics that have been studied by cognitive scientists include problem solving, memory, imagery, and language. The topics do not belong to any one eld of study but rather are treated in distinctive and yet complementary ways by various disciplines. As the name implies, Psycholinguistics is principally an integration of the elds of psychology and linguistics. Linguistics is the branch of science that studies the origin, structure, and use of language. Like most interdisciplinary elds, however, psycholinguistics has a rich heritage that includes contributions from diverse intellectual traditions. These contrasting approaches have often led to controversies in how to best think of or study language processes.
Language Processes and Linguistic Knowledge At its heart, psycholinguistic work consists of two questions. One is, what knowledge of language is needed for us to use language? In a sense, we must know a language to use it, but we are not always fully aware of this knowledge. Four broad areas of language knowledge may be distinguished. Semantics deals with the meanings of sentences and words. Syntax involves the grammatical arrangement of words within the sentence. Phonology concerns the system of sounds in a language. Pragmatics entails the social rules involved in language use. It is not ordinarily productive to ask people explicitly what they know about these aspects of language. We infer linguistic knowledge from observable behaviour. The other primary psycholinguistic question is, what cognitive processes are involved in the ordinary use of language? Ordinary use of language meaning such things as understanding a lecture, reading a book, writing a letter, and holding a conversation. Cognitive processes mean processes such as perception, memory, and thinking. Although we do few things as often or as easily as speaking and listening, we will nd that considerable cognitive processing is going on during those activities. Four Language Examples The interplay of linguistic knowledge and language processes is a continuing theme because these concepts play a central role in psycholinguistic work. For now, it will be helpful to consider various examples of language and language processes. The following examples are intended to illustrate how the aforementioned themes apply to specic situations as well as to convey some of the scope of psycholinguistic research. Garden path sentences What happens when we comprehend a sentence? We get a hint of what is involved when the process breaks down. For example, consider sentence (1): (1) The novice accepted the deal before he had a chance to check his nances, which put him in a state of conict when he realized he had a straight ush. (Adapted from Foss & Jenkins, 1973) Sentences such as this are sometimes called garden path sentences since the subjective impression is one of following a garden path to a predictable destination until it is obvious that you were mistaken in your original interpretation and thus are forced to backtrack and reinterpret the sentence. That is, in terms of knowledge, we have stored in our memory at least two different meanings of the word deal. One is related to a business transaction, and the other, relevant in this case, pertains to card games. This knowledge of the two meanings of deal is part of our semantic knowledge of the language. Another part of our semantic knowledge is knowledge of the relationships among words, such as deal and nances. From a process standpoint, we appear to select the one that is most appropriate, and we have little or no conscious awareness of the alternative (or how else would we have the garden path experience?). That is, we are able, by some process, to focus our attention on what we believe is the relevant meaning of deal. In studies of ambiguity, we will nd that there is more to garden path sentences than what we are immediately aware of. The point for now is that in the course of comprehending language we are making decisionswe are doing mental work. Indirect requests Consider now a sentence such as (2): (2) Can you open the door? Literally, this sentence asks if we have the ability to open the door, but everybody assumes that the speaker is asking us to open the door in an indirect manner. Why is the request phrased indirectly? Part of the reason is that we have learned certain rules about the use of language in social settings, including rules of politeness. A request is, by denition, an attempt to change another persons behaviour. This can be perceived as intrusive or threatening at times, so we soften it with indirect speech. An indirect request is more polite than a direct command such as sentence (3): (3) Open the door! We know this, as it is part of our pragmatic knowledge of our language. From a processing standpoint, a speaker takes this pragmatic knowledge into account when producing a statement such as sentence (2) in a social situation. That is, the speaker utters the sentence with the understanding that it will be taken as a request. The listener presumably shares this aspect of pragmatic knowledge and interprets the sentence as a request rather than in a literal manner, although the exact processes by which the listener arrives at the nonliteral meaning are not fully clear. Indirect requests are an aspect of language that forces us to consider language in a social context. Sociolinguists remind us that language activities always take place in a social world. Such aspects are well beyond those of the psychologist, who is principally interested in the behaviour of individuals than studying social environment and its influences. Yet even when studying individuals, it is necessary to recognize the social dimension of language. Language in aphasia Although our primary focus is on language processes in normal individuals, we can learn a great deal about language by studying individuals with impaired language functioning. An aphasia is a language disorder due to brain damage. One type of aphasia, called Wernickes aphasia, involves a breakdown in semantics. For example, consider excerpt (4): (4) Before I was in the one here, I was over in the other one. My sister had the department in the other one. (Geschwind, 1972, p. 78)
Atypical language development Atypical language development is language development that does not follow the usual pattern of acquisition, such as in deaf children, or when someone has a stroke, had surgery or a head trauma leading to a loss of speech. This strand of psycholinguistics is studied to increase knowledge on abnormal language development, to help rehabilitate and try to improve the language of the people in these situations. It can also lead to a better understanding of normal language development. Studying abnormal language development and usage helps linguists identify and understand in more depth what parts of the brain control what functions of language e.g. where lexical information is stored or what part of the brain controls motor movements that physically produce sounds and words using articulators.
Psycholinguistics Prospects It is inevitable that a review of this size can capture neither the breadth nor depth of the psycholinguistic research that has contributed to the current state of the art. A major omission concerns the considerable body of work on disorders of language following brain trauma. For example, some aphasics have impaired semantic knowledge of living things (e.g. Warrington & Shallice, 1984), others of man-made artefacts (e.g. Warrington & McCarthy, 1983), and these category-specific semantic deficits have provided important insights into the manner in which meaning is encoded across different parts of the cortex (auditory, visual, motor and so on; see McRae, de Sa, and Seidenberg (1997) for a recent account of the dissociation based on correlational differences among the features underlying word meaning). Similarly, patterns of semantic breakdown in patients suffering Semantic dementia or Alzheimers dementia also inform models of semantic organization (see Hodges & Patterson, 1997). The study of language breakdown has proved critical in constraining theories of normal language function. A second omission concerns disorders of language development (some of which co- occur with other cognitive developmental disorders) and the development of language in atypical circumstances. There are many disorders of language development: disorders of reading (e.g. dyslexia, which appears to be due most often to an underlying phonological deficit) and disorders of language understanding and production which go beyond disorders of reading. Certain of these disorders affect populations of children that can hardly be described as atypical: for example, between 10% and 15% of children (in the UK) are poor readers that can be characterized as having good decoding skills (good application of spelling-to-sound correspondences), age-appropriate word recognition skills, but poor comprehension (Oakhill, 1982, 1984, 1993). Nation and Snowling (1998) showed that their listening comprehension is also poor, with weak word knowledge and poor semantic processing skills. In essence, these children have intact decoding skills but both word-level problems (with distinct patterns of lexical activation as evidenced in priming studies; Nation & Snowling, 1999) and higher-level problems involving the integration of what they hear with the context in which it is heard. Similar but generally more severe comprehension impairments have also been described in the autistic population and in non-autistic hyperlexic children (Snowling & Frith, 1986). The relevance of these disorders (no matter their severity or incidence) is twofold: studying the disorder informs theories of normal development (e.g. Bates & Goodman, 1997, 1999), and understanding the nature of the deficit relative to normal development can help in the construction of intervention techniques that are best suited to the individual child given the nature of his or her deficit (see, for example, Oakhill (1994) for intervention studies aimed at improving the comprehension skills of poor comprehenders, and Olson and Wise (1992) and Snowling (2000) for interventions aimed at improving the decoding skills of dyslexic children). A final omission (there are still others), concerns the wealth of research on the neuroscience of brain and language. There exists an increasing range of techniques for exploring the neural dynamics of cognitive processing and for making the functional neuro anatomy of the brain, as it goes about its daily business, ever more accessible to the cognitive neuroscientist. Our understanding of the neural structure and functioning of the brain and its subparts will inevitably contribute to our understanding of the range, type and properties of neural computation that underlie different mental processes. This in turn will feed into models of how such computations might bring about these distinct mental activities. While it is both appropriate and necessary to study the adult language faculty independently both of its neural underpinnings and of the manner in which that faculty develops from infancy onwards, one of the lasting lessons from the 20th century is that the adult faculty is an emergent characteristic of a biological system that, in its initial state at least, is as much a device for acquiring language as it is a device for using language. The child language system does not suddenly switch off at puberty to be replaced by a system that is the next size up. And although there are discontinuities in the learning curve (e.g. in vocabulary growth and the acquisition of grammar; e.g. Bates, Dale, & Thal, 1995), connectionist modelling has demonstrated how such discontinuities can arise through the operation of a non-linear, but unitary, learning mechanism (e.g. Elman et al., 1996). Perhaps the greatest challenge for the next century will be to foster this relationship between theoretical models of learning, the operating principles of which are becoming increasingly well understood, and the empirical study of the biological mechanisms, the workings of which are becoming increasingly accessible, that enable human learning and emergent cognition.
Current Directions Where do things stand now? It is always more precarious to describe events that are currently in progress than those well in the past, but it is possible to discern several themes of psycholinguistic work over the last 15 to 20 years. One is that the eld has become more interdisciplinary. In particular, as said earlier, psycholinguistics has increasingly been viewed as a portion of the interdisciplinary eld of cognitive science, which includes contributions from computer science, philosophy, neuroscience, and related elds. Second, the wave of interest in syntax that occupied psychological interest after the Chomskian revolution has spurred interest in other aspects of language. One currently lively area of research deals with how people understand, remember, and produce discourse, units of language larger than the sentence, such as paragraphs and stories. Another is the lexicon, or mental dictionarystudies of individual words have become much more prominent in the last decade. And both areas, while of considerable theoretical importance, have also had practical applications. Studies of discourse have provided insights into conversational processes in psychotherapy, and studies of the lexicon have already been useful in increasing our understanding of how children learn to read. One nal theme concerns the ways psycholinguists look at child language acquisition. Interest in innate language mechanisms has been complemented by a resurgence of research of the childs linguistic environment. Adults speak to children in ways that are phonologically, semantically, syntactically, and pragmatically distinct from their speech to adults, and much research has examined the role of these language lessons in childrens language acquisition. On balance, psycholinguistics is a more diverse eld than the one that existed a few decades ago. Neither psychology nor linguistics is dominated by a single theoretical viewpoint, and the input from other elds within cognitive science has added new perspectives and insights that have been incorporated into this growing eld. At the same time, tangible progress has been made in applying psycholinguistic research to topics such as reading (Just & Carpenter, 1987), bilingualism (Hakuta, 1986), and language disorders (Caplan, 1987). These advances have been made possible by integrating the insights from different disciplines within cognitive science. For instance, Just and Carpenters book on reading comprehension integrates linguistic theories of sentence structure, computer simulations of reading, and psychological experimentation on eye movements. These results give us reason to believe that interdisciplinary work on language, although it can produce tensions between different approaches, can ultimately be fruitful (see, especially, Miller, 1990). Initial forays into psycholinguistics were largely philosophical ventures due mainly to a lack of cohesive data on how the human brain functioned. Modern research makes use of biology, neuroscience, cognitive science, and information theory to study how the brain processes language.
Conclusion Through language each of us cut through the barriers of our own personal existence. In doing so, we use language as an abstraction of the world within and around us. Our ability to interpret that world is extraordinary enough, but our ability to abstract from it just certain key aspects, and to convey that abstraction through the medium of language to another individual, is even more extraordinary. The challenge for psychology has been to reveal, in the face of extraordinary complexity, something of the mental representations and processes that underpin our faculty for language.