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CHARALABOS VOYAS

THE FESTIVAL OF 15th AUGUST (DORMITION OF VIRGIN MARY)

AT SAINT DEMETRIOS MONASTERY
Nowadays the most celebrated festival to Saint Demetrios monastery is held on the 15th of
August. This fact involves a paradox because traditionally the monastery is dedicated to
Saint Demetrios. At this point the demographical and social changes that took place to the
area after 1881 must be mentioned, but most probably the main reason for this paradox was
the faithfulness towards an older honour of Virgin Mary. The dwellers were celebrating until
the decade 1960 - 1970 with vivid manifestations and family feasts.

. 1.
( . ).

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20

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, 54 ( 1800). P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie,
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76
. Mzires, Mmoire, 247, 248.
77
. , 1821 , 63-69, 65-66.
78
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79
. , , 2, 8. : ,
() ...
... 1868
() ,
- - ..
, 1830-

27

, () 19 .
.
186080.
,
, 81
, 82.
83.
, . 1583 (1572 - 1595
), (1570 - 1572)84,
, , , ()
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- ( - - ).
, ,
(1896)87:
88. , (
1804 - 1807, 1812 - 1819),
.

1850. . , , 43, 1813 (

), .
80
(), , 40:
. . , , 1880, 222.
. , 31995, 146:
...
81
. . 3.
82
. , , 222 (3 . 146): ..
, .
83
(), , 39-40: .
,
. ,
(.., . 39): .
84
. , , 10 (1914),
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85
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86
(), , 212: ...
,
(, ), ,
.
87
. , , , 2004, 207.
88
. . , , - - , . , , 1996. , - , . , . 2, . , 1973 (1 .
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28

()

- 89. 1817
Uspenskij 90.
, , - ,
, 181691, - ,
92. : , , (), , (),
- - 93.

( ),
( 10-6-1809)94. .
, , .
, . ,
. ,

, ,
( )95.
3. : -
,
1337 1080 ( )

89

. . , .., 101: , ,
... . , ,
...
. . . , .., 423. (18 .)
, . . , , 506 ( : 1759 []
[] [] . . . ,
, 354, . 3.
90
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, , 8 204
, . 102.000 .
91
. , . () , . -
( ), 10 (1986),
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92
. , , 2, 0149/11, , . 40, 1906:
-. , ,
... ()... . ... . .
, ,
, . 4, . 38-39 (1979), 533-536: - ,
.
93
. , , 2 (1972), 135-158, 143, 148, 156.
94
. , , 29. . , 1809-1828,
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95
. , , 53-63, (. . 41),
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29

96. . 97,
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, ,
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99.
100,
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101. , (;) 102.
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) 105. (N. , . , Fr.
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, 107. . , 14 .
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.
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32

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19 .
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33

,
. (1492, . ),

1362140, () 141.
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149
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:

34

()

, , 151,
152. 153. .
154,
, (
16 ., 18 .;).
To
14 . 155 ,
: .
,
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, : , ,
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155
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156
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157
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....
158
, , 52: ... ... ... (=) .
159
. , , 24: <> 1759 ()() 1 ()
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160
. .
161
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162
. , , 276-277:
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163
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/ / ... 1811 / 18 ...,
, . 94: ....

35

(, ) -
-
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(1892-1896), 173,
174. 175, (1883)
176. ,
, 1836, 177.
,
,
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, .
20 1778,
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164

R. Pococke, 1740, 283: ... .

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. ... ....
168
. , .
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169
. , , 96: ....
170
. , , 222 (3 . 145): ....
171
. , , 53: , ,
....
172
(), , 40:
....
173
, , 378: ....
174
, , 51:
....
175
. , , 20.
176
(), , 207-216, 211-212:
, ... 15 ....
177
. . 167.
178
. , , 55-56.
.
179
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180
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165

36

()

, .
, 1564 1578
, (1578, )
181.
: F. Hild Theometor,
182 . . ,
183.
184 185. .
.
. ( ),
. , ,
, .
: ) , ,
(19 .) (
), , . (
). )
( ).
, ,
.
, , . , (1492),
186.
,
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188.
, ,
189. ,
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P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 272-273. . , , 54-56.

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185
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. ,
.
189
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37

190. 44.000 , 1792 ( 7300 ...)191, 300

. ,
1543
: ....
,
192,
. , ,
.
, . ,
, ( )
( , )
193.
1543
, .
() (. )194. .

, , .
,
195. , ,
. .
196,
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, . . , O , 20 (2000), 79-117. .
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. 1494
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. . , .
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. , . ).
195
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196
().
,
, .
,
1713, , , .
. . (), ,
, . , . , , 2000, 106.

38

()

: ) ,
) . ,
197, ,
(1583)
198. .. (. , . )199.
,
, .
, ,
, ,
; 15 .
, , ,
, .
200.
,
,
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, ( ;), ,
, (16 .;).
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,
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200
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, , 6. .
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202
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. 2) , ,
, . 3) ,
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, , . 3) ,
, , .
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39

, : , ( )203. , ,
.
() : (. 1578)204, (1564)205: 1)
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.... ,
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.
, .
,
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, , .

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()
, ()
, .
,
. .
(16 .
..), , , .

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, ,
, ,
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. ,
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40

()

,
, ,
.
206. 207
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41

,212
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) ( - [cavoNikola;] , ). 2)
. ,
,
, (
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), - ,
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42

()

.
, .. (1328-1341),
1333 ( )
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220
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, . . ,
, 222 (3 . 145): ,
, .
(), , 40: 1868
... . , , 51, : ... , , , 1868....
, (1892), 378: ..
,
. . . , , 352.
, .
, .
221
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43

(), , . (
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,
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, ( ;
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, ,
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44

()

239.
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239

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.
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248
. , . , 354: 1778 20.
249
P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 274. . , , 56.

45

777250, Uspenskij - <>

(7)- [] (7000+7+7=1506)251, .

, ,
252, Uspenskij,
1837253. ,
.
254, , ,
255 (. .
. 1912)256.
. A. Mzires
style assez grossier, . (culs-de-four)
( ) (une
srie de figures qui paraissent d une grande finesse)257. Uspenskij
1758 258.
, 259.
18 . . ( zires ),
,
260.
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: 261.
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250

. Mzires, Mmoire, 247. . , , 222 (3 . 145). . , , 24.

. , , 263, , .
491, . 4. P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 272. . . , , 54:
.. (
, ).
252
. , , 147.
253
P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 274, 275. . , , 56, 57:
1837.
254
, , 51.
255
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..., 52.
256
. , , 352, 359, . 9. . . , , 146.
257
. Mzires, Mmoire, 246.
258
P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 274. . , , 56. . ,
, 273.
259
. , (1758),
18 . , 2004, 348 .., 361.
260
. Mzires, Mmoire, 246-247.
261
. . evenko, The Life of St. Nicolas in Byzantine Art, Torino 1983, 66 ..
251

46

()

262. 2)
, , ( , ), ,
. 263.
, , 264, 265,
( ;).
.
. 1)
, . :
( ;), (), ().
, 266,
. (
;). 2) :
, , : (), ( ) (), ()267.
, , , , . : , .
(71 x
99 .) (72 x 100 .)268.
16 . 1970
.
, . ,
. 1740, 1854
269.
262

. , , 23. . G. Babi, Les chapelles annexes des glises byzantines,

Paris 1969, 134 ..
263
. , , 371, :
(sic=) . . G. Babi, Les chapelles annexes, 40 ..
264
. , - ,
- 1989, 32-33 ( ), 34 ( ).
265
G. Babic, Les chapelles annexes, 47 .., 160-161.
266
. , , 370-371, . 26.
267
. , , 371, .
, .
268
, , 51: ,
. .
269
P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 273. . , , 56: 1740 (
)
... . ,
. 57: 1740.
,
.... , , 57:
()
. . . . ,
, 23. . , , 261, 272.

47

, () , ,
(1896)270. 1785271,
,
272.

, ,
273.
(, , , ), 274. ( . Normand)
( . )
, 275, 276, 277.
,
.
15 . 16 . -
- 18 .
STAVROS GOULOULIS

SAINT DEMETRIS OR OECONOMION AT STOMION (TSAYESI).

HISTORICAL IDENTITY AND EVOLUTION OF A BYZANTINE MONASTERY
A systematic recording of Saint Demetrius monastery history is being attempted based
on the known historical sources as well as a fundamental historical, geographical approach in
order to fore the preservation, renewal and evolution of the monastery, unique to the eastern
Ossa area, which was outlasted for a such long interval of time (ca. 12th century and mainly
since 1492 onwards). The focal point is given to the interpretation of several issues such as:
1) the name Oeconomion originating, not by the nearby settlement, but by the overall
economical activity of the wealthy monastery, which flourished since 16th century as shown
by the construction of the new catholicon, the ottoman documentary evidence and the
historical-epigraphic material, 2) the likely appellation Monastery of Lykostomion taken
by the name of the nearby mediaeval settlement as well as by the mediaeval name of the
. , , 354-355,
.
270
, , 52:
,
....
271
P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 274. . , , 56.
272
. , , 365-370.
273
. . , , 13 .., 24.
274
. . , , 21.
275
. . , , 59.
276
. . P. Uspenskij, Putesestvie, 271-272. . . ,
, 54.
277
. . , , 259.

48

()

river Peneios, which is related with the port of the embouchure of river Peneios and the
medieval- post-byzantine Karitsa, and finally 3) the issue of the dedication of the monastery
to Saint Demetrius, possible after the 15th century, the worship of Virgin Mary (mainly after
the 19th century) and the appellation Komneneios (by the Oeconomion). However the
paper verges the potential identification with the byzantine monastery of Saint Nicolaos (14th
century), which was situated near the embouchure of Stomion.

-, - ( )
Thessalie - Vue de Tsaghezi (L extrmit de la Valle de Temp).
1900.

49

, ,
. , ,
,
1,
. ,
, ,
, ,
. ,
.
19 ,
1868,
.

,
2.
1973 (7
) . .
, 3.
, 1974-76,
, , 4.
, 1982,
, , ()
5.
- -,
.
1987 ,
,
. .
1

Mzires, o Uspenski, , .
. , , .
2
352.
3
28 (1973), 2, , . 377.
4
30 (1975), 1, , 201, .112, 31(1976) , , . 133.
5
37 (1982) 2, , 243-244, .150 -.

50

-
16 6.- Normand 1852,
, .
.
,
(2004-2008) .
.


7.
,
, , ,
, 8. 16 , .

. , (. ),
, . , . (2003), 145-161. . .
7
. . - . , .
8
. . ,
.

51

(. )
, ,
, .
, 19 .
, , .
,
1. .
2, ,
3 ( 13 14 .),
. .
,
4
.
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.
5.
, . ,
.
6. 7.
.

: ,
. , . (2003), 145-161. ,
. . . .

: )
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. , , 2.
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3
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Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis, 1688, . 1033.

52

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.
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,
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1492. 10. , .
1542. . .
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1578. 11 .
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(C. Mango, The Palace of Marina, the Poet Palladas and the Bath of Leo VI,
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20. Normand21 1851 (. 1, 2) ,
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Mzires, Souvenirs d un voyage en Grce, Revue Internationale 3, 1886, . 190-191.
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. , 19 (1964), , . 273, . 311 -. . , 28 (1973), , . 377. .
, 31 (1976), , . 186, . 133 . . . , . ,
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, 10-20 .,
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54

25,
,
, .
, , 8,60 x 8,60., , ,
, , (. 3).
,
,
. ,
, 26 , ,
. .
,
27. (. 4)
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, Mzires, 28 , spolia .
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.

. 29
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, . .
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1778
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27
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55

(. 29). ,
, ,
. ,
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30.
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,
31 ,
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, ,
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, .
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.
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. (1951), . 157, . 1, . 4.
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, ,
.
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56

, ,
, 39 .
, ,
,
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.
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. 42


.

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.
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:
(. 6),
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,
. .
40
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41
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, 1868.

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, . , , .
, ,
(. 1, 2).
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: )
.
) , ,
( ), (. 2). )
. ,
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, , 43 ,
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19 , .
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, .

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(. 15-28) .
:
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4,20.
,
10,45 10,65 . . ,
,
, , .
43

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58

Normand.
15,60 . 21 . .
:
44.
. , , .
(. 15)
,
. ,
.
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, .
9 .

.
, ,
, (;) . ,
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, . 47 .
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, , . 360-363.
48
Mylonas, ..
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P. Vocotopoulos, Church Architecture in Thessaloniki in the 14th Century. Remarks on the Typology, L art de
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59

, , ,

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53. . ,
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. . , (1969), . 108, . 1.
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89 90.
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.
: ) 95. )
96 . ) --97
98. )
. )
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,
100. ) ,
.
,
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64

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. . , , .. (. 22), .164.
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66

. 3) . 4)
.
. 6)
. 7) .
8) , .
,
, 135.
, .
.
,
, ;
: )
, ,
, ) (;) 136,
.
CHARALAMPOS BOURAS

THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE KATHOLIKON

OF THE MONASTERY OF ST. DEMETRIOS AT STOMION
The monastery of St Demetrios near Stomion (formerly Tsagezi) on Mt Ossa in Thessaly
is also known as Komneneion or Oikonomeion. Its now ruined katholikon, dedicated to the
Mother of God (Theotokos), although of considerable architectural interest, has not yet been
studied sufficiently (G. Soteriou 1928).
The monastery enjoyed its heyday during the Ottoman period, but was destroyed during
the Greek War of Independence. The katholikon collapsed in 1868. Two perspective
drawings by the architect A. Normand (Figs 1 and 2) and one brief description by the archaeologist A. Mzires help us in the reconstruction proposed here, made on the basis of new
measurements (Figs 12-14).
The katholikon is of the type known as Athonite: the naos is of inscribed cruciform
plan and widened by large lateral conches. It has a spacious, two-storey narthex with
columns (lite), two side chapels (parekklesia) and special vaulted-roofed tetraconch compartments to right and left of the sanctuary (typikaria) (Figs 12 and 15). Arcaded porticoes
frame the west part of the katholikon.
The architectural forms of the katholikon of the St Demetrios monastery are consistent on
the one hand with the Byzantine tradition of Northern Greece and on the other with Ottoman
architecture of the sixteenth century. As in other contemporary monuments in Thessaly, the
dome, the articulation of the roofs, the external form of the lateral conches, the bilobe and
135
. Vocotopoulos, Church
Architecture, .. (. 49), . 111, . 28.
136
N. Necipoglu Kafadar, Plans and Molels in 15th and 16th Century Ottoman Architecture Practice, JSAH XLV
(1986), . 224-243. , (. 86), . 67. . Cerasi, Late Ottoman Architects and
Master Builders, Muqarnas 5 (1988), . 93.

67

trilobe windows and the masonry completely imitate Byzantine models of the fourteenth
century. There are overtly Ottoman morphological features too, in the marble doorframes,
the arches of some doors and windows (Fig. 7), the alignment of low cupolas and the second
row of windows in the lateral conches of the nave. The copious marble architectural
members (which are not examined here) are as a rule spolia in secondary use.
The presence of Ottoman architectural forms imposes the reassessment of Soterious
proposed dating of the katholikon in the late thirteenth or the early fourteenth century. An
inscription on marble (now lost) mentioned that the church of the Theotokos was repaired
and completed in 1543. The completion of the church then, after a period of interruption in
its building, seems very likely, on the basis mainly of the Ottoman origin of certain of its
architectural features.
The fact that the katholikon of the Stomion monastery is a copy of a Byzantine church in
Thessaloniki, the so-called Prophet Elijah, which was built in the decade 1360-1370,
merits a special study.

. 1. (). . . .
( 2002).

68

. 2. (). . . . (
2002).

. 3. (). . . . (
2002).

. 4. (). . . . (
2002).

69

. 5. (). . . . (
2002).

. 6. (). . . . (
2002).

. 7. (). . . . (
2002).

70

. 8. (). . . . (
2002).

. 9. (). . . . (
2002).

. 10. (). . . .
( 2002).

71

. 11. (). . . .
( 2002).

. 12. (). . . .
( 2002).

. 13. (). . . .
( 2002).

72

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. 15. (). . . .
( 19 ).

73

. 16. (). . . .
( 19 ).

. 17. (). . . .
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74

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. 19. (). . . .
( 19 ).

75

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. 21. (). . . .
( 19 ).

76

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. 23. (). . . .
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77

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. 25. (). . . .
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78

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79

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, . .

80

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Architecture, Paris. BCH 1996).

. 2. (). . .
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. 3. (). . (
2004).

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. 6. (). .
( 2005).

82

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.
.

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.

. 8. ().
.
.

. 10. ().
.
.

83

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,
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, 1868,
, .
,
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,
. Mzires2
A. Normand3 (. 3 . 4),
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14 .

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. , 29 ...
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.
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,
, . . , , (1939-40), 316, C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture, New York 1976, 198 .. . ,
, . 2, 1994, 213. plan complex (= ) G.
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2
. Mzires, (1852), 41 (2002), 88-108.
3
M. Chr. Hellman, Les architectes de l Ecole Francaise d Athnes, BCH 120 (1996), 5 .
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. . ,
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. , ,
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).

84

,
.
6.
,
. , - . . 7
16 ,
8, , , 9,

1542/43 (), .
,

,
10. ,
. ,

,
,
(. 5). ,
,
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.
,
13 14 , ,
.
.
, ,

6
. . , . 10
1393, 1997, 152, . 553. . , Church Architecture in Thessaloniki
in the 14th century, Remarks on the Typology, LArt de Thessalonique et des pays Balkaniques et les courants
spirituals au XIVe sicle, Belgrade 1987, 114. . , - ,
21, 183 ( , ). , Le Catholicon de Kutlumus
(Athos), CahArch 42 (1994), 83, . 46.
7
. , , (),
24 (2003), 145-162 ( : , ).
8
. . . . . , 16 ., ()
(), 2000, 129, . 66.
9
+ () [] /() <> ()
/ () () [] , / ,
() . . , , 353-4.
10
erminus post quem
. ,
11 12, ,
, . ,
, . . - .
, , .

85

.
(. 6), 11.
, ,

13 14
12. , ,
14 .

13, , 14,
(. 7), ,
,
. ,
15
200
100 16. , ,

.
,

1542/43, 17.
(. 8),
,
16 , , 18,
19. 16
11

(
) ( 1928, 367-8) ( , 169).
12
13 - 14 ,
, . Th. Pazaras, Reliefs of a Sculpture Workshop Operating in Thessaly and
Macedonia at the nd of the 13th and eginning of the 14th Century, L Art de Thessalonique et des Pays
Balkaniques et les Courants spirituels au XIVe Sicle, Recueil des rapports du IVe Colloque Serbo-Grec,
Belgrade 1985, Belgrade 1987, . 159-182 . ,
, , 14-20 1992,
2002, 471-504.
13
. , , 181-183.
14
, , 161.
15
, ,
, . ,
. . , , 154-207 156-173.
16
. . ,
, 1430-1912, 1983, 301-303.
17
.
, , .
. . . , () :
, .
.
18
,
.
19
( )
16 (1542),

86

, , ,
, , .
1868.
16
,
19 .
18 20
18.
21, 1778
.
1868, , ,
, 22,
.
.

23.
24.

,
. (. 9)
16
( 1567/8) ,
(1544/5),
(1542). (
1555), .
. , , , 2005,
264. . G.
Goodwin, A History of Othoman Architecture, London 1971, . 229, . 237 . 247.
20
,
.
. . . ,
(1758) 18 ,
2008, 310-11.
21
1778 20. . , , 353 . ,
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17.
22
19 ,
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23
,
. . . . - . , , .
24
16
(1544), (1544/5), ( 16 .),
( 1567/8), (1579), ( 1587), (1595),
(1542), (1541)
(1548) , ( 16 .), (1567/8),
(1566 1576), (16 .), (1598), (1590)
(1596).
, .

87

- 16 - -
.
, ,
,
, .
VASILIS MESSIS
THE MONASTERY OF SAINT DEMETRIUS:
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE KATHOLIKON
The Katholikon of the monastery of Saint Demetrius is one of the most important
churches of the athonite type. It belongs to complex four-column cross-inscribed domed
church with side apses (choirs - ), a two-columned lite (), typicaria (),
ambulatory and two chapels. Evidences provided by the masonry of the church, a group of
sculptures which used during its construction, as well as the likeness between Prophet lias
in Thessaloniki, lead to the suggestion that the original phase of the church can be placed in
the paleologan period. Later, in the middle of the 16th century the already ruined original
church, was restorated radically. The new church was erected on the remnants of the
paleologan one by following its ground plan. During the 18th century additions and repairs
were carried out to the 16th century church which was preserved until 1868. That year a fire
destroyed the church from which only the walls up to 5 m height retained. The Katholikon
was restorated completely during the last years. If our suggestion about the paleologan
original phase of the Katholikon of Saint Demetrius is correct, the Katholikon is one of the
oldest, the oldest church perhaps, in which the fully composed athonite type appears, namely
the type characterized, except for side apses, by lite, typikaria and chapels.

88

. 1. ( . )

. 2. , .

. 3. . Normand. (1851)

. 4. . Normand. (1851)

89

90

. 5. .

. 6.

91

. 7.

. 8. .

92

. 9.

16

93

.
/ / , (), , 19 , ,
1.

, , , 20 (. 1). , 1960, , , , ,
,
. ,
(. 1) ,
, .
. , , 2 (. 4).
3, 20 (. 2) 95
. 7,5 .
,
,
. . ,
,
(. 2, 3, . 3, 4). (. 3)
, , ,
, .
(. 5), 1492 + ( ) ( ) 1
. 1928,
1984, 145-160. 2000, 139-141. Kiel - - 2003, 88-91. 2003, 145-147.
2006, 404. 2007, 259-275.
2
. 1999, 11, . 6 . 5.
3
1999, . 5.

94

, [7000
5508 = 1492]4.

,
. (. 3, . 1).
. 5, 6,
. 16 7,
1543, 8.
. .
, , 7 ,
. , ( 15 50 .)
, , (. 4, 5, . 6-14).
:
1.20 .
(. 4, . 7, 8).
,
. 1.10 1.30 .
( 15 20 .) . .
.
,
(. 4, . 11).
. , (. 4,
. 6, 7, 12). .
, , ,
. 1.80 2.00 .

, ,
.
.
16
95 .
(. 4, 5, . 6, 9, 10).

90 .
4

. 2007, 259 . 32-33, .

. 1928. 1979, 99, 141,
152, 156-160, 166. 2000, 139. 2003.
6
. 2003, 145
160.
7
2003, 160.
8
1928, 23-24. 2003, 160.
5

95

18 20 .
20 x 15 .
15 17 . 95 .

,
(. 4, 5, . 13,
14). 95 .,
. ,
, 2.20 . 70 .,
(. 4, 5).

(.
6). 11.20 .
, . , ,
18 . .
, , ,
9.
. , ,
.
, . 3.90 x 8.80 .
,
. . ,
10. . ,

, 11, . . .
, .. 12,
,
, opus mixtum13,
. 14.
, ,
9

2000, 202, ,
( 2005 , 198-199).
10
. uri 1983 2001, 154-155,
.
11
. 1994, 224.
12
2000, 202. . - .
13
. 1984, 46-47, . .
Vocotopoulos 1981, 553. Ousterhout 1999, 169. 2001, 178.
14
. 2001, 179, .

96

15,
16.
,
, 2.20 . (70 .)
, , , , .
,
. .
,
, ,

. , 1543
.

, , , ,
,
,
.

16
17, (. 7),
. , 11 12 ,
, , ( ) , , ,
,

18. ,
19 .

15

. Ousterhout 1999, 157-169. .

2005, 11.
16
2005, 11.
17
2003. 160. 2006, 404 .11. 2007, 262-267.
18
. 1992, 490-495.
19
. 2007, 264-266.

97

SAVROS MAMALOUKOS - SAVROULA SDROLIA

THE ORIGINAL CATHOLICON AND THE OLD ENCLOSURE

OF THE MONASTERY OF STOMION
The old enclosure of the monastery of Stomion has been destroyed except for its west
wall, where the main portal has been built. In this article new evidence is presented about the
original size and shape of this wall, and the portal, which has been altered today. Over the
lintel, there still exists an inscription about the renovation of the enclosure in 1492.
The catholicon ot the monastery has been dated recently in the 16th century. Beneath it, in
an excavation that has been held during the renovation program, the original catholicon has
been discovered, which has the form of a cross inscribed church of the complex type, that
occurs rarely in Thessaly. The remains of the old church are low, but they present interesting
evidence about the type of byzantine foundations with wooden beams in it. Its large size
(approximately 18 x 11.20m., with original narthex) and quality proves its central position
among the monastic community of the Kellia. This construction may be dated in the 12th
century, in the age of prosperity of Kellia monasteries.
-
1993: . - . - (3-4 /4 / 1993), . . , , 2002.
1 (2003): , 1, 2003,
. 27.2-2.3.2003, . 1, 2, 2006.
1984: . , , 1984.
1992: . , . , . , , 1992, 473-498.
2000: . ,
: , 7 (2000), 121-144.
uri 1983: Sl. uri, What was the real Function of Late Byzantine Katechoumena?,
BSCA 19 (1993), 8-9.
:
:
:
JB: Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik
Kiel - - 2002-2003: M. Kiel - . - . , 16 . ,
13 (2002-2003), 69-101. 1993, 225-276.
2001: . , . , 2001.
2005 : . , , , . 96, 2005, 8-17.

98

2005 : . ,
, 25 (2005), 176-232.
1994: . , , . 2. ,
, 1994.
2003: . , (.
), 4/24 (2003), 145-162.
1979: . , 10
1393. , 1979.
1999: . , ,
, 1999.
Ousterhout 1999: R. Ousterhout, Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton University Press
1999.
1984: , ,
1984.
2007: , .
( - ), 22007.
2000: . , ,
..
(1990-1998), 1 , 2000,
197-204.
2002: . , .
, 1993, 45-55.
2006: . , 1083 .
, 1 (2003), 403-419.
1928: . , . 2.
(-), 5 (1928), 349-375.
P. Vocotopoulos 1981: P. Vocotopoulos, The Role of Constantinopolitan Architecture
during the Middle and Late Byzantine Period, JB 31/2 (1981), 551-573.

99

. 1. (). .
. ( 2002).

100

. 2. (). . . , , ,
( 2005).

. 3. (). . . , ,
().

101

. 4. (). . .
( 2004 - 2005).

. 5. (). . .
: . (
2005) . ( 2004).

102

. 6. (). . . ().

. 7. (). .
( . ).

103

. 1. (). .
1960 (
).

. 2. (). . . (.
, ,
. 4).

. 3. (). . ( 1984).

. 4. (). . ( 2006).

104

. 5. (). . ( 2005).

. 6. (). . - .
( 2004).

. 7. ().
. - .

( 2004).

105

. 8. ().
. - .
(
2004).

. 9. ().
. - .

(
2004).

. 10. ().
. - .

( 2004).

. 11. ().
. - -
.
(
2005).

106

. 12. (). . - .

( 2004).

. 13. ().
. - .
(
2005).

. 14. (). . - .

( 2005).

107

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1.
,
,
, ,
, 1868.
,
,
, , .
,
() .
, , .
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18593, .
,
4 . ,
, Uspenskij, 5.
1

16 . . (. 2003,
, ),
7 ...,
2005. . - . . . 8-12.
2
. . .
3
1859, 56. 2007, 273. 2004, 361.
16 , . 1928, 372. Garidis 1989, 242.
4
7 ...
18 , . . , 1868
.
, , .
5
1859, 57.

108

(1758)

2.
, ,
( )
6.
( )
.
,
.
, , .
, ,
. ,

. ,
.
,
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,
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.
. 7,
(1928), :

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, 16 . ..
(1758)8
,
,
9.
( ,
, ), .
,
, 10.
11,
. ,
,
6

2003, 151 . 3.
1928, 370 ..
8
2004, 48, . 91.
9
- 1985, . 63, . 4.
10
1928, . 27.
11
1928, 371-372.
7

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,
,
, ,
.
,
, . ,
,
12. ,
,
, 13.
,
. . . ,
,
,
.
, , ,

(, ),
, . 14,
,
,
.
, ,
( , ),
( ) (
) , ,
.
12

Altripp 1998, 89 ..
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16 .). 2006, 46 ( 17 .).
, . 2004, 48-49.
13

, ,
. , 14 . , , . Altripp 1998, 164 ..
14
(Altripp 1998, 123).
, , 16
. 17 ( 2006, 37,
). , ,
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110

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,

, . , , (1758)15.
,
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, ,
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,
, .
, , 18. ,
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,
. ,
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,
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2004, 49.
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,
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. . (. ), 2004, 97.
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. , , .
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, 17 .
20
. , , ,
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2000, 138, 140.
21
Altripp 1998, 199.
16

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22.

, . , , .
.
3.
) : (. 1) ,
,
. ,
, ,
23.
, ,
, .
,
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, 25.
,
26 ,
27.
, ,
(. 2).
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. ,
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,
, .

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2004, 361. ,
, 16 . 1928, 372.
1989, 242.
23
1928, .25. . G. Millet, La vision de Pierre d'Alexandrie, Mlanges Ch.
Diehl, II, Paris 1930, 99. Altripp 1998, 164.
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2004, 82. , ,
, . ,
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26
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27
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. .
29
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.

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30.
,
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33,
, .
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, ,
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,
, .
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,
.
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S. der Nersessian, Note sur quelques images se rattachant au thme du Christ - Ange, CahArch XIII (1962),
211 .. . , ,
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Semoglou 1999, 79.
,
. Kanari 2003, 198.
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2000, 145.
(1744).
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, 223.
34
2004, . 130, 131.
35
B. Todi, Anapeson. Iconographie et signification du thme, Byzantion LXIV (1994), 147 ..
36
, (. Stavropoulou - Makri, Les
peintures murales de lglise de la Transfiguration a Veltsista (1568) en Epire et latelier des peintres Kondaris,
2001, 2 ., . 7), (. ,
, 1991, . 36),
( 2000, 142). . (1756/57).
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37
1928, 371. ,
. 2004, . 172.
38
, . . ,
(. ) 1997, . 32, ( 2000,
. 143.
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16 . (. -,
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40 (. 6),
.
, ,
.
, ,
.
, ( ,
41).
( , ). ,
42 (. 7).
,
, ,
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, (. 8).
, ,
,
, .
, .


, 44.
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, .
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. (1535, G. Millet, Monuments de lAthos, I, Les peintures, Paris 1927, . 127.2,

(.. 225.1) (1625, 2000, . 142).
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1928, 371, . 26.
42
( ) . 2004, 96-97.
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43
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(1590), . Kanari 2003, 199.
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Moldovita, . A. Vasiliu, Moldau Kloster, 14-16 Jahrhundert, Mnchen 1999, . 104: , , .
46
2004, 103, . 130. , .

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,
, , ,
, ,
. , ,
(
, ).
,
, , .
.
,

(1748)
47. , ,
, .
( ):
1. (. 10). ,
,
,
. , . ,
, , 48.
, ,
.
.
,
. ,
.
2. (. 10) .
, .
, 49. , ,
, ,
.
3. (. 10), .
,
, , .
,
,
.
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, 51.
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50
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, ,
, .
, , .
,
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, . .
,
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. ,
. ,
, ,
.
,
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-, ...,
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K. , , . .
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, ,
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,
,
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, ,
.
,
59.
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16 ,
61 17 .
62. 18
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,
, . ,
. ,
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65: , , , ,
, ,
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. - - , .
, , , 2006, 101 ..
59
. , , 2001, 115 ..
60
E. Kourkoutidou - Nikolaidou, Les fresques de l glise Saint-Nicolas Kanalia, ,
, 1975-1990, , , 17 - 22
1990, 1994, 448, . 20.
61
. , , 16 (1940), 370 .., . 7 ... Garidis 1989, 243.
62
M. Nanou, Monuments et peintures murales du XVII sicle sur le Mont-Plion, , .., 395, . 8-9.
1651.
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. , , . ,
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. ,
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,
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. , , , . .
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118

(1758)

, 72.
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18 . 73,
,
,
.
.

,

74.
,
.
STAVROULA SDROLIA

PAINTINGS IN THE CATHOLIKON OF THE STOMION MONASTERY (1758)

The Catholicon of St. Demetrios monastery near Stomio belongs to the athonite type and
is flanked with two chapels at the west, and two tetraconche compartments in the east (typikaria). The building has been dated in the 16th century but the painted decoration was
constructed in 1758, according to a non preserved inscription. The paintings of the main
church were destroyed in the fire of 1865 but there exist partially the ones in the side
chapels.
The iconographic program, as completed by the references of Sotiriou (1928), contains
symbolic representations of Christ in the two typikaria, as well as a Ministrant cycle, which
intends to show the inseparable unity of Old and New Testament. In the west, especially
remarkable are the biographical scenes of St.Nicholas, while in the south chapel only traces
of painting remain.
These paintings are attributed by stylistic means to the priest Theodoros from Agia, and
his team, a skilful artist, responsible for a whole series of decorations in Thessaly, around the
middle of the 18th century. The quality of this work and its high symbolic meaning, combined with inscriptions, now lost, which attested a renovating activity of the monastery in
this period, reveals an important phase of its life, non irrelevant to the prosperity of the
nearby village of Karitsa.

72

337 .. .
. , . 20.
74
. , 201 .. (. ), , . ,
2002, 73 (. ).
73

119

Altripp 1998: M. Altripp, Die Prothesis und ihre Bildausstattung in Byzanz unter besonderer
Berucksichtigung der Denkmaler Griechenlands, Frankfurt am Main 1998.
2000: . , ,
7 (1997-1998), - 2000, 121-144.
: , , . . - , 1909 ( ).
Garidis 1989: M. Garidis, La peinture murale dans le monde orthodoxe aprs la chute de
Byzance (1450-1600) et dans les pays sous domination trangre, Athnes 1989.
Kanari 2003: T. Kanari, Les peintures du catholicon du monastre de Galataki en Eube,
1586, Le narthex et la chapelle de Saint-Jean-le-Prcurseur, Athnes 2003.
2006: . , 17
(. ), 2006.
- 1985: . - . ,
, 1985.
2003: . , (.
), 4/24 (2003),145-162.
1859: . , , . . , . ,
.. 19 (1991), 53-63.
2007: , ,
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2000: . , (1625)
17 . (. ), 2000.
Semoglou 1999: A. Semoglou, Le dcor murale de la chapelle athonite de Saint Nicolas
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1979: . ,
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(-), 5 (1928), 349-375.
2004: . ,
(1758) 18
(. ), 2004.

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1

, . 1928. 1979, 99, 141, 152, 156-160, 166.

2000, 139. , . 2007, 264-266. .
. ( 2003, 145), ,
.
2
, 2003.
3
1928, 364. .
4
2000, 129. 2000, 139, 140, . 117.
5
1928, 353-354. 2003, 160 . 119-121.
6
1928, 353.
7
2003, 160.
8
1928, 365-370.
9
. .
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10
(, 2002,
(- 2010). , . ( 2000, 129)
. ( 2003, 160).

124

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2002.
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13
- 2010, . .4.2.2. 3-4, 113-114, 118-119.
14
- 2010, . .4.2.2.,121.
15
1929, 53-55, . 53-54.
16
,
. . , MENZOS, BARBIN, HERRMANN 2002.
17
.
- 2010, . .4.2.2., 120 & IV.7., 264-268.
18
, - 2010, . .2.1., 155-160, 25.
12

125

Kautzsch19,
.
20
21. ,
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.

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4 5 .

.
30
19

KAUTZSC 1936, 125-132.

KAUTZSC 1936, 75-76, No 226, . 16.
, . - 2010, . .2.1., 160.
21
1929, 58-59, . 40 & 58-59.
22
. - 2010, . VII, 412. HJORT 1979, 202,
, DENNERT 2008, 61,
11 12 .
23
, - 2010, . .4.1., 101-104, 1.
24
1989, 55-87.
25
1989, 109-112, 98, . 42 - & 100-, . 44-.
26
KAUTZSCH 1936, 43.
27
4 .,
( 1989, 200).
28
1989, 200.
29
. , ZOLLT 1994, . 41, 483, . 43 574, . 44 592.
30
- 1979, 15-16, 28-29, 10, . 5 -.
( 1979, 16).
20

126

4 - 5 ., .
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,
31,
8 32.
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35 36.
37 38.
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, .


39.

(. 4-5)40.
.
, , ,
, .
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, ( jour)
. 41
31

2001, 321,328.
2001, 315-333.
33
ENTZOS 2001, 7-9, . 16 & . . 8.
34
. , 54 (1999), 1, , 433.
35
VEMI 1989, 117-118, No 86 & 88, . 30.
36
VEMI 1989, 10-15 ( ), ZOLLT, Kapitellplastik, 275-276, 287-301.
37
VEMI 1989, No 87, . 30.
38
ZOLLT 1994, 276-287, 301-322. VEMI 1989, 13-15.
39
, - 2010, IV.6.2.1.1., 227-228 (No 38-38), 6.2.2.1., 238-239 (No 45), 272,
275.
40
1928, 359 . 9, 365. - 2010,
. V.2, 290-294 (No 64-65).
41
KAUTZSCH 1936, 187.
32

127

42, 530 53343.

.
44.
45 46
(Fatih Camii), 9 .47. ,

, ,

.
C.
Mango I. evenko spolia,
48.
11 49.
Fatih Camii .
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, . 51 .

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42

KAUTZSCH 1936, 188, No 591, . 37.

BARDILL 2000, 1-11.
44
KAUTZSCH 1936, 194-196, o 643, 644, . 38. . KAUTZSCH 1936, No 645, . 39.
45
MANGO - EVENKO 1973, . 10, 11.
46
MANGO - EVENKO 1973, . 8.
47
MANGO - EVENKO 1973, 235-238. 800.
48
MANGO - EVENKO 1973, 236-237. KAUTZSCH 1936, 196, No 648.
49
11 . DENNERT 1997, 78-79, No 170, . 30.
50
KAUTZSCH 1936, 196, o 646, . 39.
51
1972, 426-427, 432-434, . VIII, 3.
43

128

12 .52 53, M. Dennert54, ( 11 .) . ,

,
11 55.
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(0,80x0,90.).
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(. 5)
, .
, ,

( 13 14 .)58.
.
1999, , (. 7).
, ,
0,80. 0,48.
52
DENNERT 1997, 105-106, o 216, . 39. 6/7 .
(KAUTZSCH 1936, 200, No 670, . 40. MATHEWS 1976, 3, . 1-13, 1-14. BETSCH 1977,
285-286),
, Fetiye Camii (KAUTZSCH 1936, 200, No 671, . 40),
( 1310 : MATHEWS 1976, 346-347, . 36-30).
53
. (DENNERT 1997, . 41, No 226)
6 13 : BREHIER 1911, 71, . 14,1 BREHIER 1936, 61 ., . 6 ( 6
.). BUCHWALD 1964, 137 .., . 16 19. DEICHMANN 1981, 30-33, No 7-10. 15-16, . 1-2. FARIOLICAMPANATI 1991, 326, No 49, No 163, . 227. DENNERT 1997, 109, . 41, No 226 ( 11 .).
(DENNERT 1997, . 41, No 227a, 227b) : WULFF 1918, II,
411, . 356 (7 .). DEICHMANN 1981, No 367, . 24, o 425, . 28, No 598-600, . 44 ( 11
.). DENNERT 1997, No 227b : DEICHMANN 1981, o 309, 312, . 18, No 362 . 25 (13 ;).
54
DENNERT 1997, 105-106, o 216, . 39 & 109, No 226-227, . 41.
55
DENNERT 1998, 130-131.
56
, .
57
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58
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129

,
.
.
59.
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61,

(. 1)62.
63, , , ,
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, (. 1) 67
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, 110068.

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, (11051123)69. ,
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,
(. 4), Santa Maria 71.
72
73.
nielo

59
, , ,
.
60
GRABAR 1976, 14. BARSANTI 2008, 516. . , DENNERT 1997, No 304-307, .
54-55 , 1980, . 165-170, 182-184, 187 (), 185 ( ),
188-190 (). 11 . nielo
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, 1 (1915), 36-37, . 9-10. DENNERT 1997, 29-30 & . 10-11, No 48, . 10. VANDERHEYDE
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61
1980, 15-31, 115-118, . 17-20, 25-26.
62
1980, . 184.
63
GRABAR 1971, 639, . XVI-XVIII. BARSANTI 2008, 525 & . 12.
64
BARSANTI 2008, 49, 525, . 36-39.
65
GRABAR 1963, . XLII, 4.
66
1980, . 16.
67
GRABAR 1976, . XXXIVa-b.
68
GRABAR 1976, . XXXIVc-d.
69
BARSANTI 2008, 524-525, 541 . 4 ().
70
BARSANTI 2008, 527, 543, . 6.
71
BARSANTI 2008, 529, 546, . 10.
72
GRABAR 1976, 56., . XXIVc.
73
GRABAR 1976, 63-64, . XXXIV.

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, 11 .74. nielo
,
,
Caorle, 11 12
.75,
, 1106-112776.
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11 12 .77.
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80.
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84, 85
86.
nielo ,
(1081-1118).

1100.

, .
( 2.00.), ,
(. 8). . ,
87. , .
74

DEICHMANN 1981, . 4, 25-27.

BUCHWALD 1962/3, 176-177, . 4, & . 42.
76
BUCHWALD 1962/3, 177 & . 44.
77
BUCHWALD 1962/3 175-176 & . 17.
78
2002, 12-16, . 17-24.
79
2008, 237-238, . 6.
80
,
( 2003, 160).
81
1928, 368.
82
1999, 203-206, 285-290. 1991-1992.
83
2007, 92-92, . 10 94-95, . 13.
84
2008, 238-242, . 8-11.
85
1994.
86
- 2006, 126-127,130-134, . 1-4. 1929, 355-368.
87
1928, 369 . 21 ( ).
75

131

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:
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(0,48x0,48.)
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99,
.
.
(Palmett-akanthus) , 100, 88

GRABAR 1963, . XLIII,1.

1928, 358, . 8, ,
13-14 .
90
1980, 48, . 49-50.
91
GRABAR 1976, . LXV,b.
92
. - 1998, 347, . 37-40, 373 . 17.
93
DENNERT 1997, 87-88, 200, No 184, . 33.
94
431, 293 : 1999, 128-129, 175.
95
- 2008, 368, 372 . 4.
96
1994, 437, 799 . 1.
, 10 - 11 .
( 2008, 269, 280 . 15).
97
1928, . 15, . .
98
.
99
. 11.
100
1928, 366.
89

132

11 12 ,

101, 102,
Museo Civico Padova ( 12 .)103
( 11 - 12
)104 (12 .)105.

(. 12), 106. .
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,

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, jour107.

( ) ,
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. 11

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.
101

DENNERT 1997, . 32, 180. DEICHMANN 1981, No 49-51, 122-123, 126-127, 129-132, . 8.
DENNERT 1997, . 32, 182.
103
BUCHWALD 1964, 142, . 44.
104
1980, . 178. .
105
1980, . 177.
106
, - 2010, .4.2.5., 144-147, 23.
107
. (Fatih Camii), , (MANGO - EVCENKO 1973, 236-238, . 8)
11 . (DEICHMANN 1981, . 14 No 260, . 17 No
293, . 18 No 309 & 312, . 23 No 262, . 24 No 367, . 28 No 425. . DENNERT 1997, N 227 a-b,
. 41).
102

133

,
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0,24., 0,42. 0,38x0,38.
108

1928, . 15 ( ). .
DENNERT 1997, . 43, 236-240.
110
BUCHWALD 1964, 147, . 46.
111
DENNERT 1997, 70, No 151, . 27.
112
GRABAR 1976, . LXXVI, c. .
1939-40, 35-106 (1100). GRABAR 1976, 102-103, . LXXII-LXXVI (1100). VANDERHEYDE 1994 ( 12
.), 391-407.
113
1928, 367 . 19.
114
DENNERT 1997, 129, No 277, . 50.
109

134

,
. ,
, . , ,
J.-P. Sodini 115 M.
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116, , 117
118.
,
,
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11 .119, ,
11 .120,
Fatih Camii , 121
11 . 122.
,
11 . ,
, . ,

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( 2.00.) ,
,
, 123. (0,26.)
124,
,
125. ,

, , 126.
115

SODINI 1984, 246 . 1.

DENNERT 1997, 129-139, No 278, . 50. ,
, . - 2010, . V.2, 297301 ( 67).
117
GRABAR 1963, . XLII, 4.9. & XLIII,1.
118
GRABAR 1963, LXIII, 3-4.
119
DENNERT 1997, 77-78, 112, No 230, . 30.
120
DENNERT 2008, 58-59, 65-66, . 5-8 ( 11 .).
121
MANGO - EVCENKO 1973, 240, . 14, , 9
., DENNERT 1997, 78-79, 170, . 30, 11 .
122
DEICHMANN 1981, . 4-6, 25-28, 33-36, 42-44.
123
1928, . 22.
124
11-12 . ( 1980, 106).
125
1928, 368-369.
126
1980, . 174, 176. - 2003, . 1- 4. GRABAR 1976, . LXXIVc, LXXVIa-c.
116

135

127.

128. H
129.
, ,
130
.
.
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.
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, 11 - 12 .131.
, 12 132 ,
11 - 12 .133.
, ,
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,
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. .
134, ,
,
, .
11 - 12 .
(. 17), ,
.
11 12
127

GRABAR 1976, . XXVIa.

DENNERT 2008, 63, . 1-2 (11 ). 1937, 144, .17.
129
GRABAR 1976, . XXXIVb.
130
DEICHMANN 1981, . 4, 25-27.
131
VANDERHEYDE 2005, 435-442 437-438.
132
1980, 105-109, . 174-176. 2008, 473, 482 . 6. .
12 . (-, ), , ,
,
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11 12 ( . VANDERHEYDE 2005,
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133
HJORT 1979, 237-246, . 41, 44, 47, 50, 53.
134
1928, 366 . 18 ( , ).
, 14-15
.
128

136

, 135.
, 136.
,

.
,
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19). (0,16.) ,
, .
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.
11 - 12 ,
Edirne137.
, , , 138
, (. 20)
(. 21) . , ,
, ,
,
. , ,

, .
. .
Eski Imaret
Camii ,
11 .139,
140.
, 12 .141.
, (. 22).
, .

, .
.
, .
,
, .
135

BUCHWALD 1964, 144-147,

DEICHMANN 1981, . 7, 90 & 100.
137
DENNERT 1997, . 44, 241.
138
, 0,17., . ,
.
139
FLAMINIO 2008, 51, . 7.
1087 (MANGO 1998-1999).
140
GRABAR 1976, . LXXVIa.
141
FLAMINIO 2008, 44, . 11.
136

137

142 11 12 .143.
(0,23.)
.
,
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145, , ,

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11/12 .147.
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.

1,20. .
0,71.
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,
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, ,
IV (1077-1081 12 . 148),
(1118-1124)149. 11
(Fetiye Camii)150,

, 12 .151.
. , (. 25)
.
142

GRABAR 1976, . XXXIIIa.

1980, 106.
144
DEICHMANN 1981, No 172-173, . 24.
145
DENNERT 1997, 101-102, No 213a, . 38.
146
DENNERT 1997, . 4, . 16a-b.
147
DENNERT 1997, . 36, . 198.
148
HJORT 1979, 237, . 36, 39, 96.
149
HJORT 1979, 97. 1980, . 179.
150
BUCHWALD 1964, 158-159, . 40.
151
1980, . 174, 176.
143

138

. ,
, ,
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, .
.
, .
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11 12 ,
152:
, ,
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,
154,
155 156.

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158.
,
,
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159), , ,
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(. 26).

.
(. 30),

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152

2008, 218-230. VANDERHEYDE 2005, 129-130.

1952, . 55. 2008, 228, . 3.
154
VANDERHEYDE 2005, 434, . 6. , 220-221.
155
1988, 134-135, 164. 2008, 222.
156
VANDEYEDE 2005, 24-25, . V, . 13a, . VI, 14b. 2008, 221-222.
157
HJORT 1979, 256, . 73.
158
- 1994, 346-355, . 9-10.
159
2008, 223, (11 .),
( , 1000 ) ( 11 .)
160
2000. - 2006, 583.
153

139

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161.
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11 ., 162.
(0,05.).
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( 0,72x0,68.) (0,10.).
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), , ,

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, ( )165.
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12 , , ,
166 167
168.
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12 169.
, ,

161

2001, 37, 42, . 45-46.

1988, 51-52, 74-76, . 59-60.
163
GRABAR 1976, . LXXVIc.
164
, 1939-1940, 64, . 9. - 1994, 342-343, . 7.
165
1928, 365, . 16.
166
GRABAR 1976, . LXXVIc-d.
167
1935, 125-130.
168
2006, 102 . 1 -, 106, 107 . 6. - 2002, . 37.
169
. ,
, , . ( 1939-40, 72-74).
,
, .
, 12 (VANDERHEYDE
1994), (- 2002, 232-235,
).
162

140

170, 171
, 172,
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(1,30.), 174.
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176),
177 178,
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12
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1100.
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170

1939-40, . 44, 46.

1939-40, . 48.
172
GRABAR 1976, . LXXVIc. 1939-40, . 49.
173
1928, 369, . 24.
174
1988, 22, 4 (1,30.).
175
1988, 34-35, 35-36, . 24-25. .
1935.
176
1988, 38-41, 45-47, . 30-35. , 2006.
177
1988, 44, 52, . 40-41.
178
1988, 26, 13, . 10 & 54, 82, . 63.
171

141

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.
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179, ,
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.

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(. 15),
179

2001, 35.

142

(. 22),
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180. (0,82.)
(0,09.)
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5,00. 0,60. 0,77., (SYTHIAKAKIS-KRITSIMALLIS & VOYADJIS 2009). (0,57.)
, , 2,00., , ( 0,38.), .
181
( ,
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182
2008, 317-320, . 1-4, . 1-4.

143

, ,
.
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), ( - - ) .
,
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12 ,
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1083 1093, ,
1088.

,
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: .
VASILIKI SYTHIAKAKI - KRITSIMALLI
THE ARCHITECTURAL SCULPUTURES IN THE CATHOLICON
OF THE MONASTERY OF ST. DEMETRIUS AT STOMION (TSAGHEZI)
The architectural sculptures gathered or reused in the catholicon of the monastery of St.
Demetrius at Stomion where thought to be variant spolia reused in the church that was built,
according to the recent publication of Ch. Bouras, in 1543. Three lyre corinthian capitals
and one theodosian capital are the only of these that can receive a secure date in the 6th
century. A 7th c. date is possible for the normal corinthian capital of the northern stoa. The
rest of the sculptures consist a homogeneous group that contains almost every kind of
decoration used in a byzantine church, that is, capitals of the main church and the arched
portico, fragments of the lintels separating the walls, parts of the templon of the bema and
parabemata (mullions, small colonette capitals, epistyles, cornices, fragments of closure
183
184

2003. - 2006.
1966, 128-139. 1992, 490-495. - 2006, 577.

144

slabs) and capitals of a smaller scale probably from a ciborium. This group of sculptures
finds close parallels in the decoration of the Chora Monastery (3rd and 4th phase), Eski Imaret
Camii, Daphni, Hosios Meletios in Megara and the marble icon-frames of the church of
Panagia in the Monastery of Hosios Lukas in Boeotia. According to the comparative
material they should be dated in the 11th-12th c. They should therefore be connected to the
foundations of the initial middle byzantine catholicon that were recently revealed under the
floor of the 16th c. catholicon. The middle byzantine church belonged to the cross-in-square
type, with a narthex and probably an open western stoa. Its external walls were probably
articulated with blind arches, according to the Constantinopolitan building system of the era.
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ANGELIKI STRATI

ICONS OF CHRIST PANTOKRATOR, VIRGIN HODEGETRIA

AND ST. DEMETRIOS IN THE MONASTERY OF STOMION
The icons of Christ, Virgin and St. Demetrios are kept in the recently built chapel of St.
Demetrios in the monastery of Stomion. The first two icons, which were originally situated
in the icon-screen of the catholicon, measure 0.71 x 0.99 m and present the same art and
technique of construction.
The iconographical types of Christ Pantocrator and the Virgin Hodegetria are wide spread
in post-byzantine art. Their stylistic features are closely connected with some well-known
icons from Ioannina, Kastoria, Meteora and Holy Mountain, which are related with artistic
workshops of North Western Greece, which have been influenced by the art of the Cretan
School. They can be dated in the second quarter of the 16th century, a chronology that
matches with the historical information about the monastery.
The third icon, that of St. Demetrios, is of small demensions (0.28 x 0.195) and covered
with silver and sculptured revetment. From the original painted icon, there exist only the
25
. . -,
, 1980, . 23-24.
26
. A. Grabar, Les revtements en or et en argent des icnes Byzantines du Moyen ge, 1975 (
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. --, . , 1996, . 482-497, . 433, 434, 436,
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. . 24, . 50, 1749 . 82
1737.

161

head and small part of the body of the saint, who is depicted enthroned and dressed in soldier
suit. On the upper left corner of the revetment there is an inscription bearing the date 1848.

. 1. . .

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. 2. . .

163

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164

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167

16 .: ) ,
) , ) .
: ) , )
.
PASCAL ANDROUDIS

LA CHAPELLE CIMETRIALE
DE MONASTRE DE SAINT DMTRIOS TSAGZI
La chapelle du monastre de Saint-Dmtrios de Tsagezi, place sous le vocable de l
Hypapant, fut btie sur un petit plateau, en dehors de l enceinte monastique. De l glise,
de nous jours en ruines, ne subsistent que le mur orient et quelques parties des murs
septentrional et sud.
Construite en pierres de taille moyenne, liaisonnes par un mortier abontant, la chapelle
avait une glise funraire superpose (dimensions externes: 6,85 x 4,65 m.) o on clbrait
les acolouthies, tandis que l tage en bas, en partie souterain, servait d ossuaire monastique.
On distinge encore nettement l ouverture d accs cette crypte. L glise de niveau suprieur, dont l entre etait creuse l Ouest, avait un plancher en bois. Il semble quil s
agisse d une petite chapelle une nef, avec abside saillante et un espace intrior longitudinal, surmont d un toit deux versants. Il n a aucun indice sur la forme et les dimensions des portes et des fentres du btiment, car tous ses murs sont crouls. Il est donc
impossible de se faire une ide precise de aspect initial de la chapelle.
Il n est pas impossible que nous soyons en presence d une construction assez modeste
des XVIe-XVII sicle, mais une date plus tardive n est pas exclure.

. 1. . .

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185

THODORE XYNOGALAS

HMMES ET COMMUNAUTS MONASTIQUES DE L EST DE L OSSA

(9ME [?] - 16ME SICLE):
DIMENSION HISTORIQUE UN HAGIOLOGIO LOCAL
Les tudes historiques et archologiques contemporaines, concernant la communaut monastique de Ossa Orientale, nous permettent de rdiger une liste de pres spirituels minents,
qui ont agi dans cette localit pendant la priode byzantine et post-byzantine.
A) Pendant la priode byzantine: 1) Le moine sacr Pachomios le Kelliotis, un ascte
classique perspicace, qui habitait dans une taule dans laquelle il y avait un petit temple. Il a
vcu avant le 11me sicle, dans le temps o la communaut monastique commenait se dvelopper. 2) Dionysios Kampsorymis qui, selon une pigraphe, tait le fondateur dun temple
officiel du 12me sicle et avait des relations directes avec le sige piscopal de la rgion,
comme il y a des indices quil a servi comme mtropolite. Compte tenu de cet lment, on
peut conclure que dans cette priode l, la construction des abbayes se continuait, et leur
identit sest consolide. 3) Saint Kyprianos. Dabord, il a servi comme moine, puis il a t
lu higumne de labbaye de Saint Nicolas et ensuite il a servi comme mtropolite de Larissa
(1318-1332/3). Pendant cette priode, le monachisme de la communaut de l Ossa est enfin
tabli et contribue activement la mise an place du personnel au sein de la direction centrale
de lglise.
B) Pendant la priode post-byzantine: 1) Saint Simon qui, dchauss et habill dune
seule plerine, il a vcu comme un moine, pendant le 16me sicle, dans labbaye de Saint
Dimitrios de Stomion. Plus tard, il est consacr abb dans Mont Athos et puis il a fond un
monastre dans la rgion Flamouri du Plion. Dans cette priode, donc, on observe quelques
signes de dispersion de la commu- naut monastique de Ossa Orientale, puisque le nombre
des abbayes qui la constituent est dj limit. 2) Saint David a aussi vcu comme un moine
dans la rgion quon a dj mentionne ci-dessus et dans la mme abbaye de Saint Dimitrios
de Stomion au dclin du 16me sicle. Ensuite, Saint David a fond un monastre dans la
rgion de Euvoia.
A travers ltude de la vie des hommes spirituels quont a mentionn ci-dessus, on peut
retracer lvolution de la communaut monastique de Ossa Orientale dans ses formes principales, nommment dans sa priode prcoce, mature et snile. Toutefois, malgr les changements de la prsence monastique dans la rgion, on peroit la spiritualit diachronique des
hommes et la soumission rvrencielle aux rgles de la foi qui tient autant de la nature et de
lambiance spciales de Ossa Orientale, qui favorisent la vie monastique que, surtout, du fait
que la position gographique de cette rgion favorisait la communication directe avec la
communaut monastique du Mont Athos (qui se trouve vis--vis), avec Thessalonique,
Larissa et Epire. On pourrait constater que la rgion constituait le carrefour spirituel des
plerins de chaque poque, et que son importance pour la vie chrtienne, pas seulement de
Thessalie mais aussi de la Grce entire, tait fondamentale. Par consquent, il ne serait pas
exagr de dire que la communaut monastique de Ossa orientale tait une ppinire de
pres spirituels et de saints trs importante.

186

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STAVROS GOULOULIS

EASTERN OSSA AND THE MONASTIC COMMUNITY OF KELLIA

(RECENT DATA:
CHRONOLOGICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES)
A methological description of the last 25 year research is being attempted, which
concerns the history and the historical geography of eastern Ossa area, where the monastic
community of Kellia flourished in between the 11th and 14th century. It is the era that all the
existing historical sources and the modern archaeological research are being dated. There is
no information available for the previous and the posterior era. It is being evident that the
kernels of the monastic community, which had been developed, was a) to the Stomio area, b)
to Kokkino Nero, c) to the mountainous bank of Koutzibos.

107
, , . , ,
125-126:
.....
108
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.
SAVROS MAMALOUKOS - SAVROULA SDROLIA

ARCHEOLOGICAL REMAINS IN THE AREA OF KELLIA MOUNTAIN

Kellia Mountain is a monastic community mentioned by byzantine sources between 9th
and 14th century and has been identified with Kissavos. There are a lot of byzantine remains
in the region, deriving mostly from monastery buildings, the great part of which has come to
light during excavations or surface research of the last three decades, conducted by the 7th
Ephoria of Byzantine Antiquities.
In this article twenty two sites are briefly presented, gathered mostly near the modern
villages of Stomio, Karitsa, Koutsoupia, Paliouria and Velika. In the majority of them only
the catholicon or architectural sculpture remains, but in others part of the enceinte and other
monastery buildings have also been discovered (Kokkino Nero [site Mitsiares], monastery
near cape Dermatas and Koutsoupia)
The churches belong to a variety of types, mostly the single-isled building, either with
timber roof or barrel vault but there are also four examples of the inscribed cross plan, three
of them of the complex type, which occurs rarely in Thessaly. The walls of these churches
91
92

2005, 11.
. 2001, 187-188.

221

are articulated by brique arcades, as in the Costantinopolitan building system, while in some
of them the recessed brique technique has been noticed. The marble decoration of the
buildings is also worth mentioning, not only in fragments of epistyles but also in pavements.
Most of the excavated buildings are dated in the 12th century, an epoch when the monk
population of Kellia has been increased, as is extracted from the intervention of Alexios
Komnenos and Hosios Christodoulos (1091) but they havent survived beyond the 13th.
-
1974: . , 1204.
, 1974.
:
1994: . , , . , 1975-1990. . . , 17-22 1990, 2, 1994,
423-430.
1997: . (),
( ), 1997.
1997: . ,
, 1997, 25-42 (= 2006, 28-50).
2002: . (), . - .
- (3-4 /4 /
1993), , 2002.
:
1 (2003): . 1, 2003,
. 27.2-2.3.2003, 1, 2, 2006.
2 (2006): . 2, 2006.
. 16.3 - 19.3.2006, 1, , 2009.
:
Avramea 1981: A. Avramea, Monastres et hommes dEglise en Grce. A propos de deux
epigrammes, TM 8 (1981), 31-34.
Avramea - Feissel 1987: A. Avramea - D. Feissel, Inscriptions de Thessalie, TM 10 (1987),
357-398.
1984: . , , 1984.
2003: . , ,
( , 5 2002), 2003.
1969: . ,
, 4/5 (1969), 149-174.
1975: . ,
7 10
, 1975.
1966: , ,
. , 1966.
BSCA: Byzantine Studies Conference, Abstracts

222

: , , (, a , 26 1985 - 6 1986),
1986.
1987: . , , -
- , 2, 1987, 221-223.
1992: . , . , . ,
, 1992, 473-498.
2000: . ,
: , 7 (2000), 121-144.
uri 1993: Sl. uri, What was the real Function of Late Byzantine Katechoumena?,
BSCA 19 (1993), 8-9.
1987: . , (1571),
12 (1987), 8-10.
1997: . , 7
, 1997, 43-45 (= 2006, 50-54).
2006: (), , 2006.
:
Helly 2002: . Helly, , 1997, 35-43.
..:
JB: Jahrbuch des stereichische Byzantinistik
Kiel - - 2003: M. Kiel - . - . ,
16 . ,
13 (2002-2003), 69-101 (= 2002, 225-276).
Koder - Hild 1976: J. Koder - F. Hild, Hellas und Thessalia. Tabula Imperii Byzantini 1,
Wien 1976 [. . , , - - , 12 (1987), 11-112, .
- . ].
Kpper 1990: H. M. Kpper, Der Bautypus der griechischen Dachtranseptkirche, Amsterdam 1990.
2001: . , .
, 2001.
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2005: . ,
, 25 (2005), 176-232.
1992: . , ,
, , . 2, 1992, 407-416.
1994: . , , . 2. , , 1994.
- , 2002: . - . , 12
, , 2002.
2003: . , (.
), 4/24 (2003), 145-162.

223

1973: . , , 2 (1973), 3957.

1974: . , , 3 (1974), 163177.
1979: . , 10
1393. , 1979.
1935: . , , 1 (1935), 41-52.
1999: . , , 21999 (.).
Ousterhout 1999: R. Ousterhout, Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton University Press
1999.
2007: , ,
2007.
1992: . , . ,
, 1992.
- 2004: . - . ,
1988:
, . ,
, , . , , , 7 (2004), 365-408.
2000: . , ,
..
(1990-1998), 1 , 2000,
197-204.
2002: . , .
, 2002, 45-55.
2006: . , 1083 .
, 1 (2003), 403-419.
1977: . , , , . (), . 17-4-1977.
1979: . ,
(4 .-1888), 1979.
Sthlin 1924: F.Sthlin, Das hellenische Thessalien, Stuttgart 1924 (= H .

, . . - . ,
2002).
1928: . , . 2.
(-), 5 (1928), 349-375.
TM: Travaux et Mmoires
1987: . , , . , , ,
1987.
Vocotopoulos 1979: P. Vocotopoulos, The Concealed Course Technique: Further Examples
and a few Remarks, JB 28 (1979), 247-260.
Vocotopoulos 1981: P. Vocotopoulos, The Role of Constantinopolitan Architecture during
the Middle and Late Byzantine Period, JB 31/2 (1981), 551-573.

224

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( . ).

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225

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7 ( 2004), . . .

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8
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57-61).
9
. , , 2 (1905), 98-107. .
,
. , (10, 11 & 12-5-2002), 2005, 303-316, 304.
10
. . ,
() , 1985, . 181 ..,
.
11
. , , . 57. . . , , . 34.
12
. , , . 124: .
13
. , , 1925, . 13 .. D. Papachryssanthou, Actes du Prtaton, Archives de l Athos VII, Paris 1975, . 209-215, . 7.
14
. . , , . 48. . Actes du Prtaton, .., . 224-232, . 8.
7

261

15 16.
, 17
, .
, ,
18, .

. , 19.
,

, 20.

21.
( 4
)22. ,
, , 23.
24. ,
,
25.
, ,

.
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26.
,
.
, , 15

. , , . 124:
,
.
16
. , , . 124.: , ,
, , [].
17
. , , . 123.
18
F. Miklosich - J. Mller, Acta et Diplomata, VI, . 65.
19
. . , . , . 4 , E
1957, . 407.
20
. , , . - , , 31884, . 143144.
21
. , , . 123. . . , , . 129.
22
. , K, . 491. . , , . 123.
23
. . , , . 407.
24
. , , . 489.
25
. . ,
, . 124, . . 16.
26
. , , . 124: .., .

262

(1088)

,
27.
.
28. , .
29.
, 5 ,

30. ,
,

31.

32.
, .

.

33.
.
.
,
, . ,
,
27

. . M. , , . 35 .. . ,
, . 5. . . , , . 63.
28
. , , . 485.
29
. , , . 185-187. . ,
, 1901, . 78.
30
. - . , Jus Graecoromanum, . , 1931 (. 1962), . 61-63. . ,
, . 185.
31

, ,
, ,
.
1045. . : ,
, 26
(1964), 21 .. ,

, . . , , . 285.
. . , , . 174 .. .
, ,
22 (2001), 31 ..

,
. . ,
, . 138.
32
. . , , . 125-126:
, .
. ,
[].
33
. . , , . 316.

263

34. 35
,
36.

,
37.
,
38, . , 4
.

.
:
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,
39 40. , 41. 42.
:
43.

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44. ,
,
34

. . , . . - .
, , . , 1852. . , 1992 (.
), . 651: , .
35
. , , . 122:
.
36
. , , . 124, . . 16.
37
. , F. Miklosich - J. Mller, Acta et Diplomata, VI, . 64.
38
. , , . 144.
39
. . , , 15 (1957), 99-100.
40
. , , . 279.
41
. . , , . 67 .. . ,
, . 124:
[].
42
. . , , . 33, . 27.
43
. , , . 124: 4
[]. 4
.
44
, F. Miklosich - J. Mller, Acta et diplomata, VI, . 64:
.

264

(1088)

45.
, ,
: 4
46.
, 47, ,
48,
49.
.
-
- ,
.
, , ,
.
,
50 - -
.
51 , v
, , (
, )52.

53 54. . , 55. ,
.


45
. , , E 1898, .
266-270. . , , .
, E 1906. 1970 (), . 767-768.
46
. , , . 124.
47
, . , , . . , , 1998.
48
P. Lemerle, Actes de Kutlumus, Paris 1945, . 113-116, 117-121, 135-138.
49
. , (1527-1540) , 4 (1992), 177-282, 225 ..
50
. , , . 124: [].
51
. . , , . 156 .. . , , . 183 ..
52
. , , . 184-185.
53
. . , , . 133 ..
54
. , , . 124: .
55
. . , , . 149 .., . . ,
, . 31 .. . ,
, 27 (1956), 295-306.

265

, .

.
,
, .
, ,
, .
.

,
, .
;

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. ,
, , .

,
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. ,
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,
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,
b
, .
, , ,

. ,
, .
,
, .

266

(1088)

MARIA TATAGIA

THE TYPICON OF THE MOYNT OF KELLIA (1088):

CANONICAL ARRANGEMENTS AND MONASTICAL IDEALS
ACCORDING TO SAINT CHRISTODOULOS OF PATMOS
The above text refers to a monasterial typicon, which was written, after an order of the
emperor Alexios I Comnenos, by Christodoulos of Patmos for the monastic community, so
called Mountain of Cells (Kellia), near Larissa. The text is very short, but if we compare it
with other monasterial typical, we verify that it has all the features of these texts and
therefore it can be classified in this family of texts, that is, monasterial typical.

, 1610/30.
(. , , 1977, . 159).

267

, 19 .
( )
1860 ..
: .. . (1868), . (1876),
. (1871), . (1888).
, , .
1. 1
-
2. ,
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1)

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, . ;
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1

. . , :
, , 5-4-1987, . 2, 8.
2
. . , , 1 , . 38, . 6.

268

; ,
.
. ,
. ,
.
, . .
.
. , , 1830-1850.
.
1860 , ,
,
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3. , ,
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,
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1922,
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4.
(. 4)
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.
.
.

. , . 2.
(-), (1928), 355, . 1. . ,
(4 .. - 1888), , 1979, . 8.
4
. (..
). [ , (;), ]

269

.
, , ,

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5, .
,
, ,
.
,
, .
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. ,
.
(= , ), .
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. , . , (. 5).
2. ,
6 -
- ,
7, . (. 6)
,
600 . ,
1870-1875. . 1983
, . (. 7)
5

. , . 2, . 64, . 3
. , . 1, . 1.
7
: 1)
(1875 ..). 2) (1830-1930). (. 9) 3)
, , (1870, 1890. 4)
, . 5) , ,
(1853-1930), 1877. 6) , ,
, 1902. 7) , , 1905. 8)
, , 1918. 9) . 10)
, ... . . , ,
, , 21-8-1983.
6

270

, .
, .
, ,
. 1917, ,
.
.
, .
, , . .
.
. .
.
,
. , ..
,
, ( 1881).
(..
) . ,
- . (. 8) 1917-1918 .

.
, ,
, , , .
NIKOS KOUKARAS

THE LOCAL TRADITION ABOUT THE FOUNDATION OF STOMION, 19TH C.

(THE SETTLEMENTS KONOMIO AND TRAMOUNTANA)
The author throughout the local traditions of the dwellers of Stomio area is trying to
investigate a) the old settlement of Oeconomeion-Konomio between the Stomion monastery and the Stomion community, which was outlasted until the middle of the 19th century
and b) the settlement of Tramountana which was developed by the end of 19th century
onwards having as dwellers mainly emigrants.

271

. 1. .

. 3. -.

. 5.
8 ,
.

. 2.
( . 1,5 .).

. 4. .

. 6.
.

. , 1 . 35, . 3.
.

272

. 7. .

. 8. .

. 9. , . .

273

-,
, :
1
,
, ,
, .
o .
[...]
, ,
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[]2. , , ,

().
, (. :2, . 8) - (. :2, . 9), (<, . )- , ,
, (. :2, . 4, . 6). ,
,
, .
- /,3 1
: 04.04.1992, - , , 17.05.1992,
27-06-2006, 28-05-2006, 03-08-2008. . ,
,
.
. , , ,
, , ,
. - ,
,
, (). , :2, , , . ,
, , -
. ,
7 , . .
2
. . , , 1860, . 96.
3
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. . , , ,
, , , , ,
1829, . 21 . . , , :

274

-,

, - (. :2, . 6),4 (
) . , , ,
.
, ,
5. ,
, , ,
(
, : , 2001, 124, 133, 137 [ . 16], 139, 149,
150, 171, 172, 179- 185. : - . ,
, 2005, . 33, . 111 .
- 1726,
1812 - .
18 . , . . , :
, ...., 1997, . 26. 17 .
, , , , ,
, : , , . . , ,
6 (1909), 487-487.
4
- 18 . (<=), ( , -, , ).
18 . . ,
18 . , , 19 .,
. , , , ,
, (
), -, . ,
, , .
, 18 ., , - (. ) ,
. ,
: , - , ,
() .-, ,
,
, , , .
() , ,
:2. , ,
TEMPE British Survey Force, Royal Engineers, Printing Section, Ed. 1917,
Agrandissement de la carte grecque an 75.000e 1/50.000, par le Service Topographique des Armes Allies d
Orient, BSF , , 1897-1912
Petroyephyra () .
5
, -- Piri Rei ( 1525/6)
, , ,
(altimana), , . , , , . ,
1999, . 183-185. Licustem suyu ( ,
, ), , ( . 184),
16 . : urve Yualdan ( ), :
ltnghlu aylasi ( , , ,
). . Erturul Zeki kte, ed., Kitab-I Bahriye Pir Reis, The Historical Research Foundation /
Istanbul Research Center, Ankara 1988, 267-269 ( , , Licustem suyu
, , ,
).

275

),
(), ,6
, .
1950, (). , (. :2, . 7).
(. :1,
:2, . 2, . 1, 6), -7.
, ,
,
,
.8

. , , 1857, . 6.
, .
, () ,
, ,
, 1881 1 14 :
.
1:50.000, : RDAGH (K
24 1881).
. . , . (
, , .2) (. . 35).
, .
, ,
, , , ,
(. : 2, . 2, ),
. , , , , 1917 (.
. . 3), -
, ( . 1:200.000)
1896, 1899-1902 1905-1907 (. [VII Z], . 1:100.000,
, ..., 1935, )-
/Kastri , ,
,
, , , ,
, , , ,
; .
8
. , , , ,
: , , ,
( Meyer
Guide Joanne-Isambert), 1913, . 26: [ . ] 2:
-. [] . ,
()
, () ()
( 1882 )
. [] .
. 5 .
, 8 . ,
. . 2
, [] .
7

276

-,

50 , , ..., . .
-, . 1:200.000, 1954 () (. . 4).
- : Thessalie - Vue de Tsaghezi (L extrmit de la Valle de
Temp), ,
1898 1902,
(. . 5).
: . , , ,
9 - ,
, (. :2, . 11)10- ( ) , (
1930 ),11 -, ,
12, , , (
)- , ,
. . , (< > > )13
Alfred Mzires, Mmoire sur le Plion et l'Ossa, Paris 1853, . 110112. . : . ., , , , . (1901), 104.
9
1.500 2.500 ., (. . 1,
, 1 , , ).
10
, , 1390-91, ,
, , , ,
(. . , , ,
, 1909, 234-235, . 4). , , ,
18 . ,
,
, , . : . . ,
1821, 31967, 30-31. , , .
. , :
1854, ,
1856, . 259: . .
, (-), [.: . . . ],
, . ., . 60-61: -. ,
, 1882
.... ,
1881-1912, , ,
, , - 183,30 . .
. 4354.3, . 1:5.000, -- ,
1990, .
.
11
, , .
12
, . -, :
: --- (),
(/), 3 ,
: ,
: : , , 18-20
2003, 2004, 346-347.
13
, . Vivarion he Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Volume
3, Oxford University Press 1991, . 2182. ,
. . .,
, ,

277

, (. :2, . 5).
, , ,

, . ,

. 14
. ,
1000-1200 . -
, ,
-, 15 - ,
, .
, (.
6). (), . .
, ,

: 16. ,
, ,17
1430, , . . . ,
, [, 2731 1990], .: , 1992, 91-92. ,
, , ,
, (. . ,
: , . , 1856, . 14.
14
, ,
, - , . . . , V: , (
- ), 3 (1932), 64-68, 68-69.
15
, livar, , . ,
, , 55 (1951), 96.
16
1537 (), . ,
, (29-31
1992), 1993, 137-137.
17
Mihrimah Sultana 1522 25 1578.
B (1566-1574)
, . ,
. ihrimah Sultana , ,
, . Rstem
Paa, , . : Evgeni Radushev - Svetlana Ivanova - Rumen Kovachev, Inventory of Ottoman
Turkish Documents about Waqf Preserved in the Oriental Department at the St. Cyril and Methodius National
Library, Part 1- Registers, Sofia 2003, . 115 [ avariz Yeniehir, 1671-72], 119 [
avariz Yeniehir, 1672-74], 130 [
avariz Yeniehir, 1684-85],
. 137 [ , liva (=) , 17 : ( ), Hanim

278

-,

(1520-1566),
(Damat Rstem Paa, 1544-1553),
. : , , / Pertinentia
Platamonis, , , ,
, 18.
,
, 1 ..
.
( , , ) 500 (:2, :3, .
6). , ( 500 ..
800 ..) ,
. /
-/, (. :2, . 3, .
2, 6)- ,
, , , .
Sultan, ( ),
, Hanim Sultan ( )]. , ,
, Tanzimat (1839-1876),
Abdulmecid, ,
Mustafa Resid Pasha (. Kaynar Resat, Mustafa
Resit Pasa ve Tanzimat, Ankara 1985). Mustafa Resid Pasha, , Glhane Hatti Humayunu (1839). ,
1884 -. . ,

, 50 (2006), 335-341-
, ,
, 16 . , , :
(), (>, . ), , , , (>), (. ), (. ), (>;), , (>),
, , (. ) -.
, 1073/89 (1662-1678), , . .. . 349-350 Pandolimono (<) ( Mihrimah Sultan, . . , [Yeniehir] 17 :
1050-1052 [1650-1652], 2004, . 307[569]). Laspahor (, . ) , 1651, Kara Mustafa Paa (. , . ., . 232 [367]).
18
, , Piri Rei (Bahriye), 1521
.. - , -
(Qaitiroz) , , ,
: gemi girer dalian dir (= ), ,

, , , (. - 1 Piri Reis [
]: Piri Reis, Bahriye: (1521), -: et alii, [: ], , .. [1997;], . 87,
, . 276) , , -, 16 .

279

(. : 1, 2, 3),
(. 22),
, , (;), ,
, ,
, , ,
, , , , ,
, .
, , ,
19 , 1999,
- ,
-, (:1, 3, . 2)20. Leon Heuzey, 1855 ,
: [] L on mindiqua une ruine connue dans le pays sous le nom
19

. . , 1910, . . 400 409 , . 1:200.000,

.
20
, Kastri, Nikteremi Kolura, 1907, . ATHOS [THE BALKANS], TURKEY, . 1:250.000 ( , ).

, , 1912, ,
1897, ,
1881-1897, ,
, , . . 1901, . Artaria and Co. Landkartenhadlung, 400 400 LARISA,
. 1:200.000 ( o: 1781 /
), Kastri (. 33). , , 1897,
, ,
,
, . . . , 1910, . . 400 409 , .
1:200.000. Kastri : Balkans, 1894-1914, . 1:200.000,
Kaiserreiches und Knigliches militrgeographisches Institut ( ), Wien 1901
(Teilweise berictigt bis 14.XI.1911), .. LARISA. .
20 . (1905), ,
,
( ) (. 34). , , 1881,
, , . Carte de la nouvelle frontire TurcoGrcque l chelle de 1:50,000 excute pour la comission de dlimitation par les commissaires charges des
travaux topographiques, sous la direction de M. le commandant Ardach (Convention signe a Constantinople le
mai 1881), : Karalik Debond [= ] . ,
( ), , . -.
, 1952-1959, 1959, . 111: 1871 (sic)
, , ,
Ardagh
1:50000 13 ,
1:200.000 . -:
Ashmead Ellis, The Battlefields of Thessaly: with personal xperiences in Turkey and Greece, London 1897,
velot Henri, Croquis de Grce et de Turqie, 1896-1897, Tours 1897.

280

-,

de Kastri; cest une grande tour ronde faite de moellons et de ciment. Les murailles slvent encore
un dizaine de pieds. Elle est situe deux lieues plus au nord, entre Nekterem et Platamona, quelque
distance de la mer. Tels sont du moins les renseignements que je recueillis, car il me fur impossible de
lapprocher : environne de marais, elle nest accesible que pendant les grandes chaleurs, et le bois
pais qui couvrent les alentours empchent de la voir, mme de loin. Du reste, la description quon
men fit, je compris que ctait une forteresse de lpoque byzantine, destine videment dfendre
les bouches du Pne et le rivage, qui est une grve de sable partout abordable. Bien que le nom de
Kastri soit commun beaucoup de ruines, je ne puis mempcher de remarquer que Cantacuzne cite
deux fois, ct de Lycostomion, une petite ville forte du nom de Castrion. []21. ,

, , , ,

.22 , , ,
, , , (:2,
. 2). .
- -, .
. (, ,23 ),
,24 ,25 , , , , ,26 , 20 21 .,
, -,
- 27.
21

L. Heuzey, Le mont Olympe et l' Acarnanie: Exploration des ces deux regions, avec l' tude de leurs
antiquites, de leurs populations anciennes et modernes, de leur gographie et de leur histoire /
ouvrage accompagne de planches, Paris 1860, . 87.
22

, , , , , . :

, . . , : ,
43 (1988), - , 1995, 203, . 1 . 201, . 4
. 204.
23
, , : ,
1881, , 1884, . 16. :
, . L. J. D. Richardson, Homeric again,
4 (1971), 262-263.
24
, ,
, .
25
, 11 ., , ( ), - 9 .;-
, ()
.
26
, ,
. 18 .
.
27
1999 , .
7 ... . , ,
, ,
.
,
.
, (

281

1:5.000, . 4354.4, (. 1), 1981 1979,

. , ,
, :
180 . x 90 .
-. . 1- ..., , 17
1992 (. . 2). ..., , . . ,
. 1:50.000, .
,
,
. , , ,
,
, , (
) , , , (. 23).
12.800 . .,
, 13.300 . ., 28.
( ) ,
, . , ,
1992,
, , , , , ,
(. . 2).
:
, (. :2,
. 3, . 2, 6), 10-15
, 1992, 1979 ( ...), 1992,
, ) : ... . ,
. ,
, ... !

, 1996! 1999
, ,
(!) . , . 150 .
, 1,5 ., 80 .,
.
,
...
500 ,
... [. , 23 2002, . 31]. :
.
- . ,
.
500 .
500 . . [. , 23-03-2002].
28
( 4 .), , 15,5 , . . , , 7 (1987-1990), 181.

282

-,

. , , ,
,
. , ,
, . ,
. , , ,
, , , ()29 , // .
1999-2000, , ,
, ,
, 2006,
,
a (. 18, 24). ,
, 8-10 ,30 , (. . 6, . 25).
:
(murus) 160 . x 80 ., 480 .
2,40-2,45 .31 , , ,
, 10,30 . x 10,30 ., : 1,30 . , 75 . . (. . 1, 2).
,
, 2 (. . 2, . 9, 16, 26).

29
, ,
, , .
( 6- 7 .), . Mihescu, ed., 4.3.1, . 1-18.
30
: ,
( ,
) - -
, . , , , .
31
1 2, ,
, , . , : 30 x 60 . (.
: //1/.19/25021/806/19-5-1981 [... 468/. /10-8-1981]). Richard
Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, Penguin Books, Printed in Great Britain, 1965, . 186,
,
: [] Dozens of these frontier posts have survived. Square or rectangular as a rule, they could be as
small as 40 m. (130 ft) square, but were rarely larger than 60 by 80 m. (200 by 260 ft). Their exterior walls were
from 1 to 3 m. (3 to 10 ft) thick and up to 8 m. (25 ft) high. The corners and the single main gate were protected
by projecting towers, square or occasionally round. (Where nature afforded protection, a wall across the neck of
a hill or a tower on top of a steep rock might suffice.) Barracks leant against the inner wall. The centre of the
enclosure would be given over to a church, often dedicated to the Virgin, who was the guardian of the safety of
the cities and of the true faith [
]. The defence of Throne and Altar coincided, and against the barbarians -both pagans and hereticsthe church and its relics afforded as much protection as walls and gates [].

283

, , ca. 1,50 .,32

. , 4,
2, , , . 4 ,
, (.
. 1). , , ,
-
-
, . ,
, ,
, .
4 33.
, , , ,
, - - , ca. 52 ., , 34. , , , ,
, ,
(3), (1)
(5). 1 (. . 2, . 7, 8),
, : 6,65 . x 5,85 ., : 1,45 (
) 1,30 . ( , , ,
2),35 : ca. 23,5 . .,
36. , 1,50 .,
,
. , , : , ,
.
, ,
8, ,37 , ,
(portae)
, ,
.
- , . o32

: , . 1,50 .,
(. , . ., 205).
33
()
, , .
34
,
: , 56 . 70-80 .,
, , , . . , . ., 205.
35
K , , ca. 1,30 ., . .
, .., 176.
36
3 1,
5 , .
37
Etymologicum Magnum, Zacharias Kallierges, Venezia 1499, . 147, . 5-6: []
[].
, .

284

-,

, ,
, 6, 38.
1 (. 1, . 1), 14
, .
1 2 , ,
, (. . 27).
2 , 1990,
, a. 7 ., 1992
(. . 2, . 16), ,
(. . 9)39. , , ,
, , ,
(. 29, 30). 1 10
, 1992, 4-4,5 ., -. . 10 ( . , ,
, ) . 11 ( .
, , , ).
, , 1999-2000. ,
9 10, 1992, (. 28).
, - , 30 .
, ,
, a. 1,20-140 ., 04-04-1992
(. 13).
,
: () (600 ..
), () , ,
, .
, , , , ,
, ,
,
5 8 .
-castrum: ,
38

, . . : ,
, . . , . ., 205.
- 40-100 - , .
agorzata Biernacka-Lubaska, The Roman and Early-Byzantine Fortifications, . ., . 55.
39
() : http://www.tedklarisas.gr/mnimeia/mnimeia_details.php?Id=72, , (
, 1999-2000, ) , , . 9,
, 1992.
.

285

, , 40. , ,
, 7 . , , ab novo
5 6 .. ,
, .
,41
972-985 ..
(, ) ,42 ab novo,

10 43. ,
, .
, 44.
40

. : Stephen Johnson, Late Roman Fortifications, London 1983. : agorzata BiernackaLubaska, The Roman and Early-Byzantine Fortifications of Lower Moesia and Northern Thrace, WrocawWarszawa-Krakw-Gdask-Ld 1982. , ,
, (castrum),
Flavius Vegetius Renatus, Epitoma rei militaris, ed. by M. D. Reeve, Oxford Classical Texts, Liber I: XXIIXXV, Liber III: VIIII, 384-389 .. :
castrum, quadriburgium, ,
, . : Dorel Bondoc, Bridge Heads on the northern border of the Dacia Ripensis Province between
the 4th and the 5th centuries, tes of the International Conference: The Roman and Late Roman City (Veliko
Turnovo, 26-30 July 2000), Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences / Archaeological Institute with Museum,
2002, 167-172. castrum (argala),
(Dolni Kozjak) F.Y.R.O.M., 280 x
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,
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,
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, , ,
, , , ,
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, , , , , : Pidanemo
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, , ,
,
, , ,
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, , 4 /. ,
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/ /
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. , . . .
,
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Geografico dell Antico col Moderno / ARCIPELAGO / Per / Istruzione dell Istoria dell Isole
contenute in esso / Opera / Del P. Maestro Coronelli / Cosmografo della Serenissima Republica di
Venezia, / ad uso dell / Academia Cosmografica degli Argonauti / Dedeicato / All Eccellenza del
Signor / Gio: Battista Dona Sauio Grande, et.c. / gia Bailo in Constantinopoli],
: Gutto di Salonichi, Vardar E./Axius, Granca, Volanda, , Porto Quir, Quitro, Stadia,
Dium, Lissa, Issae Portis, Physcella, Verlichi, C. Verlichi, Chironides, Sidro [ <=
], Dotium, M. Olimpo, Tempe, Scilampria F. Peneus, Bocca del Peneo / Lycostome ost.,
Lycostome.
(5) 1698: Francisco M. Levanto. : Prima partie dello specchio del Mare, Venezia 1698,
Carta Maritima di tutto L Arcipelago. , :
Sigra, Pidameno (. 38).
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Sieurs Michelot Pilote Royal. & Bremond Hydrographe Du Roy1715, :
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(5) 1716: L Abb Baudrand, La Grece Tire des Mmoires de Monsieur LAbb
Baudrand, A Paris, chez Le S.r Jaillot, Geographe du Roy joignante les gr.dos Angustiis aux 2 Colones.
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Depot des Cartes Plans et Journaux de la Marine par Ordre de Mgr Le Comte de Maurepas,
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LIVADIA /ALBANIA E / ANNA / Diuise nelle parti principali da GIACOMO / CANTELLI da Vignola su
lEsemplare delle / carte migliori, s le pi recenti Relationi con / l accescim.to di molte notizie. Data in luce da
/ Gio. Giacomo de Rossi dalle sue stampe in Roma alla / Pace con Priuilegio de S. Pont. 1684 (E
Lycostomo Lacostono, 1602 1638, ). -
Cantelli 1689 [= La Macedonia / descritta / da Giacomo
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Rossi / dalle sue Stampe in Roma alla Pace / con Priu.o del S. P. 1689.].
82
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83
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(9): 1752: Emmanuel Bowen, A Complete Atlas or distinct View of
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(10) 1764: () ,
J. Giacomo Alagna, A Comp[l]ete Set of new Charts of Portugal and the
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, () Sigera ( ).
(10) 1767: O Jean Baptiste Nolin, Atlas General, Paris 1767: La Crece
Ancienne et Moderne / Dedie a son altes se Royale Monseigneur le Duc De Bourgogne Dinse ,
: C. de S. George, Sagra, Salampria R., Pidaemo, Verlichi, Neo, C.
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(11) 1780: D Anville, Les ctes de la Grce et l Archipel, Atlas general, 17271780. [X, 1750/29, (acharakis 1992, . 26 [. 91]), (
, ): Vardar Fl., Lepsti, p.te basse, Porto Kitro, Kitro, Platamona [=
], Stan Dia, Sigra, Carisa, Salampria ou Pene, C[apo] Ste. Catherine.
(12) 1796: Griechenland / der / Archipelagus / Albanien, Makedonien, Ro / manien
und ein Theil von Anadoli, / nach der / Karte des De la Rochette, dem Le Clercschen / Atlas de Commerce, und Vielen andern guten Hlfs = / mitten entworfen und durchgngig verbessert / und
vermehrt heraugegeben v. S. 1796 / In der Schneider und Weigelschen K. K. / priviligirten
Handlung / zu / Nrnberg, 179685, (Brcke), Lycostona
[=], Coritza [=],
Sigra.
(13) 1827: , Lapie, 182786 - Carte de la partie
Septentrionale de la GRECE MODERNE, Dresse principalement sur les Mmoires de M.
Pouqueville, Par le Ch.r LAPIE, 1827 -
, , (
): Cap Kissovo, Conomio, Caritza, Michteremi, Laspochori, Spilea, Baba, Ambelakia,
Pourla, Mavrilimni, Crania, Pyrgetos, Kariti, Port de Bacrina, Sigra, Platamona, Nesiva, R. Nesiva,

84

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85
, : .
86
.

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, Pidanemo Sidro
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Siguro, (<),
Sidero>Sidro (=, ) , ,

[. (2)]. Sidro [. (3), (4) (5)], ,
(=), ,
17 . .
Pidanemo [. (3), (4) (5)] : Pidaemo
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,
( ;) .

- 2 ., 600 .
- , ,
88. , ,
. , , . ,


, . - -
(), , , (), 4-5
(),

, 133389 1350,90 ,

87

Cousinery, Lapie, 1826, Sygra

Standia, Kariti (=) .
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. , . . , . 1:75.000, 1910, .
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).
89
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91. , , , , ,
, ( ) ,92 , (-) .

14 . . , , , , , , ,
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. ,
,
,
. 2,30 .
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, -
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.

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, 1959, 90 , ,
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, , ,
,

.
EVANGELOS A. PAPATHANASSIOU
THE CASTELLUM AT THE SITE KASTRI-LOUTRO,
NORTHERN OF MESANGKALA (RESORT), IN PENEUS DELTA,
AND ITS SURROUNDINGS: SOME THOUGHTS AND REMARKS
At the far northern edge of the alluvial Delta plain of River Peneus, in a site named
Kastri, lie, amidst water channels and next to the bed of a brook, the ruins of a small
castle, not far away from the seashore. Some 10 years ago, nearly half of it was brutally
vandalized and flattened. What it remains -compared with older photos and maps- allows us
to study a rectangle fortification, in dimensions: 260 feet x 520 feet, with towers on all four
corners and also smaller lateral towers in regular intervals among them. We have to assume
that a settlement had been developed around it. The surrounding channels and brooks,
probably of the establishments of a huge ancient and medieval offshore fishery, reinforced
undoubtedly the defense of the site.
Examining the manners in which the ancient builders have erected the Walls, we would
risk preliminary dating our castle inside the so called Medieval Dark Ages (7th-8th c. a. D.)
and perhaps at the second half of the 7th c. This period the emperors of Heracleios Dynasty
undertook certain initiatives to secure strategically crucial points and routes in the southern
part of the Haemus Peninsula (Illyricum). Their efforts pushed on by the Isaurians at the
second half of the 8th c. Defending the passing-by Public Road, which connected
Thessalonica to Larissa, the military detachment in this castrum was also able to lie in
ambushes for the invading or the retreating enemy. All the region along the road, from
Platamon to the southern exit of Tempe Valley, constituted a clausura (later a derbend) and
Kastri had a role in its system.
For safer conclusions to be extracted about the character of the region during Late Roman
and Early Byzantine periods, a new survey has to be conducted in Deltas perimeter, both in
Olympus and Ossas woody foot, for registering and mapping the archaeological sites of
these epochs that lie in abundance there.

301

. 1. -, -.
1, . (:
10-03-2008).

. 2. ,
- ( 17 1992).

. 3. ( 12 .)
(: 23.12.1990).

. 4. .. , .1:200.000, 1954, ...

().

302

-,

. 5. -, Thessalie - Vue de
Tsaghezi (L extrmit de la Valle de
Tempe). 1898-1902.

. 6. - ( , 12-072003, Google Earth).

. 7. 1 ( )
(, 28-5-2006).

. 8. 1 ( ,
) (: 28-05-2006).

. 9. 1,
,
1992 (
).

. 11. . 10.
1 10, . (:
04-04-1992).

303

. 10.
1 10, . (: 04-041992).

. 12. , (:
04-04-1992).

304

-,

. 13. 1
2 () (: 27-062006).

. 15.
10
9 (: 04-04-1992).

. 14. 1
2 () (: 27-062006).

. 16.
2, .
.
in situ, , ( : 04-04-1992).

. 17. -. ,
(: 28-52006).

. 19.
.

305

. 18.

(: 28-5-2006).

. 20. .

306

-,

. 21. (:
-, 1726, : 23.12.1990).

. 22.
.
(: 27-06-2006).

. 23.
, (: 27-06-2006).

. 24.
(: 27-06-2006).

. 25.

(: 28-05-2006).

. 26. 2
(: 28-05-2006).

307

. 27. T ( 1 2).

. 28. 10 9,
(. ) (: 04-04-1992).

. 29. 2.
(: 03-082007).

. 30.
2 (: 03-08-2007).

308

-,

. 31. 1 2 () (: 27-06-2006).

. 32. ,
1 (: 03-08-2007).

309

. 33. , 1901, . Artaria and Co. Landkartenhadlung, . . 400 400

LARISA, . 1200.000 ( o: 1781 / . ....).

310

-,

. 34. 20 . (1905),
(. . ).

. 35. (.2) .
RDAGH, 1881 (. . ).

311

. 36. L' Abbe Baudrand, 1716.

. 37. J. Laurenberg, Atlas Novus, Thessaliae accurate Descriptio, Amsterdam 1663

(. . ).

. 38. Francisco M. Levanto, Carta

Maritima di tutto L Arcipelago, Venezia
1698 (. . ).

312

-,

. 1. - .

. 2. - 1 2.

1. . 4354.4, 1 5.000, ...

313

314

-,

2. , . (
. ' . 4354.3 4354.4, 4354.5, 4354.6, ...).

3. . 4354.4, ...

315

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drs, 11643,
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).
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316

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8
. 1974, 81. Koder Hild - - 1987, 11 ... 2006, 404, . 1 (. . 4).
, , . 1979, 4.
9
1979, 8. 2005, 43.
10
Kiel .. 2003, 90.
11
1836, 113-114. 2005, 45 ..
. Holland 1813, 163. 1791, 193.
12
2001, 347.
13
Leake 1835. 34(1998), 125. ( 200 ). 1960, 501.
14
2005, . 54.
15
19 . 2005, 43.
. . . 1979, 26.
7

317

1976
, , 1642,
, .
, 0.10 x 0.24. :
() () / / () / /
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1979, 21.
1981, 273. Papastavrou 1987, 149.

318

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, (1590)19.

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.
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18 .
, 11.30 x 6.70, (. 8).
18

Underwood 1975, 257 ..

2006, . . 1.
20
. ( ). 1993, 313, . 10 ..
21
, . 1992, 174.
1987, 211 ..
22
1993, 315. 1992, 176 (
).
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2006, 231), ( - 1985, . 39),
(Koumoulides - Walter 1975, . 14 ..).
.
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319

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1999, 7
2001.
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(18-19 .).

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, 24.

25 (. 10). ,
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28.
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12), 29.
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30. ,
, (1721)31
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(.13).
24
. Papastavrou 1987, 152. (1610)
(1512),
. To . , . Papastavrou 1987, . 1 .. .
( 1987, . 24),
( 2002, 53 42 ).
25
, , . 18 . . 2002, 63.
26
. . 2006 ( ).
27
Koumoulides - Walter 1975, . 15.
28
- 1985, . 62, . 3 ( )
29
1989, 106. Altripp 1998, 88.
30
2006, 518. .
. - 1985, . 4-5.
31
Koumoulides - Walter 1975, . 20 ..

320

(.15).
,
, 18 32. , ,
33 (.
14).
.
,
; 17
, , 19 .
.
(. 16),
1720. ,
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/ 172034.
, :
35.
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, , 1719, , ,
36.
, .

18 , , . 18 , 1977 37,
. 18 5., ,
2.76. 2.
3.5. 18 .
.
,
,
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, . , , (. 20, 21) ,
- .
32

. 1980, 162 ..
H ,
1611 ( 1997, . 8.4 -. 2000, 134 ..,
. 44, 45) 1679 ( 1998, 240, . 104, 107),
. , .
34
1979, 22.
35
1979, ..
36
1979, 21.
37
1977. , 18
.
33

321

, ,

, .
, ,
.
.
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,
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38

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39
1977, .
, .
40
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, . 2006, 517.
.
, ,
1740 . .., 518.
41
2002, 319 ..
42
, , 2007, 153. , ..
43
..

322

, , . , 44,
. , , 1791
45, 1812
46. ,
(
)47, 17 . 48. ,
,
.
STAVROULA SDROLIA

POSTBYZANTINE CHURCHES OF KARITSA, IN KISSAVOS AREA

Karitsa is situated in the north-east part of Kissavos mountain and has been accorded to
be a vigorous settlement during the 17th and 18th century due to the commercial activity
from its port, Fteri, near Stomion. Three churches have been survived from that period,
among which the oldest is that of Saint Panteleimon. It was a single isle building, the east
part of which which was incorporated in a new three-isled church, after the burning out of
1976.
The painted decoration was organised in three zones, standing figures, saints in busts and
christological scenes, from which only the Ascension, the Healing of Paralyt and the
Pentecost exist today. The Bema program is dominated by the Virgin enthroned in the apside
and completed with the officiating bishops, deacons and the angels from Melismos.
The arrangement of the program, with the Ascension in the triangular upper part of the
east wall, is the usual one in small timber roofed churches in northern Greece.The anonymous painter is a well skilled artist, who prefers richely folded vestments with floral decoration. This work is dated slightly after 1642, according to the donor inscription, refering to
the erection of the church.
The churches of St. Athanasios and St. John the Baptist belong to the first decades of the
18th century. In both of them only the decoration of the Bema has survived. In St. Athanasios the program is more complex, with the Mandylion under the Ascension and Christ child
blessing in the cylix, which enhance further the meaning of the sanctuary decoration towards
salvation. The christological scenes begin from S.wall with Evangelismos and the Birth of
Christ and terminate in N.wall with post Resurrection scenes.

44

. 2007.
, 19 , ,
. 1979, 26.
45
1791, 193.
46
1836, 113.
47
Kiel .. 2003, 90.
48
2004, 269, 339.

323

The program of the decoration of the church of St. John is simpler and only the Virgin,
some bishops and the Decapidating of St. John have survived. The two painters use stylistic
models of the 17th century but the one of St. Athanasios church is more skillful. In the same
church there exists a remarkable wood-carved ikonostasis of 18th century.
-
A 1974: . , 1204, , 1974.
1 (2003): , , 27.2-2.3.2003, 1, -
, 2006.
2 (2006): , 2, 2006.
, 16/3/06 19/3/06, 1, ,
2009.
Altripp 1998: . Altripp, Die Prothesis und ihre Bildausstattung in Byzanz unter besonderer
Bercksichtigung der Denkmler Griechenlands, Frankfurt am Main 1998.
1976: . - ,
, . , . (1975-76), 109-142.
2005: . , , - - , .
, 2005.
1981: . , ,
1981.
1992: . , , , : . .
( 1987), 1992, 473-497.
1791: . - . , ( .
), 1988.
:
:
Holland 1813: H. Holland, (1812-13), . . , - . , 1989.
:
Idrs 1999: Idrs, La premire Gographie de lOccident, H. Bresc - A. Nef, Paris 1999.
Kiel .. 2003: . iel : . - . , 16 . , :
13 (2002-2003) 69-99 [= . (), , - , -
(1993), 2002, 225-276].
Koder - Hild - - 1987: , - - , 12 (1987), 11-112.
1960: . , , 1960.
1989: . , -
, - 1989.

324

- 1985: . - . ,
, 1985.
Koumoulides - Walter 1975: J. Koumoulides - C. Walter, Byzantine and Post - Byzantine
Monuments in Thessaly, Greece: the Art and Architecture of the Monastery of Saint
Panteleimon, London 1975.
Leake 1835: M. W. Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, London 1835 [.
34 (1998), 96-126].
1836: . . , , -
- , . , 1992.
- 2006: . - . ,
() 2 (2006), 577-593.
2003: . ,
(. ) , (2003), 145-161.
1992: . , , : .
- . , , - - - , . , , 1992, 164-183.
1997: . , , ,
, , 1997, 259-262.
1998: . , , , , 1998, 237-245.
2000: . , , , . ,
2000, 129-147.
2002: . , 17 ,
2002.
2007: . , ,
2007.
Papastavrou 1987: H. Papastavrou, Remarques sur la dcoration du mur est au-dessus de
labside dans trois glises du Xve sicle en Macdoine, Cahiers Balkaniques 11
(1987), 141-159.
1987: . , , 5 (1961-63)
363-414 (= ,
1977, 407-463).
2004: . , (Yeniehir) 17 , .
. , 2004.
2006: . , 1083 .
, 1 (2003), . , 2006, 403419.
2006: . , (1590).
, . , . (2006), 221-232.
1977: . , ,
, , 17-4-1977.
1979: . ,
(4 .. - 1888), 1979.
2001: . , 509, 16491669, 40 (2001), 293-366.

325

1928: . , . 2.
. , 5 (1928), 349-375.
1987: . - ,

( 1984), 1987, 211-255.
1993: . ,
, : , 1993,
307-322.
1980: . , 17 - 18 . , 1980.
2002: . ,
18-19 , ,
, 2002, 319-342.
2006: . , , 2 (2006), 611-632.
2006: . , 18
, 1, . , 2006, 509-518.
Underwood 1975: P. Underwood, Some problems in Programs and Iconography of Ministry
Cycles, The Kariye Djami 4, Studies in the Art of the Kariye Djami, Princeton, New
Jersey 1975.

326

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

9.
10.

11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20-22.

. 1. . .

327

. 2. . .

. 3. .
.

. 4. . .

. 5. . .

328

. 6. . .

. 7. . .

. 8. . .

329

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.

13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.

. 9. . .

330

. 10. . .

. 11. .
.

. 12. .
.

. 13. . .

. 14. .
.

. 15. . .

. 16. . .

331

332

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

. 17. . .

. 18. . .

333

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. 20. .
.

334

. 21. .
.

. 22.
(. , 1985).

335

,
:

1
(. 1), ,
(. 2). ,
, 20 .
. 2
(55 x 89 .), ,
, 1878 1883.

3 (. 18-22). , (25,5 x 31 ., . 23)
(71 x 83 ., . 24) ,
1879,
, .
,

.
19 .
, .
. , . , , ,

... :
( 19 .).
2
: (
/ 1879 / () ()(), (. 3). (
/ 1882 / ()
(), (. 4). ( / 1878 /
()() () , (. 5-7). ( /
/1879/ () ()()/ () ()/
/ / . (), (. 8). (
/ 1879 / , (. 9-10). (
/ 1883 / ()
() (. 11-12). ( / 1883 /
(
, (. 13-17).
3
/ 1885 /
.

336

. - ,
, - 4.
( )
19 .,
, .
19 .,
, 5.
17846 19067.

.

: , , , , , , , , (), , ,
: , , ,
8.
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,
.

(. 7, 22),
. .
,
9. ,
,
. 10, .
(. 3, 17),
, (. 13),
(. 4).
.
, ,
. ,
4

. , 19 ., 1997, . 127 ..
. -, , . 6, 2002, . 61.
6
:
.
7
.
. .
8
I. Z, , . 142.
9
. , , . 142.
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, ,
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Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, Warszawa 2004, . 239, . 94.
5

337

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.
(. 10, 15) ,
.
(. 6),
(. 14). ,
(. 19).
11,
, ,
.
, ,
.
, . ,
.

12.
, .
, ,

. , ,
13.
, , , , ,
. , ,
,
.
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, , . ,
, .

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338

16,
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1878 1885.
, ,
,
.
1885, . 17 (. 21), , , 18.
,
.
, ,
.
, . , , ,
, 19.

, , ..
1867 1860 . ,
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380 , , , ,
,
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,
.
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. . , . , , , 2005, . 179.
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339

,
20, , 21.
19 .
.
TSIGKAROPOULOU

THE TEMPLON OF ST. NIKOLAOS AT STOMION:

ARTISTIC IDENTITY OF THE PAINTERS FROM KOLAKIA
AND THE ART OF MITAKOS CHATZISTAMATIS
The painter Mitakos Chatzistamatis belongs to the Chatzistamatis family which comes
from Kolakia (nowadays Chalastra, in the area of Thessaloniki), one of the three known
painter families of this village during the 19th century.
Mitakos Chatzistamatis has signed 7 icons in the templon of St. Nikolaos at Stomion, in
the district of Eurymenai, from 1878-1883, as well as some icons in the churches of the
nearby Karitsa, while his brother Demetrios is attested in the church of St. John Prodromos
at Stomion.
The Kolakia painters formed a very active workshop in the 19th century, and dominated
the artistic activity of Central Macedonia, along with the painters from Litochoron and
Galatista. Mitakos Chatzistamatis has been known to hold an atelier in Thessaloniki and he
signed most of his works as coming from this city The presence of his works in the Stomion
area must have been favoured by the sea communication which existed between the two
regions.
The presentation of the Stomion icons is enhancing our knowledge about the artistic
activity of the Kolakia painters, the art of which had been attested till now in the areas of
Thessaloniki, Kilkis and Pieria.

20
21

: , , , , .
.

340

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. . , , , , , 2005.
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. , 19 ,
22 (1982), 180-204.
. , 19 (. ),
1997.
. ,
. , - - , : , - 2004, 366-371.
. . , 19 ,
, . 6, 2002, 111-120.
Ikony, z Kolekcji Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, Warszawa 2004.
. , , . ., 1960.
. , , 19 , 1999.
, , . , 1980, 327-340.
- - -, 19
, 2004.
. , (1605-20 .), ,
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. , , 1
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. , . , , , ,
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. . , ---, 1993.
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1981 . 68-70.

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. , (1800-1850),
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J. Darrouzes2. ,
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1

ME. . . .
Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, . J. Darrouzs, Paris 1981.
3
.. Notitia 7. 308. . . 78. ,
(. ), 1984, . 57 ... 2 . 2007, 130 ..
4
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2

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,
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A. Kazhdan, Polis and Kastron in Theophanes and some others Historical Texts, E, Mlanges offerts
Hlne Ahrweiler, -, Paris 1998, . . 345-360. . , 4
12 , 16 (1996), 33-67.
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drisi, Gographie ( ) . II Paris 1840, . 294, 296. ,
1204. (. ), 1974, . 62.
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, ,
, . . , 1 (1909), 237-260. . 256. . . ,
. - - , 1990, 151 ( 43).
9
. , , 2 (1911) . 79.
, . . ,
12 (1987), 11, .
10
J. Koder - F. Hild, Hellas und Thessalia, Tabula Imperii Byzantini 1, Wien 1976, . 208,
. . : , - - , 12 (1987), 11-112, . 71-72. .
, , 1972, .
91 .. , , . 50-51. 2 . . 119-121. , , . 76-77.

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, 12.

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Das Register des Patriarchats von Konstantinopel, III, . J. Koder - M. Hinterberger - O. Kresten, Wien
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18 .
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26.
VASILIKI NERATZI-VARMAZI

THE BYZANTINE LYKOSTOMION AND ITS AREA (10TH - 15TH CENTURY)

Based on the known sources there is an effort to analyse the areas strategic significance
where the byzantine settlement of Lykostomion was situated to neuralgic quarter north of
Tempi valley, as well as the ecclesiastic tradition (10th - 14th century) of the homonym
Bishopric. From the period that Byzantium ceases to militarily control its provinces (11th
century onwards), the Tempi area is being downgraded and the defensive significance of the
area is being reduced as well as the role of the settlement. Then the Lykostomion decays,
whereas the Bishopric moves in the middle of 14th century to the fortress Platamona, location
which develops after the 1204 A.D.

25

. , , 2, 1911, . 1-100, .
65. : 8 .
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26
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, ,
.

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chronologie et bibliographie par Henri Bresc et Annliese Nef, GF Flammarion, Paris 1999, 408-409: La riviere
Lq.s.tm (Pinios) passe dans le voisinage de Larissa la riviere Lq.s.tm, qui se jette dans la mer entre
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, ...46. K ,
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, ,
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19 ., , , 47. ..
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, 49. ,
, ,
50.
-
- :
.
, , -bria (=)51.
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, .
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9, 5, 20, C. 441.
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47

361

STAVROS GOULOULIS - GEORGIA XYNOGALA

MEDIAEVAL NAMES OF PENEIOS: LYKOSTOMION RIVER, SALABRIA

(HISTORICAL AND ETYMOLOGICAL APPROACH)
The main purpose is to record and interpret the twofold name of river Peneios during the
mediaeval period: a) Lykostomion river prevelant to the north of Tempi valley and b)
Salabria prevelant to thessalian inland, south of Tempi valley. The names emerge: 1) by
the mediaeval settlement of Lykostomion, which is a scholar name, 2) by the latin adjective
saluber, -bris which means clean, transparent probably of old latin origin derived from
latin-speaking dwellers of Thessaly of post-roman era, if not by the Vlachs.

.
1920, . . n 15.
( , , 2007, . 191).

362

, , . 12,
15-27 1881.
( . ).

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17555.
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1

Slobodan Nenadovi, Parekklesia, Hilandar Monastery, 1998, . 170(172. ,

,
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2
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. , , , . 4
(2001), . 185, ,
,
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3
(22 . 2004).
4
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.
(14 . 2007).
5
, ,
. , 7, 1999, . 173, . 12 (
).
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. . ,
, .., . 171(196. . , Pascal Androudis, Le catholicon du
monastre byzantin de Saint Dmtrios (Chalks) au Mont Athos (actuel Kyriakon de la skite de Saint

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1806. 1755
( ) 1806.
(
1755, 7 1806 ,
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205. , , (
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9
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: (= )
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, 904.
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Il Cavaliero d onore, espresso in varie reflessioni fatte sopra la Vita di S. Demetrio artire, de Demetrio
di Cidonia, e consecrato all Eccelenza del Sig. Cavalier Procurator di S. Marco Silvestro Valier. Satampato
da Antonio Bosio in Venetia S. Maria Formosa, nel 1684. Con le dovute licenze, . 128(131.
17
. ,
, , . 53 (1978), . 517 V
.
18
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. 4
. . ().
, 1892, . 295(296. .
19
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3677/143 ( 1633) 3746/212 ( 15 .), (
.

367

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368

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(1789).
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nasledstvo na Manastira Zogrtaf, 1981, 210,
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370

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: , 1454/55(1506, 4
, . 19 (1991), . 100(105. 788 (2(2(1386/21(1(1387).
36
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371

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, 19 .
JOAKIM PAPAGGELOS

MEETING OF THE SAINTS DEMETRIOS AND ACHILLIOS

The meeting of the saints is an anusual iconographical theme, representing the saints
Demetrios and Achillios; according to the hagiological texts, took place, in a miraculous
way, at the Tempi valley, in July 904, exactly after the occupation of Thessaliniki by the
Saracens: Saint Demetrios abandones his occupied city, and has a chance meeting with saint
Achillios. Then he informes him for the sorrowful event. Simultaneously some Italian
pilgrims were watching the milaculous meeting. The eldest notation of the event is contained
in the iracles of saint Demetrios of John Stavrakios (2nd part of 12th century).
Nowaday there are discovered several represantations: Lehovo, icon (1635/36); Vatopedi
monastery, Skiti of Saint Demetrios, Kyriakon (1755); Hiliandar monastery, Chapel of Saint
Demetrios (1779); Vatopedi monastery, Chapel of Saint Demetrios (1791); Zografu
monastery, Chapel of Saint Demetrios (2nd part of 18th c.); Filotheou monastery, icon of Saint
Demetrios (1800); Melissochori / Thessaloniki, Saint George church, icons of Saint
Demetrios (1812) and 2nd part of 19th c.; Saint Anastasia monastery of Chalikidiki, icon
(1839); Xenophontos monastery Church, Annunciation Skiti, Saint Demetrios house (2nd part
of 19th c.).

372

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1779
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r 1204.
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(Koder 1986).
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: ( 1974, . 1),
Tabula Imperii Byzantini (TIB Hellas 1976, . 1, . 1:800.000) Barrington Atlas
Of The Greek And Roman World 2000 (Talbert 2000, . x 54 - 55 - . 1:500.000),
,
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B. Helly ( 7, 2004, . 1) (. ).
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( 550 .. - 550-330 . - 330-30
.. - 30 ..-300 .. - 300-640 ..),
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1

Barrington Atlas 2000.

376

( - - - )
6 . ( (Honigmann 1939, . 4 -1:4.000.000)
) ( - - - ) 5 ., 431 (TIB Hellas, 81).
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2002, 178).

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http://www.minagric.gr/Greek/2.9.3.PHNEIOS_THES.html, 15/10/2007.

377

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(
2002, 152).
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, (Abies sp.) (Fagus sp.)
(Castanea sativa), ,

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3.

27 .. , Provincia Achaia . , ,
, , ,
Provincia Macedonia. (117-138 ..) , , Provincia Epirus Vetus,
(138-161 ..) ,
Provincia Macedonia ( 1974, 20).
4 Provincia Thessalia,
Diocesis Moesiae,
. Laterculus Veronensis 297 .. (Irmscher
1995, 137-38) 303-324 (Barrington Atlas 2000, 1376). 4 ..
., : ) , )
, ) ) . 395 ..
, ,
Praefectus praetorio per Orientem Praefectus
praetorio Illyricum (Alfldy 1976, 600-602).
5 . Provincia Thessalia
(Achaia, Creta, Epirus Vetus, Epirus Nova, Macedonia) Dioecesis Macedonia, Notitia Dignitatum, 430 ..
(Dagron 2000, 244).
6 ,
(Praeses). ( , , , ,
, , , , , 3

http://www.ornithologiki.gr/gr/sppe/grper.htm, . - . - . (.),
, , 15/10/2007.

378

, ) .
(, ,
, , ), , 527-28 .. (Honigmann 1939, 2).

, ,
395 .. Imperium Romanum ,
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(Koder 2005, 145). .
,
395-397
.. (TIB Hellas, 51).
,
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( ). (),
( 1978, 274-5).
4.
4 .. . Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium
, ,
(, Roug 1966)4.
, , 5. 6 .

6.

(Mansio Anamon).
4

, LII, 186: Thessalia multa ferens <frumenta> et <in> aliis <sibi> sufficere dicitur.
, 11.50-52:
.
6
, 4.3.8.2-4:
.
5

379

, - , , ( 2004, 34).
,
.
, , ,
( 1974, 69).
4 ..

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.
(- 2004, 102).
-
(verde antico) (),
(Villa Adriana) ( ,
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. , ,
) ( 2004, 205). (, , , , , )
. , , (), TIB
Hellas, 104: , 4
.
- (TIB Hellas, 101-103).
5.

, (, , ).
: , , , , , , , , , , , , . (Helly 2005, 676-77).
Plinius Secundus7 oppida, (Carter 1983, 32).
:
) , ) , ) , ) .
(),
, .
7

Plinius, Naturalis Historia 4.IX.32: Thessaliae adnexa Magnesia est, cuius fons Libethra, oppida Iolcus,
Ormenium, Pyrra, Methone, Olizon, promunturium Sepias, oppida Castana, Spalathra, promunturium
Aeantium, oppida Meliboea, Rhizus, Erymnae, ostium Penii, oppida Homolium, Orthe, Iresiae, Pelinna,
Thaumacie, Gyrton, Crannon, Acharne, Dotion, Melite, Phylace, Potniae.

380

, , ,
. , , ( )
(Koder 1986, 157). ( 1) 17
(Honigmann 1939, 16):
(TIB Hellas, 198-99) : (TIB Hellas 144-45 - Cohen 1995, 111-14), - - .
(TIB Hellas 271-72), - . (TIB Hellas 152), - . , .
(Lauffer 1989, 365-66), - . . (Lauffer 1989, 71314), - . , (TIB Hellas 152),
- . , (TIB Hellas 277-790), - .
(Lauffer 1989, 235-36), - .
(Papazoglou 1988, 248-49), - . , ,
(Papazoglou 1988, 238), - . , . (TIB
Hellas 238-39), - (Honigmann 1939, 16, HierSyn,
643.1), - (Honigmann 1939, 16, HierSyn, 643.2) (.
1986), - . (TIB Hellas 257-58), - .
(TIB Hellas 258-59), - . (TIB Hellas 147).
(, ),
.
.8
, . , , , , , , , ,
(Morrisson - Sodini 2006, 296-98).
- , nundinae (Dagron 1984).
(. Fundus, .
), ,
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( - 1996, 147).


, ,
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8

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o . ( ), , (), (, ),
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Johannes Koder (oder 1986, 157 - .
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1 - (410 ..)
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, ,
,
.
. Tabula Imperii Byzantini
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, . . ,
. , . . . (Helly 2004, 110-11 . 1) , , -

. .
1) ,
,
Stenae, Tabula Peutingeriana (Miller 1964, 575).
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, 431 .. ( 1976, 76-77). s . - ) (Honigmann 1939, 16).

(TIB Hellas 208).
(, 1986).
2) 4 . .

(TIB Hellas 230).

382

3) 6 - 5 .. .
9. - 10. 11.
Plinius Secundus (Naturalis Historia 4.IX.32) oppidum.
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.. , 12. ,
. .
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, - (, 65.4),
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(, 545.4).
(TIB Hellas 252).
5) - 13.
14.
Plinius Secundus oppidum (Naturalis Historia, IV, X.32).
(, 493.5) 6 .. . ,
, (Helly
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6) , 4 . (
), , , ( 1974, 81-82).
7)
, (, 665.1-3).
. (Papazoglou 1988, 115),
7,5
( - 2007)15.
1 - - (. ) , (Papazoglou 1988, 115).
9

, 1a,1, F.136.1: .
-, 65.3-4:
.
11
1.597-598:
.
12
, , 4.3.13.2-4.3.15.1:
4
.
13
-, , 33.4-33.6,
.
14
, , 1.594-596:
. .
15
http://www.kz-epka.gr/mambo/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=67&Itemid=75,
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383

, , .
, (Helly 1973, 4446). ,
. 3 . ,
, (TIB Hellas 166).
, 16. (Helly 1973, 145-46).
Plinius Secundus oppidum (Naturalis Historia, IV, X.32), 17.
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. .
8) . , . , 6,5 .
, .
, ( ) (
, 18). ,
.
, , (TIB Hellas, 186-7).
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2 - - . , . (Barrington Atlas 2000, 829).
7.
: 1)
, 2) - 3)
. (cursus publicus - ), cursus clabularis
( ) cursus velox ( ).
(annona), ,

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.
(mansiones),
(mutationes), 1:4. ,
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, 210.15: .
18
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17

384

50 (74 ) (Jones
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. )
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. , ,
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, (. ) ( . )
, .
, ,
. ,
.
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( - ), ) , .
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, ,
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19

, 2.1.7.3 - 4 .

385

DIMITRIS P. DRAKOULIS

REGIONAL ORGANIZATION OF THE NORTH-EASTERN

THESSALIAN COAST IN LATE ANTIQUITY
The aim of this paper is to contribute to the study of the settlements history in the northeastern thessalian coast in late antiquity. A cartographic representation has been created in
order to describe and clarify the historical topography. The physical and political geography
has been studied in order to illustrate the regional context and locate the settlements.
Archaeological findings and literary sources have been used for presenting the material
culture and the anthropogenic activities, specifically in the early byzantine period (ca. 4th 6th A.D.). Productive activities, civic and ecclesiastical hierarchy, settlements and road
networks are combined for the elucidating this frontier zone between Provincia Thessalia
and Provincia Macedonia. The final goal of the paper is to enrich historical-geographic
knowledge regarding the north-eastern thessalian coast in late antiquity and correlating this
information with communication networks and systems of cultural exchange.

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414

BRUNO HELLY

D EURYMENAI MELIBOIA, CITS MARITIMES DE THESSALIE:

SUGGESTIONS D ANALYSE DES DONNES ARCHOLOGIQUES
ET DES SOURCES ANCIENNES.
Selon Strabon et autres auteurs anciens, la sequence selon la quelle sordonnent les cits
magntes de cte Thessalienne tait, de nord a sud, Omolion, Eurymenai, Rizous et
Meliboia, mais les informations sur leur situation ne sont pas tres clairs. On propose qu on
devait les eclairer en utilisant la description que la pote Apollonios de Rhodes a donne de
la navigation des Argonautes depuis Pagasai jusquen Chalcidique.
Selon Apollonios, les Argonautes se sont refugis a un colline rocheu ou tait etabli le
tomb de Dolope, pour eviter les vents contraires qui les detournaient de leur route vers
Chalcidique. Ce lieu peut tre attribu le present port de Skiathas prs de Polydendri. Le
lendemain, en continuant dans la direction du nord, ils etaient passs de loin de Meliboia et
Homolion et enfin ils ont vue Eurumenai, quand ils pouvaient apercevoir simultanement les
falaises de lOlympe et de lOssa, c'est--dire linterieur du defil de Temp.
Selon cette description, la cit de Meliboia peut localise Kastro Velika, Homol
Kokkino Nero et Eurymenai la cit ancienne qui se situe au dessus de le present Homolion.

-
1974: . , 1204, , 1974.
1994: . , , . , 1975-1990. . 17-22 1990, 1994,
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1997: . (), , . , 1997.
:
AE: .

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av. J.C., Besanon - Paris 1976.
1992: . , . ,
. .
( 1987), 1992, 473-497.
1997: . , , : 1997, 15-21.

BRUNO HELLY

415

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Georganas 2000: I. Georganas, Early Iron Age Tholos Tombs in Thessaly (c. 1100-700 BC),
Mediterranean Archaeology 13 (2000), 47-54.
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Decourt - B. Helly d., Lespace et ses reprsentations, Lyon 2000, 25-71.
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IX, 5-22 - Apollonios de Rhodes, Argonautiques, I, 559-600), Porti e rotte nel Mar
Egeo. Alcuni esempi, Dipartimento de Scienze dellAntichit, Universit degli Studi
di Milano, 27 2001 ().
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(, 2001), 7 (2004), 101-124.
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38 (2000), 3-35 ( ). 39 (2001), 73-96 ( ). 40
(2001), 96-138 ( ). 41 (2002), 165-190 ( ).
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Leake 1835: . Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, London 1835 [.

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A. A, E E, AE 1910, . 190.
73
A P, A, 1, 594-595. , 65. , IV, 32. A. A, E
E, AE 1910, . 191. , , . 146. F. Sthlin, , 113-115. O B. Helly,
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of Archaic and Classical Poleis, . 718.
74
A. A, E E, AE 1910, . 191. IG IX 2, 1224.
75
H, , 16, 135, 901. , I, 8, 31 O, 13, 6.
76
E, O, 163-164. -A 1, 22, 4. . E 5, 5, 3.
77
F. Sthlin, . 115. . B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 118-120.

427

78. T ,
,
M79, M ,
80. E

4 . .X.

BA M N
. A P E,
81.
,
M
82. E M
83,
A,
A, K84.
H
, M , 85.
86, ,
. M, A
M 4 . .X., M
M87 88, 89. H
A ,
T,
A ,

78
E. Rogers, The copper Coinage, . 212-213. A. Moustaka, Kulte und Mythen, . 99. B. Helly, Sur quelques
monnaies, 109, 123 .. 22-24.
79
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 389. A. Moustaka, Kulte und Mythen, . 101. B. Helly, Sur quelques
monnaies, 109, 123 . 17.
80
F. Sthlin, , 112, 115 - 116. X. I, H M M.
, A M 2 (1985), 127-143. A. T, A
A M, H . 15 A , , 17-22 A
1990, A 1994, 143-152.
81
9, 5, 22. E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 536. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 109, 110-118,
121-122 . 1-10.
82
X. M, , A 1960, . 82, . 79.
83
, . A, IV, 172e. , . A,
I, I, 29e.
84
B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 113-114.
85
. X, H , . E. K (.), Y 2 (= B -B-P, B, 2-4
O 1992), A 1994, 113-149.
86
, , . 53 ..
87
IG IX 2, 1198.
88
B. Helly, Un nom antique pour Goritza?, 158-163. . M. H. Hansen & T. H. Nielsen, An Inventory of
Archaic and Classical Poleis, 720-721.
89
IG IX 2, 411.

428

90.
, 91. M
K,
, 92,
93.
,
.
O ,
, . , E, 4 . .X.,

94. O E. Rogers
M95,
E. E. Rogers B. Helly,
, , M
M,
A 96. M,

4 . .X M97,
O N 98. H M99,
100. M
, ,
M, M,
101.
M
N102,
. O
. T
90

, H, 90, 388e-389a. M. C. Villanueva Puig, A propos des Thyiades des Delphes,

LAssociation Dionysiaque dans les socits anciennes. Actes de la table ronde organise par lcole Franaise
Rome (24-25 mai 1984), Rome 1986, . 31-46. E. Suarez de la Torre, Les dieux des Delphes et lhistoire du
sanctuaire, V. Pirenne-Delforge (.), Les Panthons des cits des origines la Perigse de Pausanias, Kernos
Suppl. 8, Lige 1998, 70-74, 78-79.
91
, H, 89, 365a. . E. Suarez de la Torre, Les dieux des Delphes, . 78-79.
92
. A, H A , II, A 1949, . 173.
93
IG IX 2, 573. , 3, 62, 6-8. , , 5, 14, 2. . X,
, 119-120.
94
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage . 210-212 (E). B. Helly, Sur quelques
monnaies, 101-103, 109, 121 (. 1-8)-122 (. 9-11).
95
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 74.
96
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 74. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 105.
97
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 390. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 109, 122 . 2 (12, 13, 16).
98
, I, , 716-719.
99
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 127-128. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, . 105.
100
-A, 3, 96, 4. E , 21, 9.
101
E, 1, 513, 7 1, 529, 5. O I, 2, 756.
102
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 391-392. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies 109, 122 (15).

429

P 103.
(;), 104.
A , , , , ,
T, 105, N . O A K
N 106,
107.
108,
109,
M,
,
,
A, B M .
1 .
.., ,
,
, , 110. 111.
H 4 .
.X.,
M. E A A I ,
3 . .X., 112. H A
113.
A , 4 . .X.
114, 103

E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage, . 536. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 109, 123 (18).
E. Rogers, . 535. B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies, 109, 123 (19-20).
105
B, . , , T, . , 4, 67, 2 (). 9, 40, 5
(). A P I, 57 (). . A. Moustaka, Kulte und Mythen, 47-51.
106
K, , 4, 109: N , .
107
B. Wace & Thompson, .. (. 52).
108
A P I, 550. B I, 2, 7. . . 51.
109
O , 26. . W. F. Otto, , M , A 1991, 157-175.
110
o VII, 289, 550. . ,
, 2 (1981), 37-47, 41. B. Helly - J. P. Bravard - R. Caputo, H , , 39 (2001),
73-96. . .
111
.
112
N. , , 148-149.
113
IG IX 2, . 1123.
114
1, 107. O ()
E. B. E, O, 2, 57, 30. H, . E.
104

430

M .
O , B M115. T, A M,
A P - 3 . .X.-
I116,
.
4 . .X.,
117,
.
E, E, , E, E T118.

( B M). H
.
SOPHIA KRAVARITOY

CULTES ET MYTHES ANCIENS DE L EMBOUCHURE DE PNE

La rgion de lancienne embouchure de Pne situe prs du site moderne de Stomion,
ainsi que les cits tablies sur la cte genne de la Magnsie sous le versant oriental de
lOssa, se trouvaient au carrefour des voies de communication entre la Thessalie et la
Macdoine. Dune part, laction raconte de plusieurs versions des rcits mythiques, qui
renvoient au pass lointain de la cration de cette rgion et aux origines des communauts
locales, se droulait dans cet endroit ayant comme protagonistes des divinits comme
Posidon qui branle la terre et Petraios, Apollon Pythien, Pan, Dionysos, Pne, les
Nymphes - filles de Pne ou nourrices et compagnons de Dionysos-, ou encore des hros
locaux comme Philoctte, etc. D autres part, de traces des cultes locaux, comme celui
dApollon Tempeitas, Zeus, Thmis, Dionysos, Nymphes et Artmis, ont t mis la
lumire grce de dcouvertes plutt fortuites de ces derniers sicles. Par consquent,
chaque tentative de reconstruction du panthon de la rgion doit respecter ltat fragmentaire
de la documentation et elle suscite tout dabord lentreprise des fouilles systmatiques qui
fournirons les lieux de cultes et les pratiques cultuelles locaux.

115

.., . 65-66.
A P, A, I, 311-312.
117
IG IX 2, . 1111, 30. , . B. Helly, Un nom antique pour
Goritsa?, . 152.
118
B. Helly, Gonnoi, II . 183-200.
116

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. A, H E A B E, .
, 1975-1990. A .
, , 17-22 A 1990, A 1994, 423-432.
A. A, E E, AE 1910, 190-191.
A. A. E T, AE 1910, 194-195.
A. A, E T, AE 1911, 282-292.
A. A, O A O, AE 1911, 284-285.
. A, H A , II, A 1949.
N. B, T T, A 1965.
Ph. Borgeaud, Recherches sur le dieu Pan, Bibliotheca Helvetica Romana 17, Gnve 1979.
N. , , B 1894.
. , K. T I, A . P. , A 1992,
473-498.
Cl. Calame, Mythe et histoire en Grce Antique, La cration symbolique dune colonie,
Lausanne 1996.
Cl. Calame, Poetic and Performative Memory in Ancient Greece, Harvard 2006.
A. B. Cook, Zeus, Cambridge 1914-1940.
A. -I, A T, X 15 (= B
, 17-21 1980), A 1984, 71-81.
C. Edwards, Greek Votive Reliefs to Pan and the Nymphs, New York 1985.
Z. E, , B 1896.
. P. , A 16, (1960), X, . 175.
L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, IV, Oxford 1907.
J. Fontenrose, Python. A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origins, Berkeley/Los Angeles 1959.
H. V. Geisau, Pythios, RE XXIV (1963), col. 566-567.
P. Grimal, Dictionnary of Greek and Roman Mythology, Paris - Rome 21985.
M. H. Hansen & T. H. Nielsen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis, Oxford 2004.
B. Helly, Gonnoi, II, Les inscriptions, Amsterdam 1973.
B. Helly, Une liste des cits de Perrhbie, Actes de la Table-Ronde L Thessalie, Lyon 1979,
165-200.
B. Helly, A M , , - ,
A I - A A E , 34/4/1993, A 2002, 36-43.
B. Helly, Sur quelques monnaies des cits Magntes. Eurai, Eurymenai, Mliboia, Rhizous,
E T N
. N, K, E: I. A -B N X, O 7, A 2004, 101-124.
B. Helly, Un nom antique pour Goritsa?, A E, E , B 27.2-2.3.2003, 1, B 2006,
154-161.
X. I, H M M. ,
A M 2 (1985), 127-143.
I. K, I E B A, A 1960.

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. K, H "" A E. , 2 (2003-2005),
, 16/3/06- 19/3/06 ( ).
. K, M K
E X, 1 I . , 9-11 N 2006, , 177-183.
H. Kramolisch, T , H 11 (1987), 4962.
F. Lefvre, LAmphictionie pylo-delphique: histoite et institutions, Paris 1998.
E. M, A , X 15 (= B , 17-21 1980), A 1984, 93-112.
S. Miller, Two groups of Thessalian Gold, University of California Publications in Classical
Studies 18, Berkeley - Los Angeles 1979.
A. Moustaka, Kulte und Mythen auf thessalischen Mnzen, Wrzburg 1983.
X. M, T T , 1993.
M. Nilsson, Griechische Feste von religiser Bedeutung, Leipzig 1906.
N. , M M, A
E 1984, 130-150.
N. , K K, A
E 1985, 46-49.
R. Parker, Athenian Religion. A History, Oxford 1996.
J. Robert & L. Robert, Bulletin Epigrphique 1964, . 231.
E. Rogers, The Copper Coinage of Thessaly, London 1932.
G. Roux, Delphes, son oracle et se Dieux, Paris 1976.
. , A K N, T E A N M Y.O.
(1990-1998), B, M 1998, 1 E
B 2000, 197-204.
F. Sthlin, H A .
A P , 2002.
E. Suarez de la Torre, Les dieux des Delphes et lhistoire du sanctuaire, V. PirenneDelforge (.), Les Panthons des cits des origines la Perigse de Pausanias,
Kernos Suppl. 8, Lige 1998, 70-79.
A. T, A A M, . , 1975-1990. A . , , 17-22 A 1990, A 1994, 143-152.
K. Trmpy, Untersuchungen zu den ltgriechischen Monatsnamen und Monatsfolgen,
Heidelberg 1997, 216-226, 244-245.
M. C. Villanueva Puig, A propos des Thyiades des Delphes, LAssociation Dionysiaque
dans les socits anciennes. Actes de la table ronde organise par lcole Franaise
Rome (24-25 mai 1984), Rome 1986, 31-46.
. X, H , .
& E. K (.), Y 2 (= B
-B-P, B, 2-4 O 1992), A 1994, 113-149.

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

433

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

ALEXANDER AT TEMPE (POLYAENUS 4. 3. 21):

OLD MEMORIES FOR TOURISTS DURING THE ROMAN ERA
In Polyaenus' Stratagems there is a story of Alexander outfoxing the Thessalians who,
trying to stop his march, blocked the Tempe pass:
[]
,
. .
. .

When the Thessalians were guarding Tempe, Alexander dug into Ossas steep rocks and
formed little steps. He and the Macedonians climbed these steps, reached the top, and by
going over Ossa held Thessaly, while the Thessalians were guarding the narrow pass at
Tempe. Even now travelers going through Tempe can see the rocks of Ossa built like a
ladder. They call them Alexanders ladder (translated by P. Krentz and E. L. Wheeler).
This anecdote is very interesting as it is a rare account of military operations in the Vale
of Tempe area in the period prior to the wars between the Romans and the Macedonians in
the first half of the 2nd century BC. Every attempt at a more thorough analysis of the account
results in a series of questions which are difficult to answer. It is not only difficult to explain
what Alexander's stratagem consisted in and to identify the route which he used to sidestep
Tempe, but it is especially difficult to place it in the historic reality.
The story of Alexander's army marching over Mt. Ossa is one of Polyaenus' stratagems
that are not confirmed by any other author. It is also difficult to verify the author's possible
source.1 As N.G.L. Hammond observed in his interesting analysis, Alexander's stratagems
play a special role in the collection of Polyaenus, who dedicated his work to Mark Aurelius
and Lucius Verus, who were preparing for war against the Parthians and a great eastern
expedition. The author, who proudly mentions his Macedonian descent, presents Alexander
as the great conqueror of the East and the most outstanding son of Macedon. Writing his
work he not only pored over the existing collections of war stratagems but also conducted his
own research, consulting the works of many authors and trying to find descriptions of the
most impressive events.2 In comparison to other stratagems, the story of sidestepping Tempe
deems very brief and lacking the details that characterise e.g. a similar story of Alexander's
soldiers capturing Sogdian Rock (4.3.29). This may result from the author's occasionally
noticeable tendency to be too brief or from composing his work in too much hurry. However,
Polyaenus may not have had a more detailed description of this event and was forced to
create it on the basis of a short comment about the occurrence. What plays a significant role
1

Melber 1885: 616. F. W. Walbank (1986: 31) supposes that this story could be reported by Ptolemy, who
probably was the source of several mountaineering in Arrians Ananbasis.
2
Hammond 1986: 49-53. See also Buraselis 1995: 122.

434

ALEXANDER AT TEMPE

in his anecdote is the description of an element of the Vale of Tempe which was admired by
the contemporary travellers and called Alexander's ladder ( ). A reference
to the fact that the traces of Alexander's expedition over Mt. Ossa were still visible could
certainly lend credence to the story, although it also brings the suspicion that the story was
only known as an explanation of the name and origin of the .
Unfortunately we do not know what the was or where it was located. N.Georgiadis
suggested that they could have been the steps that he found near Karitsa on the eastern slopes
of Mt. Ossa. However, this conjecture is in contradiction to Polyaenus' account, since the
steps found by Georgiadis could not have been visible to travellers passing through Tempe.
No wonder therefore that the proposed identification was rejected by Fridrich Sthlin,
according to whom the steps seem to be visible right next to the eastern entry to the Vale of
Tempe, on the path going through Tranos Lakkos towards Steno (633 m).3 The difference of
opinions between these authorities on the Thessalian topography shows how difficult it is
today to unambiguously identify the spot on the slopes of Mt. Ossa which could, , although steps cut out in rock should be preserved to our times.4
Searching for them we must answer the question what (or rather, traces of what project)
exactly we are looking for. F. Sthlin mentioned above identifies the path through Tranos
Lakkos in the context of routes in northern Magnesia. Thus, Alexander's stratagem consisted
in leading his army by a new and difficult route, where it was necessary to cut out steps to
make the march easier. By ascending Steno and going to Ambelakia, Alexander could have
sidestepped Thessalian posts in Tempe.5 In order to mark out a new route suitable for leading
a large army Alexander must have, it is supposed by some, used his field-engineers, who cut
out steps in the slopes declining towards the see. However, such a project must have taken
some time and must have been implemented in such a way as to surprise the Tempe
defenders. For these reasons in some reconstructions of this event Polyaenus' account was
supplemented with negotiations that Alexander supposedly held in order to divert the defenders' attention. In J.R.Hamilton's work we read that at the time the Thessalians blocking
the valley were consulting their authorities whether or not let Alexander pass through, he
ordered his people to do some engineering work. Before the Thessalians made their decision,
Alexander had managed to sidestep their posts and descend to the plain.6 Although Sthlin
argued that the most probable route was through Tranos Lakkos, other researchers tended to
read the words of Polyaenus more literally, who wrote that Alexander ascended the mountain
on the slope facing the sea. On this basis it is supposed that Alexander went past the entry to
the Vale of Tempe and led his army further south along the sea coast, then ascended the
eastern slope of Mt. Ossa.7 Theodore A. Dodge, an American colonel from the time of the
Civil War and a military writer, who did not have much respect for Polyaenus' account but a
lot of military experience, is an extreme example. According to him Alexander led his
soldiers along the eastern and southern slopes of Mt. Ossa, blasting a foothold for his army
where it could not otherwise make its way. The map attached to the text it indicates that the
route he suggested partly overlapped the route from Meliboia to Larissa.8 It seems Dodge did
not really believe Alexander climbed high up the mountain, forcing his soldiers to work very
3

Georgiades 1894: 145. Sthlin 1924: 45 n. 55.

Bletas 1995: 127-128.
5
Sthlin 1934: 477.
6
Hamilton 1973: 45 see also Wright 1934: 58; Green 1970: 72.
7
Bosworth 1988: 28.
8
Dodge 1890: 185.
4

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

435

hard and hurriedly on cutting out steps in the rock when he could have gone round the
mountain through a much more comfortable traverse.
However, this is not the only possible interpretation of Polyaenus' words. According to
N.G.L. Hammond, Alexander must have been leading a small but well-trained force that,
like guerrilla bands in 1943, went across the Peneios in boats or swam across and climbed
the cliff face of Mt. Ossa, so he cut his way not down but across the valley. According to
him Alexander used his picked men, trained in mountaineering who, cutting out steps in the
rock, ascended the peaks towering over the Thessalian positions. The appearance of the
Macedonians there supposedly took away the Tempe defenders' will to resist and made them
abandon their posts.9 This interpretation is an attempt to read Polyaenus' words literally; he
wrote not about a path sidestepping the Thessalian positions but about cliffs and small steps
cut out in the rock. Alexander's stratagem must have therefore resembled a similar but much
more vividly described effort of Alexander's soldiers from 327 BC, when they captured the
mountain fortress in Sogdiana in Central Asia. Built on a high and steep rock, it seemed
impossible to capture, and the Persian Ariamazes defending the fortress supposedly sneered
at Alexander, asking him whether he could fly. In response Alexander selected a group of
young soldiers, who climbed to the top of the rock towering over the fortress and, unfolding
strips of white linen attached to long poles, they waved them, giving a clear sign both to their
companions at the foot of the mountain and to the defenders. The frightened defenders, seeing Alexander's soldiers who seemed to have wings, surrendered without fight. Arrian's and
Curtius Rufus' descriptions clearly show that the "winged soldiers" were not novices but they
used climbing techniques surprisingly similar to modern alpinists, using ropes and iron pins
hammered between rocks or into hard snow.10 Perhaps Alexander had such a unit in 336 BC
and used it to capture the rocks over Tempe. If this was the case, however, it can hardly be
expected that traces of such a climb could have stayed visible enough to be seen by travellers
after almost 500 years.
In this light another question arises: is it possible today to link any geographical element
to Polyaenus' account, and even if it is possible, can we be certain that
seen by travellers in Tempe was the real trace left by Alexander's soldiers? What is curious is
Polybius' information that near the entry to the Vale of Tempe there was a so-called
Alexander's tower ( )11 This arouses the suspicion that
in a place as well known and frequently visited for its beauty as Tempe tradition could have
later linked various elements of the landscape to Alexander, whose fame equalled that of
mythical heroes - as it happened in other places in ancient Greece and has been happening
almost to this day in similar sites attracting legions of tourists. Leafing through Pausanias'
guidebook we encounter similar examples; the boulder on which Orestes sat by the Gythium
9

Hammond 1972: 137 n. 2; 1981: 42-43; 1988: 15.

Arrian, Anab. 4.18.4; Curtius Rufus, 7.11; Polyaenus, 4.3.29; On special troops of Alexander see interesting
article by S. Kalita Winged soldiers - A special unit in the Army of Alexander the Great?, in: E. Dabrowa
(ed.), Pod znakami Marsa i Aresa, Krakow 1995: 21-29 (in Polish, with English summary). See also: F. Holt,
Alexander the Great in Bactria. The Forming of a Greek Frontier in Central Asia, Leiden-New YorkKbenhaven-Kln 1989: 66 n. 64.
11
Polybius, 18.27.1. Marta Sordi (1958: 303 n.2), analysing the credibility of Polyaenus' account, put forward the
proposal to search for the origins of this tradition already in the Hellenistic period after the painful experiences of
the Lamian war, when the relations between the Thessalians and the Macedonians changed and there could have
been the need to show traces of resistance to Alexander. However, this account does not emphasise the Thessalians' heroism; rather, it highlights Alexander's genius and as such probably was not suitable to express dislike
of the Macedonians.
10

436

ALEXANDER AT TEMPE

road, Pelops' throne supposedly located on a mount near Sipylus.12 Similarly in many contemporary European locations old trees are found under which national heroes would sit and
in Great Britain there are several boulders associated with King Arthur. In southern Poland,
in the picturesque valley of the Dunajec River, guides show tourists the spot where the local
hero Janosik jumped across the river, leaving his footprints in the rock. Polyaenus, writing
his stratagems, could have encountered a similar story based on a local tradition that could
have been born long after Alexander's march. Perhaps it is no coincidence that we only learn
about it from Polyaenus' account, who wrote in the second half of the 2nd century. His
activity fell on the period of particular interest in the history of Greece, when many wealthy
travellers loved to visit famous spots looking for traces of great heroes of the past. Many
such travellers must have visited the Vale of Tempe, which at that time was famous enough
for Emperor Hadrian to name one of the pavilions in his villa in Tivoli after.13 It was also a
period of growing interest in Alexander the Great and his achievements that led to
publication of Arrians Anabasis.14 Steps cut out, or seemingly cut out, in the rocky, steep
walls of the Tempe valley may have been one of the attractions described by local guides as
Alexander's ladder, which he had used to climb (with his army) the almost vertical valley
walls to the top of Mt. Ossa and traversed a route that was regarded impossible to pass.
The issue of Alexander's Ladder is not the only difficulty encountered when interpreting
Polyaenus' stratagem. The next challenge is an attempt to place the described events in the
historical context. Although the author in no way suggests it, the attempt to pass through
Tempe may only be linked to the events of 336 BC, when Alexander the Great, having taken
over power in Macedon, marched south to ensure the loyalty of those Greek states that had
been allies of his father Philip II. Thessaly was naturally his first goal. The Thessalians had
been linked to Philip by a permanent alliance and special powers they had given him to lead
their army and collect taxes for its maintenance; according to many researchers Philip was
even appointed archon of the Thessalian League. We know little about the mood in Thessaly
after Philip II's death but the appearance of strong anti-Macedonian trends in the country
must have been noticed by contemporaries and by historians. Yet in Diodorus' accounts
(17.3.2-4.9) we read of a wave of unrest in the Greek states that led to the Thebans voting for
regaining Kadmeia and the Ambraciots removing the Macedonian garrisons, the Aetolians
supporting the return of the Akarnans exiled by Philip, and on the Peloponnese the Argives,
Eleians and Lacedaemonians attempting to regain their lost independence. It is notable that
the Thessalians were not listed among the professed enemies of Alexander. Since we have no
other information about the rebellion against Alexander or even about the Thessalians' dislike towards him, Polyaenus' account is unconfirmed. To explain this discrepancy, a suggestion was put forward that Tempe was blocked by a group of "desperados" who operated
without wider support and counted on encouraging the other citizens and mobilising them to
resist the Macedonians.15 However, both Diodorus' account and Justinus' Epitome of the
Philipic History of Pompeius Trogus mention in unison that Alexander came to Thessaly
where he sought support, invoking the example and contributions of his father. In the words
of Diodorus (18.4.1), Alexander was reminding them of his ancient relationship to them
through Heracles and raising their hopes by kindly words and by rich promises as well, and
12

Pausanias 3.22.1; 5.13.7

H.A. Had. 26
14
Daham 2002: 36-37
15
Westlake 1935: 217-218
13

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

437

prevailed upon them by formal vote of the Thessalian League to recognise as his the
leadership of Greece which he had inherited from his father (trans. C. Bradford Welles).16
Thus, we hear of successful negotiations and support granted but we do not find even the
slightest allusion to who the possible opponents of such an agreement could have been. If
they existed and offered armed resistance, the king must have passed in silence over the
offence and both he and the Thessalians supporting him did not to punish the guilty, whose
behaviour might have led to an outbreak of conflict. It is difficult to believe that such an act
of grace towards enemies escaped the attention of Alexander's numerous biographers.
It is also unclear why Alexander, in the face of any danger, decided to march his soldiers
through Tempe. The knowledge that this valley was extremely easy to block was no secret. It
is not by coincidence that we know of no other case of any army marching through the valley
unless it controlled both entries.17 Alexander could have reached Thessaly by a different
route, choosing one of very well known and frequently used trails, e.g. Xerxes' in 480 or
Brasidas' in 424 BC. First of all there was the northern route via the Volustana pass, which
according to the majority of researchers was the trail blazed on Xerxes' orders during his
invasion on Greece. He could also have chosen the Petra pass, although in this case we are
not certain to what extent it had been used for military purposes. Finally he could have
chosen the route through the pass between High Olympus and Lower Olympus along the
Ziliana River to Karia, or through the Lake Ascuris area to Gonnoi.18 To choose one of these
routes was much safer because the Macedonians controlled Perrhaebia through which all
these trails passed. Philip II went to a lot of trouble to take over control of these passes and
ensure secure transit trails, which was of great importance in the context of his involvement
in central and southern Greece. We know that he entrusted Agathocles, a man from his entourage in whom he had confidence, with control of Perrhaebia. He probably also started to
fortify Gonnoi, which together with Mikro Kesrli (Evangelismos) were to secure the access
to Tempe. He took control over Magnesia and despite some concession made on demand of
the Thessalians he probably preserved some sort of suzerainty over this region to the end of
his reign.19 There is no information that after Philip's death the Macedonians lost control
over these strategically important areas. If that is indeed what happened then Alexander's
choice of the least safe route through Tempe would be even less understandable.
To sum up, we may conclude that there are no sufficient reasons to believe that there was
an attempted rebellion against Alexander in Thessaly, which would have forced him to
perform the unusual manoeuvre of sidestepping Tempe via a new route that had not been
used before. Quite the contrary, the Thessalians willingly supported his efforts to take over
hegemony in Greece and then gladly participated in his expedition to Asia, contributing
considerably to his success. Alexander trusted them and rewarded them generously.
Polyaenus' account of the Thessalians' attempt to stop Alexander in the Vale of Tempe
does not seem to fit with other information about the situation in the region at that time. This
does not mean, however, that it is completely false. Polyaenus certainly was not a good historian but he cannot be accused of fabricating stories. It is worth noting that in his collection
16

Diodorus 18.4.1; Justinus 11.3.1-2; There is widely accepted opinion that Alexander, like his father, was
elected a formal leader of the Thessalian League. For the objections to this opinion see Harris 1995: 175-176 and
Sprawski 2003: 59-65.
17
Pritchett 1980: 353-355.
18
Prittchett 1963: 370-375; 1969: 164-175; 1980: 353-365; Pritchett 1991: 101-136, Helly 1972: 275-282;
Hammond 1972: 134-139; Mller 1987: 242-251; Lucas 1997: 36-39.
19
Isocrates 5.20; Demosthenes 1.22; 2.11; Theopompos F 81 = Athen. VI, 260; Strabo 9.5.19; Helly 1970: 81-82
and 87; Hammond 1979:541-542; Lucas 1997: 216-217.

438

ALEXANDER AT TEMPE

of stratagems he occasionally includes anecdotes from the life of different people under one
name. For example, under Dionysius' name there are anecdotes both from the life of the
Sicilian tyrant Dionysius I and his son Dionysius II.20 Similarly in the anecdotes about the
life of Macedonian kings, the stratagems of both Antigonus I Monophthalmus and his grandson Antigonus II Gonatas were included under the name Antigonus.21 If we can find such
cases in his work it is probable that Polyaenus might have included the achievements of
various kings named Alexander under one name. Following this lead we may ponder which
other Macedonian king named Alexander could have encountered resistance from the Thessalians at Tempe. We can take two earlier kings of this name into consideration. The first
one was Alexander I Philhellen, with whom a different Tempe anecdote is associated. Herodotus (7.172-173) notes that, on learning that Xerxes had started to cross the Hellespont,
the allied Greek states decided to send their troops to Thessaly and block the Tempe pass.
About 10,000 hoplites took part in the expedition, including Spartan soldiers led by
Euaenetus and Athenian soldiers led by Themistocles. The Thessalian cavalry also participated in the operation. When the Thessalians and other Greeks blocked Tempe, King Alexander arrived on the scene, who as an ally of the Persian king was formally their enemy.
However, the Macedonian king had no intention of attacking the Greek positions; on the
contrary, he sent a messenger to them with good advice to abandon their positions and not
abide there to be trodden under foot of the large Persian army. As Herodotus emphasises,
the Greeks were very impressed not so much by the reported number of enemy soldiers but
by the information that the enemy could sidestep their positions marching through the hill
country of Macedonia trough the country of the Perrhaebi, near the city of Gonnus. Influenced by this information, the Greeks decided to leave Tempe long before Xerxes reached
the borders of Thessaly. After their allies retreated, the Thessalians gave up further attempts
to resist and went over to the Persian side. It is quite clear that Herodotus' account includes
elements similar to the discussed anecdote: the Thessalians block the passage through the
valley, king Alexander knows how to sidestep their positions; the Thessalians give up further
resistance. What is more, this is the only piece of information referring to the times before
Alexander the Great which is related to an attempted defence of Tempe against an enemy
army. Despite the noticeable similarities it is unlikely that there is a connection between the
two stories. First of all, in Herodotus' account it is the Persian, not the Macedonian, king that
is forced to find a way to sidestep Tempe. Out of the remaining two kings we may exclude
Alexander IV, the son of the conqueror of Asia who was assassinated before he took over
independent control over the state and army. The only plausible candidate is Alexander II,
the son of Amyntas III and Philip II's older brother, whose short-lived rule lasted from 370 to
368 BC. Although we do not know any anecdotes linking him to the Vale of Tempe, we
know for a fact that he led an intervention which was a rare case of an armed conflict
between the Thessalians and the Macedonians. The intervention occurred soon after Alexander II took over power after Amyntas III's death. It was a time of fierce fight for power in
Thessaly. After Jason's unexpected death, the rule of Thessaly passed into the hands of his
brothers Polydorus and Polyphron. Soon the former died in mysterious circumstances on his
way to Larissa. Polyphron, who then captured all power, was blamed for his brother's death.
It quickly turned out that he could not or did not want to continue the policy of Jason, who
looked for the Thessalian support not only by force but also by gentle persuasion. Getting
20
21

Polyaenus 4.2.7-8.
Polyaenus 4.6.1-20.

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

439

into a conflict with the Thessalian aristocracy, he sentenced Polydamas and the eight most
eminent citizens of Pharsalus to death. Repressions also affected the Aleuads of Larissa,
many of whom went into exile, finding refuge on the Macedonian court.22 Polyphront's
brutal rule did not last long and it was stopped by his nephew Alexander, who supposedly
murdered the tyrant personally. Alexander, covered in glory as a tyrant killer, quickly felt the
desire to replace his predecessors and take single-handed control of the whole of Thessaly.
He could achieve this with the support of the mercenary army and many Thessalians who,
more or less willingly, linked the future of the state to Jason's family. However, the Aleuads
of Larissa, evidently tired of the political domination of Pherae depriving them of their longestablished role of political leaders of the country, opposed him. They swung into action
almost immediately after Polyphront died, perhaps expecting new repressions and fearing
that the new leader would strengthen his position. In the account of Diodorus Siculus we
read about their representatives coming to Macedon to persuade young king Alexander II to
intervene in Thessaly. The Aleuads' friendship with the Macedonian court had a long
tradition and proved extremely useful for both sides. King Archelaos intervened in Thessaly
in the end of the 5th century BC. and the Larissaeans helped Amyntas III to regain his power.
Alexander II probably feared that the new tyrant of Pherae would strengthen his position.
The military power created by Jason was a threat to the independence of Macedon, so the
king eagerly took the opportunity to weaken the position of Alexander of Pherae and to
strengthen his traditional allies.
The only source of information about Alexander II's intervention is the account of Diodorus Siculus (15.61.4), which despite its brevity allows us to learn about the most important
stages of the conflict. First of all we find out that the preparations for the Macedonian
intervention could not be kept secret and Alexander of Pherae found out about them in advance. With characteristic energy, he decided to make an advance attack, trying to force a
battle in Macedon. According to Diodorus before this came about the Macedonian king led
by Thessalian exiles had unexpectedly advanced into Thessaly and captured Larissa, where
he was let in with the help of residents. After a short siege he captured the acropolis
defended by soldiers faithful to the tyrant of Pherae and took the nearby city of Crannon. The
tyrant evidently did not attempt to stop the Macedonians, and in Diodorus' account he was
pursued and retreated to Pherae in panic (15.61.5). A successful Macedonian attack on
Larissa may indicate that Alexander of Pherae was completely surprised by the enemy even
though he had expected an attack and had been gathering forces to advance into Macedonia.
If he did not take up the fight it was perhaps because his forces were far away from Larissa.
Diodorus (15.61.4) writes that Alexander, preparing his attack on Macedonia, gathered such
men as were conveniently situated (euthetoi) for the campaign. If Alexander wanted to
launch a quick attack, and that was the only operation that could have succeeded, the troops
stationed the closest to the Macedonian border had to be considered euthetoi.
If these units were not near Larissa at the critical moment they probably were stationed
much further north in Perrhaebia. As has been mentioned before the most important (apart
from the Tempe pass) transit routes connecting Thessaly, and therefore southern Greece, to
Macedonia led through this country. The trails had been used by the armies of Xerxes and
Brasidas, and later by the Romans fighting against the Macedonians. Perrhaebia was the
borderline where political influences of the Thessalians and the Macedonians overlapped.
The Perrhaebians, regarded as the Thessalian perioikoi in the 4th century BC, made up the
22

Xenophon, Hell. 6.5.33-34; Diodorus 15.61.2-3; Sprawski 2006: 138-141.

440

ALEXANDER AT TEMPE

Koinon including eight cities located in the south of the country. The three most northern
cities, Doliche, Azoros and Pythion, constituting Tripolis, maintained their independence and
are not included on the list of Perrhaebian cities in the inscription of Elasson dating from the
second half of the 4th century BC. The Perrhaebians were reportedly somewhat dependent on
Larissa, to which they paid tribute. However, in the 370s BC the relationship apparently was
not too strong, or in any case the fact that Jason conquered Larissa (which must have
occurred before 375/4 BC) did not mean that he automatically took control over this country.
Perrhaebia, or at least its southern part, was probably Jason of Pherae's last acquisition; an
acquisition that fell into his hands, according to Diodorus (15.57.2 and 60.2), after his return
from Boeotia, where he went at the request of the Thebans after their victory over the
Spartans in the battle of Leuctra in 371.23 Perrhaebia was captured during a separate
campaign, as he forced or cleverly persuaded cities into submission. This must have meant
that Jason left his garrisons at least in some of the cities. We are not certain whether Jason
extended his authority also to Tripolis, since there are reasons to believe that the region was
at that time controlled by the Macedonian king Amyntas. This is corroborated by the
inscription from the times of Trajan, which mentions an argument over a border between
Elimiotisa and Tripolis solved by Amyntas III, the father of Philip II. Based on this
information it is assumed that since Amyntas was the mediator he must have had independent rule in the region.24 If this assumption is right, it means that in the relevant period
the Thessalian-Macedonian border ran through Perrhaebia.
Jason's successes must have worried King Amyntas III. He must also have been worried
by Jason's earlier words, when he openly spoke about the possibility of submitting Macedon
and using its potential to achieve hegemony in Greece. Under Amyntas III's rule the
Macedonians did not match the Thessalian power and may have feared Jason's hegemonic
aspirations. There was no outbreak of an open conflict and Jason decided to make an alliance
with Amyntas III. 25 Perhaps at the expense of leaving Tripolis in the Macedonian hands,
Jason achieved the alliance with the Macedonians, who also gave up their support for the
Aleuads of Larissa Taking account of the effort that he put into submitting Perrhaebia and its
strategic location it seems very likely that Jason stationed sufficient forces there to ensure the
loyalty of the state. The source of unrest could have been not only the dissatisfied
Perrhaebians who were forced into submission by Jason but also the Aleuads of Larissa,
whose loyalty the tyrant could not have been sure of and who must have kept many of their
influences in the region.
If our assumptions are correct, when Alexander of Pherae decided to attack Macedon he
chose to strike through Perrhaebia, similarly to the Consul Marcius Philippus in 169, when
he reached Tripolis near Azoros and Doliche, where trails to mountain passes into Macedon
split.26 He strove for a quick confrontation with the enemy, trying to stop him before he
crossed the Thessalian border. The trail through the northern passes was the most frequently
used in war campaigns so he could have expected an encounter with the enemy there. The
23

Alternative date for subjugation of Perrhaebians is 374 but it is based mainly on the observation that Xenophon
makes no mention of the Jason campaign to Perrhaebia in his detailed narration on f the Thessalian events in the
years 371-369. But the Xenophons failure in mentioning some events by no means would be exceptional here.
For discussion see Westlake 1935: 85-87; Sordi 1958: 178-179; Tuplin 1993: 207-209 and Sprawski 1999: 98-99.
24
Wace - Thomson 1910/11): 193-204; Sordi 1958: 178-180; Helly 1979: 179-180. See also Rizakis 1986: 346.
25
Xenophon Hell. 6.1.2; Isocrates, Philip, 20; Arrian Anab. 7.9.4.: Sordi 1958: 179-180; Mitchell 1984: 657-58;
Hammond 1992: 77; Tuplin 1993: 203.
26
Livius 44.2.7; Pritchett 1969: 164-176; Hammond 1972: 137-138; Helly 1972: 276-282; Walbank 1986: 526530; Lucas 1997: 221-225.

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

441

confrontation between the two armies did not take place probably because King Alexander
unexpectedly went behind the enemy lines, capturing Larissa. If the tyrant was already at the
rear of the army in Perrhaebia, he was cut off from the rest of the country and his main
support in Pherae. If he had not reached his army gathering in the north, the attack cut him
off from his soldiers. In both cases his situation became extremely difficult, especially since
all this was happening soon after he took over power, when he could not have been sure who
would turn out to be loyal towards him. Since keeping Pherae was decisive for his survival it
is not surprising that after the Macedonian king's attack he quickly retreated to that city.
In his account Diodorus does not explain why the tyrant Alexander did not take up fight
with the Macedonians although he had been preparing for it. The stratagem included in
Polyaenus' work may answer this question. If we assume that the stratagem in fact refers to
the events of 369 and Alexander II's march, we have the answer to the question how the Macedonians managed to surprise the tyrant. The manoeuvre that ensured their success may
have consisted in advancing into Thessaly via the least expected route, not through Perrhaebia but through Magnesia, and reaching Larissa before the tyrant had the time to react.
King Alexander, according to Polyaenus' account, approached the slopes of Mt. Ossa sidestepping the Vale of Tempe blocked by the Thessalian forces. The tyrant, marching off
north, could not leave the pass through the valley unprotected but as we know the forces that
were able to ensure its successful defence could have been small. Even so, King Alexander II
did not choose to attempt to break through Tempe but sidestepped it from the south through
Magnesia and unexpectedly appeared near Larissa. The tyrant could not have predicted that
and it is no wonder that he retreated to Pherae in haste.
We may wonder whether King Alexander chose one of the mountain paths through Mt.
Ossa, but it is more likely that he took the route along the coast to Meliboia, to traverse the
south eastern slope of Mt. Ossa and unexpectedly enter the plain almost opposite Larissa.
The trail from Macedon along the coast turned and split there, leading further west off
Larissa and south off Pherae. The road along the coast from Meliboia to Homolion was not
easy to travel because of the woody slopes of Mt. Ossa falling towards the sea. To go round
obstacles, in some places the road may have gone high up above the forest line. It seems that
this is why it was rarely used by soldiers. This manoeuvre could prove that the road through
Meliboia could have been used for military purposes and how important it was to control this
city. The same road was likely used by the troops sent by the Macedonian king Perseus and
led by Euphanor to assist Meliboia besieged by the Romans. They could not have got there
either via Perrhaebia or Tempe because both of those passes were protected by the Romans.
Euphanor's troops managed to surprise the Romans, persuade them to give up the siege of
Meliboia and provide successful assistance to Demetrias.27
The bold manoeuvre of Alexander II could have been successful because his intervention
was prepared by the Aleuads of Larissa, who must have been very familiar with the area
around it and the routes that led to it. The chosen route was possible to travel probably also
thanks to the assistance of the inhabitants of northern Magnesia. Perhaps these events were
the reason for Alexander of Pherae's later hostility towards the city of Meliboia. As we find
out, as soon as he regained the initiative he supposedly ordered his guardsmen to surround
27

Livius 44.13.2. On the road to Meliboia see Sthlin 1924: 45 and compare Bakhuizen 1987: 331-332; on the
Roman road to Meliboia see Mottas, Decourt 1997: 343-344. For the discussion on the localistaion of Meliboia
see Sthlin 1924: Pritchett 1963: 2; Mller 1985: 344-345; Tzafalias 1994: 143-152; Helly 2000: 68; 2004: 118120.

ALEXANDER AT TEMPE

442

the citizens, who were in a meeting, and slaughter them all, including children.28 The citizens
of Meliboia may have been guilty of treason in the eyes of the tyrant if they had helped or
blinked at the Macedonian king traverse the route near their city. Magnesia also became the
stage of ruthless fight between Alexander and Pelopidas who intervened in Thessaly, as reported by Frontinus. The fight could only have occurred in 369, when the Thebans removed
the Macedonian crew from Larissa, and Pelopidas tried to force Alexander of Pherae to come
to an agreement with Thessalian cities.29 If the fight took place in northern Magnesia, clearly
the tyrant was fighting to strengthen his rule there and to protect himself against another
possible intervention from the north. Such a reconstruction of events may be based on a
comparison with fights between the Romans and the Macedonian king Perseus that occurred
in this area.
To sum up, we can conclude that the basis for Polyaenus' account was Alexander II's
expedition of 369, when launching an intervention against Alexander of Pherae he sidestepped the Vale of Tempe blocked by the latter, and unexpectedly advanced into Thessaly leading his troops through the Mt. Ossa area. With time this event became associated with much
more famous Alexander the Great and the element of the Vale of Tempe geography which
was known as Alexander's Ladder ( ). Gradually the story differed more and more from the original events, which could have been contributed to by local guides
happy to show travellers unusual places in the famous valley. In the ensuing story Alexander
performs the heroic feat of climbing, together with his army, the almost vertical walls of the
valley up to the top of Mt. Ossa to frighten the defenders into capitulation, like he did later
when he captured Sogdian Rock. The final version of the story was penned by Polyaenus,
who is known to have repeatedly enhanced the stratagems he described to make them more
dramatic.
SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

( 4. 3. 21.):

,

( 2 . ..).
, 336 .. , .
, . 369 ..,
,
, , .
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28
29

Plutarch, Pelop. 29.4.

Frontinus 3.8.2; Polyainos 2.4.1; Buckler 1980: 247.

SAWOMIR SPRAWSKI

443

. ,
, .
,
2 . .. , ,
.
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.
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