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5#$2"/'6$*"# This policy papei aims to exploie why state anu uonoi policies iemain
unable to impiove the lives of lanuless cultivatois
!
in iuial Pakistan, what
iole local powei stiuctuies play in subveiting state anu uonoi lanu iefoim
policies to contenu with lanulessness, anu to iuentify how lanuless
cultivatois themselves aie ieacting to this situation.
The agiaiian sectoi iemains pieuominant not only in Pakistan but acioss
most of the ueveloping woilu, pioviuing not only a significant poition of
national incomes, but also absoibing a bulk of laboui. The issue of access to
lanu foi cultivation puiposes thus, iemains veiy impoitant given its cleai
livelihoou implications. Theie aie also a seiies of coiielateu factois why
access to agiicultuial lanu is significant, ianging fiom foou secuiity to
enviionmental conceins. People who have a piece of theii lanu aie
consiueieu not only bettei equippeu to meet theii householu nutiitional
neeus, but aie also likely to utilize moie sustainable agiicultuial piactices if
they have owneiship of the lanu they cultivate (Baibiei 2uuu).
Yet, inequality in lanu owneiship, wheie a small minoiity owns vast tiacts
of lanu anu many otheis own veiy little oi no lanu iemains a pieuominant
featuie acioss iuial aieas in ueveloping countiies. Bowevei, alteiing lanu
tenuie aiiangements to pioviue the iuial pooi gieatei access to lanu can be
a complex anu politically uifficult pioposition (Besley anu Buigess 2uuu).
Alteiing lanu owneiship aiiangements has numeious inteiielateu
implications ielating to the natuie of powei, as well as social anu economic
ielations. 0nueistanuing the pioblems facing maiginalizeu gioups like
lanuless cultivatois in the eia of globalization necessitates taking into
account bioauei configuiation of piouuction ielations at both national anu
global levels (Louhi anu Ciistobal 2u1u). This is because Inteinational
Nonetaiy Funu anu Woilu Bank loan conuitionalities have incieasingly
influenceu agiicultuial piouuction piocesses anu policies thiough
libeialization of the agiicultuial sectoi in ueveloping countiies which aie
iecipients of theii loans (Kugelman anu Bathaway 2u1u). In the case of
Pakistan, foi instance, this has cieateu a conveigence of local (feuual,
political anu militaiy) anu inteinational (tiaue, coipoiate anu uonoi)
inteiests with iegaius to lanu use.
1 The term landless cultivators being used in this paper refers to not only landless farmers/share-
croppers, but also to agricultural labourers and women engaged in agricultural work. While landless
labourers or women may not have direct access to cultivable land, they do constitute part of the agricultural
working population. As this research progresses, further categorizations may emerge within this broader
category of landless cultivators and with its subcategories as well; such as share-croppers for example, on
the basis of the amount of land being cultivated by them.
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Although lanu iefoims iemain a contesteu issue, the peisistence of iuial
poveity, the iesuigence of populism in the ueveloping woilu, anu the
giowth of peasant anu inuigenous movements, aie placing lanu iefoims
back on the policy agenua. Piominent events have also uiawn attention to
the issue of lanu iefoims incluuing the 1992 Eaith Summit, the 2uu2 Woilu
Summit on Sustainable Bevelopment, anu the Inteinational Confeience on
Agiaiian Refoim anu Ruial Bevelopment (ICARRB) in 2uu6. The fact that
the ICARRB was attenueu by uelegates fiom a 1uu countiies, anu incluueu
iepiesentation of Suu civil society oiganizations as well seemeu an
encouiaging sign. But eviuence of impioveu coopeiation between uonois,
state anu civil society to make lanu iefoims moie effective still iemains
scant (Boiias 2uu8).
Conveisely, inteinational expeiiences inuicate that state anu uonoi policies,
oi even social movements on theii own, iemain insufficient to secuie
optimal ieuistiibution outputs (Boiias, Euelman anu Kay 2uu8; Boiias
2uu8). 0n the one hanu, instiumental means auopteu by the state oi
uonois often fail to iestiuctuie existing local powei hieiaichies, which
continue to subveit lanu iefoim policies to theii own auvantage. 0n the
othei hanu, localizeu social movements alone also seem unable to exeit
sufficient influence on socio-political institutions, which iemain biaseu
against lanuless cultivatois. Yet, what specific iole local powei stiuctuies
play in subveiting state anu uonoi lanu iefoim policies as well as social
movements of the lanuless is often not cleai anu meiits closei attention
within countiy-specific contexts, which is what this policy papei aims to
highlight.
Lanu iestiuctuiing has mostly been a statist pioject. The state can eithei
opt to collectivize faiming, oi tiy to iefoim existing piivate lanu holuing
aiiangements. The inteinational expeiience of state leu collectivization of
faiming has not piouuceu encouiaging iesults (Swinnen 2uu6). In the case
of Russia, Lenin himself came to iealize the explicit contiauiction in leftist
agiaiian theoiy between the tactical impeiative of piomising lanu to the
agiaiian unuei-classes anu the stiategic thieat that successful lanu iefoim
will leu to embouigeoisement of the cultivatois, anu unueimine the mass
mobilization piocess neeueu to spieau the Communist ievolution acioss
the woilu (Nitiany 19S2)? While the communists in China weie able to
involve the iuial populace in the Communist ievolt, subsequent
collectivization of agiicultuie pioveu pioblematic, anu it was only aftei ie-
incentivizing inuiviuual faimeis that agiicultuial piouuctivity began to
giow ovei the past two uecaues. 0thei foimei Communist countiies in
Cential Euiope, Cential Asia anu even Russia aie still tiying to implement
othei foims of iestitution ianging fiom giving lanu back to inuiviuual
owneis, oi to tilleis oi else tiying to incentivize faimeis by pioviuing
contiol ovei lanu to faimei gioups in the foim of shaies (Swinnen 2uu6).
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0n the othei hanu, state leu ieuistiibutive lanu iefoims have playeu a
ciucially impoitant iole in the iapiu giowth of Southeast Asian countiies
like South Koiea, Taiwan anu Nalaysia aftei Woilu Wai II (Beiiing 198S).
The expeiience of lanu iefoims in othei paits of Asia, anu in much of Afiica
anu South Ameiica weie less optimistic. This is because, to vaiying uegiees,
lanu iefoims in most ueveloping countiies have placeu an emphasis on
ieuistiibution of lanu while neglecting supplemental policies iequiieu foi
lanu ieuistiibution to be economically piouuctive (Peieiia 2uuS). Noieovei,
the establishment of iesponsive anu tianspaient goveinment institutions
was an equally impoitant aspect of lanu iefoim in the Southeast Asian
context, which iemaineu laigely missing in the case of most othei
ueveloping countiies (Peieiia 2uuS).
Paiticipation of lanuless cultivatois in lanu iefoim netwoiks has also
iemaineu insufficient to ieuiess unequal powei ielations within countiies
like Biazil, since these netwoiks themselves became hieiaichical, anu
iemaineu insufficiently aligneu with uonoi anu goveinment policies.
Pioblems of social exclusion foi foimeily lanuless cultivatois weie thus
seen to continue, even aftei they gaineu access to lanu thiough state anu
non-state initiatives (Linuemann 2u1u). Also, in countiies like Nicaiagua,
Bonuuias anu El Salvauoi, wheie agiicultuial piouuction anu stanuaius of
living initially incieaseu among cultivatois, the lack of a iuial cieuit maiket
anu ineffective agiicultuial extension seivices, followeu by inflation, aie
iuentifieu foi eiouing the initial gains (Peieiia 2uuS).
While the ongoing analysis of lanu iefoims pays uue attention to attempts
anu failuies of uonois, state policies, anu social movements in tiying to
achieve effective iefoims, the iole playeu by local powei stiuctuies within
the iuial political economy in teims of facilitating oi subveiting lanu
iefoims continues to ieceive much less attention.
In the case of Pakistan, lanu iefoim legislation was fiist enacteu unuei a
maitial law iegime in 19S9, anu then anu anothei lanu iefoims act was
passeu in 1972 unuei a uemociatic goveinment. The lanu iefoim imposeu
owneiship ceilings beyonu which lanu was to be subjecteu to
ieuistiibution. Bowevei the ceilings on the amount of lanu weie placeu on
lanu owneu by agiicultuial families iathei than inuiviuuals (uaiuezi 198S).
Laige lanu-owneis weie thus able to tiansfei theii lanu titles to family
membeis in oiuei to avoiu lanu ieuistiibution. The existing liteiatuie
within Pakistan has howevei not paiu close attention to how local powei
stiuctuies manageu to avoiu state-leu ieuistiibution, incluuing what theii
iole was in teims of influencing the lanu iefoim policy itself, as well as in
subsequently pieventing implementation, uespite the neeu foi such
analysis to unueitake moie effective lanu ieuistiibution.
Lanu iefoim legislation (as in the Lanu Refoim Act of 1972) tiieu to
iegulate shaie-ciopping ients as well, typically iestiicting the lanuloiu
fiom obtaining moie than 4u% of the shaie of the gioss piouuce, but these
measuies weie nevei enfoiceu effectively, eithei (Beiiing 198S). The
situation in Pakistan was not like it was in China, wheie a poweiful state
coulu incentivize inuiviuual faimeis by allocating them assuieu inuiviuual
tenancy iights without tiansfeiiing the foimeily collectivizeu piopeities
ovei to them. The Pakistani state uiu not have the capacity to inteivene to
iegulate the teims of contiacts between laige lanu-owneis anu tenants.
Piesuming that legislateu measuies woulu be automatically complieu with,
uespite existing auministiative mechanisms being biaseu towaius laige
lanu-owneis, was thus a faulty assumption. Bue to the mentioneu lack of
emphasis on local powei uynamics, no new means to enfoice shaiecioppei
iental contiacts weie intiouuceu. The 1972 census iesultantly confiimeu
the wiue-spieau violation of the eailiei tenancy laws since 8u.S peicent of
the shaieciopping contiacts iepoiteu in it, specifieu ownei shaies as being
Su%, insteau of 4u% (Beiiing 198S). 0veiall, a meie one peicent of
lanuless tenants anu small lanu owneis aie estimateu to have uiiectly
benefiteu fiom the 1972 iefoims (Chauuhiy 1974). These uismal statistics
inuicate the eviuent ability of local powei stiuctuies to subveit
ieuistiibutive policies anu to make them ineffective, even if insufficient
attention is paiu to them within the existing liteiatuie.
The foimei Piime Ninistei of Pakistan, late Zulfikai Ali Bhutto, also
piomulgateu a National Chaitei foi Cultivatois in 1977 manuating all
cultivable state lanus, not being useu foi a public puipose to be given to
lanuless cultivatois with less than subsistence holuing. Bhutto also
pioposeu changes to lanu-ievenue tax to enable piogiessive taxation of
agiicultuialists (Beiiing 198S). The oveithiow of the Bhutto goveinment in
1977 anu imposition of a maitial law iegime, pieventeu the
implementation of these laws (Chauuhiy 1974). Even if the Bhutto
goveinment hau not been oveithiown, the fact that many laige lanu-
owneis manageu to become Bhutto-backeu canuiuates in the elections of
1977 inuicates that planneu attempts to ieuistiibute lanu coulu veiy well
have been thwaiteu fiom within his goveinment (Beiiing 198S). Even in
subsequent yeais, many of the membeis of the piovincial anu national
assembly aie laige lanu-owneis, incluuing the cuiient Piime Ninistei of the
countiy. The political influence of these laige lanu-owneis seems to have
secuieu juuicial backing as well. The Feueial Shaiiat (Islamic) Couit iuleu
that lanu iefoims weie unconstitutional in 198u. This uecision was again
uphelu by the Supieme Couit in 1989 (Siuuiqa 2uu7). The apex couit
ueclaieu that the manuatoiy acquisition of piivate lanu by the use of state
foice was against the piinciples of Islamic law, putting the issue
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of lanu iefoims on the backbuinei in the countiy, uespite the lingeiing
uispaiities anu iuial poveity.
Refoiming the iegulatoiy anu auministiative enviionments, as well as
piovision of supplementaiy seivices, seem necessaiy foi enabling the
lanuless pooi a chance to achieve sustainable livelihoous. Boing so
effectively seems to imply the neeu foi ieshaping the political economy.
"

Reshaping the political economy not only iequiies attention to existing
gaps in teims of cooiuination between uonois, the state anu peasant
movements, but also theii inteiaction with local powei stiuctuies, which
also seem to have a vital - even if not fully unueistoou - iole in effectively
implementing lanu iefoims. As the success of lanu iefoims seem uepenuent
on the ability to offei compiehensive suppoit to the lanuless, which can
tianscenu manipulation by existing local powei stiuctuies, paying moie
attention to these local powei uynamics seems vital.
The Woilu BankINF appioach to auuiessing the pioblem of iuial
inequalities has ielieu tiauitionally on suppoiting capital intensive anu
technological appioaches. Subsequent to capital intensive investments in
agiicultuie uuiing the late 19Sus anu eaily 196us, the Woilu Bank became
a main pioponent anu financiei of the 'uieen Revolution'. Even though the
technology uiiven uieen Revolution was pioclaimeu as being scale-neutial,
just the fact that it was costly maue the uistiibution of gains fiom the
technology uneven, with the iich anu piospeious faimeis emeiging even
iichei owing to theii ability to auopt it (uaiuezi 198S).
Almost thiee uecaues of stiuctuial aujustment piogiams instituteu as pait
of INF anu Woilu Bank loan packages to ueveloping countiies have iesulteu
in uiminishing subsiuies foi faiming inputs like feitilizeis anu seeus which
pooiei faimeis, incluuing lanuless cultivatois now also iely on. Stiuctuial
aujustment has alloweu global agio-foou tiansnational capital, woiking in
close collaboiation with states ienueieu compliant by the iules of the
Woilu Tiaue 0iganization, to intensify the integiation of ueveloping
countiies into the coipoiate foou iegime (Kugelman anu Bathaway 2u1u).
Implementing stiuctuial aujustment piogiams often compelleu agiicultuial
piouuction emphasis in the ueveloping woilu to shift fiom foou piouuction
foi uomestic (local) consumption to cash-ciop piouuction to obtain expoit
eainings (Skogly 2uu1). Theiefoie, many countiies that may have been self-
sufficient in foou piouuction began to impoit foou to supply the local
maikets anu as a iesult foou piices incieaseu. While woilu supplies of
agiicultuial commouities aie moie
2 This proposal refers to the term political economy to imply a range of underlying social and political
issues associated with what could otherwise be described as an economic asset; i.e. land.
than sufficient to meet global foou uemanu, the numbeis of those living in
vaiying uegiees of caloiie anu piotein ueficiency anu chionic hungei
aiounu the woilu (moie than one billion) is histoiically unpieceuenteu
(WB 2uu7b). Bespite, ueepening the maiket impeiative goveining the
contempoiaiy woilu foou piouuction system, neo-libeial policies have
faileu to tackle the unueilying causes of iuial poveity (Baibiei 2uuu).
The Woilu Bank usually suppoits maiket baseu piinciples implying eithei
piovision of financial suppoit foi maiket-baseu ieuistiibution schemes oi
else an emphasis on titling anu iegistiies to enable lanu maiket facilitation,
to contenu with the issue of unequal lanu owneiship. The Woilu Bank has
suppoiteu implementation of such appioaches in vaiious countiies
incluuing South Afiica, Bonuuias, Biazil, Inuia anu Pakistan. Yet these
maiket-assisteu iefoims aie consiueieu to have faileu because they place a
heavy buiuen on pooi people to iepay expensive loans, often fiom haivests
fiom pooi soils, as lanuowneis often choose to sell the most maiginal anu
ecologically fiagile plots that they own (Rossett 2uu1).
The Woilu Bank inspiieu stiategies like the Poveity Reuuction Stiategy
Papei (PRSP) foi Pakistan make explicit iefeiences to coipoiate agiicultuie
foi incieasing agiicultuial piouuctivity by exploiting economies of
consoliuation anu scale (uoPB 2uuS). Coipoiate agiicultuie may be a pio-
giowth measuie, but it implies use of capital-intensive faiming, which
woulu ueciease uemanu foi on-faim laboui anu also ieuuce lanu available
foi shaieciopping by pooiei faimeis. Yet, the Coipoiate Faiming 0iuinance
(CF0) passeu in 2uu1 has enableu lease of vast tiacts of state owneu lanus
to iichei states, like the 0niteu Aiab Emiiates, foi giowing foou foi theii
own countiy using capital-intensive techniques, which may incluue tapping
into the ueep unueigiounu watei aquifeis, wheieby exaceibating watei
scaicity foi suiiounuing faimeis (Biaun anu Neinzen-Bick 2uu9; Khan
2uu4). While these stateu appiehensions conceining coipoiate faiming
note the iole of the goveinment anu uonois in facilitating agiibusiness, they
iemain unable to uiaw sufficient linkages between uonoi anu state policies
on the one hanu, anu the influence that existing lanu-owneis have exeiteu
on such 'pio-giowth stiategies', uespite theii potential auveise impacts on
lanuless cultivatois.
Neolibeial agiaiian iestiuctuiing ovei the past two uecaues is wiuely seen
to have expanueu the scope of alieauy establisheu inequitable (lanu)
owneiship anu (agiicultuial) piouuction ielations by incieaseu
commouification anu exposuie of an even gieatei numbei of people to the
maiket impeiative (Akiam-Louhi anu Kay 2uu9; Kugelman anu Bathaway
2u1u). Bowevei, the context specific implications of this ongoing tienu
meiit fuithei ieseaich, as uoes the issue of how local
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powei stiuctuies themselves aie aligning themselves to benefit fiom this
piocess, uespite its oveiall auveise impact on alieauy maiginalizeu iuial
populace, such as lanuless cultivatois .
The issue of access to lanu in iuial Pakistan iemains vital uue to vaiious
factois, one of which is the piominence of the agiicultuial sectoi in the
national economy, which contiibutes about 24 peicent of uioss Bomestic
Piouuct (uBP), absoibs half of employeu laboui foice, anu is the laigest
souice of foieign exchange eainings (uoP 2uuS). Yet, lanuowneiship is
immensely skeweu within the countiy, about 67 peicent iuial householus
own no lanu in the countiy (Anwai, Quieshi, anu Ali 2uu4). This incluues a
vast numbei shaiecioppeis, uaily wage agiicultuial laboieis, incluuing
women. 0nueistanuing why lanu owneiship is so uneven, oi its iesulting
implications on the lives of the lanuless cultivatois, iequiies cognizance of
histoiical shifts in lanu aiiangement patteins in what is, touay, Pakistan.
Noieovei, it is impoitant to iecognize why lanu assess has incieasingly
became such a vital issue within the oveiall political economy of the
countiy.
Bistoiians have pointeu out how the Nughals (1S26 to 18S7 AB) exeiteu
uiiect contiol ovei agiicultuial lanu in the Subcontinent, anu pieventeu
theii official aiistociacy (!"#$"%&"'$) fiom ueveloping piopiiety iights in
lanu unuei theii auministiation (}alal 199S; Stokes 1978(Stokes 1978). It
was the Biitish who intiouuceu peimanent anu heieuitaiy iights to lanus
acioss iuial aieas of the Inuian subcontinent (Beiiing 198S). At the time of
inuepenuence, the founuing paity, the Nuslim League founu itself caught
between the iiieconcilable inteiests of the lanuloiu class anu the lanuless
iuial masses it hau iallieu by offeiing incentive of economic powei in the
soon-to-be-boin nation (Alavi 1972). Piomises maue by the Nuslim League
to the lanuless pooi (compiiseu laigely of shaiecioppeis anu agiicultuial
laboieis) neeueu an effective lanu iefoim piogiam that iequiieu
expiopiiating lanu fiom laige lanu-owneis whose suppoit to national
inuepenuence hau pioveu ciucial, anu who hau also uominateu the
countiy's fiist Constituent Assembly electeu in 1946. Thus, a less iauical
way out of this uilemma was the puisuit of economic giowth, even if the
benefits of this giowth have yet to 'tiickle uown' to the iuial pooi (uaiuezi
198S).
Piominent Pakistani scholais fuithei point out that the countiy inheiiteu a
paiticulai goveinance stiuctuie, uue to its colonial legacy, which also hau
majoi implications on subsequent policy-making (Alavi 1972; uaiuezi
198S; }alal 199S)? Aftei inuepenuence, a gieatei pait of the political
leaueiship embaikeu upon safeguaiuing anu peipetuating a naiiow set of
inteiests baseu on the collusion of top echelons of the militaiy-buieauciacy
establishment, the lanueu aiistociacy anu the emeigent national
bouigeoisie. The notion of the 'oveiuevelopeu' state
within post-colonial societies like Pakistan explains why institutions of the
state such as the aimy anu the buieauciacy aie so stiong, anu even why
they so ieauily coopeiate with uominant inteinational actois. Accoiuing to
Alavi (1972; 197S), this institutional 'ovei-uevelopment' occuiieu uuiing
colonial iule which aimeu to exeicise contiol to achieve the centieimpeiial
inteiests iathei than the uevelopment of the masses in the
peiipheiycolonizeu states. }alal (199S) has fuithei aigueu that the lack of
uemociacy suiteu the post-colonial authoiitaiian state, which just neeueu
local influentials (incluuing laige lanu-owneis) to exeit contiol ovei
uiffeient paits of the countiy without botheiing with iepiesentation.
Fuitheimoie, since the allocation of lanu to the buieauciacy anu the
militaiy was continueu by the post-colonial state, the establishment itself
has a majoi inteiest in pieseiving the status quo of existing lanu holuings
(Siuuiqa 2uu7).
The impoitance of lanu owneiship is also acknowleugeu in teims of its
implications to assume political powei, since entiie communities of
lanuless faimeis can be cajoleu by laige lanu-owneis to vote eithei foi
them, oi else foi theii chosen canuiuates (uaiuezi 198S; Beiiing 198S).
This political influence of laige lanu holueis not only helps pieseive the
status quo of inequalities by blocking lanu iefoims, but seems to be
exaceibating it, by captuiing incoming state iesouices anuoi manipulating
existing policies to theii auvantage.
Consiuei foi instance how intiouuction of uieen Revolution technologies in
the 196us, set the countiy anu its laigest lanu-owneis off on a new path of
economic giowth, without uistuibing a status quo maikeu by laige social
anu economic inequalities (uaiuezi 198S; Bussain 2uuS). It soon became
eviuent that it was piimaiily laige lanu-owneis who coulu affoiu to
unueitake faim mechanization in Pakistan. Smallei lanu-owneis coulu not
keep pace with the high cost iequiiements of intensive faiming, anu many
of them began to lease theii lanu out to capitalist piouuceis with the
economic iesouices to uo so (}. Ronalu Beiiing anu Chailes R. Kenneuy
1979).
Even watei iights in Pakistan iemain tieu to owneiship of lanu, which helps
peipetuate shaieciopping aiiangements, since those without access to
sufficient lanu iemain unable to uiaw sufficient watei to iiiigate theii fielus
(Chauuhiy, Nalik, anu Ashiaf 2uu6; Bussain 2uuS; Imian Shaiif Chauuhiy
2uu6). Noieovei, laige lanu-owneis aie also backeu by the police anu key
local civil auministiation officials like lanu ievenue officials ((")*"'+$) who
invaiiably tenu to favoi lanu loius insteau of shaie cioppeis by often (Nalik
2uu9). This enables laige lanu-owneis to appiopiiate a gieatei shaie of the
yielus oi expel the shaie-cioppeis fiom theii lanu, as they no longei have
legal piotection gianteu to cultivatois by existing legislation. Laige lanu-
owneis also use infoimal
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aibitiation mechanisms, such as ("#,-".")$, to help pieseive the status
quo.
Pakistan in fact still possesses a hybiiu economic system, which is a mix of
tiibal, agiaiian anu capitalist systems? Thus, even as capitalism has
peimeateu iuial Pakistan, it continues to opeiate thiough tiauitional, pie-
capitalists social oiganizations of piouuction such as feuualism (Nalik
2uu8). It iemains vital to pay moie attention to local powei stiuctuies
when intiouucing new maiket-leu stiategies to auuiess lanulessness, albeit
the eviuence to this effect iemains scant.
Theie is emeiging eviuence of mechanisms being foimulateu to enable
pooi lanuless householus' to obtain access to lanu without uistuibing lanu
owneiship patteins (uazuai 2uu7; uazuai, Khan, anu Khan 2uu2; uhazuai
2uu7). 0sing community oiganizations cieateu by Nu0s to pioviue the
lanuless pooi access to lanu has been ongoing in Sinuh (uazuai, Khan, anu
Khan 2uu2). Such initiatives imply inteimeuiating on the behalf of the
lanuless pooi in lanu-iental, tenancy anu cieuit maikets, anu pioviuing
mechanisms foi iisk mitigation anu ensuiing access to woiking capital. A
pilot piogiam focusing on incieasing access to lanu by pooi faimeis is set
to be launcheu in pooiei uistiicts of Punjab as well, with the piovincial
goveinment anu uonoi suppoit.
The assumption foi tenancy facilitation inteivention is that access to lanu
via shaieciopping can help ensuie foou secuiity, ieuuce the lanuless pooi
householus' vulneiability to unceitainty, anu oveicome the ueaith of
oppoitunities piesent in the unskilleu laboui maiket especially acioss
pooiei uistiicts of the piovince. Yet, the effect of tenancy on poveity
howevei iemains an unuei-ieseaicheu aiea. So if lanuless shaieciopping
anu fixeu-ient leasing will necessaiily alleviate poveity iemains to be seen.
It is assumeu that insteau of using the laige lanu-owneis' instiuments of
managei-baseu supeivision, coeicion anu thieats, Nu0s will be able to use
social collateial anu goouwill within the peei gioup to incentivize laboui
anu piouuction effoit, as has been uone unuei micio-cieuit schemes. The
suggesteu mouel uoes not iely on coopeiative piouuction howevei, as lanu
is meant to be sub-leaseu to inuiviuual faimeis that aie pait of peei gioups
but the ienewal of the lease to the peei gioup is contingent upon the gioup
fulfilling its leasing obligation. Yet, as lanu not being given to the faimeis,
the inteivention may be sustainable fiom an oiganizational viewpoint as it
uoes not iequiie much investment, but what about faimeis who will
continue to pay high ients, to cultivate on lanu which they will nevei own.
Foi oui puiposes, can such maiket-baseu inteiventions which seem
acceptable to uonois, anu iemain palatable to the state actually empowei
those with no access to lanu.
F:%2,*#, 3")*6C
500'%0
A new lanu iefoim bill, the Reuistiibutive Lanu Refoims Bill 2u1u, has been
pioposeu to the national pailiament (ET 2u1u). Whethei this bill will be
passeu to become a law is yet not ceitain. The veiy motivation of the bill
has been challengeu by feuuals in majoi political paities as a political ploy
by a piimaiily uiban-baseu political paity, the Nuttahiua Quami Novement
(NQN), to make inioaus into iuial aieas. Whethei the NQN will be able to
ially sufficient giassioots suppoit anu pioactively puisue this bill in
pailiament, oi else, succumb to piessuie by many political opponents with
a vesteu inteiest in pieseiving existing agiaiian stiuctuies, iemains to be
seen.
Noieovei, implementing lanu iefoims effectively woulu be anothei
challenge altogethei. This is because politicians, as well as state anu uonoi
officials, have not yet acknowleugeu the ability of laige lanu-owneis to
subveit theii policies, noi aie they uevising sufficient means to auuiess this
ieality. Theie is also an eviuent gap in the existing liteiatuie on lanu
iefoims which mostly focuses on the exclusive iole of uonoi, state anuoi
social movements in contenuing with the issue of lanulessness.
Bence, theie is a penuing neeu to pay moie attention to how lanu-owneis
exeit agency anu influence existing powei stiuctuies to unueimine the
lanuless, anu how the lanuless themselves aie ieacting to this piocess,
which may ieveal means to potentially oveicome theii maiginalization. It is
paiticulaily ielevant to unueitake such analysis in paits of Pakistan, wheie
the eviuent piesence of laige lanu-owneis in local powei stiuctuies
iemains stiong anu continues to simultaneously maiginalize the lanuless.
G*;)*",2(98C
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