Aspects of British Culture 23 May, 2014 The Status and Importance of the Welsh Language from the Middle of the 19th Century to the Beginning of the 21st Century -an Overview The Welsh language (Cymraeg) is one of the oldest living languages in Europe. A version of Welsh was spoken in Britain around 55 BC at the time of Roman invasions, and it is spoken today by about half a million people in Wales alone (Storry and Childs 221). It is a Celtic language, related to Irish and Scottish Gaelic, but more specifically it belongs to the Brittonic branch of the Celtic family. Many consider it one of the most poetic languages in the Indo- European family, if not the world, and J. R. R. Tolkien even made use of some phonetic peculiarities of Welsh in the construction of the Elvish languages for his fantasy series The Lord of the Rings (Collier, Tolkien and Welsh). Compared to Irish, Scottish Gaelic, and other non- English languages of the British Isles, such as Manx or Cornish, Welsh has enjoyed a fair amount of success in recent years (Storry and Childs 222). However, the revitalization of the language is an ongoing process, and the struggle towards the ultimate goal of creating a truly bilingual society of Welsh and English speakers remains fraught with difficulties. This essay sets out to give a brief overview of the major obstacles the Welsh language has faced since the late 19 th century in order to attain equal status in relation to English, to examine the reasons why language preservation and language teaching are important to begin with, and to point out potential difficulties which may arise in light of global economic developments in the 21 st
century. Education in Wales has been bilingual since the 1970s (Storry and Childs 50). A hundred years earlier, teachers were prohibited from using Welsh in schools by the Elementary Education Act of 1870, also called Forster's Education Act, drafted by William Forster, a Liberal MP (Storry and Childs 221). This document affected the education of children ages 5 to 13 in England and Wales. Consequently, the Welsh language became increasingly stigmatized, especially in cities, which led to the ruralization of the language, a phenomenon still felt today. Prior to this, in 1847, a public inquiry into the state of education in Wales was conducted, which produced controversial results (Welsh and 19 th Century Education). The inquiry was carried out by three Englishmen who spoke no Welsh, and were significantly biased in favor of the Anglican clergy. Their report described education in Wales as inadequate, making note of the fact that many teachers taught only in English in otherwise exclusively Welsh-speaking communities. However, the three English commissioners placed the blame for substandard education and illiteracy on the Welsh population, who were deemed lazy, ignorant, and immoral. This is a clear indicator of the influence of Anglican clergymen in the matter, who took to slanderous accusations as a reaction to Nonconformism in Wales (The Blue Books of 1847). The report, which later became known as the Treachery of the Blue Books (it was compiled in three blue-covered volumes), has been named one of the most important Welsh historical documents by Saunders Lewis, a Welsh poet, historian, and political activist (Lewis, Fate of the Language). In the aftermath of the Treachery of the Blue Books, the defamation of the Welsh language reached new heights, in the form of the so-called Welsh Not, a kind of punishment used in elementary schools to repress the usage of Welsh (Welsh and 19 th Century Education). A child overheard speaking the language would be given a piece of wood inscribed with the words Welsh Not, or the initials W. N., which would usually be worn around the neck. The child could pass the Not onto other transgressors, and the child found wearing the Not at the end of the school day would receive physical punishment. What's most disturbing about the practice is that it allegedly persisted in some schools well into the 1930s and 1940s (A Bevy of Maidens). Welsh remained highly stigmatized until the latter half of the 20th century, when Welsh nationalism was on the rise, and speaking Welsh became a matter of national pride, a highly prestigious attribute. People began to abandon anglicized names in favor of Welsh ones, and spoke more often in Welsh, or at least deliberately spoke with a heavy accent (Storry and Childs 221). The 1960s saw the formation of such campaign groups as the Welsh Language Society (Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg), who define their cause in terms of a wider world-wide struggle for minority rights and freedoms (What is Cymdeithas yr Iaith?). Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Welsh cultural identity amounted to linguistic identity, and to the sum of numerous local cultures, as people tended to feel much more strongly about their home village, town, or county, than about the country as a whole, and cultural institutions which could instill a sense of shared identity on a national level had not yet been formed or were very young (Osmond 111). For instance, the Welsh Office was established as late as 1965. Campaign groups and nationalist movements such as the Sons of Glyndr (Meibion Glyndr) used this state of cultural diffusion to rally members in the fight against English government. In the 1980s the Sons of Glyndr even took responsibility for setting fire to holiday homes owned by wealthy English people (Thirty years since the first Welsh holiday home arson). However, language in Wales was, and still is, a dividing issue, and the efforts of nationalist groups to preserve and promote their ideas of what it meant to be Welsh only served to diminish the chances of Wales achieving a greater degree of autonomy. They fought for an identity which had not yet been fully formed. As Leo Abse, a member of Parliament at the time, declared: Our allegiance was to the locality and to the world, and nationalist flag-waving, Russian, Welsh, or English, was anathema to those of us shaped in such a society (qtd. in Osmond 112). Another relevant factor was the geographical distribution of the language. There are still significant differences between North and South Wales, as there were then. While northern and northwestern counties, particularly Gwynedd county, are referred to as the Welsh-speaking heartland (Y Fro Gymraeg), Welsh is still a foreign language to most citizens in the urban centers of South Wales such as Swansea and Cardiff (Storry and Childs 222). All of these circumstances led up to the 1979 referendum which was to address the question of devolution, and determine the political orientation of Wales, toward or away from Westminster. Naturally, a cultural multiplicity ungoverned by any unifying institutions made devolution an unfavorable strategy, since British rule was perceived as the connective tissue in the cultural as well as economic domain, and self-government seemed to be a slippery slope to separatism (Osmond 111). Neil Kinnock, a Welsh Labour MP opposed to devolution, writes in 1979 that the matter of proving ones nationality and pride is a matter of hearts and minds, not bricks, committees, and bureaucrats (qtd. in Osmond 112). However, the most fervent hearts and adamant minds often get nothing accomplished without the guidance of rationally organized decision-making, just as institutions and committees are useless without the living energy and passion of their people. In any case, Wales was apparently not ready for the costs or responsibilities of nationhood (Kinnock, qtd. in Osmond 111), which is to say the formation and maintenance of autonomous political, economic, and cultural identity. The referendum showed a 4:1 opposition to devolution. The political mood would soon change. By 1997, a new generation unburdened by memories of the Second World War had become able to vote. These young voters were largely responsible for disentangling the Welsh language from its political past, and transforming it into a building block of personal cultural identity, unassociated with nationalism and less politically charged (Osmond 113). The Conservative administration in Wales between 1979 and 1997 supported the preservation and development of the language: the first Welsh-language television channel, S4C, was launched in 1982, and the Welsh Language Board was established in 1993 (Osmond 115). The governmental support for Welsh raised it to a sufficient degree of stability, where it was no longer such a political football, as former Secretary of State for Wales, Ron Davies puts it (qtd. in Osmond 115). The advent of a new politically active generation coupled with Conservative support of the Welsh language, conspired with a burgeoning Welsh economy which was beginning to steer away from the rest of Britain and towards the European and global markets (Osmond 115). These developments resulted in a shift in attitude towards the prospect of forming a Welsh Assembly, an autonomous government body which was to take over the responsibilities of the Welsh Office. The referendum of 1997 showed that 50.3% of voters supported this idea, and the Assembly was established the following year. Shortly thereafter, in 2003, the Assembly government released a national action plan for a bilingual Wales entitled Iaith Pawb, or Everyones Language, with the goal of achieving a sharp increase in young speakers by 2010, and eventually creating a truly bilingual Wales, defined as a country where people can choose to live their lives through the medium of either or both Welsh and English and where the presence of the two languages is a source of pride and strength to us all (Iaith Pawb) This mission statement reveals just how much the attitude towards Welsh-English compatibility has changed. There is no longer such a need for the cohesive role of the Crown, or for a unitary state with a monolithic British culture, which is itself a myth. In this period of devolution, people are looking to create a union state (Osmond 113), comprised of equal nations embracing each other's differences and cherishing diversity for its inherent developmental potential, but also valuing it for its own sake, as an aesthetic ideal which seems to permeate, if not govern, the natural world, biological processes, and human societies. What is needed for this project is an approach which is national in scope, but sufficiently flexible to address local differences and differences between age groups (Iaith Pawb). An approach which would promote economic growth as well, and help generate business and tourism. The regional disparity in the number of Welsh speakers along the North-South axis remains, but in a genuinely bilingual society it would no longer be such a prominent issue. Furthermore, at the time of the release of the Iaith Pawb action plan, Welsh had already exhibited a slow but steady increase in young speakers ages 3 to 15 (Storry and Childs 221), a trend which is still ongoing and deserving of attention and careful maintenance. Most of all, however, the action plan stresses its foundation in the inherent right of any individual to use the language of their choice, and the responsibility of the government to ensure that right. Regarding the issue of individual rights, special attention needs to be given to the rights of children. Any child needs to be able to state their opinions and have them taken into account, to have access to information and the opportunities to share it, and to learn and practice their own culture, language, and religion, especially if those practices are not shared by the majority population of a given community (Convention on the Rights of the Child). These rights can only be secured by quality education in both English and Welsh, and seeing to this demand is a matter of duty. The Iaith Pawb action plan was efficient in reeling in more and more funding for Welsh-medium education over the years. The 2009-2010 report shows that 47% of the workforce can speak Welsh, and it is being used in the European Union as well. However, one difficulty which still remains is the inadequacy of Welsh courses in otherwise English-medium schools. The reasons for teaching Welsh in schools, rather than just leaving it up to parents to pass on their knowledge, are many. Some have already been pointed out, such as the inherent value of diversity and the potential for change and growth which it entails, as well as the ideological reasons connected to the preservation of human cultural rights. Another point to consider is the fact that linguistic and cultural awareness and sensitivity are essential to economic growth, to trade and tourism in particular (Baker 422). The development of cultural sensitivity is also a form of cognitive and social development in general. The barriers faced by children and young people speaking Welsh in their day-to-day lives are very often related to self-confidence issues and a need to belong to a peer group (Encouraging Bilingual (Welsh/English) Participation), which is why communication skills need to be promoted and worked on at all levels of education. Yet another benefit of speaking more than one language is the widening and enrichment of employment opportunities (Baker 411). Finally, to take a more theoretical approach to the matter, any natural language is simultaneously a symbolic framework and symbolic tool, on a par with art or science, which provides its user with an entirely unique way of perceiving, knowing, and understanding the world. A variety of languages means a variety of vantage points on reality. As Wales continues to participate in the Europan market and the global economy, the sense of belonging to the locality and the world reemerges. Only this time locality means the entire country of Wales, and not particular villages or towns. An allegiance to Britain is seemingly nowhere to be found. It would appear that the Welsh language is no longer threatened by British English to the east, but by the overwhelming dominance of American English coming from the west. As Wales carves out a piece of the global economy for itself, so it will have to once more preserve the integrity of the Welsh language. Only it must be taken into consideration that the downfall of a language can be brought about just as easily by inflexibly rejecting change, as it can by neglecting the language and allowing it to be watered down and to fade out of use.
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