Koha Digest # 47 (1995)

EDITORIAL

UNCLE'S SECOND SAILING

by VETON SURROI

"He has gone on a ship, he is sailing", my grandfather told my relatives asking about my
Uncle. I think that the first of the relatives to ask, was six or seven at that time. When he
stopped asking, he had already turned twelve or thirteen, and had learned that sailing may
take time, but not such a long time. When Uncle came back from sailing he was pale, they
say, and of poor health. My relatives needed several years to understand that there was no sea
in Nish and that Uncle couldn't have sailed so long in a town without any sea.

Bit by bit he had mentioned to me the legal reason why he had done time in Nish. When the
judge read the accusation, together with all the other accused, he had understood all the
committed sins: that he had cooperated with the Intelligence Service, that he had served the
enemies of the nations and nationalities of Yugoslavia, that they wanted to create Greater
Albania. He hadn't understood only one thing: that he was at the service of the Greek
royalists. As a young teacher, he found out that in the ecolé normale he was not told what the
Greek royalists were.

Now he got arrested again. And for the same reasons: because he is member of the former
Albanian National-Democratic Movement, the present Albanian National-Democratic Party.
As any idealist, he tried to articulate his former dream about free Kosova, in the AND Party,
once pluralism appeared. Now he is kept in prison, with the excuse that he is a member of an
illegal organization (unregistered in Serbia) which seeks secession of Kosova from Serbia.

Grandpa died a long time ago, and there is no one who could talk about Uncle's sailing. Both
myself and my relatives are in an age when such explanations would not be sufficient. In a
way, the ones given by the Serbian regime are not enough either, because there is no
organization that gathers Albanians which is not in favor of Kosova's freedom and it is hard
to say that there are Albanians who consider the presence of the Serbian regime in Kosova
legal. It is naturally, a the conflict between the stick and the conviction, a dialogue of
non-democratic regions where the stick tries to convince the conviction that it is illegal.

Maybe this is the occasion to repeat for who knows which time, and who knows how many
more times will it have to be repeated: this regime should understand that the majority of the
citizens of Kosova are on the Ship. On the one that Uncle is sailing on, I hope, not for too
long.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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INTERVIEW

TORE BOGH, Head of OSCE Mission in FYROM

THE CLINCHED FISTS

Interviewed by Veton Surroi / Shkup

Tore Bogh, a Norwegian diplomat with a long experience in the former Yugoslavia, had
thought that his diplomatic career was over once the CSCE Mission in Kosova ended its
mandate. Leaving Former Yugoslavia, he became a lecturer in California and Lisbon. Once in
California, he was offered to become head of CSCE Mission in FYROM.

When he arrived in December last, he paid his first visit to Tetova. "Entering the town, I got
the same impression as entering Prishtina".

While we are sitting in the former restaurant of the Delegates' Club of the SR of Macedonia,
the former ambassador to the Socialist Yugoslavia, in the environment of the "old garde" of
Socialist Macedonia, strengthens the impression that the whole crisis in the Former
Yugoslavia can be illustrated by hands clinched together, in which position no finger can
independently move without being affected by the others.

KOHA: Has this impression strengthened during your stay in Kosova and Macedonia?

BOGH: This is something that has come to me gradually. Unfortunately, we have not seen
much movement in any of the crises in the former Yugoslavia. It is as if all the major players
in the Yugoslav crisis are now looking over their shoulder to see if there is something
happening in other parts of former Yugoslavia, maintaining their positions, hoping that there
might, at the end of the day be some new initiative, or some new events which would give
them a better deal and that is why nothing happens.

KOHA: If there are negative developments in Bosnia and Croatia, in spring, for example,
what would that mean for the southern flank of the crisis, Macedonia?

BOGH: First, let me make this quite clear. I reject the notion that the continuation of the war
in band H will necessarily bring about an eruption in Kosova, or for that matter, in
Macedonia. But still, as long as the problems further north remain unsolved, I don't think that
the possibilities are great for achieving a sustainable solution to the problems of the south.
That goes for Kosova certainly, and it is obvious that as far as Macedonia is concerned, there
are elements in Macedonia's environment that are linked to developments in Belgrade.

KOHA: What would those elements be?

BOGH: There is the question of mutual recognition, for example.

KOHA: Nevertheless, Macedonia is a continuous geographical crisis, in the sense of the

problems with Greece?

BOGH: Theoretically, there would be no obstacle if the important players wanted to have a
solution for Macedonia. And I have even thought that if we are going to start a process of

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total solution for the ex-Yugoslav crisis, perhaps one should start at the end, and that could be
Macedonia. If you could have a lifting of the embargo to the south, and a mutual recognition
between Skopje (Shkupi) and Belgrade, then something positive could happen. It is
conceivable, and I think it should be tried. But that means the full participation of some
countries that in so far have not been so eager to help steady the situation in the south.

KOHA: Why would you expect a more cooperative behavior of Serbia concerning Macedonia
than Croatia or Bosnia for example?

BOGH: When you look at it from the angle of Skopje (Shkupi), we know that there are
economic ties on which Macedonia is dependent for its economic advancement, for its
economic future. As it is now, Macedonia is suffering from constraints both to the north and
to the south. If the situation could become relaxed by the lifting of the embargo, it would be a
beginning. Next, a mutual recognition between Skopje and Belgrade would be required.

KOHA: In the meantime to the problems of Macedonia's environment there is a new added
one, the question of the inter-ethnic relations...

BOGH: Unfortunately, in the Yugoslav catastrophe, we know that at the bottom of all the
disasters, way back in 1991, or before that, the appeal to ethnicity was always very tempting
for political leaders who wanted to gain power or secure their power base. It is a lot easier to
appeal to nationalism, than to propose a new economic program or some ideas for
cooperation across ethnic lines. It is an instant support mechanism for geographic location
and the history of the many ethnic groups which have crossed these parts over the centuries,
there is a fertile ground for ethnic conflict.

KOHA: If one is to say that there us the opening of the Serbian national question, and
afterwards the Croatian one, however misused they have been, couldn't it be said that we have
now the opening of the Albanian national question, first in Kosova, and now in Macedonia?

BOGH: Of course, we have to realize that the problem is there. Again, it need not be a
problem, if you agree that there are in this region a number of questions much more important
for future generations that the maintenance of their own ethnic specifics, and that goes for all
ethnic groups. It seems to me very often that the people in this region are trying to approach
problems with attitudes that are the legacy of the beginning of this century. Now we are at the
end of the twentieth century, where the emphasis is on the improvement of the environment,
raising the educational level, not necessarily of a particular language, but of science,
economics, or other subjects that should interest young people if they really want to go ahead
in a competitive world. I think there is a need (and I know it sounds like platitude) that there
should be a need to meet new challenges, new technology, but unless there is a willingness to
join forces with dealing with these tasks, I can see nothing but more problems.

KOHA: How can your perspective be applied to specific problems, for example the
University of Tetova, here. Can you tell both sides that they should simply look to the future;
will that help in the mediation process?

BOGH: It doesn't seem very likely that you can convert people, to make them adopt such
attitudes. But let me mention what happened to me the other day. I was wandering in the
mountains near Skopje, when I met a shepherd. He was an ethnic Albanian, but he told me he
was also Macedonian - and proud of it. He said " I live a simple life as a shepherd and I really

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don't understand the demonstrations going on below, in connection with this University". And
talking about language he said that the important thing for young people would be to learn
several languages, neither Albanian or Macedonian would serve them alone. "They should
learn on a broader basis. As far as I am concerned, that is what a University should be about".
I think this shepherd was a very wise man.

The position of the OSCE on the university issue is based on the so called Copenhagen
Document of 1990, adopted by the participating CSCE states, which specifies that national
minorities "...have the right to establish their own educational...institutions...in conformity
with national legislation". Let me add to this, that when the national legislation is considered
inadequate, there is more need for cool heads, than abusive language in order to find a way
out of the impasse. International agencies may be of assistance, but it is really up to the
leaders on both sides to show to the world that they can manage their internal affairs.

KOHA: But obviously that the problems of the University and similar problems, in all of
former Yugoslavia, are basically strong signals for greater problems, of political structure.

BOGH: I would agree with that. If you are focusing on your ethnic background in an
environment where there are others, there is some attraction to purely ethnic policies, but they
are not very productive. It is not the ideas for the future. Theoretically, there is no reason why
all these countries could not meet new challenges together. But it does take change in
mentality and attitudes. Take, for example, the challenge of cleaning the environment. The
joint problem of garbage disposal and the need to clean up the rivers. This is a necessity in
Macedonia, where the main river runs through all sorts of ethnic neighborhoods.

KOHA: Don't you find yourself preaching your civilization to an environment confronted
with sheer existentialism, for example. If you have war in Bosnia or such a tense situation as
in Macedonia, I don't think it would help a lot to talk about ecology.

BOGH: I very often have to tell myself "come one, you are preaching". But I think there is a
need to draw the attention of the people from issues that they are involved or absorbed in.
They have got to be made to believe in other values, because, the alternative, if the ethnic
groups are left with their preoccupation with their own ethnicity, there is no good nor
sustainable solution in sight. If you try to instill values from another system there is a hope
that at the least the next generation will have a more tranquil future.

KOHA: Is it possible, without settling the problems arising from ethnicity?

BOGH: I don't think that all these ethnic issues can be settled by adopting declarations or
sophisticated documents of compromise, that has got to come from inside. There has got to be
a conviction from within all groups that they must merge rather than insist of their own
specifics. Now in the world there is a great deal of sharing of information, sharing the culture
across all borders, and I am quite sure that this will also influence the younger generation
here, like it has in other countries. This is optimistic, but not impossible. The alternative is
difficult to contemplate.

KOHA: You said, in a jokingly manner, that your mandate would be finished when the
Balkans are settled. What would be the first and most important sign that you are on the right
track.

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BOGH: Sometimes, and this happens very often in history, there are two possible
developments, whenever you are going through difficult times. Either you have the freezing
of the situation, it goes on and on and you have the problem of attrition. That is the most
unfortunate of the two, because there is always the risk of violent eruptions. The alternative,
the scenario which could bring about an end to the conflict, is one in which something
unexpected happens, something which makes various groups of people react according to
another patterns. This is more psychological than political. And I still do believe that
something can happen in this part of Europe, that there is another world outside and other
goals to be pursued.

KOHA: You were in the CSCE mission in Kosova, now you are OSCE in FYROM. What
has changed since?

BOGH: I have not been to Kosova recently, but I said before, there is a tendency for the
situation to become rigid, connected to the lack of progress in the other parts of the Former
Yugoslavia, but again I have to stress that I don't see any necessity for the conflict to be
spread to these parts of the Former Yugoslavia. I know there are many alarmists around
who see these scenarios. I don't. I think there is enough good sense, both in Kosova and
here in Macedonia, to prevent this from happening.

ALBANIA

CHAIRMAN'S DEPARTURE

by MERO BAZE / Tirana

The anticipated Conference of the Democratic Party (DP) celebrated in Tirana on March 5,
voted non-confidence to the Chairman of the DP, Eduard Selami, The conference's main topic
was the recent postures of the Chairman towards the constitution and the form of governing.
The motion was presented by 53 delegates and there were only 47 votes against the proposal
and 10 abstentions out of 664 delegates in total. The request expressed the reserves towards
the last decision of DP's Chairman, not to respect the decisions of the National Council and
his attitude towards the post of prime-minister. The Conference was celebrated behind closed
doors and without the presence of journalists. The internal sources claim that from the
beginning, President Berisha attacked Selami's options, declaring them a Socialist platform.
He accused Selami for a concealed coalition with the political opponents of the DP and
considered his further stay in the top position of the party, very dangerous. On the other hand,
Selami once again stressed his options and called the delegates to consider them as a new
posture which tries to adapt to the new political circumstances after the referendum on the
Constitution, where the DP has suffered a serious blow. After the Conference, Selami
declared to the journalists, that this is the worst end of the Conference and accused Berisha of
having oriented the whole Conference not towards the discussion about his options, but
towards his destitution from the post.

Grounded on what was said by Secretary Tritan Shehu, after the Conference, Selami opposed
public voting and insisted on having a secret one. Shehu said that the Statute didn't foresee

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the modus, and also that the party will be lead by Shehu himself and two vice-chairmen of the
party. The extraordinary Congress of the DP, to be celebrated in autumn this year, will
determine the new chairman of the party.

The Berisha-Selami conflict reveals the final split of the DP. The whole problem relies on the
weakening or strengthening of Berisha's position.

The new political movement of Selami inside the DP revealed its core two days before the
Conference. Selami admitted that, not the form of the adoption of the constitution, but its
content, are the roots of the problem. In his press conference, Selami tried to motivate the
changes inside the DP as a process of reformation, denying the epithet of a rebel. He
considered the convention of the Conference useless, because, according to him, it consumes
the internal energies of the DP and weakens its political force for the next elections. In the
same context, he claimed his ousting to be totally fruitless for the DP.

Selami had been elected chairman of the party in an extraordinary conference and got
removed in a similar conference. For almost three years at the head of the DP, he
consequently lead the policy against the two fractions of the DP, the ones who wanted him
out and the "right extremists". Now, at the eve of a third fraction, Selami did not want to
evaluate his posture in regard to the reason that lead to the fractions occurred earlier. His
political actions created the impression that Selami is not holding the original keys of the
office of the chairman of the DP, but the copies. He didn't change his posture in regard to the
fraction of the "rightists" seceded from the DP, and he is the highest ranked official of the DP
who continuously declared that the "rightist grouping" has fascist elements and that it serves
the Communists. Selami's arguments against the two fractions have been over-taken by his
opponents inside the DP and are being used against him. This is the best indicator to prove
how little has it been worked inside the DP, even by Selami himself, in favor of a formed
political conscience and a struggle of ideas. The first one to ask for a conflict of ideas inside
the DP was Preç Zogaj, and it was not necessary to have Selami come out with this idea three
years later. The fact that the DP, in its Statute, denies the existence of fractions, and this is
Selami's merit, means that Selami must have it all clear about his fate. He has himself
contributed to this, by violently restricting the possibilities to have a modern rightist party.

The fact that Selami's reserves to the Constitution have to do with its content and not the way
it should be adopted, clarify the best his request to have the Constitution adopted by the
Parliament. Insisting on the thesis that the Constitution fell on Berisha's name, Selami
requested the collegial repair of the "Berisha defect", meaning his political weakening. The
assistance that Selami is asking from other parties, represented in the parliament, as well as
the support he has found in the opposition media, prove that Selami is clearly determined in
his position against Berisha and is the clearest profile of a new DP, which is trying to escape
the identification with Berisha. Selami's counting on his popularity, might be exaggerated, for
it might rather find grounds on the fall of the Berisha's rating. What seems not to be
calculated well is the fact whether Selami will have the support of his followers. All those
who support Selami aim at weakening Berisha inside the DP and his popularity down-fall.
Even though Selami says farewell to the DP, he is not more dignifying to be an ally to
Berisha's opponents, because he changes nothing from the inside.

The "Berisha defect" which is trying to be repaired by Selami now, was practically generated
by Selami, chairman. The voices which try to create the myth of Selami's popularity inside the
DP are not strong enough to motivate Selami's survival. Eight promised MPs as a support,

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can't still alter Berisha's determination to continue ruling until May 26, 1996, when he has
unofficially promised the late parliamentarian elections. The accusations for alliances with
the Socialists, which come against Selami from inside the DP, in essence are linked to the
fact that he is trying to free the Socialists from the Constitution as hostage, which Berisha
would like to save for the days in which they might take over power. The insisting for the
adoption of the Constitution, is especially linked to Berisha's weakening. But Berisha, at least
formally, can't withdraw without having the 16th MP flee, and MP who assures him the
electoral peace. And this is why Selami is expected to leave, leaving behind the party in the
condition he found it three years ago.

ALBANIA

A CLEANING-UP WEEKEND IN TIRANA

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tirana

As I was travelling to Tirana with my colleague Ramush Tahiri, who after many problems
with the Macedonian police authorities, decided to finally "have himself expelled" from
Macedonia, I didn't even think we'd have any problems on the other side of the border.
Strangely enough, on the Macedonian side we were stopped only once, a short control of
passports in Qafa e Thanës border check point, and we crossed the border without any
problems. On the other hand, at the Albanian border, we were told by both the policeman and
the customs officer, that if we wanted to "escape" paying the visa, we must prove our national
appertaining. The journalist card of the most listened foreign radio station in Albania (BBC)
saved me 44 DEM, while my colleague, who had no proof on his national appertaining, was
forced to fulfil his "patriotic" obligation... And, when we thought that everything was over,
there came the other surprise: in the vouchers issued to us by the border police, it was stated
that I am Albanian while Tahiri - Kosovan?!

I found Tirana somehow prettier, cleaned up and with more cafeterias and booths, the
majority of which, as a friend would explain, were illegally erected. That Saturday and
Friday, Tirana had started cleaning up, while expecting the arrival of the German president
Herzog. The position and opposition media, more or less, evaluate as deserving the visit of
Germany's #1, expressing the conviction that the bilateral relations would advance even more.
The way Herzog was received, quite reminded me of the way Baker was received, although I
must admit that the latter visit had no actual political layering. The German president
confirmed the determination of his state to help the "country of the eagles", in the aspect of
integration in European economic organisms, as well as in other areas, first of all, in the
military aspect. His speech at the Parliament will be remembered for the long applause, but
also the approach towards the problems which actually preoccupy Albanians. "He spoke as a
real friend" - commented a person in Tirana that evening, while the many Kosovans in Tirana,
trying to kill the disappointment caused by the German option of the solution of Kosova's
problem, will "encourage" one-another by remembering that "President Berisha himself, not
long ago, didn't hesitate to call Kosova a Province in Dr. Rugova's presence!?". The Republic
remains only to strengthen the will of the audience of the Albanian TV...

Tirana, but also the whole of Albania were characterized by the "internal frictions" inside the
Democratic Party and precisely between President Berisha and the Chairman of the DP,

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Selami. From people classified as close to Berisha, announced that on March 5, the too much
spoiled Edi, will be defeated, while the people close to Selami claim that his actions should
be supported and respected. All, however, agree that the disagreements between Berisha and
Selami don't have only to do with the modus the Constitution will be adopted.

It is uncomfortable to, during a short stay in Tirana, create a full picture about what is
happening actually in Tirana, however there is a feeling that people have started sobering up a
bit. The engagement of the individuals is promising, especially that of intellectuals, to try and
solve the problems by dialogue and discussions and calmly because, as writer Zija Çela
concluded in an interview "...in the eyes of the world we keep on being small as a people and
culture, because we grow smaller by eating each-other"!...

ALBANIA

THE BERISHA-SELAMI SPLIT

IPS / Tirana

President Sali Berisha is asking for the destitution of the Chairman of the ruling Democratic
Party, because of the contest about the way how the new constitution should be adopted. The
split between the two key persons of the ruling party happened on the meeting of the
seven-members' Council of the DP, when Berisha proposed that the 90 members of the
National Council discharge Selami from his post on March 5. Selami, who has not a
governmental post, has been chairman of the DP since Albania came out from the Communist
regime in 1991.

The Tirana daily "KOHA JONË" quotes Selami saying that Berisha is angry because Selami
suggested the Constitution be adopted by the Parliament and then be verified on a
Referendum.

Albania rejected the constitution used 45 years of the Communist regime and actually is
functioning based on a package of laws adopted in 1991. Berisha wishes these laws become
parts of the new Constitution, according to which the President of the State will have the
strongest position.

In November 1994, the Albanian voters rejected Berisha's proposal on the referendum.
Political analysts in Tirana claim that, one year before the elections foreseen to be celebrated
in March 1996, the position of the DP seems to be weak. Opposition parties in Albania have
elaborated their own version of the Constitution, according to which the Parliament will be
the highest organ.

The opposition parties claim that the new Constitution of the country should be adopted by
two thirds of the Parliament, and not the Referendum. Democrats, who hold 84 seats, miss
another ten in order to vote the constitution in favor.

All Berisha's attempts to gain 10 votes from the opposition have failed.

Selami's proposal was almost suggesting compromise, but it is clear that Berisha interpreted

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this as a support to the opposition's viewpoints.

The Chairman, who has some supporters in the National Council, declared to "Koha Jonë",
that he was surprised by Berisha's proposal for his destitution. And he is almost certain that
he will have to go.

MACEDONIA

CALM AFTER OR BEFORE THE STORM

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

After the demonstrations of the Macedonian students against the University of Tetova
celebrated on February 23, where, as stated in one of the slogans, "the voice of the
Macedonian intelligence was heard" - the cycle of the events in relation to the University of
Tetova ended. On 23 February, the investigating judge of the Municipal Court of Tetova
started the investigation procedure against Fadil Sulejmani, Milaim Fejziu, Nevzat Halili,
Qemal Shabani, Musli Halimi and Arben Rusi. All of them are presently in 30 days'
detention, apart from Musli Halimi who will be released after 8 days. Fadil Sulejmani and
Milaim Fejziu are undergoing investigation for being suspected of committing crime pursuant
Art. 205 of the Penal Code of Macedonia (Call to resistance). Nevzat Halili undergoes
investigation for the same reason. Qemal Shabani is suspected of illegal possession of
weapons and explosive devices.

With these arrests, the Albanian political subject in Macedonia - all Albanian political parties
(as well as the Women's Forum) in Macedonia, established a commission engaged in attempts
to free the arrested, but so far there are no signs of their release.

The Albanian political subject decided to undertake some peaceful actions and express its
revolt. In regard to the actions of the government towards the Albanians, especially the
University of Tetova, in the joint meeting, held on February 23 in Tetova, the group released
a communique in which it is stated that the actions of the government towards the Albanians
were evaluated as a sign of the transformation of the political system into a police system.
Further on, it is said that this action, not only intimidates the Albanian population, but also
manifests a deep crisis in all segments of the society.

This joint meeting produced other decisions, and called the people to accomplish them
jointly. Thus, Friday, February 24 was proclaimed mourning day, for A. Emini's death. The
place where he was killed was renamed to the "Square of the Martyr of Education". On the
next day, thousand of people gathered at the square and payed homage to the victim. Based
on the decisions of the meeting, on Monday, a petition called "For Equality Against
Violence" started circulating, and it will be delivered to the international organizations too.
On March 1, quiet demonstrations in front of the UN in Geneva were celebrated. The purpose
was to attract the attention of the international public towards the violence applied against
Albanians, which was also one of the points of the appeal of the Albanian political subject in
Macedonia.

The situation created around the University of Tetova was harshly reflected in the

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Macedonian Parliament. The session was supposed to take place on February 22 and was
postponed to March 1, because the Albanians wouldn't participate in it. Anyways, the
Albanians didn't show up in the session. Thus, the Albanian parliamentarian groups showed
that they will not participate in the work of the Parliament, until the governmental organs will
not start a dialogue about the open issues.

Parallel to these events, the University of Tetova too, continued its activities. Thus, the Senate
of the University, which had suspended the labor of the University "until the normal
conditions are created", and according to some members of the Council of the University
"until is Law on the University is adopted", on February 27, however, continued its activities.

In the biggest secret, the classes in several faculties of the University started in private
houses. According to the first information available, the police didn't intervene even though
the Tetova University denied the rumours that there will be no interventions, as long as
classes take place in private houses. However, it seems that the police is not as active as it
usually is in regard to this matter. The reasons for this lack of interest are not hard to imagine,
knowing that in this way the work of the University turns into a "free activity" of the citizens.
All its activity in the past days was concentrated in the discovery of the people who drew the
Serb symbols and graffiti on the building of the University in Reçicë e Vogël. According to
the communique issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA), the perpetrator is Goran
Stanojkovic, employee of the MIA of Macedonia, who has been suspended and will soon
undergo disciplinary procedure. This act closed down a speculation, according to which, the
Serbian police had also participated in the actions in Reçicë and Poroj. Nevertheless, at the
same time, a new concern appeared. The question now imposed to the Macedonian public is
who are the people who protect the state of Macedonia.

Despite these movements which resemble the tectonic shocks after earthquakes, the situation
in regard to the University seems relatively quiet, even though it is not certain whether it is
quiet before or after the storm, or is it a calm before the real storm.

INTERVIEW

SENAD PECANIN, Editor in Chief of "Dani" - Sarajevo

ONE PARTY IS, NEVERTHELESS, ENOUGH FOR WAR

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Stockholm

I met Senad Pecanin, the former port-parole of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bosnia
during three years of war, in the seminar "The Propagation of Hatred and Journalism"
celebrated in Stockholm. Our conversation was easy, for we were sharing similar experiences
and that the events in Sarajevo and Bosnia have very much in common with the eventual flow
of events in Kosova. We agreed that they had forgotten Kosova in the eighties, and that they
wouldn't believe the continuous Serbian repression in Kosova, because Serbia, the Military
and the other Secret Service were in function of the Great-Serbian propaganda.

"We were all against you, but all of it came back to us as a boomerang. Now we are going
through the biggest tragedy of this century not hoping at all that better days will come".

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In Stockholm, along with the problem of Kosova, Bosnia was at the center of the attention.
Especially the functioning of journalism in Sarajevo was the highlight.

PECANIN: Unfortunately, I came from the town which "celebrated" the most bizarre
manifestation in this century. I am referring to the 1000 days of besieged Sarajevo. The sole
fact that we are going back to the medieval manner of "torturing" a town, it proves what
morbid structure of the occupier we are dealing with. Over on million and a half shells fell on
the town. Over 12 thousand people were killed, 50% of them were children. Over 50
thousand were wounded and many of them will remain invalids for the rest of their lives. The
towns has been destroyed and the worst is that many cultural and historical monuments have
been totally destroyed. Also many other buildings, apartments and the whole infrastructure of
the town have been destroyed. Even though facing difficulties and the terror reigning in
Sarajevo, without the basic elements to function, journalists in Sarajevo tried to
professionally fulfil their professional obligations. In our weekly "DANI", even though
lacking electricity, water, telephones and with rather small chances for communications,
without paper and other equipment and with the permanent threat of becoming victims of the
Serbian sniper-shooters (the printers' was at ten meters away from the front-line),
nevertheless, since September 1992 and so far we have published thirty issues. "DANI"
comprises the journalists who picture the former image of Sarajevo, which today has changed
totally. Nevertheless, in the inter-ethnic terror, we have a multi-ethnic editorial board.

KOHA: Do you still believe in multi-ethnicity and the chances for its survival, after all what
has happened?

PECANIN: We have still not lost the hope for the existence of a multi-ethnic state of Bosnia
and a multi-ethnic town as Sarajevo used to be. It is the only way for Bosnia to remain as
such, with the borders recognized by the international community, even though we build no
illusions, after all what has happened, i.e., the genocide perpetrated by Serbs against the
Boshnyaks and Bosnia, then the insisting of Croatia to divide and destroy Bosnia, etc. These
are really obstacles towards the creation of a new multi-ethnic state, but we must do
everything to bring back Bosnia to joint multi-ethnicity and multi-culture.

KOHA: Do you think there can still be coexistence after all that slaughtering. There are still
illusions that this can be possible?

PECANIN: We don't built illusions, but there is no formula which would divide Bosnia into
three equal ethnicities. So far, no one has found the way to divide Bosnia and this has made
us think that Bosnia's existence is reasonable and possible only in a multi-ethnic society. I
would also be in favor of the option of the division of Bosnia, if there were a chance to stop
bloodshed. I again stress, that there is no formula for the division of Bosnia.

On the other hand, we have no illusions that after all that has happened, it will be easy to
build co-existence. But we have no other way out and we are forced to live together with all
the killing in between. This can't be done by magic. And it will take time for us to live as
before. Maybe not even the children of my children will live as we used to, but we can't
deprive the new generations of living their life, for life is short and no one has a right to have
a monopoly over someone else's life. In fact, a year ago, it was impossible to even think that
after the terrible war between the Boshnyaks and Croats, something would happen, and not
only was the agreement signed but these two people have now confederacy links. If you
would have asked someone last year about this, the answer would have been: impossible! It is

- 11 -
hard to have the same thing happen with the Serbs, because of the genocide they have
committed, but, even though I don't believe much in this, the Serbian fascist regime will
disappear and then there will be possibilities for a new life, of course if the Serbian people
sobers up and escapes from the nationalistic fever which has captivated it.

KOHA: How to create a possibility for multi-ethnicity in a new state when the International
Community chooses, as a negotiating party and factor of negotiations, a war criminal?

PECANIN: Naturally it is hard to do it. It is hard, first of all, because of the behavior of the
international community. It took a war criminal and turned him into a political factor to
decide about the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, we hope that The Hague War
Tribunal will really do something about war criminals and that Karadzic will have more
obligations towards this Court than in the peace negotiating process. And, if this doesn't
happen, then we believe that the key of the problem is in Belgrade and not in Pale.
Nevertheless, this war was framed, constructed, premeditated, instructed and assisted by
Belgrade, and not village like Pale. In fact, Pale is a village, unfortunately the most popular
and noise village in the world. This is no town, no seat. Pale is really just a village from
where no aggression could have really been made against a smaller village, and even less, a
state. The aggression came from Belgrade and Karadzic's role would be minimized once
Belgrade recognizes Bosnia in its borders. This would put an end to the manipulations with
Karadzic's role.

KOHA: There is no institution in Serbia which offers another solution for Bosnia rather than
its division. What will the situation be in the future, and what are the Boshnyaks prepared
for?

PECANIN: I still hope that the International Community will do all it can and insist to
preserve the recognized borders of Bosnia. Naturally, it must be admitted that the Serb
criminals have under their control two thirds of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
There are some options in game, and the intentions are: 1. To stop genocide and war in
Bosnia, 2. Safeguard the external borders and 3. The reintegration of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The latter could be done only through a strong economy, which is
indispensable.

KOHA: I would like to remind you that in 1990, no one in Sarajevo believed that there will
be war. You believed that the International Community would keep its promise to prevent the
explosion of war. After all of this, you still use the same vocabulary. You still believe in
promises...

PECANIN: We have no illusions about the International Community. But we must be

realistic and admit that we have no strength to expel all the chetniks from Bosnian territory.
We must be realistic. So, the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina is forced to make a
combination of the diplomatic and military forces. The military force must be used in places
where the political force doesn't achieve anything. You know that the Bosnian Army has
fought against two occupying armies, that of Croatia and Serbia. All have it clear that Bosnia
and Herzegovina is surrounded by enemies and has no possibilities to dislocate any weapons
inside B&H. When to this we add that there is an weapons' embargo against Bosnia and that
all know of the strength and the heritage of the weaponry of the Former Yugoslavia, then
B&H must play the diplomatic games in order to achieve its goals. Not because it trusts the
states and the International Community, but it itself has not the military strength to oust the

- 12 -
aggressor from its territory.

KOHA: Disappointed at the International Community, you claim that new ways to oust the
aggressor are sought in Bosnia. Which would be the means that would bring freedom to
Bosnia?

PECANIN: I believe that there is permanent danger to have the present war with diplomatic
and military means get a new dimension. The Boshnyaks are a European people who are
deceived by the attitude of the International Community, which has made Sarajevo think that
such a tragedy was allowed by the International Community itself, because the Boshnyaks are
of Muslim confession. This forces the people in Bosnia to have a negative opinion about
Europe. And if this continues thus and if the International Community will continue ignoring
the situation, then no method should be excluded.

KOHA: All this defeatism leads us to a question: How's life in Sarajevo?

PECANIN: Hard. I just said that 1000 days since Sarajevo is besieged just passed. On a daily
basis you have Serb snipers killing poor people going after bread, water and other necessary
things. The town survived thanks to the humanitarian relief. Only the necessary services
function. Any production is frozen, apart from baking bread, which for a long time was the
only food that people in Sarajevo could eat. Unfortunately, the demographic picture has
changed quite a lot, compared to the one before war. Over 100 thousand outstanding citizens,
the most intellectual, most urbanized and the youngest, have fled Sarajevo and refugees from
Eastern Bosnia have returned, people who have suffered the worst of the terrors. From this
pressure and terror, Sarajevo has become more rural than ever. The other part of the people,
especially men, all of them are on the front-line and this mobilization covers 95%. War is
entering its fourth year, and this is why every one is looking for a way out. Fleeing Sarajevo is
almost impossible, and the atmosphere is tense and no one knows how long will it last. Now
we are coming to the end of the truce and the majority of us would not bear the renewed
shelling of the town. It is not a matter of physical force but mental strength, because health
has deteriorated in the past years.

KOHA: Kosova lives between the virtual and the real, between the propaganda war and the
violent peace, between mythology and the factive presence of 2 million Albanians. From this
perspective, will there be war in Kosova?

PECANIN: I want to say that in Bosnia there is an impression that Albanians wasted their
chance to struggle for their legitimate rights, and improve their situation while the war in
Bosnia was going on. The non existence of a political cohesion, a political agreement of all
against a chauvinistic and fascist concept of Serbia, has made the things easier for Serbia and
has allowed the realization of the ethnic concept of Greater Serbia. When war in Slovenia
started, Croatia stepped aside. When war in Croatia started, Bosnia remained aside. When
war in Bosnia started, Sandzak and Kosova remained aside. All of this helped Serbia,
allowing it to fight against each unit separately, instead of having all forces unite and fights
against the same enemy and once and forever destroy the ethnic concept of the Greater Serbia.
Nevertheless, even though in difficult conditions, we think of Kosova. I am sure that the
problem and question of Kosova doesn't depend only on the behavior of the Albanians.
Despite the calmness of the Albanians, the clue to the solution of the problem in Kosova
relies on Serbia. It will decide whether there is war in Kosova or not. One party is,
nevertheless, enough for war.

- 13 -
KOHA: In Kosova the impression is that there must be two parties for war...

PECANIN: What a coincidence! I remember something said by Alija Izetbegovic before war:
"Two parties are needed for war. Therefore, even though Serbs want war, we will not fight".
This experience has taught us in Bosnia that only one party is enough to have a war. It is
absolutely unimportant whether Albanians want war or not, are they getting prepared for war
or not. If Milosevic's Greater-Serbian policy is analyzed a bit, it proves that the continuity of
his political movement goes towards the increase of problems. This proves the continuity of
the movement starting from Slovenia and going up to Bosnia and if his position is
endangered, he will start a conflict in Kosova and Sandzak, as the last option for the
escalation of the problem in the most extreme option, playing his last card for Greater Serbia.

KOHA: How did Albanians in Bosnia experience war? There are many talks about their
heroism, or maybe it is exaggerated?

PECANIN: From the first day of war, a large number of Albanians fought on all sides of
Bosnia for the liberation and independence of B&H. Albanians considered Bosnia as their
fatherland. One of the first victims, which symbolically, represents the beginning of the war
in Bosnia, was the heroic defense of one of TV Sarajevo's relays, which the Serbian occupiers
wanted to take over in Vlasic, Travnik. An Albanian working as guard, with only one gun,
fought heroically against many chetniks, fully armed.

I know the situation in Sarajevo much better. Many Albanians became members of the
Bosnian Army and even some of them are in commending organs. Many Albanians were
killed and wounded, while they are taken care of now by the Albanian-Bosnian Association,
established several months ago. I could say that Albanians should be proud of the struggle of
the Albanians in Bosnia, especially in Tuzla. The participation of Albanians as soldiers was
determinative to keep Tuzla. It is important that the whole project for the protection of Tuzla
was elaborated by Albanians. They have coordinated the actions through radio-lines, speaking
in Albanian, which was a fantastic idea, because the Serbs were taken by surprise, they
couldn't understand Albanian. This forced out the Serbs from Tuzla.

KOHA: The situation in Kosova looks like the situation in Bosnia in 1991. Others promise
there will be no war, and that any attempt of Serbia will be prevented. What is the truth about
the support?

PECANIN: There is an excellent quotation of Tito which adapts to the Kosovan reality;
"Work as if there is going to be peace in the next 100 years, and be ready for war, as if it will
start tomorrow". Living under this regime, as is the one in Belgrade, and we have best felt in
our skins in Sarajevo, gives you no chance. You must create a consciousness that you should
be prepared to defend your home, family and honor, individual and national. I would be very
happy in the Albanian people wouldn't repeat the mistake of the Bosnian people, trusting the
international community, that it would stop the terror and genocide in Bosnia. It is very
important that Kosova learns from Bosnia's case. Apart from the experience which could
come out from Bosnia, a great help would come from Albania which has a quite different
geo-strategic position compared to Bosnia, a position which would be used for the definitive
liberation from the Serbian occupier.

- 14 -
INTERVIEW

HAJRULLAH TËRNAVA, one of the leaders of the Independent Trade Unions of the
ex-policemen of Kosova

THE MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVA DOES

NOT EXIST

Interviewed by GENC SHALA / Frankfurt

KOHA: Could you tell us whether the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kosova
ever existed?

TËRNAVA: I say it, with the biggest responsibility, that there has never been a Ministry of
Internal Affairs. But, as in the case of the framed up trial against the so called Ministry of
Defense of Kosova, I think that in this case too, this construction about the arrest of the
alleged responsible officials and activists of the MIA of the Republic of Kosova, or as the
intensive Serbian propaganda pretends, Albanian para-police, aims at justifying the wild
violence applied against the circa 150 arrested.

It is true that after the massive dismissal of Albanians from the MIA, we organized ourselves
in a branch of the Union of the Independent Trade Unions of Kosova (UITUK), and that we
have permanently dealt with trade-union activities, and no other forms of activities which
would give a reason to the Serbian regime to treat us, as they pretend to do now. However,
this doesn't mean that we had the illusion that the regime would leave us alone.

KOHA: Why do you think Serbia chose this moment to arrest the ex-policemen, knowing that
your branch has functioned for three years?

TËRNAVA: I believe that the arrests of the activists of the TU of the former policemen aim
at intimidating the Albanian people and especially the activists in their political parties, so in
the future Albanian-Serb negotiations they (the Serbs) could impose the solutions that would
be more favorable for Serbia. In one word, I believe it is insisted to create a climate among
the Albanians which would make their hopes vanish.

Then, I also think that these arrests and tortures in these dimensions aim at the fulfilment of
the promises of the Serbian leaders, proclaimed even 4 or 5 years ago in regard to Kosova and
the Albanians in general, and especially now when Serbs living in the occupied Republic of
Kosova have openly started to speak out their disappointment. From the professional aspect, I
could also say that regime such as this one, always puts in action its repressive apparatus in
those moments when it needs to achieve a psychological effect. We could consider the
concrete case as an action for lifting up the morale of the Serb minority in Kosova. I even
believe that all this strengthening of violence and repression in Kosova could be looked at
from this prism.

KOHA: From what you said, it could be concluded that this action could be linked to the
petition of the Serbs from Fushë Kosovë and their request for the "destruction of the parallel
system of the Albanians"?

TËRNAVA: Without any doubt. It is evident that Belgrade wants to calm down its minority

- 15 -
here, proving that it is still present in Kosova, be it in even these kinds of real primitive ways,
which have been overcome by any civilization in Europe.

KOHA: You mentioned your professionalism, therefore, the question would be, didn't you
and your colleagues notice any signs that there will be massive arrests of ex-policemen?

TËRNAVA: We had it very clear that since the times we were dismissed, the Serbian police
was following on us. If it hadn't followed all our activities, then it is more than sure that a
considerable number of activities had been followed. It is not surprising that in the past three
or four years many of us were summoned to the "informative talks", we were mistreated and
even detained. I just want to say that none of us had illusions that what happened wouldn't
happen. The fact is that these arrests could have happened earlier or maybe later, in fact, in
times when this was of political convenience.

KOHA: Do you think that Bilall Idrizi's case was the announcement that such things would
happen?

TËRNAVA: His case, as well as the case of the mistreatment of other activists, were signals
that arrests could happen. However, we knew that we were not doing any illegal activity.

KOHA: In the decisions on the extension of the investigations against the ex policemen, it is
said that there was a parallel police which "followed up on the movements of Serbian military
and police units within the Republic of Kosova", and that "many Serbian officials were
eavesdroped", etc. Is this true?

TËRNAVA: I said that we were all members of the TU and were engaged only in TU
activities. It is clear that if we would have been ever engaged in these other activities, the
regime would have had us arrested much earlier and not three or four years later.

KOHA: However, there are claims that some disks have been found, containing data on the
police interventions and name of policemen engaged in actions, etc. Do you know anything
about this?

TËRNAVA: These are false imputations. They are trying to, through the media, convince
their public that we were engaged in police activities. It is naive to take the contents of a
floppy-disk as an incrimination, when it is clear that the Serbian terror in Kosova is
transparent, when the raids against Albanians families take place in the middle of the day and
indiscretely, that the names of the killed, wounded and injured are known. Everything is
public and are facts not only known to our public but also to the international human rights
organizations. I wouldn't be surprised to have the Serbian regime accuse Mazowiecki or
Helsinki Watch and Amnesty International because they also have data on the Serbian terror
in Kosova.

But, I believe that if someone even follows on the movements of police and military forces in
front of his home, or who sees how his Serb neighbor is being armed by the police itself, he
commits no crime. It is known that Albanians are not defended, and that all of this is linked to
their fear that a massacre of the population could take place, as it has happened many times
during this century. How are people supposed to be calm, if only 150 kilometres away from
here we have the Bosnian tragedy going on.

- 16 -
Therefore, even if a floppy has been found, it must have been a personal possession of one of
the arrested, because we knew that this data was also available in the Council for the Defence
of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF), the Helsinki Committee, etc.

KOHA: According to the statements of the defending attorneys, the investigating judge insists
that the accused admit that a real arsenal of armament has entered Kosova. What could you
say in regard to this?

TËRNAVA: Our TU has never been engaged in any action of the kind. We are all
professionals, therefore we would have never allowed ourselves to do so, because we had it
clear that such a thing would be impossible to achieve in Kosova. The people have it anyways
hard to walk down the streets, could you imagine how hard it would be to illegally bring in
weaponry? I also believe that insisting on this construction, the regime pretends to show that
not all Albanians respect the political movement, that it is heterogenous, and that there are
some militant forces which have come out of the control of the Albanian movement. The
question is, which would these forces be, according to Serbia? For sure, the former
policemen. But, this is not true.

KOHA: Still according to the defending attorneys, the accusations claims that some lists,
containing the names of Serb leaders in Kosova (especially of police officials) which were
supposed to be liquidated, were found. What is your comment?

TËRNAVA: I said it already, the Serbian regime will try, by all means, to convince its public
that something existed and a large group of dangerous people has been arrested. The methods
of the Serbian police are known, torture is very much applicable. Therefore, it is not
surprising if any of the accused, could "admit" and sign any statement which could harm him
directly.

KOHA: You mean self-accusation?

TËRNAVA: Exactly.

KOHA: One of the accused, it is said, had declared that you never accepted former employees
of the State Security in your TU, under the excuse that you didn't trust them, i.e. that they
actually never detached from the Serbian State security. Is this true, and if it is, which was the
real reason?

TËRNAVA: Since our branch was established, in the times when we were dismissed, the
ones who used to work in the Public Security, who were much more than those in the State
Security, I don't remember any case, I am referring only to the situation in Prishtina, in which
the ones working for State Security had left their jobs. Therefore, since they were not
dismissed, there was no way for them to become members of our TU. Even if that would have
happened, we couldn't have created a separate branch for them. I also would like to say that
some of them, even after they were dismissed, never applied for membership in the TU, for
they were fearing from the Serbian State Security. They knew how things worked. They had
been doing the job until then. However, there was another category, that of those who had
done much harm to their own co-nationals, therefore they could not become again part of the
same people they had harmed so much.

KOHA: Why do you think all this brutality was applied?

- 17 -
TËRNAVA: I think it is also linked to the huge anger the regime felt against us, for we didn't
want to serve it after all what had happened in Kosova. I am convinced that the regime was
sure that we would continue working and that, maybe, it would apply this elaborated terror
through us. Meaning, that Albanians would shoot, kill, arrest and wound Albanians. This
would be a great propaganda advantage for Serbia. However, the contrary occurred. We,
nevertheless, are Albanians and we proved it in public the moment we had to.

KOHA: Do you think that among the 150 arrested, there might be an infiltrated element of the
Serbian State Security, who will "admit" and the TU has brought in weapons to Kosova and
the rest. I would say that according to the informations that we have, in Kosova there are
suppositions that this is possible. What do you think?

TËRNAVA: Such a possibility exists and I believe the Serbian secret police has also worked
in this direction. I wouldn't even exclude that there were spies even during our activities in
the TU. This is normal, because the service is of this kind even in times of peace. On the
other hand, it is clear that Serbia wanted to know what were we into. Therefore, we shan't
exclude to have individuals infiltrated with the task to put obstacles to the rest or spy on the
other accused, and even be used as witnesses.

KOHA: Does this mean that the accused who have not engaged any defending attorneys
could be the ones?

TËRNAVA: I wouldn't say it frontally, but this is possible, because this element is covered
well and it shouldn't raise any suspicions.

KOHA: Do you believe the accused will be condemned?

TËRNAVA: Knowing the practice so far, I believe that a considerable number of the arrested
will be found guilty and will be condemned the same way it has happened in any of the
framed-up trials so far. This is another of the political trial on line, and unfortunately, I think
that a large part of my colleagues will be sentenced. It will largely depend on the political
situation which will reign in the next couple of months.

KOHA: Do you find yourself in danger even here, in the West?

TËRNAVA: Yes. If you analyze the past, it can be ascertained that any Albanian inside, or
outside Kosova is endangered by the Serbian regime. But, this is the fate of all Albanians, of
all people under occupation.

DOSSIER

ALBANIANS IN SWEDEN: ASYLUM

by BATON HAXHIU / Stockholm

The past five years have been characterized by a continuous exodus from Kosova. Analyzing
some figures and facts, as well as some articles published in our and foreign newspapers in
regard to this problem, the impression is gotten that the position of asylum-seekers in three

- 18 -
countries: Germany, Switzerland and Sweden, is difficult. The illegal paths to go abroad have
even caused deaths, those of the infants buried along the way being the most worrying.
Recently, because of the prospectless situation and the bad economic and social situation,
there are first appearances of criminality, prostitution, hunger-strikes and open dissatisfaction
because of their position.

At the same time, the governments of these states have decided to repatriate these
asylum-seekers. On the other hand, Serbia's Government has adopted the posture that all
returnees must undergo verification, which, for this structure of the population, is another
proof about their bad position.

The intention of this research in Sweden, aimed at uncovering such a serious situation, e.g.
the social situation, the psycho-physical state, the reasons for seeking asylum, their treatment
by the Government and a series of other present problems.

Sweden has between 32 and 40 thousand Albanian asylum seekers. Their flow to Sweden
started at the beginning of the nineties. Without any prospects, beaten, mistreated, arrested,
dismissed at no one's mercy, Kosovans started travelling towards Sweden. At the beginning
they were treated as citizens of no-where, because they were coming from a state non
recognized. They were not treated as citizens of Kosova, either, since Kosova is not
recognized as a state, but they referred to all Kosovans as - Kosovaalbaner. These are the first
apatrides, the Swedes would say, even though their treatment was different at the beginning,
and later they lost the respect as privileged citizens in this country. The whole tragic comedy
of the Albanians started with the statement of the Swedish Minister of Emigration that
"Albanians are thieves by tradition", apologizing the next day for such a statement, which,
according to Swedish attorneys Perry Bratt and Peter Danovski, "was a foolish thing to say,
and it doesn't suit ordinary Swedes and even less a Minister". We understand the asylum
seekers from Kosova and they should have a special treatment. Sweden is known for its
hospitality and such a statement made this minister lose the elections".

The truth is that Albanians were treated the best, and were respected as much as they
deserved to be.

This story about Albanians in Sweden is only the first one, and it will mainly refer to the
negative side of asylum-seeking trying to show the present reality there. There are many
stories about Albanian asylum seekers, broadcasts, jokes and anecdotes.

This story describes what is most actual: transportation of Albanians from Sweden to
Germany, organized by two Albanians, who had come to Sweden earlier. Of course, all of
this is done for big money.

I.

The exclusive broadcast of Swedish TV was accompanied by the song "Niset trimi për
kurbet" ("Abroad goes the valiant"). We knew that is was dedicated to Albanians in Sweden.
The title of the episode was "Asylum-seekers without a fatherland" and it described the story
of two Albanians and three Swedes who had dealt with the deportation of 120 Albanian
families from Sweden to Germany.

Isuf and Hamdi, are two Albanians from Kosova, who had been living in Sweden over two

- 19 -
years, and helped the journalists reveal the name of the leader of this organization in charge
of the deportations. They do the job together with some Swedes. It seems that the leader of
this organization is a man called Osman Morina. The Swedish police joined the two
Albanians and Swedish journalists and try to discover the network.

Isuf and Hamdi speak of the tragic fate of the 120 families who asked asylum in Sweden and
were transferred to Denmark, where all of them were arrested because of the irregular
documents in their possession.

All the deported were told that they had arrived in Germany, although they were being handed
over to the Danish police. Isuf and Hamdi were carrying a camera and at the same time
contacting the two Albanians in charge of the transportation. Osman Morina, the head of this
organization, works as interpreter in the Directorate of Swedish Emigration, together with his
cousin.

The deportation was done in an old van. Three Swedish drivers were engaged. 16 people
climbed the van. We were happy to go over. We had just been expelled from Germany. We
had no problems to cross the border. On the other side, they told us that we have reached
Germany and that we should report to the police and ask for asylum. We paid 12 thousand
DEM and did as we were told. We reported to the police, but we couldn't communicate with
the German policemen. It seemed to be another language. We told them we wanted asylum in
Germany, that we were Albanians from Kosova. They asked for some documents, and we had
none. Kosovaalbaner...la...la..la..., they were saying something. We didn't understand a thing.
They took us on a van to a place that looked like a prison. It was full of Albanians. They too
were fooled, one said. Osman brought them here. And each one of them started to tell their
story. Aren't we in Germany, I asked. No brother, we are in a Danish prison. This is also done
by Albanians. Three families decided to come, we paid all that money, and finally ended up in
prison.

The story goes on, and the journalist comments: Every day, three buses transported
Albanians. These are the so called refugee buses. Thousands of Albanians are being expelled
from Sweden. Now, you see, this is one of those buses. Almost 450 people a week are
expelled, that is why the organizations dealing with asylum-seekers' trafficking have
increased in numbers. Albanians buy a lot of things for their children. This is a sign that they
are being expelled. Their faces were as of corpses, not knowing where were they headed
towards.

Isuf and Hamdi returned to Sweden together with their families. They go to the police and
report about their case, and offer their services to catch the traffickers. The first thing they do
is call Osman. The phone was bugged. And the dialogue is the following:

Isuf: Hello Osman.

Osman: Who is it?

Isuf: You took five thousand Marks from me, guaranteeing that my family would safely reach
Germany.

Osman: I told my guys to do it, and they probably did it. That's it. (he hangs).

- 20 -
Osman Morina promised that in case they are not deported to Germany, he would pay back
the money.

Isuf says that Morina is 1,70 m tall, black hair and eyes and thin. He does all the job in
cooperation with Ismet. We were looking for a safer place, we were trying to evade going
back to Kosova, because of all what is happening there, and we were tricked, continues Isuf.

This organization has deceived many Albanians in all asylum-seekers' camps.

There are many families, keeps on the voice of the journalist, who are awaiting to be deported
the same way. The organization has also bought an old vehicle, and together with a group of
Swedes, is taking Albanian asylum-seekers to different states. A bus, also owned by the
organization, was behind the vehicle. Seventy people departed on this occasion. All of it is
organized. The police knows this but no one can stop the ones who want to leave Sweden.
Especially if they are foreigners. The border policemen show that this car has many times
crossed the border and that we are being followed. And, really, Osman, Ismet and Pierre, had
already files in the police.

The car would start first and then the bus. The vehicle, first crossed the border. As soon as the
customs officer would approach them, they would speed up and escape from there. The police
would start running after and now it was not hard for the bus to cross the border. But then, it
would stop somewhere in the middle. All of us were told to step down and we were left on
the street. Afterwards, all of us ended in prison.

The next topic was Morina, and the ways he was discovered by the police. Since Isuf had his
phone number, they decided to contact his wife. They called, and she said that he was
gambling. It was in a place called Bigolo. Before getting hold of Osman, the first thing was to
talk to Pierre, who helped the deportation of Albanians. He was working only as a driver.
They had engaged a Swede, so both the Swedish and Danish police wouldn't suspect. Pierre
showed the pictures of the deported families. For the driving job, he was supposed to be paid
10 thousand Swedish crowns. He never got the money, because of the way out to Germany he
was caught. None of the families had passports, says Pierre, and we were not allowed to
continue. Then they asked me whether I could take the families back to Sweden. Pierre said
yes. I came back to Denmark, and of course I violated the law. They shut us all in prison. All
of us got a 30 days' sentence. The Danish police has banned me the entrance to Denmark until
1998 . The organization (the League, as he calls the Albanians who deport Albanians), never
paid me, because this time I had not fulfilled my task.

At the end, Pierre was asked what would he said to Osman and Ismet if he would see them
again. Nothing, Pierre said, I would just tell them that I need some money.

*****

Ismet Shala is a Swedish citizen since 1985. During the police interrogation, he refuses all
accusations. "I have nothing to do with this", he claims.

Police: You have never taken anyone abroad?

Ismet: No, never.

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Police: Never? Are you lying?

Ismet: No, no way.

Police: Say the truth, you are lying.

Ismet: I am telling the truth.

The police shows their photographs, and shows that these photographs were taken in different
check-points. The police also tells that this activity had been widespread and that only seven
Swedish citizens had been engaged in it. Just calculate how many families could have been
deported by the Swedish drivers. So far, this League has transferred to Denmark, Germany
and elsewhere around 5 thousand people at the price of 450 thousand DEM.

Ismet continues denying his implication.

Police: And was there someone else implied?

Ismet: Yes!

Police: A while ago you said that you had nothing to do with it. You are lying!

Ismet: You Swedes should be happy that I am removing Albanians from Sweden, without any
compensation!

Police: So the Swedes should be happy that you are "helping" Sweden?

Ismet: Yes, by all means!

Police; And why have you charged for this?

Ismet: I haven't taken much money.

Police: It doesn't matter how much, it is important that you have taken money. How much?

Ismet: Just to cover the expenses. (End of dialogue)

******

Two of the deceived, Isuf and Hamdi, continued looking for Osman in Bigolo. That was the
best way to contact him, through them. They placed the camera in a bag and got in. There was
Osman, in a huge room with thousands of people inside, gambling. Osman was concentrated,
and he noticed no one aside. Isuf touched him, and de-concentrated him for a while.

Isuf: Come with me, I have some business with you. I want to disappear from here. How
could I?

Osman: I haven't much time. Wait.

Isuf: Only five minutes.

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OSMAN: Wait in the corridor. I'll be right there.

Isuf and Hamdi did as they were told.

Osman didn't know them. They had spoken on the phone, while Osman had taken 5 thousand
DEM from Isuf's family, for the unsuccessful ride to Germany.

Isuf: You idiot! You have transported 120 families and plundered 400 thousand DEM.

Osman: (surprised) I?!

Isuf: You, you son of a bitch!

Osman: Don't you swear on me...

Isuf: Give me back five thousand DEM or I will tear your mouth!

Osman: Where should I get 5 thousand DEM? They are split. The job is done.

Then come the fists and blows...

The dialogue with the policeman.

Police: Why have you taken Albanians abroad and why did you take money from them?

Osman: Find me only one person who will claim that I have taken money, I'll immediately go
to prison.

Police: We have tapes on your activities. Listen to yourself. This is how you talk to a needy
person: "You're going to ride in the car, and the children go back in the trunk. The expenses.
If you're caught, you don't pay, however you have to pay in advance. Many have done so, and
have thanked me thousand of times.

The police did nothing to arrest Osman. He went back and continued gambling. His gambler's
life continues. He lives form the money he took away from Albanians.

*****

The rent-a Car representative was also interrogated.

- Did you believe that your car was being used for this activity?

- I had my doubts, for they always said they were going to Frankfurt.

- Do you know that even 16 people rode on your car?

- I knew that something was wrong. I found many things inside, but I don't believe that 16
people could get inside! Unbelievable!!!

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*****

Now Osman says that he was paid 12 thousand DEM (60 thousand Swedish Crowns) for such
a ride, from the 16 people. The back side was "packed up" with children, even two year old.
We almost went crazy when we opened the van, says the Swedish policeman.

Another Swedish woman says that she had transported asylum-seekers abroad, but does not
identify herself.

-What do you think about the guys who have tricked the asylum-seekers?

- They are real pigs. They threatened me for having reported them, and once I am out, I will
not know how will I face them.

- Why aren't these people condemned? - was the question directed to the Swedish authorities.

- The crime was committed outside the Swedish borders, and there is no law which can
incriminate them for the committed crime.

Osman Morina and Ismet Shala continue their activities and still transport Albanians. They
can't be arrested pursuant to the Swedish law. It seems that they have a connection in the
hierarchy, or as Shala said it himself, the Swedish wish to have Albanians leaving. The
Swedish police knew all of this, and the fact that it undertook nothing, remains a burden in its
conscience. In the meantime, Ismet and Osman continue living in their own villas.

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