Koha Digest # 56

EDITORIAL

UNITED TAXI-DRIVERS' NATIONS

by VETON SURROI

At the corner between 15th and M streets in Washington started

one of the most interesting explanations about Erithrea's
problem. Three years ago, a senior student of medicine,
originating from Erithrea (a territory under Ethiopian occupation
so far) started telling me about the practical problems of this
state and people to achieve independence. With a rich political
vocabulary and good English, in ten minutes he conveyed the main
message, that they must be free. The political eloquence in
English, nevertheless, didn't help him to easily take me to the
address I was headed to. "I don't know well this town, sir", he
replied to my remark that he had been going around in circles.
Stopping in front of the State Department, I understood that the
taxi driver had taken the role of a lobbyer, a person who must
convince the others about the idea he advocates.

This issue is important in America, in the land of free

information. Even so free that you can hardly sell it to anyone,
as the lobbyers, who are exclusively engaged to make the
decision-makers to read an article or listen to what the other
has to say, will see. This will be understood, sorrowfully, by
Sergei Kovalov, Yeltsin's main oppositionist in regard to the
intervention in Chechenya, a well-known Russian dissident and
this year's Peace Nobel Prize candidate, who didn't find many
people at the American administration willing to listen to him,
as well as many others who are headed towards Washington to
express their complaints. "We find it very hard to convince
people at the Congress to listen to people coming from the East",
says one the leaders of a very strong American foundation. "The
domestic American issues today are more acute: who will be
elected head of the Medical Sector, or what is happening with the
Oklahoma bombing terrorists".

The truth is that this is how America functions. The permanent

electoral ritual will be repeated this year too. In autumn, the
hot topics will the be the social, tax, economic growth issues...

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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Somewhere as illustrations of the incapacities of this or that
candidate will one find other, world, issues, but by order: from
commercial-relationships with Japan up to the war in Bosnia. Who
wishes to listen more about foreign politics, maybe should take
a taxi in Washington. In one day alone, one can listen stories
about human rights in Iran, the division of the people in Punjab
between the Sikhs and Muslims, why Hammas is rights about what
it does in Palestine and other topics of interest for the world.

KOSOVA

SERBIAN HISTORY IN 1500 SQUARED METERS

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

On February 27, the Municipal Assembly of Prishtina adopted the

decision of the determination of the names of neighborhoods,
streets and squares of the town of Prishtina, published in the
Official Gazette of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and
Metohija, number 3, of 10 March 1995. This decision, finally,
changes all the names of Prishtina's streets and neighborhoods.
In one word, the initiative to Serbianize everything, has been
completed. Now all enterprises and shops, regardless of their
names, are written in cyrillic, and from now on, the ID cards or
Prishtinians will also have the cyrillic names of neighborhoods
and streets, which used to have a totally different name when
they were born.

The undertaken changes have not spared even the traditional names
as for example Dardania which is now called Bela Cesma. Such an
enterprise of the Serbian authorities would really be justifiable
if the changes would have to do with the names of ideological
content, as were the names Marshall Tito or Brotherhood and
Unity, etc. But, such radical changes of all names seem to have
another well-thought and worked-out background to achieve the
Serbianization of everything in Kosova. This is illustrated by
the fact that all names have been replaced by Serbian
geographical, ethnological, historical notions, and almost no
Albanian ones. Tefik Çanga has now been replaced by Ilija
Garasanin (the famous author of Nacertanije, which promoted the
idea on Greater Serbia), a street which now ranges between Nikola
Pasic and Vuco Zikic streets. Fan Noli St. is now Grka Polikrapa
Srbina and it is positioned between Knez Mihailova and Jadranska
Magistrala. If someone wants to have a coffee at "Theatri" pub
(sorry, because the "wrong" name of the cafeteria can be
sanctioned too) in the center of Prishtina, then he/she must pass
through Kralja Milutina or Cara Dusana, Knez Mihailova and
through Nemajici. Simply, the whole Serbian history can be passed

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in a distance of 1500 squared meters. If by any chance you'll
walk down any street after 22 hrs., and you see only Serbs
concentrated, who usually go out in that time, you will get the
impression that you are somewhere abroad.

The psychological effect of the creation of anxiety of Albanians

in their own place of birth is full. And this is nothing new -
it only follows Cubrilovic's known logic, expressed in his
elaborate, that Albanians, through administrative obstructions,
must be created the impression that they live in someone else's
land. And this conclusion is drawn thanks to the simple
mathematical calculation: out of 417 names of streets, only 8
have names of Albanian personalities: Ganimete Tërbeshi, Emin
Duraku, Meto Bajraktari, Salih Rama, Ramiz Sadiku, Jahë Salihu,
Zenel Zeneli (!) and Selami Hallaçi. And these would have to
represent the outstanding personalities of Albanian history and
culture!

Of 90% of the population in this space!

This decision aims at reaching another effect, to present

Albanians as people without history and present them as
unimportant being in this space.

Whatever the intention, the motives of these changes can be many,

starting from earlier elaborates, the disqualification of the
Albanian factor, up to material reasons. The last one could also
undergo a simple calculation: all citizens of Prishtina would
have to change their addresses on their ID cards. The respective
certificates cost 5 dinars. If 100 thousand people are requested
to pay 5 dinars each, the total sum would be of 500 thousand
dinars.

All has been done to make Kosova Serb. Only the presence of the
Albanians remains, and within this fact the dilemmas: how to
eliminate them? How to Serbianize them?

KOSOVA

KILLING IN SUHAREKA

Y.H. / Prishtina

On Wednesday, May 3, at around 11,45, in an office of the

"Suhareka" enterprise in Shirokë village, three uniformed
policemen, armed with automatic weapons, entered the building
under the pretext of wanting to conduct an informative talk with
the employee of this enterprise, Besim Ndrecaj (1956). Ndrecaj,

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from Matiqevë village, Suhareka municipality, father of six
children, employee of this enterprise - as the CDHRF informs -
was searched previously for weapons by the police. Now, he was
attacked by three policemen at his working place, which made
Ndrecaj shoot at Dragan Soskic (1965), commander of the police
station in Lubizhde, of Montenegrin nationality, residing in
Peja, who deceased later at the Prizren Hospital.This report also
clarifies the dilemmas that arose in the first report of the sub-
council in Suhareka and which was transmitted by "Bujku", which
couldn't clarify the reasons why Ndrecaj had shot Soskic. The
version published in the Serbian daily "Jedinstvo" states that
"unofficial sources" claim that Soskic had asked Ndrecaj to hand
in his unregistered weapon, while the latter "had grabbed the
weapon and shot at Soskic".

After this, Ndrecaj escaped, while a large police search against

him was organized in the whole region, covering the following
villages: Shirokë, Sopi, Sallagrazhdë, Dubravë, Mushtisht,
Matiqevë, Reshtan, Nepërbisht, Gilanc, Leshan, Grejkoc, Malësi
e Re, Lotogllavë and Korishë, as well as the town of Suhareka.
According to CDHRF's report, the whole area was taken under
control of between 300 and 500 policemen. Somewhere from 12,30
until 16 hrs., the police helicopter was also engaged in the
action. Around 15,00 hrs., close to the village of Malësia e re,
in a place called "Fusha e Thatë" (Dry Field), Besim Ndrecaj is
discovered and besieged, and in direct struggle against the
Serbian police is shot dead, in yet unclarified circumstances.

According to verbal information of the Serbian police organs

communicated to Ndrecaj family around 19 hrs. (according to CDHRF
sources), late Besim committed suicide and his body was in the
morgue of the hospital in Prizren, which the family could
withdraw from on May 4, at 14 hrs.!

Thus, after many unclear details and speculations present in the

first reports, especially of the Serbian media which presented
the case in the most stereotypical way - "an Albanian terrorist
killed a Serbian policeman", it seems that now there is
information enough to enlighten the occurred tragedy.

WAR

WAR AGAIN

by GORAN VEZIC / STINA / Split

The revived conflict in Croatia is something between the

restricted action of the Maslenica type, or Medacki Dzep, and the

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escalation of its 1991 type. The place where this dilemma arises
is Pakrac, a small town in Western Slavonia, which in its action
"of the blue helmets' constructed Berlin Wall" between the
Croatian Croats and Serbs, promised in the years of relative
calm, that it will be the balance which will weigh the forces of
the Croatian Croat and Serb forces, respectively.

Four years ago, Pakrac proclaimed war in the Former Yugoslavia,

when the former YPA opposed the Croatian units of the Ministry
of Internal Affairs. The question in Croatia today is whether
this war machinery is going back to the place of the crime or is
it maybe the beginning of the end of something that started in
Pakrac.

The dilemma - continuing war or finishing its end - will not be

eliminated by the conflicting armies, but, today more than ever,
by politics. Croatia developed a furious action in the weakest
part of the so called "Republika Srpska Krajina" - in the so
called Sector West, evaluating that, apart from gaining back the
possibility to freely use the "Brotherhood and Unity" highway -
the attack against this part of Western Slavonija will not force
the international community apply eventual sanctions against
Croatia, while the domestic opinion will applaud. Then there are
the almost 300 thousand expelled who will be facing the fact that
something is really moving towards their homes. Such an action
raises the rating of the actual government and increases its
chances for another four years of absolute domination in the
country.

Naturally, it was obvious that in the Croat-Serbian war, the

towns served as hostages. This time, for the first time, this
role was given to Zagreb. Instead of having this fact opposed by
the people, as it was probably imagined by the ones who ignited
the "hurricanes" in town - quite the opposite happened. People
know that they are targeted, which is, very much uncomfortable.
Naturally, the Croat media - finally it is war, be it of
restricted dimension - soon forgot the victims, and turned to the
glorification of the military victory. One day after the military
attack against Zagreb, the electronic media didn't broadcast any
news about the health condition of the seriously wounded persons
in Zagreb, but the news about the reopening of the radio-station
in Okucani got a very important spot. Instead of lamenting the
death of about 40 policemen and soldiers and about 300 wounded
policemen, soldiers and civilians, the radio stations broadcast
patriotic music uninterruptedly, and this is the expression of
the sub-conscience that every victim justifies the aim and that
the path towards paradise will be expensively paid with grenades,
from both sides.

The action of the Croatian police and army, after the terrorist

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attacks of the Serbian side against civilians on the highway,
which was casually proved to be the inevitable, however absurd
it may seem, big Croatian peaceful reintegration of the occupied
territories test, propagated by all politicians. The attittude
towards Serb civilians and soldiers which surrendered means the
Croatian legitimation towards Serbs, who live in the extreme
Croat regions with the idea on Greater Serbia. The silence of
Belgrade in respect the biggest Croatian offensive since the
beginning of the war could convince them, if it is not too late,
that the moderate Croats and Serbs were right, after the first
barricades in Knin, to say that they had bitten an unripe apple,
after which they would only serve as bargaining means between
Zagreb and Belgrade.

The civilizing action of the Croatian government towards its

citizens, even though rebel, can be a message to the others who
are still in the trenches of the so called "RSK" - that its
better to have safety with Zagreb than lack of safety with
Belgrade.

But, this is the first optimistic variety according to which all

citizens will respect their state and order, while the state will
respect their citizens regardless of their nationality.

Croatia after the beginning of war in 1991, didn't show much

respect for, apart from the normative ones, human and minority
rights, thus chaining itself to the fact that it is unattractive
for its rebel parts.

Croatia today, is for the first time holding the winning

position, and must by all means prove the understanding the
leaders express verbally, however life functions on the backs of
small people. The expelled Croats will go back to Jasenovac,
Okucani and other parts - but the question is whom will they find
there when 6 thousand Serbs have fled to Bosnia. The war for
territories which was imposed by Belgrade showed in the four
years of its existence that the return of the expelled party,
means the expulsion of the other party. And in these conditions
there is no definitive solution - everything is reduced only to
the change of fronts' borders, be it even internationally
determined borders. Croatia especially has this misfortune to
have a much too long border - even then when the Croatian army
penetrates in it - it will be hard to safeguard it, as long as
there is no peace in the whole region.

The Western Slavonian war - despite the fact that not only
Zagreb, but also Karlovac, Sisak and Dubrovnik were shelled, will
seemingly not spread. The tactics of "restricted actions" is more
likely to be applied. The balance in armament, which didn't exist
in 1991, now exists and both sides are fighting an artillery war.

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Zadar and Sibenik were ideal targets to be shelled by the rebels
in Knin four years, but today Knin is also an ideal target of the
HVO and the Croatian Army, which have conquered the Dinaric
peaks. While "Western Slavonia" is falling, there is peace in the
center of the Serbian rebellion in Croatia.

Hostage towns exist on both sides of the front. This is why

Belgrade's communique, after the attack against Zagreb, which
condemns the destruction of all towns - in the case of Croatia
has a much bigger importance than an civilizing political
message. In case of an escalation of the conflict in Croatia,
Istria would be the only region living in peace, while the so
called Krajina would lack it everywhere.

If Drago Krpin, the Chairman of the Parliamentarian Board for

Peaceful Reintegration, is to be trusted when he told the Serbs
who had fled war seized territories to the free Croatian
territory, that they will share the fate of the fled Croats,
leads to two conclusions: that the Serbs in Croat occupied
territories will have an equal treatment as the Croats, but will
have it as hard as the fled Croats.

The only sure thing is that the fled Croats and Serbs will
interpret Gojko Susak's, Croatian Defense Minister, statement in
a totally contradicting way. He said, at the Parliament, last
Thursday, that if only one more grenade hits Zagreb, it will be
the last one, clearly saying that the Croatian army will start
even a more aggressive attack.

The events in the so called Sector West at the beginning of this

month, announced a new period in the Croat-Serb relations in
Croatia: the determined posture of the Croatian authorities
towards the rebels.

However, the events on the highway at the end of last month, when
the terrorist attacks took place one after the other, announced
the new period of fighting in Croatia - terrorism is knocking on
its doors. Its possibilities are extraordinary - the war is
lasting so long that revenge can't be excluded. And when politics
comes to its senses and until the military machinery get
exhausted, there will always be uncontrolled individuals.

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WAR

MASLENICA'S REPRISE

by GOJKO MARINKOVIC / AIM / Zagreb

Zagreb was attacked precisely in the moment the Parliament was

in session, which, despite the explosions nearby, continued
working pursuant the agenda, even though general alarm was
declared in town. When we asked some of the state leaders why
wasn't the meeting suspended, the answer was that there is no
need to panic, and besides this, the Croatian army had destroyed
the trench mortars and there was no fear from another attack.

The alarm was, nevertheless, heard again at 15,40 hrs., after the
TV just broadcasted the information from the President's Office
that the action of the Croat regular forces to secure the highway
and railway towards Western Slavonia, had ended. The MPs, along
with journalists were closely following the information coming
from Okucani, where the Croatian Army together with the police
had entered just before 1 p.m., and then the images of what had
happened in Zagreb. After we heard the alarm, without any panic
at all, we went down to the restaurant where we waited for the
end of the 15 minutes long alarm, which was not followed by any
explanation. And while there were no euphoric reactions to the
images shown from Okucani, it is interesting to stress that
almost all stopped watching TV the moment the letters of support
to President of the Republic started being read, viciously
commented by as something already heard.

When the Croatian citizens were informed that on May 1 at 4,30

a.m., the action of the Croatian armed forces had started, this
too was followed by a letter of support. It was written by a
citizen of Zagreb, a war invalid, who in 1991 had gone to
Slavonia on foot and carrying only a hand gun, and came back
without his two legs.

He told the President that he had lost faith in him and the
Croatian government and that he would be the first one to climb
a tank and depart towards Western Slavonia to end with the
terrorist attacks, which would mean the beginning of the
liberation of Croatia as a whole. This letter most illustratively
explains the reason why Tudjman chose this military action of
restricted effect, since, according to the general impression,
he was forced to do it because the people had lost faith in him,
while on the other hand he was strongly pressured by the right
wing of his party, then almost all the opposition parties also
accused him that he gained nothing with the new mandate of UNCRO.
But, judging upon the way the action was developed, according to
the applied force, the coordination, speed and its success, this

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action was long prepared and only the moment and a reason were
awaited for. It was clear that the attack against Zagreb, as well
as other towns of Croatia, were precisely an act of revenge, of
which the Croatian side directly accused Milan Martic and Gen.
Celeketic.

We already mentioned some of the reasons why Tudjman undertook

this action right now. The direct consequence is that the
occupied territory was reduced to 17% and both the highway and
railway are in full function and safety. It was obvious that a
great victory was needed to bring back the lost trust, but it is
still an open issue whether or not this was another "agreement"
of the special kind with Belgrade and precisely the reprise of
the "Maslenica action" scenario?

This opinion is also shared by many politicians of the

opposition, and the argument they stress is the weak reaction of
Belgrade, similar to the way it reacted after Maslenica. Stipe
Mesic's Independent Croat Democrats, Drazen Budisa's Liberals,
and then the representatives of the Justice Party tend to believe
that neither Tudjman nor Milosevic, ever gave up on the idea to
divide Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is interesting to recall on
this occasion, an old statement of Borislav Mikelic, indisputably
Milosevic's man, "...that neither Kordun, Banija nor Lika are
important, but we must agree about B&H". Vladimir Seks decisively
rejects such a possibility, because he says that if it were a
secret agreement, then Zagreb wouldn't be attacked. This argument
can hardly stand, for it is known that Martic never agreed to be
member of a delegation in conversations with Croatian, while
there are many disagreements and fractions within "Krajina"
leadership. Apart from this, Zagreb is counting on further
shelling, therefore, as a measure of prevention, the schools will
not work the next two days depending on the situation.

The other evaluation of the opposition is that as the victory is

still fresh it is almost certain that Tudjman will decide to hold
elections, maybe in July or the latest in August, which means one
year anticipated to what the Constitution foresees. Now there are
open discussions about the adoption of a new electoral law, which
will mostly suit the ruling HDZ, and will force the opposition
to unite, which is unlikely to happen. There are also
calculations that HDZ could withdraw on its side some other
relevant political parties, read: the Croatian Peasants' Party,
but this would also mean that Tudjman would have to eliminate the
largest part of his nationalistic rightist MPs.

The Parliament continues its session, while Croatia established

its rule in Western Slavonia, at the same time attempting to
continue conversations with "Krajina" representatives, which
started on May 1, at Pleso Airport in Zagreb, present UNCRO base.

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But, was this two days' mini-war, the introduction to a broader
war, or as many foreign commentators foresee, a general Serb-
Croat conflict? Judging upon Belgrade's reaction so far, Croat
analysts don't count on the third option, while Karadzic's
threats about the "help to `Krajina'" remain empty promises,
because he is anyways facing a lot of problems in B&H. Even, for
the time being, there are no signs of that Croatia is getting
prepared for actions of larger dimensions, whose aim would be
Knin or Eastern Slavonia and Baranja, therefore Tudjman will
hardly realize his promises that travelling to Split through Knin
will be possible this summer. There are double reasons for this:
first, the reactions of the world should be expected, and they
were not that harsh this time, then Milosevic's posture and the
fact whether the Croatian army is ready to get involved in a
complicated task, regardless of the new weaponry and the good
training of professional soldiers. And it is not less important
to think about the eventual new revenge against Zagreb and other
towns, because Krajina Serbs proved on Tuesday, that they have
weapons which can very precisely hit the destination also from
long distance.

WAR

CALM AND RESTRAINED

by DRAGAN JANJIC / AIM / Belgrade

The political parties and the government is Serbia reacted late

and relatively mildly to the action of the Croat forces in
Western Slavonia. On Monday evening, TV Belgrade, on its central
news broadcast program, informed about this intervention on its
21st minute. During the day, radio programs were reporting about
fighting, but they were very vague. The official agency Tanjug,
informed about the events in Western Slavonia on Monday morning,
but the reports of the afternoon and Tuesday were out of date and
incomplete. The independent media and agencies treated the events
as the news of the day.

Representatives of political parties, naturally with the

exclusion of the Socialist Party of Serbia, gave their statements
by Monday evening. The intervention of the Croatian forces was
condemned, but the impression is that the party officials of both
wings were a bit surprised because of the May 1 celebration.
On the next day, a communique of the Socialist Party of Serbia,
of a quite soft content, was published. The Security Council was
called to intervene and stop the attacks of Croatia against
Western Slavonia, and the communique issued after the meeting of
the FRY Supreme Council of Defence was not harsher at all. It

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stated that Croatia "committed an aggression against RSK" and
that it is "a criminal act against the civilian population". The
thesis that FRY "strongly stands on the posture that there is no
military solution in Former Yugoslavia" was repeated. No counter-
measures were mentioned, there was no expression of support to
the Serbian leadership of Krajina, there is no mention of the
right of the Serbian people to choose the state in which it
wishes to live in. In a generalized way, the bombing of towns and
suffering of the population was condemned, which can partially
be understood as a reprimanding Knin because of the rocket
shelling of Zagreb.

Several hours before this meeting, the Holy Synod of the Serbian
Orthodox Church appeared in public with a communique related to
the issue concerned. The communique states that the attack of
Croatian forces "directly endangers the peaceful solution" and
represents a "stronger incitement for the explosion of war". The
Synod sent "an urgent appeal to the domestic and international
factors to undertake all measures to take the Croatian forces
back to their lines" and they are requested to protect the
Serbian civilian population endangered by warring actions. The
Synod's communique, politically, is closer to the reactions which
came from the right center and the extreme right, than to the
state leadership. The Serbian Radical Party, whose leader
appeared among the first ones, on Monday evening, called for
unity and help the "brothers on the other side of the Drina",
accusing the government in Serbia that it is calmly looking at
the "Croatian aggression".

The member of the closest leadership of the Serbian Renewal

Movement, Milan Bozic, held a press conference in which he "most
harshly condemned" the attack of Croatian forces in Western
Slavonia. He, in the name of this party, requested the Croatian
forces to "immediately stop the aggression provoked by no one,
whose main purpose is to take over RSK step by step".

Zoran Djindjic, leader of the Democratic Party, said that this

was "a premeditated attack against democratic processes".
"Croatia is leading the policy of ruining the trust and making
conversations impossible, because it is interested only to occupy
territories, if possible, without any Serbs in them".

The Civic League of Serbia practically is the only political

party in Serbia which doesn't refer to the events in Western
Slavonia as to "the Croatian aggression against RSK", but to "the
renewal of military actions in Croatia". This party condemns the
military actions which, allegedly, "will impose the peaceful
solution", and calls both sides to maximally restrain.

The Leader of the People's Part of Montenegro, Novak Kilibarda,

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evaluated that Yugoslavia "can't be immune to what is happening
in Croatia" and announced that this party will ask the
Parliaments of Yugoslavia and Montenegro to "urgently debate
about the created situation.... in the Serbian lands on the other
side of Drina and Sava".

WAR

ROME FEARS FROM CROAT-SERB WAR

by ARTUR ZHEJI / Rome

The reopening of the conflict "is strongly condemned by the

Italian Government. This condemnation also arises from the moral
right, of the engagement we have always followed this crisis,
intervening at all possible levels and all possible diplomatic
means at the UN, EU, NATO as well as bilateral contacts. I would
just want to remind you of my visit to Zagreb, where I also met
President Tudjman and the conversation in Rome, with Belgrade's
foreign minister, Jovanovic. We have no intention to give up on
this engagement and we will continue developing it at all levels
and seats..." said, among others, Susana Agnelli, Italian Foreign
Minister during a special meeting of the Italian Senate about the
situation in the Former Yugoslavia, where she was invited as the
Government's representative.

As it can be understood from the very beginning, the exaggerated

care to keep a balanced attitude towards the present Croat-Serb
conflict, betrays the insecurity of the Italian politics in the
region and the many contradictions that burden it. Politicians,
as indirect representatives of the different industrial groups
and port-paroles of different traditions, are generally confuse.

On one side, there are always personalities and political forces

which support with all their strength the Catholic and rightist
Croatia.... but there are also forces of opposite convictions and
interests, which see Serbia as a positive force which stops the
"Croatian arrogance". These forces don't necessarily have
political colors.

At times, right segments present themselves as pro-Serb, as

pressure in the Istrian or Dalmatian issues, and at times right
segments work on the creation of the Christian-Catholic Rome-
Zagreb alliance. The Italian left in general, has no unique
posture. The Italian Communist Renewal (8,5% in the last regional
elections) has almost a pure pro-Serb posture, against the so
called "Croatian fascists", Pavelic's heirs...

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On the other hand, PDS (Democratic Party of the Left, 25% in the
last elections) is oscillating between pragmatic postures, even
though recently, Antonio Fassino, in charge of the international
relations of this party, becomes enthusiastic about Belgrade and
the meetings with Milosevic and his "pacifist" promises.

Anyhow, Italy is feeling a bit offended, since it is not part of

the Contact Group on Yugoslavia even though it shares borders
with the area of war. Agnelli declares: "I will have often
consultations with the European partners, to discuss and see the
possibilities to organize an extraordinary meeting at the Highest
Level, in order to analyze the situation and determine well the
role of the EU in this crisis".

During the urgent meeting of the Senate which discussed the

"motions" and "parliamentarian interrogations", a clear tendency
of leftist senators, who asked the Government to give precise
explanations about the origin and the supply of the Croatian army
with weapons. According to their sources (and maybe the source
is NATO), the Croatian army is armed with hundreds of T-54/55 and
T-22M tanks, and the air fleet with 42 MIG-21 and MIG-29 crafts.
Obviously, these questions were not at all considered for reply
by the Government, which has often declared that it strictly
respects the embargo on weapons as implemented by the UN.
Sergio Romano, who had for a long time served as Italian
Ambassador to Moscow, a known expert on international relations,
and interviewed several times in a row, recently openly revealed
the cynicism of the Western real-politics.

"While the conflict and the armed crisis is developed in the

Zagreb-Sarajevo-Belgrade triangle and while the crisis is kept
isolated with this "sanitary cordon", Europe is not feeling
really endangered. It is now obvious that interests are missing,
since none of the interests of the Great Powers have been
affected, Macedonia is Achilles' heel of the Balkans situation,
and the American presence there, however symbolic, has a very
deep meaning..."

Therefore, as long as the zones of influence are the same, and

as long as the French and British mothers feel no "patriotic"
need to force the sacrifice of their children for the sake of
Croatia or Serbia, war will continue "until the parts in conflict
don't get exhausted of killing one-another".

This is a simple, true and bitter explanation of why the

mechanisms of interventions and "intervening" policies are
stagnating.

Kosova, unfortunately, is more and more enduring a geographical

notion. Sometime ago "time-bomb" was the term used to illustrate

- 13 -
it, and now it has been totally forgotten. It seems as if the
experts think that the "clock" has stopped completely and that
the bomb will be dismantled by itself.

Europe will not have the war, which it historically caused. It

is willing to suffocate it with any means, regardless how filthy
they may be. The calls directed to Russia to sit down and divide
the zones of influence in the Balkans are becoming more often.
Because Europe is sure that the markets are determined
beforehand. Only after 50 or 100 years, Russia could represent
a competition to the EU.

USA and even maybe Germany are the "poles" which get upset from
the traditional pan-Slavic presence of Russia in the Balkans.
But, without any doubt, if Russia is "calmed" and stabilized
politically, a new "Yalta" is and will soon be on the agenda.
Whichever nation is really ready when these historical moments
come, will win geo-political positions that will facilitate it
a quite durable future.

HEALTH-CARE

BIRDS DIE BEFORE EVEN SINGING...

by BESIM ABAZI / Prishtina

In a recent seminar on population held in Prishtina, and which

was organized by the Serbian Ministry of Science and Technology,
it was said that in Kosova there are 50 thousand births a year
and that between 3 and 4 thousand newborns die, which represents
the highest mortality rate of newborns in Europe. Nonetheless,
the participants of this seminar didn't give any explanations why
this happens. Who is to blame for the death of the smallest, of
the innocent...

This data was presented by Dr. Jovan Zivkovic from the Children's
Clinic in Prishtina, who said that Europe finds it hard to accept
such a high mortality rate, but it also finds hard to understand
the high birth rate of the Albanians, which represents, according
to him, "African birth rate" (not stating what the death rate of
infants represented). But, such a high mortality rate can't be
justified in any way. The thesis that natality is the basic cause
of mortality, is not only lacking grounds, but is totally
unscientific.

The figures speak of the fact that the level of mortality in

families with less children is almost the same as in the cases
of families with more than three children. But, this thesis has

- 14 -
been launched by Serb doctors and demographers, from the ones who
dream of the "demographic balance". Albanian doctors, meanwhile,
are not very much impressed with this thesis. They reject the
ascertainment commenting that politicization of birth was seen
before. However, this level of birth and mortality rates existed
even before. Prof. Dr. Izedin Osmani says that in 1950 the
mortality of Albanian children was very high and it rounded about
141 per thousand, but it was even higher in Vojvodina, where the
level had reached 143 per thousand. This level decreased with
time. Thus in 1992 the mortality of infants in Serbia was 16,9
per thousand, in Vojvodina 13,8 while in Kosova it was 34,4 per
thousand, or numerically in 1992, 1.528 infants up to 1 year of
age died in Kosova, while in Serbia this number was 1.094 and in
Vojvodina 305, which means that Kosova had more casualties than
Serbia and Vojvodina together. This is an indication that
Vojvodina has achieved great results while in Kosova... the death
rate remains the highest in Europe.

Why is it so? Another disputable question, with many different

answers. It is influenced by many factors, ranging from economic
to political elements.

Many doctors divide the factors in two categories: the indirect

(basic) elements and the direct. The basic elements are the ones
which prepare the terrain for the direct factors, i.e., different
diseases. The first factor is nutrition of infants, which is at
the lowest level possible in Kosova. Malnourished or
undernourished children are direct victims of diseases, because
any infection, however slight it may be, causes serious
complications in these children, thus increasing the morbidity
and along with it the mortality of the infants. Dr. Sami Rexhepi,
currently working at a House of Health says that "serious
nutritional dystrophies which are often appearing in Kosova are
a direct consequence of poverty which is reaching the critical
point...". Therefore the ascertainment that diseases in Kosova
are mainly poverty diseases was not made by chance. But, this is
not the explanation that the Serb doctors give. They first stress
the high birth rate, or rather the frequen deliveries of Albanian
mothers. These repeated births biologically exhaust the mothers,
who can't give birth to any healthy children any more. They also
say that the low level of education of mothers and the population
in general, causes serious problems. Jovan Zivkovic, states that
"...sick children often come to the Paediatrics Clinic in a
condition in which it is hard to assist them or save their lives.

And this happens because of the decision-making system in the

Albanian patriarchal families. The mother must first alarm the
husband, he must alarm the head of the household so he can
finally decide whether it is time to take the child to the
hospital or not!? And this form of family organization doesn't

- 15 -
exist anywhere else in the world...".

Economic poverty is a segment of this misfortune, because such

a situation was contributed to by the political factor. How would
it otherwise be explained that mortality has decreased in
Vojvodina from 143 to 13,8 per thousand, while in Kosova from 141
to 34,4 per thousand.

Vojvodina has an excellent network of health protection

facilities, Kosova lost even the few it had, thus opening the
path for all diseases which have converted Kosova into an endemic
area. The Kosovan villages are especially affected, where 64% of
the population lives. There are no more dispensaries with two
nurses and doctors who would visit twice a week!... Diseases
which we had once almost forgotten, have returned to us,
uninvited.

The Serbian controlled Hygienic Institute states that in the past

five years, 113.206 people were affected by infectious diseases,
and 892 people died. From this general figure, over 26 thousand
people suffered from enterocolitis and the number of dead reached
592. The largest number: children. The highest incidence is of
the following: TB, pertussis, parotitis, rubeola, tetanus,
measles, and poliomyelitis. According to the data provided by
this Institute, in the past 5 years, 24 thousand children have
fell ill in Kosova, precisely suffering from diseases which can
be prevented with vaccination. But, this figure is far away from
the reality Kosova faces. No one is in position to offer exact
figures...

Judging upon this, Dr. Isuf Dedushaj, epidemiologist, one of the

few experts in this area in Kosova, speaks of his dilemmas in
this regard. He says that the "epidemiologic situation in Kosova
was difficult before, but it has deteriorated even more after the
imposition of repressive measures against Kosovan health-care.
When I say this, I depart from the fact that since 1990, 144.781
cases of infectious diseases have been evidenced, and 899 people
died as consequence. The largest number of the dead,
unfortunately are children. The majority of the cases were
intestinal diseases, 40.024, out of which 614 died.

Unfortunately, Kosova is an endemic place for acute intestinal

infectious diseases, because in the past, the government didn't
concentrate on improving the living standard of the population.
Thus, only 44% of the population is connected to the water-supply
system, meaning that only this percentage drinks hygienic water,
or that only 33% of the houses and apartments are connected to
the water-supply and sewage system. The down-fall of the standard
of living has made Kosova dominated by poverty diseases".

- 16 -
Comparing the previous to the recent situation after the
implementation of repressive measures against Kosova health-care,
Dedushaj stresses that previously, despite the very difficult
conditions it worked in, the Kosovan prevention had achieved
quite good results. "And this I say because diseases like
malaria, exanthematic typhus, endemic syphilis, diphtheria were
eliminated, poliomyelitis and other diseases which can be
prevented with vaccination were on the way to be eliminated. The
Institute for Epidemiology had prepared its projects for the
elimination of the autochthonous measles, thus getting
incorporated in the projects foreseen by WHO under the motto
"Health for all by the year 2000". We had also foreseen the
eradication of neonatal tetanus and other diseases which can be
prevented with vaccination..."

Children in Kosova can die because they lack small doses of

vaccines or they can be fastened to a wheelchair for the same
reason. Maybe this is the reason why 24 children were recently
affected by this disease. Several thousands got the measles, TB
and many other diseases that the world has almost forgotten.
Before, it was a bit different. Eight years in a row Kosova, had
not experienced any case of polio, because 95% of the children
were vaccinated, while following the emergency measures, after
the expulsion of the vaccination teams, the level of vaccination
of children had drastically fallen. A survey conducted in the
village of Hajvalia (Prishtina) proved that 30% of the children
were not covered by the vaccination program. And the situation
in neighboring villages is similar, while in the interior, the
problem might be even more alarming, knowing that even before,
several municipalities were known as underdeveloped anyways!?

Anyhow, the mortality rate of children in Kosova was and remains

the highest in Europe. Some say 34,4 per thousand and some others
claim that it is even higher, but no one can give an accurate
figure of how many people die during one year. Many of them die
without even discovering the reason why, without evidencing it
anywhere. A young physician told us that the most accurate
evidence of the dead children would be to count their graves.
Graves which swallow up birds. Birds that die even before
singing...

- 17 -
ECONOMY/EMIGRATION

WAITING FOR GERMAN MARKS

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI /Prishtina

Since five years ago Kosova Albanians have turned their heads
westwards: the largest part is waiting for a solution to come
from there, the others dream how to reach Europe, while a
considerable number of families assures their existence in
Europe. All these wishes, in the majority of cases, proved to be
fruitful for the Serbian policy, since the West is not very much
preoccupied with Kosova's problem, therefore the escape of young
people only enables the change of the ethnic structure of the
population in this region and the hard currency spent in Kosova
only strengthens the so called "convertible" dinar, even though
in essence its convertibility is valid only in Serbia and
Montenegro.

It is very hard to ascertain the capital the Albanians in the

West have at their disposal, i.e., how much hard currency do they
send to Kosova. This problem is concentrated on many segments,
first, as if none of the Kosovan institutions doesn't know how
many Albanians fled Kosova and where are they living, where they
live and how much they gain, and then no one is taking the chance
to send money through banks or post offices back home and
finally, convert hard currency into goods or dinars at the black
market, which is much more stimulating for these transactions.
These are the reasons why all data collected by the Independent
Trade Unions of Kosova (IUTUK), humanitarian organizations and
even the Financing Council, do not show the true figures of the
incoming hard currency to Kosova.

Two years ago, all of us were small billionaires, if the value

of assets was calculated in dinars. While the ones who had hard
currency, mainly guest-workers abroad, were multi-billionaires.
Nevertheless, how big is this capital if it is calculated
according to world's criterions?

A Bulletin of the Philosophical Faculty of Prishtina mentions the

figure that Kosova Albanians spread throughout the world have a
capital worth 16 billions of US Dollars. Such an ascertainment
can't be taken as correct, but it can't be denied either, since
there are no other figures. It is approximative, if according to
simple calculations it could be ascertained that the capital is
much bigger. Let's just mention that the Central Financing
Council evidences a total of 45.888 families employed abroad,
which are supposed to pay taxes. According to this, then it comes
out that at least that many Albanians are employed abroad, mainly
in Europe. If they were to gain at least 1000 DEM a month, then

- 18 -
they would gain 45,8 millions DEM a month or about 549,6 millions
DEM a year. This would be the minimum of the possibilities,
because, realistically, their salaries are two-three or more
times bigger, then there are many Albanians who started their
business in the West and have quite large capital, therefore
their possibilities can't be restricted only to the mentioned
quantity of hard-currency. If they would gain two thousand DEM
a month, then Germany would need 91,6 millions DEM to compensate
the work Albanians do, or about 1,1 billion DEM a year. If only
half of this amount comes to Kosova, then the amount the ones
employed abroad send their families represents a big hard-
currency potential of the Kosovans.

There are few persons who know how much money is canalized
through the Government's Fund. At the Central Financing Fund they
know only of part allocated for education. It's participation
changes from one year to the other. While in 1992 the Government
Fund paid 1,5 millions DEM, which made one third of the total
amount, two years ago this amount was over 2,5 millions DEM, also
preserving the participation at 30%. Last year, 40% of the amount
came from the Government Fund. Nevertheless, the collected amount
is small compared to the possibilities that exist. However, any
pressure exerted to make people pay the 3% tax would cost us very
much.

Anyhow, money keeps coming in, in cash or goods. Without trying

to underestimate the importance the assistance has to help
overcome the difficult economic and social situation, hard
currency, nevertheless, helps quite much Avramovic's concept. If
they come in as hard currency and are changed at the black
market, they nevertheless end in the treasury of the Central Bank
of rump Yugoslavia. And if they come in as food, or clothes,
anyways creates gain for the Serbian regime, because this amount
of goods decreases the needs of the Kosovan consumers for
articles which the local producers can't cover, because of the
sanctions. This is why Avramovic was not naive at all having
declared several months ago that Kosova had an overplus of hard
currency, and he even mentioned the figure of 300 millions DEM
a month. Maybe he was wrong about the amount, but compared to the
volume of production and the turnover of goods, nevertheless,
there is a huge amount of money in circulation.

Could we do something to activate the Albanian emigration for

even better effects for Albanians and Kosova? The replies we
found were almost identical: it must be organized in the way that
it should be responsible only to the statal organ, the
Government, and not to a political party or another association.

After concentrating all the assistance in cash within one

institution, the Financing Council, and then the assistance in

- 19 -
goods through "Mother Theresa" or different councils of
solidarity, the IUTUK, had almost given up on collecting any
assistance and distributing it. However, in the past four years,
IUTUK managed to bring in a certain amount of money (around 370
thousand DEM), which were transferred from Kosova to Slovenia
five years ago. Therefore, this is Kosovan money which with huge
difficulties came back home.

Differing from IUTUK, political parties and humanitarian

organizations brought in much more assistance, mainly in
commodities, medicines and hygienic items. Despite our attempts
to have a clearer picture we didn't manage to do much, which
would speak of the 500 thousand Albanians, said to live in
different parts of the world.

However approximative the figure of 16 billions Dollars, the

evaluated capital of Albanians in the world, it nevertheless that
we are not referring to a poor emigration.

Dr. Rifat Blaku, demographer and professor at the Faculty of

Economy in Prishtina, says that the materialized economic capital
is increasing. "Today's migration is lacking organization. It is
not used as it should, the positive effects are small, not to say
that the negative are bigger. Having in mind the economic and
social circumstances in Kosova and Albania, we must define a
realistic emigration policy, so it can be in function of both
republics.

This would include the cooperation with the states where the
migrants are stationed, the old and the new ones, insisting on
the compensation of what Kosova and Albania have invested in
educating and cultivating the emigrants, as well as other social
costs which are manifested during their work and life in
emigration. There are many experience in the world which we could
use for our organization. This means that we should act as many
other states in the world, which used to be in the position we
are today. The organized work with emigration brought them good
results, and it wouldn't be any sin to imitate them".

DOSSIER

MEHMET KRAJA: "THE LOST YEARS" (III)

TIME OF PLURALISM AND "DEMOCRATIC CHAOS"

(...) History teaches us that revolutions and people's movements

or populations will degenerate because of two major reasons:
because of the big burden of responsibility and because they find

- 20 -
themselves in an area where often contradictory and
unreconcilable interests, viewpoints and ideas cross. Also saying
that Kosova is a much too big walnut for a whole movement,
imagine what it is like for a political party, and then taking
into account that Albanians by nature, are too much "pluralist"
in interests and viewpoints, not creating any harmony between two
contradictions, but small and big divisions, it is understandable
why the LDK will not be able, for a long period of time, to face
all the challenges. The truth is that the situation, the
individual and collective responsibility for it, initially will
help it stop the internal conflict from degenerating into a open
conflict, the same way it will help it fight its opponents much
easily, and in a certain time, achieve to neutralize them fully.

Apart from not managing to represent the interests of the

whole population, LDK doesn't manage to conciliate the individual
ambitions of all, of people running or not running after careers,
running or not running after leading positions, or simple
fighters for the national cause. It will not achieve this because
of the political monopoly, a dogma, which started being created
with the big homogenization of the population and the "absolute
power" which supposes a dogma. At the beginning, it seems as if
the individual ambitions create the opposition to the LDK in
Kosova and make its political scene "pluralist", and later it
will be seen that these individual ambitions will be in full
harmony with the different interests of distinct strata of
population. We are not referring to democratic pluralism, which
presupposes a series of opinions and different forms of action,
but the internal layering allows the creation of the different
political subjects. Individuals, with an exclusion or two, will
be the "vanguard" of these interests and political pluralism in
Kosova will never become a different spectre of options or ideas,
but simply a bunch of ambitions and interests (...)

The political scene in Kosova, despite the consensus about

fundamental issue, since the beginning of pluralism, will be
shown as dispersed, and even divided. For a long time, this
dispersion will not come out openly, at least not in the form of
real pluralism, because finally, Kosova didn't offer any real
possibilities to develop a normal process of differentiation of
subjects and political forces. Everything had to take place under
the minimum of consensus about essential issues. Neither did
authoritative individuals nor political subjects have the enough
courage nor arguments to openly oppose LDK, its course and
program. Why should they (...)

(...) As said previously, before the LDK, Veton Surroi and a

small group of "moderate" individuals will establish the UJDI
branch in Kosova, which, because of the appearance of the
national political forces, it will not last long. With the

- 21 -
ability of a shrewd politician, despite this, he will overcome
the situation, very unfavourable for Kosova's circumstances, and
by changing names of the parties (Youth Parliament -
Parliamentarian Party) and at times leading the "populist
initiatives" (the massive signing of the illuminist petition,
massive and unrepeatable homages to the victims, the "burial of
violence" etc.) will remain until recently, a very important
political figure in Kosova. With the same capability, he will use
the contacts with foreign journalists and diplomats, as well as
the strong support he had from a group of converted intellectuals
after the crack-down of the system in Kosova. Some of his public
statements, which will be contradictory and in the circumstances
of a refusal front, "the free interpretation" of political
postulates which this front is grounded on, will soon be
qualified as deviations. This will soon tag him as an insecure
person. In circumstances of the creation of a "progressive
coalition", which at one stage may become necessary for Kosova,
his presence in such a coalition would be, the least useful.

Another important figure in the Kosovan political scene will be

forced to withdraw, at least from political organizations -
Shkëlzen Maliqi, an excellent expert of Yugoslav circumstances
in the past and expert of the Serbian circumstances today. His
withdrawal from the political scene will be done in the same way
Surroi's took place. They both represented the moderate political
wing from the beginning, a wing which supposed, in our opinion,
a great variety of solutions for Kosova, where independence could
be the last one and without any important position in today's
goals. His political convictions during the whole time will be
close to Surroi's, with the only difference that he, in order to
fulfil the pluralist mosaic of Kosova and create the
"complementary opposition" to the LDK, will affiliate to another
party - the Social-Democratic. In a "progressive coalition" in
the future, he would also hold a very important position, but not
as a representative of a political subject, but same as Surroi,
as individuals who have the important support of a determined
category of the population in Kosova. Both Surroi and Maliqi, as
of now are projected by many people, as the main carriers of the
initial and transitional process of positive changes in Kosova.
They, it is meant, along with a number of people who share their
opinion, could do this. because they were never barricaded by the
"great ideas", as the LDK and other authoritarian individuals in
Kosova have.

Adem Demaçi and Rexhep Qosja are the two biggest authorities in
Kosova, which were not engaged in any political organism and
continued safeguarding their independence in relation to the many
political parties. Remaining out of the reach of political
organisms made them become "independent political subjects", on
one hand, and helped them express criticism against the others,

- 22 -
on the other hand. As people of great political and cultural
reputation, both will exercise direct and indirect influence on
all processes which actually happen in Kosova. Their independence
can't be an alibi to escape any eventual responsibility, because
of their capital influence on the events, or because they evaded
the political organization in the most difficult situations
Kosova has ever experienced. The truth is that none of them
remained outside the political processes in Kosova, and the
accusation that they did, would be unjust and groundless. They
have tried to take the roles of the political counselling
institutions in some situations, or the role of analysts without
compromise in other situations of the political scene of Kosova.

This possibility was given to them thanks to their independence

from any political subject. However, none of them, with all the
influence they have in Kosova, didn't manage to escape the "magic
circle", the vicious circle all of us have been closed in. To
ascertain the situation, by deeply analyzing it, is a very useful
thing to do, and in the case of Kosova, of irreplaceable
importance. But, isn't it enough hearing these analysis, going
through history, repeating ideas, be it capital ideas for the
people? Isn't it enough saying that Kosova is occupied, that the
people must be free and united, that the people must, must,
must...? We all know that it must, but then what? We all know
that political subjects in Kosova are not doing what they should,
but then what? We know that the internal struggle in Kosova,
between Albanians, which includes these two personalities, is a
result, first of all, of the impossibility "to pass over the
rainbow", the impossibility to act, to do what, realistically,
as people we are not able to do. These two personalities too,
same as all of us, political leaders and followers, the dependent
or independent, intellectuals with reputation, creator of durable
and non-durable values, ordinary people who honestly live their
life, or the other who cooperate with the occupier, the others
who have gone abroad and work honestly and the others who
intoxicate our children with drugs, almost all of us know what
is good and what should we do. But how? To ascertain anything
about the situation in Kosova is the easiest thing one can do
today. Some facts, a bit of criticism and a lot of
dissatisfaction and here you go - the analysis about the
situation in Kosova. And then what? All of us get lost in the
vicious circle, and even the ones who made public analyses about
the things that were going wrong. They had the chance to act
differently, or at least exert their influence to have things
going in another direction. Why didn't this occur? Why they too,
didn't do what they could and direct things otherwise? How wasn't
it ascertained so far, and why wasn't it said publicly that both
sides, from the beginning to the end, have been playing the same
game, that all of us are comprised in the same circle, that we
fulfil the occupier's violence with another violence - the mental

- 23 -
and spiritual violence against the "undefended" and abandoned
people. By whom? By us. It is true that the LDK made our people
the pig which can resist police violence, but is also true that
the intellectual cast, including the dependent and independent,
created the pig resisting to amorality and hypocrisy, moral and
spiritual erosion, our incapability to establish the new order
of values. Political parties, be it national movements or
groupings of partial political interests, will never become the
spiritual guardians of our people. Our intellectuals and eminent
national figures must do this. Therefore, Kosova's people, comes
out undefended in two plans, the political (external) and moral
(internal), which despite the fact that it depends on the first
plane, it also depends on us. Let us see how Demaçi and Qosja
acted in Kosova. Why these two and only them? Because, each one
of them individually and independently, even though "not
organized politically", even though outside the political
subjects, they had the role of political institutions. There is
no doubt, this role was not granted to them, they deserved it
with their work, knowledge and sacrifice. Some, to me, relevant
facts must be repeated. I highly evaluate Demaçi's political
activity, courage, bravery, and willingness for sacrifice. His
proven and strong patriotism. I evaluate Qosja's knowledge,
intellectual courage and proven and strong patriotism. Demaçi,
on his way out from prison, was received gloriously. His house
became a sacred place, where people from all Kosova would pass
by. His political speeches were moderate and constructive. Then,
he was quite unconscious that this reception would turn into a
kind of indirect responsibility towards the ones who showed him
respect and devoutness. Demaçi will not accept to become part of
any political party and will deal with the "depoliticized" CDHRF.

He was well received by the LDK, because his authority was

important for the reputation of this political organization too,
apart from any other individual. He had undisputable influence,
especially on the former political prisoners, which, if he wanted
to keep them close, he could activate them anytime.

Demaçi still has the sufficient authority even today, to make the
important change in the political life of Kosova. However, he
didn't make us of it, he used it a bit for a concrete political
activity and restrained himself to "criticizing from the
distance", especially the LDK. On the other hand, it is a well
known circumstance that after the First Convention, the
organizing structure of the LDK was filled up with people who
called Demaçi their spiritual leader. The same thing happened on
the Second Convention. Since 1991 an on, Demaçi is present in the
LDK, mainly as a person of indirect influence on the ones who
represented his political convictions, especially in the Central
Board. Finally, Demaçi got hold of Zëri and then Forumi, and thus
influenced the public? What did he say, something big and

- 24 -
important that the Albanian political subjects didn't fulfil?

Formally, his responsibility for what is going on in Kosova is

small, too small, morally it is big, equal to that of a political
leader. Unlike Demaçi, Qosja is always more reserved, he had
drawn a bigger distance from political subjects. His attempts
with the CDHRF, the National Reconciliation Assembly and the
Intellectuals' Forum, mainly came out unsuccessful. Nevertheless,
he remains a personality of great influence in Kosova. During
these stormy years, he will publish some books of political
content, he will give many interviews and will ruthlessly
criticize all, without any exemption, the political leaders in
Kosova and their colleagues in Albania. His charisma is built up
on this criticism and today I call him the generator of the
critical Albanian thought, regardless of whether I agree to what
he says and makes public. In fact the main problem relies on the
exclusive right to criticize and the exclusive right to think
politically and not act politically. However, the times which
passes, apart from proving the analysis which he made in regard
to the actual policy in relation to the national issue, it must
also prove the efficiency of criticism, respectively the level
of its acceptance. To have it more clearly: an ordinary person
can easily ask a question - how long will this last, to have one
party act, to lead a wrong national policy, while the other side,
an individual, analyzes, criticizes and ascertains that it is
totally wrong. Until when? If this policy is really wrong and if
there were other solutions and options, why weren't the political
subjects, individuals or the people convinced about it
previously? I am surprised that the public in Kosova and
elsewhere continues consuming these invented misunderstandings,
by both sides, in the times when its physical existence is in
danger.

It would be unjust, biased and incorrect, not to say that LDK's

posture, toward the small parties and these two individuals was
reasonable always, it was always just and it, the LDK, has always
acted towards them not as towards people who have the right to
think and speak out differently, but as if Kosova had already a
statal frame and if its political scene were lacking the struggle
for power. How absurd such an action was, needs no argument. Time
proved how long our path was, that we must have changed the
posture and must have created a unique front, create the team of
the "unity through differences", grounding ourselves on the
undisputable consensus of the national issue. This was not done
by us who established the LDK nor by the ones who came
afterwards. It will be maybe a moral stain of ours, not to give
up on the internal political conflicts, because we were in a more
favorable position to do so, it was our turn, we were the ones
to listen to criticism and different opinions, sometimes even
political blackmail, because we ought have known that monopoly

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and exclusiveness would lead us, precisely us, to the greatest
responsibility. We ought have known that the burden of Kosova's
issue, the national question is much bigger than our strength.

Today, after so much time has passed and when it is more than
clear that we need a huge mobilization to come out from the end
we have sunk into, we don't have the enough civic courage to
reveal our mistakes and where we are still making mistakes. Let's
say that both Demaçi and Qosja made mistakes and that they were
acting in respect to the LDK from a unreasonable and unnecessary
position, that they too had their leading ambitions, that one
didn't get along well with Rugova and the other wouldn't stand
Agani, etc. etc. But they were individuals, while we were a party
with a huge membership and we had in our hands a sort of official
propaganda, we had the organization structures and we had general
support. Why was it then necessary to denigrate morally and
politically the one or the other in the LDK branches and sub-
branches meetings? Let's say that we did it without thinking
much, but then, where were the others to tell us that we were
doing wrong? It is totally irrelevant who said this and which one
of us rejected this idea. It is important that this posture was
developed by the LDK and that none of the members of the
Presidency opposed it.

It is true that, initially, there were no signs of our cold

relations, as they came out to be later. It is true that we asked
Qosja to become Chairman of the LDK, and to me, this request was
as serious as the foundation of this party. But it is also true
that the proposal to have Qosja appointed prime-minister of
Kosova is a cynical and immoral political game, with the only
implication: to have him eliminated from the political scene for
good once he rejects the proposed.

It was well known beforehand that Qosja would not accept, and
this was precisely the reason why he was offered the post.
to be continued

MACEDONIA

PRIVATE HOUSES FOR FRESHMEN, PRISON FOR THE RECTOR

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

On Wednesday, May 3, justice Zorica Eftimovska, on behalf of the

jury and "in the name of the people" pronounced the verdict,
according to which "the accused Fadil Sulejmani and Milaim Fejzi
are found guilty". In both cases their guilt represents a crime.
In the case of Sulejmani "because he made a call to resistance"

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while Fejziu "because he participated in a crowd preventing an
officer to perform his duty". In accordance to the provisions of
the Penal Code of the Republic of Macedonia, "the accused F.
Sulejmani is sentenced to two years and six months in prison. The
accused M. Fejzi is sentenced to six months in prison" - said
Eftimovska. After this prosecutor Milosavlevski, requested that
Sulejmani be extended the detention term, while Fejziu be allowed
to defend himself in freedom. However, because of
"technicalities", after the sentence was made public, both of
them were taken to Shkup Prison.

They were greeted by the applause of a small group of citizens

who, under the spring rain, waited for "the last word of justice"
for over eight hours, not paying any attention to the presence
of the police forces "accommodated" in "Partizan" gym...

On the other hand, the judge, along with the prosecutor,

declining the defense of the accused and their defending
attorneys, stressed that "in this way and with this sentence the
objectives foreseen in Art. 33 of the Criminal Code of the
Republic of Macedonia will be accomplished and that the sentence
will educationally motivate the accused...".

Both accused stressed in their final statement that they don't

feel guilty. Attorney Abdylaqif Saliu, after the trial was over,
declared to KOHA that this "verdict is not a real expression of
the administered proofs during the trial...", while his colleague
Gjyran Dema, said that "this court has applied the provisions of
the Communist Yugoslavia, which it still uses. And it didn't even
apply them in the way it should, for in the concrete case, no
crime has been committed".

The judicial system in Macedonia has not been completed yet. The
announcements are that this will be achieved soon, and this is
maybe why Justice Eftimovska had "reasons" enough to have a copy
of the (commented) Criminal Code of Serbia on her judge's
desk...!?

And as it has become a habit, the Albanian political parties and

other organisms, again protested: they displayed the last trial
against Albanians as a framed political trial, and the
continuation of pressure against Albanian education; as a
continuation of the policy of condemning ideas, thoughts,
projects which are in function of the development of Albanians.

Albanians are arrested, condemned or killed to prove that the

state is strong, or on the contrary the state will be
destabilized. All requested the liberation of the condemned,
asking for such actions of the government against Albanians to
stop. Letters of protest and meetings will continue, to thus

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manifest the disposition "against the framed political trials
against Albanians and degenerating tendencies, which endanger the
interests of the Albanian population".

The (non) participation of a political subject in a meeting of

protest, will cause the "differentiation" in cafeterias and tea-
shops, about who "is more" and who is "less" Albanian, while in
the meantime, our colleague from Tetovan TV-Art tells us that
after the meeting of protest in Tetova a policeman had stated
that if a house of a gypsy would have been destroyed, all of them
would have protested, so, thus the participation of about 10
thousand protesters, was a good test for the parties which
organized the protest and "make them think" about their
membership and debate more seriously about the "next local
elections".

Macedonian political parties, as well as high governmental

officials have not made any public pronunciation about the
"Tetova trial". However, the Chairman of the Democratic Party -
the extra-parliamentarian opposition, Petar Gosev, told the
author of these sentences, that the "opening of the so called
University of Tetova" is anti-constitutional and illegal... which
is an identical posture to that of the Government. Therefore it
is logical, says Gosev, that every anti-constitutional act
implies the sanctions as well: "Therefore, people who tried to
establish a university contrary to the Constitution of the
Republic of Macedonia and the Law on Superior Education, simply
said, undergo legal sanctions. And this refers not only to these
people but any citizen of Macedonia. Nevertheless, I believe that
the government was too late in this respect. It didn't react on
time, it allowed the situation to become complicated and instead
of solving it through dialogue, it had to intervene with police
forces. According to me, the organizers should have persisted in
their peaceful protest in regard to the ban on the University,
because this right belongs to any citizen, according to the
Constitution. But, since there is opposition to the decisions of
the government, then legal sanctions are applied. There is
criminal responsibility of the organizers, because the meeting
of protest turned into a meeting with interventions and one
mortal victim. However, I believe that the sanctions imposed
against these two actors are within the maximum determined by the
Criminal Code of Macedonia. I personally believe that the
sentences will be reduced following the appeal". Asked how he
looks upon the problem of the Albanian education in Macedonia,
he replied: "All citizens of the Republic of Macedonia must have
good conditions for education. The use of one's mother tongue in
the area of education is a very important issue and there must
be serious discussions about this matter and how to act. The
posture of our party is that Macedonia, since it already has two
Universities, has no conditions not even for one University,

- 28 -
according to the standards we are wishing to reach, not to say
three. The solution of this issue through permanent discussion
about the use of the language, must be done within the framework
of the existing universities of the republic. And not create a
new University" - concludes Gosev.

Last Thursday, the Municipal Court of Tetova also condemned Qemal

Shabani to one year in prison. He was also implicated in the
events, but was accused of illegal possession of weapons. On May
8, as it was announced, Nevzat Halili, Chairman of the PDP-PUP
will also face trial under the accusation of "having participated
in the crowd...".

In Tetova, students continue going to classes; Tetovans have

started preparing the "sitting rooms" for freshmen, while on the
Shkup-Tetova-Shkup highway, police and UN vehicles are most often
seen. On last Friday, in a police polygon called Jerebine - just
besides the highway, policemen were training - shooting from
their fire-arms...

INTERVIEW

JOKHAR DUDAYEV, President of the Republic of Chechenya

WAR WILL LAST ANOTHER 50 YEARS

Interviewed by TOOMAS KUMMELL / STINA / Argum

Dudayev was interviewed by Estonian journalists Kummell and

Talvits who will include the broad interview both in their book
and movie about Chechenya. The short version of the interview is
published thanks to the mediation of Split's agency STINA which
has obtained the exclusive publishing rights, and which has
specially relayed it to KOHA.

* What happened in Chechenya during your short term independence?

DUDAYEV: We have advanced in a series of areas: economic

development, political-administrative development, economic
program, social and spiritual program.

Compared to 1985, production in 1990 had decreased 32%, while in

1994 it had increased 89%. We have constructed 27 forms of
strategic production at world's level. We had renewed the whole
technology for the production and refinishing of oil, and in the
other industry as well. We created an economic program which the
others in the Former Soviet Union didn't have strength to do.

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* Russia attacked Chechenya with huge forces, while your people
are fighting back the Russian army since six months now. How?

DUDAYEV: This secret is there since 300 years ago, the time
Chechens have spent struggling against the evil and Russia's
violence. It is very hard to express all this violence in words,
today, and which would be understandable to a normal person. How
is it possible that alive persons were thrown from helicopters?

How is it possible to have a whole military unit rape one woman?

How is it possible that innocent civilians are hit from all

weapons? Let us suppose that this is an attack against Muslims.

But if the church is full of old people, women and children which
found shelter with Christ? With precise shelling and regulated
correction, churches were shelled. This is how a merciless hybrid
looks like when given a weapon.

* Now Russia would like to suggest to the world that Chechenya

has a strong opposition. What is opposition, what if opposition
is mentioned to Chechens, would the answer be, there is no
opposition, there are only traitors?

DUDAYEV: The whole world knows that there has never been an
opposition, neither is there any. Russia gathers groups of
bandits around Russia, promoting them as fully armed
oppositionists and who were paid enormous amounts of money.

Tanks, military means, planes, "Grades", "Smers", "Hurricanes";

specially trained criminals on Russia's territory on the border
with Chechenya; special Russian soldiers and special services,
which were joined by a part of Chechen criminals. And all of this
"Russian salad" is called opposition. Then they go all over, they
head toward Grozny, they attack it several times, they occupy the
place, dislocate their headquarters, ruin and conquer
territories, and this is "opposition a la Russia", and in essence
it is only Russianism.

* What are the consequences of Russianism?

DUDAYEV: Nagorni Karabakh is totally destroyed. Abhazia has

seceded from Georgia. They are at war with Georgia, Armenia,
Azerbaijan... and in fact, all of these are acts of the Russian
secret services, the Russian army, Russian weaponry, etc. All of
it started with the Baltic states, but they didn't achieve what
they wanted. But I can guarantee you that they have prepared a
special plan for this area too.

The Russian plans till the end of the year are the following: in

- 30 -
Caucasus: Ajaria, Abhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Lesginistan - must
be separated from Azerbeijan and Dagestan, Southern Osetia must
be under full Russian control, with dislocated jurisdiction,
secret service and army on its territory. Then, from Caucasus up
to the Caspic Sea, the idea is to colonize the region with
"colonist workers"; from the far North, Far East, the unoccupied
territories of Vostok, Siberia, Ural, as well as the colonization
of territories rich in oil, pushing Dagestanians upwards and thus
giving them a new demographic structure with the domination of
Russification and Russianism. These are the plans for Caucasus,
followed by Caspic oil, the transporting magistral. Then comes
Crimea -its full occupation. Lithuania: the corridor from Belarus
through Kaliningrad, a zone under Russian jurisdiction and army.
Estonia: Narva's region under full occupation. Central Asia:
Kazakhstan, Kirkhistan, under full Russian jurisdiction. The
first steps have been undertaken - military bases, presence,
customs and border services...

If the world, I speak with full responsibility, does not make a

State of Law out of Russia, the world is facing serious threats.

* In May last there was an attempt against your life. How many
of those attempts were there and why does Russia fear so much
from a Dudayev?

DUDAYEV: I don't remember the number of attempts. In essence

Russia applies an open terrorism, and this can't be called an
attempt any more. Planes fly over whole building inhabited with
many families. This is what you call an attempt? Maybe in Russian
this is what it means. Only with one movement of the pen, Yeltsin
has allowed 150 billions of Rubles and 500 millions of dollars
to be spent and oust Dudayev from power. Only with one document!

The special headquarters has been preparing the action four

years. Take a look at the documents: take a look at the program
of how to destroy a people, how to deport a whole people. Many
towns and regions which were to be colonized and constructed
became in four years alone special towns of cabins reserved for
Chechens!

* Where are these places?

DUDAYEV: Saratovska, Orenburska and the Volgograd region. Two

years later, the Chechen diaspora in Russia was suggested to
leave, everything was set, they were told, go, live, work. They
even showed this kind of town on TV. My misfortune was that I
knew about these plans. It was a statal program. Chernomyrdin was
supposed to sign the evacuation plan, while Art. 8 states:
"Deportation with no right to return", which is being applied.
This means that planes fly, bombs fall and explode, the towns are

- 31 -
destroyed, Chechens flee, they colonize, they are deported, or
"are saved from air strikes and shelling" coming, of course, from
Dudayev's bands. All of us have experienced this. It is the
seventh time we are imposed this path. Thus they have deported
us, and right now there are 7 million people from the Caucasus
in Turkey, and about 15 million were killed and deported. We have
gone through all of this. And we won't allow it any more!

* Many volunteers have said that if it war, then let there be war
in Russia too, so the Russians understand what war is. Why were
you always against attacking Russian towns?

DUDAYEV: Terror is the last means. I have once stated and I

repeated that attacks on Russian territory are not only terror
but a legality, and it doesn't depend on me, whether I want it
or not. Over 300 thousand men from 17 to 50 years of age are
homeless, without means of existence, without jobs, and generally
without the right to live, and they have only one duty since some
years ago - the military one, and I don't have the strength to
keep them here. This war can be a long war and will have long-
term consequences. I can't hold them any more. I am speaking out,
we need the continuation of war with Russia: Russia will
ultimately burn down with us! Or, we will together emerge from
this situation Russia has imposed on us. There is no intermeriate
solution! The lucky circumstance for Russia and the world is that
the situation is still under control. However, I wouldn't be
angry at all if this process gets out of my control.

* Why did you choose to become a military while you were young?

DUDAYEV: As far as I remember, I spiritually couldn't agree with

the violence applied against my people. Thus, in order to test
my strength, I decided to test the most prohibited thing for the
Chechens - the profession prohibited by the state - that of a
pilot.

* Where do you think that the "Chechen Mafia" derives from in

Russian press?

DUDAYEV: The preparations for what is happening now started in

1989. For the sake of patching up the empire with a new veil,
a "Chechen sample" was needed: they had to be presented as
criminal and mob-like people. Now this has failed and they have
turned the page and have created a totally new image, and now
there is no "mafia" any longer, but now we have "Islamic
fundamentalists". This myth has burst too, but this is not
important for Russia, for it, it is important to blame the
Chechens, even though there is an enormous gap between the
Islamic fundamentalism and the mafia. And now they wish to show
to the world that their aim is the war of Christianity against

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Islam, forgetting that Russia has no faith.

* How long will war last and when will it end?

DUDAYEV: Even though it may take occasional breaks, it will last

for at least another 50 years. It will grow until Russia will
stop existing as a state.

- 33 -
APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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