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ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR KUNST UND KULTUR IM BERGBAU
BEIHEFT 9
The Beginnings of Metallurgy
Proceedings of the International Conference
„The Beginnings of Metallurgy",
Bochum 1995
Editors:
Andreas Hauptmann
Ernst Pernicka
Thilo Rehren
Ünsal Yalçin
Bochum
1999
The International Symposium „The Beginnings of
Metallurgy" was supported by the Volkswagen
Stiftung, Hannover, by Kontron Phystech GmbH,
Eching/Munich, and by Norddeutsche Affinerie,
Hamburg.
The publication of the proceedings was supported
by Deutsches BergbauMuseum Bochum and
Vereinigung der Freunde für Kunst und Kultur im
Bergbau e.V., Bochum.
Montanhistorische Zeitschrift DER ANSCHNITT. Beiheft 9
= Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen
BergbauMuseum, Nr. 84
Druck
DZS GmbH Essen
Die Deutsche Bibliothek CIPEinheitsaufnahme
The beginnings of metallurgy: proceedings of the International
Conference The Beginnings of Metallurgy, Bochum 1995 /
Andreas Hauptmann ... Bochum: Dt. BergbauMuseum, 1999
(Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen BergbauMuseum
Bochum; Nr. 84) (Der Anschnitt: Beiheft: 9)
ISBN 3921533635
The Beginnings of Metallurgy Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 9, 1999
[p. 67]
Giorgi Leon Kavtaradze
The importance of metallurgical data for
the formation of a Central Transcaucasian
chronology
Archaeology in Georgia, as in other countries, is the science which studies human
activities in the past and tries to reconstruct this past as comprehensively as possible.
It was stated that the past is the main thing in our life, everything that exists belongs to
it (A. France). Indeed, to reconstruct the past, archaeology needs as many ingredients
based on the full range of technical and natural sciences as life itself is diverse. More
and more archaeology becomes a meeting field for various sciences.
As scientific development is easily attainable in the zones of contacts and interactions
between different sciences, completely new perspectives are opened for archaeology
through its integration in other sciences. Archaeometallurgy is among the most
important branches developed in consequence of this qualitative change or better: the
transformation of archaeology.
In Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, three laboratories carry out analysis of metal
artefacts: the State Museum of Georgia, the Metallurgical Institute and the Centre for
Archaeological Studies. The metal inventory was investigated by Josef Grdzelishvili,
Ferdinand Tavadze, Tamar Sakvarelidze, Rusudan Bachtadze, Tsisana Abesadze, Tina
Dvali, Givi Inanishvili, Teimuraz Mudzhiri, Natela Saradzhishvili and others.
The study of metal and other kinds of artefacts, together with chronological and
environmental studies, are usually considered as three of the prime areas of modem
archaeological science. At the same time chronological studies are essentially
connected with artefact studies. Already in the first half of the 19th century, Christian
Thomson based the first archaeological periodisation on the kind of substances used
for the artefacts and classified archaeological material by the chronological order as
belonging to the Stone, Bronze and Iron Ages. This correlation of time and type of
material in use was known even to the old Greeks.
Among all types of artefacts, metal objects in general and tools and weapons in
particular, are subjected most of all to innovations the development of society is
considerably connected with their functional abilities. Therefore metallurgical data of
the ancient societies of one and the same geographical zone have, in contrast to the
data of other archaeological sources, such as pottery, architecture, burial habits and
others, which are more apt to indicate the genetical relations, a special importance in
the establishment of a relative chronology.
The first and second ..radiocarbon revolutions", the use of the radiocarbon dates for
the creation of absolute timescales first and the use of calibrated 14C dates
afterwards, provoked the separation of the areas dated by the 14C technique the
northern periphery of the Near East and Europe from the areas with historical
chronologies, /.e. the Near East. The separation of these two regions from each other
caused something like a "geological gap" a "fault line" between them (Renfrew 1973:
104, Figs. 20, 21). The need to fill this gap is an urgent task of the contemporary
archaeological studies. Besides the further improvement of the geochronological
methods, it demands an intensive stimulation of the research in the field of relative
chronology on both parts of the abovementioned gap, and, as much as it is possible,
to connect them.
One of the regions along the ,,fault line" is the Caucasus. Therefore chronological
problems of this region have paramount importance in the foundation of a general
Near Eastern East European chronological system; it seems that the Caucasus is an
important link in the Old World's chronological chain. The inclusion of the Caucasian
chronological evidence into the common Near Eastern East European chronological
system must be preceded by the formation of an allCaucasian chronological scale.
The Great Caucasian Ridge represents a barrier dividing the Caucasus in two main
parts: Transcaucasia or the South Caucasus, and the North Caucasus. At the same
time, the role of the pathes crossing it permits to consider the Caucasus as one and the
same geopolitical zone. Among the Caucasian regions Central Transcaucasia (i.e.
Eastern Georgia, old Iberia) holds a key position (Fig. 1) it is encircled by all other
Caucasian regions (Western, Southern and Eastern Transcaucasia, NorthWestern and
NorthEastern Caucasus), and therefore it represents a basis for the elaboration of the
allCaucasian chronological scale (Figs. 2, 3). [p. 68]
List of sites:
1. Alikemektepesi
2. Amiranis Gora
3. Arich
4. ArukhIo/Nakhiduri
5. Arslantepe
6. Baba Dervish
7. Bashkapsaara
8. Berikideebi
9. Chalagan Tepe
10. Dalma Tepe
11. Delisi
12. Didube
13. Dikha Gudzuba
14. Dzagina
15. Gargalar Tepesi
16. Garni
17. Gawra
18. Ghrmakhevistavi
19. Geoy Tepe
20. Gudabertka
21. Guru Dere
22. Gutansar
23. Habuba Kabira
24. Halaf
25. Hassek Höyük
26. Horom
27. llanly Tepe
28. Imiris Gora
29. Ispani
30. Jebel Aruda
31. Karashamb
32. Karaz
33. Karmirberd
34. Khizanaant Gora
35. Khramebi
36. Khramis Didi Gora
37. Kiketi
38. Koreti
39. Kül Tepe
40. Kurban Höyük
41. Kvardzakheti
42. Kvatskhelebi
43. Machara
44. Martqopi
45. Metekhi
46. Misharchai
47. Mokhra Blur
48. Murgul
49. Nakhidrebis Chala
50. Pichori
51. Pulur (Sakyol)
52. Sagebi
53. Sagvardzhile
54. Samsat
55. Satkhe
56. Shomu Tepe
57. Shulaveri
58. Sioni (Aragvi r.)
59. Sioni (Shulaveri r.)
60. Teghut
61. Tell Sotto
62. Tell Qanas
63. Tepecik
64. Tetri Mgvime
65. Toira Tepe
66. Tsartsis Gora
67. Tsitelisopeli
68. Tsopi
69. Tvlepias Tskaro
70. Uch Tepe
71. Ulevari
72. Urbnisi
73. Verin Naver
74. Yanik Tepe
75. Yarim Tepe
76. Zaargash
77. Zeiani
78. Zhinvali
79. Zophkhito
80. Ananauri
81. Ghait Mazi
82. Ghebi
83. Keti
84. Kvemo Sarali
85. Tsikhia Gora
86. Nineveh 87. Taşkun Mevkii 88. Nadarbazevi
89. Irganchai
90. Ozni
91. Kulbakebi2. Medzhvriskhevi
93. Chagar Bazar
94. Hassuna
95. UstJegutinski
96. Bakurtsikhe
97. Telebi
98. Sachkhere
99. Vanadzor
100. Iğdir
As a background for the map a sketched map was used made by P. Wilski in 1909 (v.
LehmannHaupt 1910). [p. 69]
NORTHWESTERN NORTH
WESTERN EASTERN
B.C. AND CENTRAL EASTERN ARMENIA AZERBAIJAN
GEORGIA GEORGIA
CAUCASUS CAUCASUS
KAYAKENT NOSIRI IV KHOJALIKEDABEK
LBA STAGE III
1000 KNOROCHAI LATE BRONZE
HIATUS (?) EARLY IRON AGE
CULTURE AGE LCHASHEN
KOBAN METSAMOR CULTURE
KUBAN CULTURE NOSIRI III LBA STAGE 11
LBA EARLY
GRAVES
STAGE
STAGE III TRANSITIONAL KIKOVAKAN MBA STAGE IV
CAUCASIAN NOSIRI II STAGE TRIAIETI STAGE <T>
FOOTHIILS C. MBA PERIOD III OF THE
CULTURE TRIALETI MBA STAGE III
NOSIRI I CUITURE
STAGE II
STAGE I NORTH
MBA PERIOD II SEVAN OZERLIK MBA STAGE II
CAUCASIAN C.
DIKHA
2000
GUDZUBA
SACHKHERE
BATINKALE OCHAMCHIRE
DAI SAMELEKLDE I
MACHARA IV KARMIRBERD
GINCHI
SAMELEKLDE II MBA PERIOD I (TAZAKEND) MBA STAGE I
CULTURE
CULTURE
NOVOSVOBODNAYA
STAGE SAMELE KLDE
USTJEGUTINSK III ANASEULI II
MAIKOP STAGE ODISHI
ANASEULI I
UCHTEPE,STEPANAKERT
BEDENI
KA C. STAGE III KHACHENAGET
CULTURE
KA C. STAGE II KURGANS, KUC STAGEIII
& EBA STAGE III
III
CHIRKEY
(SETTLEMENT)
GEMETIUBE
EBA STAGE II KUC STAGE III
UPPER L.
KURAARAXES
GALGALATLI I
CULTURE or KURAARAXES CULTURE
3000 GEMETIUBE I KA C. STAGE I
EBA. EBA STAGE STAGE II
LOWER LAYER
I
3500 LATE
4000 ENEOLITHIC or
DIDUBEKIKETI
5000
STAGE OF KA C.
ALIKEMEK TEPESI
SIONI UPPER LEVELS
(THE SHULAVERI TEGUT
MESHOKO LOWER RAVINE) SHULAVERI KIULTEPE I
LAYERS SHULAVERI SHOMU TEPE SHULAVERI SHOMU
NALCHIK SHOMU TEPE ENEOLITHIC (or TEPE ENEOLITHIC (or
CEMETERY ENEOLITHIC (or NEOLITHIC) NEOLITHIC) CULTURE
6000
GINCHI LOWER NEOLITHIC) CULTURE
LEVEL CULTURE
Fig. 2: Traditional chronological framework for the EneolithicBronze Age cultures of the Caucasus.
The Early Farming cultures
The earliest metal artefacts of the Caucasian zone originated from this region
Central Transcaucasia. They appeared in the layers of the settlements of Shulaveri
Shomu Tepe culture of Central and Eastern Transcaucasia in sites on the middle flow
of Kura Khramis Didi Gora and Arukhlo/Nakhiduri I in SouthEastern Georgia and
Gargalar Tepesi in the western part of Azerbaijan. In the lower levels (VII, VI) of
Khramis Didi Gora, in a depth of 5.09 m, a semicircular hollow object with pointed
ends and four beads were found (Kiguradze 1986: 93f.; Menabde et al. 1980: 34) with
following contents: Cu high, Sn 0.03, Pb 0.001, Ag 0.002, Fe 0.02 and Cu
high, Sn 0.001, Ag 0.002, Fe 0.01 (Tavadze et al. 1987: 46). In the unstratified
layers of Arukhlo/Nakhiduri I, an unidentified object of metal plate was detected
(Dzhavakhishvili et al. 1987: 8). A cylindrical bead made of twisted plate was
discovered in Gargalar Tepesi (Arazova et al. 1972: 435). According to R. Munchaev,
it is similar to the beads excavated by him (together with N. Merpert) in the Hassuna
period levels of Yarim Tepe I, in the Sindzhar [p. 70]
NORTH
NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL WESTERN EASTERN
B.C. EASTERN ARMENIA AZERBAIJAN
CAUCASUS GEORGIA GEORGIA
CAUCASUS
KAYAKENT EARLY IRON KHOJALI
KHOROCHAI AGE KEDABEK
1000 NOSIRI IV
L CULTURE
KOBAN CULTURE PHASE III
BA
LATE BRONZE
KUBAN AGE
CULTURE MBA STAGE IV
NOSIRI III PHASE II
PHASE I
PHASE II KIKOVAKAN
NCCSTAGE III TRIALETI MBA STAGE III
PHASE I STAGE
MB
NOSIRI II SEVAN
A OZERLIK
KARMIRBERD
NCC (CAUCASIAN FOOTHIILS Cult.) CULTURE (MBA
(TAZAKEHD)
STAGE Il STAGE Il)
2000 CULTURE
E B
NOSIRI I A
DIKHA
GUDZUBA I
BELTINSKI SACHKHERE
CEMETERY OCHAMCHIRE
GATINKALE SAMELEKLDE PHASE III B
DAI I TRIALETI
GINCHI MACHARA IV Cult.
MIDDLE BRONZE
CULTURE SAMELE A AGE STAGE I
KLDE II
NORTHCAUCASIAN Cult. STAGE l
SAMELE
KLDE III
ANASEULI II
ODISHI
B STEPANAKERT
EBA PHASE KA Cult. KHACHENAGET
II STAGE III KURGANS
BEDENI KA C. STAGE III
Cult. A ^
CHIRKEY
(SETTLEMENT)
3000
GEMETIUBE EBA PHASE
NOVOTITAROVSK.NOVOSVOBODN. I C
UPPER
STAGE
USTJEGUTINSK
MAIKOP STAGE GALGALATLI I UCH TEPE
KA Culi.
GEMETIUBE I EBA PHASE KURGANS
STAGE II
LOWER LAYER I B KA C. STAGE II
A
KA Cult. KURAARAXES
STAGE I Cult. STAGE I
4000
LATE
ENEOLITHIC
STAGE (KA C.)
5000 ALIKEMEKTEPESI
MIDDLE
UPPER LEVELS
ENEOLITHIC
(SIONI) TEGUT
MESHOKO LOWER LAYERS
KIUL TEPE I
NALCHIK CEMETERY GINCHI
LOWER LEVEL
SHULAVERI SHULAVERI
6000 SHOMU TEPE SHOMU TEPE
SHULAVERI
CULTURE CULTURE
SHOMU TEPE
CULTURE
Fig. 3: Proposed chronological framework for the EneolithicBronze Age cultures of the Caucasus.
Figs. 2 and 3 were presented at the Soviet American archaeological Symposium held in Tbilisi
Sighnaghi, Georgia, in September October 1988.
valley, Iraq (Munchaev 1982; cf. Merpert & Munchaev 1977: 157, Fig. 1.4.) (Fig. 4.1).
These levels of Yarim Tepe are dated to the first half of the sixth millennium B.C.
(Porada et al. 1992: vol. l: 8183; vol. II: 94, Fig. 2).
All Transcaucasian sites mentioned above belong to the final stage of the Shulaveri
Shomu Tepe culture according to the periodization by Georgian archaeologists
(Kiguradze 1986: 100). The dating of ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture is based on
radiocarbon dates. According to the calibrated 14C dates, this culture belongs mainiy
to the sixth millennium. The 14C dates of this culture are: Shulaveris Gora, 0.2 m,
52134460 cal B.C. (TB15), 2.4 m, 56775330 cal B.C. (TB16). Repeated analyses
of the same sample (TB16) are: TB72, 55885482 cal B.C. and SOAN1292, 5064
4832 cal B.C. Shulaveris Gora, 1.6 m, 56215522 cal B.C. (LE1099), 0.1 m, 5416
5077 cal B.C. (LE1100); Imiris Gora, from the levels IVI, 53325077 cal B.C. (TB
27); ArukhIo/Nakhiduri l, upper strata, 54735384 cal B.C. (TB92), level II, 5671
5584 cal B.C. (TB277), lower strata, 60075886 cal B.C. (TB300), level VI, 5677
5585 cal B.C. (TB309); Khramis Didi Gora, level V, 55605386 cal B.C. (LJ3270),
middle strata, 54335291 [p. 71] cal B.C. (TB301), 5.4 m, 54465342 cal B.C. (TB
322); Gargalar Tepesi, lower strata, 52004944 cal B.C. (LE1084), lowest stratum,
56625579 cal B.C. (LE1083); Toira Tepe, 2 m, 52084839 cal B.C. (TF372); Shomu
Tepe, 1 m, 64136221 cal B.C. (LE631). Calibrated 14C dates partially solve the
discrepancy between the Near Eastern parallels dated to the seventhsixth millennia
and the uncalibrated 14C dates of the ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture which were
largely placed in the fifth millennium (all the dates used here are obtained with one
sigma, v. Stuiver & Reimer 1993: 215230). We bear in mind the assumption about the
special closeness of this culture in all stages of its existence with the Hassuna culture
on the one hand and with the Umm DabaghiahTell Sotto culture of the PreHalafian
period on the other.
It seems that the decorations of the UmmDabaghiah pottery are not as analogous to
the ornaments of the Arukhlo/Nakhiduri I, as J. Mellaart thought (Mellaart 1975:
304), but to the pottery of an earlier site Imiris Gora (cf. Kavtaradze 1981: Table I
and II). As to some Georgian archaeologists, a similarity can also be observed
between small figurines of the upper levels of Khramis Didi Gora a site which
belongs to the final stage of the ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture and similar figurines
which were discovered in the layers of the Hassuna, Samarra and Halaf cultures
(Glonti et al. 1975: 97). All these Mesopotamian cultures and sites are dated mainly to
the sixth millennium, and it is obvious that the ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture from
the point of view of typological and chronological data is quite comparable with them
the same stage of their development can be stated without any doubt.
Although all metal artefacts of the ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture originate from the
building layers of its later stage, it seems possible to consider this culture as mainly
Early Eneolithic (Chalcolithic) because of the obvious signs observed by some
specialists the degradation of flint industry and impoverishment of the sets of stone
tools, together with a lack of certain categories of artefacts, e.g. geometrical
microliths as a mass series from its layers known up till now as the lowest
(Chubinishvili & Chelidze 1978: 66; Chelidze 1979: 30).
We must also take into account the favourable conditions existing in Transcaucasia for
metallurgical activities. There, in the mountains, accumulations of the products of
oxidation zone were formed; the layers of copper on the surface could have satisfied
the needs of early metalworkers. Exactly the southern region of Central Transcaucasia
is supposed to be the basis of raw material for the development of initial copper
metallurgy in the Caucasus.
Although there were requirements available for the development of local
metalworking, nothing definite can be said about the first steps of metallurgy in the
Caucasus, and particularly in Central Transcaucasia. It is supposed that metal artefacts
of the Early Farming culture were made of local arseniccopper ores, but it is not clear
how the early metallurgists extracted the ore.
More than thirty years ago, in the Marneuli district, south of Tbilisi, near the village
of Tsitelisopeli, traces of an ancient working place with lumps of slags and large
grooved stone hammers were discovered (Lordkipanidze 1989: 104, note 11). These
objects are quite similar to the wellknown hammers (chisels) found in
Arukhlo/Nakhiduri I, Kül Tepe I and other early sites. Such chisels are thought to have
been used for the extraction of ore, but an exact dating of this working place cannot be
considered as finally solved, because similar tools were also characteristic of the
KuraAraxes culture of the fourth and third millennia (Chubinishvili 1971: 30;
Kushnareva & Chubinishvili 1970: 113, Fig. 5, 19).
Thirty years ago, it was thought that metalworking was introduced into Transcaucasia
only at the time of the KuraAraxes culture from the Near East. Today the same
questions are raised in connection with the Early Farming culture of Transcaucasia.
We must take into account the metal artefacts of the South Transcaucasian Early
Farming sites (e.g., Kül Tepe, Teghut etc.) too, which mainly belong to a time rather
later than the Central and Eastern Transcaucasian ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture, and
because of that there is no sufficient reason to unite it with the latter.
In Central Transcaucasia, the culture of this period, tentatively referred by us to the
Middle Eneolithic Age, is represented by Tsopi, Sioni of the Shulaveri ravine, Delisi,
the lowest level of Berikldeebi, sites of the Aragvi ravine and the Alazani valley. This
culture is intermediate between the ShulaveriShomu Tepe and the earliest materials
of the KuraAraxes culture and displays a certain similarity with the preceding and
subsequent cultures.
The metal artefacts supposedly of this period were detected in Delisi (northwestern
part of Tbilisi). They represent bronze pins and an awl which contain, together with
other elements, up to 4% tin. Apart from the chemical composition of such early
artefacts dated even by the traditional chronology to the end of the fifth beginning of
the fourth millennia (Abesadze & Bakhtadze 1987: 51), certain doubts arise
concerning the circumstances of their discovery.
Unfortunately we have only one 14C date for this period from Zhinvali in the Aragvi
ravine, 52064807 cal B.C. (TB326). Therefore, in order to date the Middle
Eneolithic culture of Central Transcaucasia, an attempt can be made by taking into
consideration the data from contemporary sites of other parts of Transcaucasia, which
at the same time are richer in metal inventory. E.g. in the lowest level of Kül Tepe I of
Nakhichevan, considered as contemporary with the final stage of the ShulaveriShomu
Tepe culture, seven copper artefacts: a small quatrilateral piercer, a rhomboic copper
plate [p. 72] object (maybe an arrowhead), two beads and three fragments of
unidentified objects were discovered (Fig. 4.25). All of them, except the quatrilateral
piercer, were found in the depth of 1817 m and contained an admixture of arsenic; the
piercer, which apart from arsenic also has nickel (1.6%), was discovered in a depth of
15.05 m (Abibulaev 1963: 161f, Fig. 4; id. 1982: 78f; Selimkhanov & Torosiyan 1969:
230).
It was supposed that because of the absence of nickelcopper deposits in the Caucasus
this object was imported to Kül Tepe from the Near East (Kushnareva & Chubinishvili
1970: 120, 129), but nickel is characteristic of easternmost Georgian, Kakhetian,
artefacts of later times (Abesadze 1980: 148). The fact that in the depth of 19 m of Kül
Tepe l, a pot, typical of the Halaf culture, was found, is usually considered as an
indication of the connection of the eneolithic population of Transcaucasia with the
Near East.
We must underline the fact that in the same lower levels of Kül Tepe l, in a depth of
16.8520.84, of all the eneolithic layers between 12.18 and 21.1 m, together with
Halafian Imports, sherds of the Dalma painted wäre of the Solduz valley of North
West Iran were found (Munchaev 1975:128f). The Dalma culture undoubtedly is
contemporary with Ubaid 3 (Voigt 1992: 158, 175), and it seems that the lower levels
of Kül Tepe l must be dated to the period, when the end of the Halaf culture was
slightly overlapped with the Early Northern Ubaid, that means to the beginning of the
fifth millennium. We can consider this date as a terminus post quem for the later
layers of Kül Tepe l as well as for the Middle Eneolithic period of Transcaucasia, and
at the same time as a terminus ante quem for the ShulaveriShomu Tepe culture or the
Early Eneolithic.
The 14C date for Kül Tepe l from a depth of 18.2 m is 47634506 cal B.C. (LE477),
somewhat later than the 14C date of the Dalma culture 49474782 cal B.C. (P503).
The stratigraphy of Dalma Tepe is usefui from the point of view of the chronology of
Transcaucasian sites. As it was observed, if the painted pottery typical of the lower
levels of this site was represented in the Kül Tepe l and MilKarabagh sites, then the
Impressed Ware, typical of the Late Dalma, was found in llanly Tepe and the sites of
Misharchai and Guru Dere l in the steppe of Mughan, Azerbaijan (Munchaev 1975:
128f). At the same time, the Late Dalma Impressed Ware provides a chronological
link with the Early Siahbid phase in the Kermanshah region and it is not represented
in the Late Siahbid deposits (Voigt 1992: 158, 175). Sherds of Dalma Impressed Ware
are also found at the Ubaid sites as Abada and Kheit Qasim in the Hamrin and Yorgan
Tepe near Kirkuk. On the other hand, at Dalma Tepe sherds characteristic of Tepe
Gawra XVI (or of the Ubaid 3 period) are represented (Voigt 1992:175). Because of
that, a dating of the layers of Dalma Tepe and the Transcaucasian sites containing
Early and Late Dalma Ware in the first half and middle of the fifth millennium B.C.,
can be proposed.
From East Transcaucasian sites metal artefacts were found in Chalagan Tepe (near
Agdam) two copper pins in the burials and an awl in a building level
(Dzhavakhishvili et a/. 1987: 8). The 14C date of this site is 5411 5259 cal B.C. (TB
318). Also in Azerbaijan, in the steppe of Mughan, in Alikemektepesi, a copper bead
and an awl were found (Dzhavakhishvili et al. 1987: 8). This site is important from the
chronological point of view, because in the lower levels material comparable to the
Kül Tepe l was discovered, and in the upper levels pottery of the North Ubaid type,
similar to the examples found at the Armenian site Teghut (Narimanov 1980: 93,
102f, 271; cf. Munchaev 1975: 120). This fact has a special importance for defining
the chronological Position of the Central Transcaucasian Middle Eneolithic because in
Alikemektepesi, in the upper levels, aside from pottery of the North Ubaid type,
sherds with combed surface and burnished interior (Narimanov 1980: 78, 208) like the
pottery from Sioni, and quite unknown in Kül Tepe l, were found.
Several metal objects were discovered in Teghut, Ararat valley: a knife (Fig. 4.6), a
drill and two fragments of quadrilateral awls. All of them are made of arsenical
copper with an admixture of other minor components. The knife contained 5.4% of
arsenic, a piece of awl 3.6% (Selimkhanov & Mareshal 1966: 145f, Table 3). The fact
that certain types of copper artefacts, as weapons and tools, had for the time
concerned a rather high content of arsenic, was considered as an indication of the
existence of artificial alloys (Gevorkiyan 1980: 37; Narimanov & Dzafarov 1988: 22;
Kushnareva 1993: 205), but recently it was suggested that in a variety of areas the real
development of alloying probably only appeared with the use of tinbronze (Northover
1989:117).
The difference of admixtures in the content of the Transcaucasian metal inventory
usually is explained by various types of ores. For the southern part of Transcaucasia,
in Opposition to the northern regions, the deposits of DzhulfaZangezur, Madzor and
Kafan were possibly used (Dzhaparidze 1989: 229).
In the opinion of some archaeologists, a new ethnocultural element the group of the
tribes of the Ubaid culture spread at that time to the Caucasus (cf. Narimanov 1991:
32). But in this respect we must recall H. Nissen's Suggestion about the explanation of
the wide distribution of the Ubaidlike pottery with the introduction of the tournette or
„slowwheel" for the manufacture of pots (Nissen 1988: 46). We must also take into
consideration the possibility of an interconnection between the manufacture of the
highiy fired Ubaid pottery and the real smelting procedure of copper ore, attainable
only at a temperature higher than 1100 °C (cf. Pernicka 1990: 46, 117). [p. 73]
Fig. 4:1 Copper bead from Yarim Tepe I (Merpert & Munchaev 1977: Fig. 14); 2,3,4,5 Copper
inventory of Kül Tepe I (Munchaev 1982: Table XLII, 1922); 6 Copper knife from Teghut (ibid:
Table XLVIII, 11).
At the same time, it seems possible that the Tepe Gawra XI A Amuq F cultural
complex had hereditary ties, though perhaps not direct ones, with the Transcaucasian
Middle Eneolithic, particularly with the materials of its later stage, represented e.g. in
Teghut. Some kind of similarity can be observed in the pottery and figurines between
Tepe Gawra XI A and Teghut. Beside the rectangular houses, exclusively
characteristic of Tepe Gawra XII, in the subsequent XI A level also round houses
appeared (Tobler 1950: Tables VI, VIII), typical of the Early Farming culture of
Transcaucasia. It is interesting that the population of the XII and XI A levels used in
Tepe Gawra various types of copper ores. The copper of the later level differs in the
high content of arsenic together with some other components (nickel etc.) (Tobler
1950: 212).
As to Western Transcaucasia (i.e. Western Georgia, old Colchis), it is not quite clear
which copper deposits were used there. The first copper artefacts of this region, hooks
from Sagvardzhile, ascribed to the Eneolithic period, resemble the forms of bone
examples. At the same site also a quadrilateral awl, made of pure copper by cold
forging, was discovered (Lordkipanidze 1989: 67). In the eneolithic level of Tetri
Mgvime (near Kutaisi) a copper dart or a leaflike knife, which contained up to 0.7 %
of arsenic, was found (Abesadze & Bakhtadze:1987: 51).
The 14C date of Machara IV (Abkhazia) is 47544495 cal B.C. (LE1347).
In the following Early Bronze Age the Western Transcaucasian metal inventory was
manufactured already of arseniccopper alloys. Moulds of axes were discovered in
Ispani (near Kobuleti) and also in Pichori (near Gali) of the later type; in both sites
together with other signs of metallurgical activities.
The KuraAraxes culture
The remains comprising the material of the early stage of the KuraAraxes culture,
including the DidubeKiketi and Sioni (the lori river valley)Gremi groups, referred to
the Late Eneolithic period of Central Transcaucasia, have an extremely poor metal
inventory. In Central Transcaucasia the KuraAraxes culture is presumably dated
mainly to the fourth millennium, and apart from the Late Eneolithic it comprised the
first phase of the Early Bronze Age and partially, in the first quarter of the third
millennium, also the second phase of the same period.
The best known sites with fixed stratigraphy of the KuraAraxes culture of Central
Transcaucasia are Khizanaant Gora, Kvatskhelebi (near Kareli) and Tsikhia Gora
(near Kaspi) in the central and Amiranis Gora (Akhaltsikhe) in the southwestern
parts of the region. We have a few 14C dates for this period: 36443376 cal B.C. (LE
157) from Kvatskhelebi C 1; 36363356 cal B.C. (TB831) (this date, TB831, 2900
±110 B.C., is published with a halflife of 5730 ± 40 year in Makharadze 1994: 61)
from Tsikhia Gora, level B 2 of the final period of the KuraAraxes culture of Shida
Kartli, and 37903373 cal B.C. (TB4) and 36303048 cal B.C. (TB9) from Amiranis
Gora. The dates from Amiranis Gora are generally in agreement with the 14C date
received from the lowest layer of the same KuraAraxes culture in Pulur (Sakyol),
Eastern Anatolia: 35003336 cal B.C. (P2040). Other dates of the latter site are: level
IX, 28902409 cal B.C. (M2173), level VIII, 33462888 cal B.C. (M2172), [p. 74]
level VI, 28662203 cal B.C. (M2171), level V, 30922669 cal B.C. (M2170). It is
interesting that the earliest „KuraAraxes" material of Pulur (Sakyol) reveals traits
typical of Amiranis Gora (Kavtaradze 1983: 89f).
The more or less contemporary Kül Tepe II 14C date should also be taken into
consideration: 37663543 cal B.C. (LE163). Recently three dates were received from
the AMS Facility at the University of Arizona for Satkhs, the site which is situated in
Dzhavakheti (8 km northeast of Nino Tsminda), i.e. in the southeast direction from
Amiranis Gora and KuraAraxes layers of which have ceramic parallels with Mokhra
Blur (Ararat valley), Kvatskhelebi and Amiranis Gora: 30722916 cal B.C. (AA
7768), 33433043 cal B.C. (AA12853) and 33012926 cal B.C. (AA12854) (Isaak et
a/. 1994: 26, 28f). One date was obtained from a level associated with Early Bronze
Age materials of the northwest Armenian site Horom in the Shirak valley: 33713136
cal B.C. (AA7767) and two dates were from a tomb of the same site: 33413048 cal
B.C. (AA10191) and 39903823 cal B.C. (AA11130). All three vessels of this tomb
reveal in the opinion of the excavators relatively early forms of the KuraAraxes
culture (Badaljan et al. 1994: 14,Table Illc).
Special attention must be paid to the first 14C date of Amiranis Gora 37903373 cal
B.C. (TB4), because it was obtained from the charcoal of the metallurgical workshop
which belonged to the earliest building horizon of Amiranis Gora (Kushnareva &
Chubinishvili 1970: 114) (Fig. 5.1). Undoubtedly this fact, together with the other
data, is an evidence of a division of the metallurgical production in the extractive and
processing branches.
It should be also mentioned that two 14C dates were received from the copper
smelting place in Murgul (near Borçka, the northeasternmost part of modern Turkey),
immediately southwest of the southwestern part of Central Transcaucasia, that means
of the region where Amiranis Gora is situated. These dates are: 33383037 cal B.C.
(HD 1267912254) and 36383375 cal B.C. (HD 1268012234) (Wagner et al. 1989:
657). In Eastern Anatolia, at Değirmentepe and Norşuntepe, the traces of
metallurgical activities are dated already by the Chalcolithic period (Esin 1989: 137;
Hauptmann 1982: 59f; Zwicker 1980: 17).
In Amiranis Gora an arched kiln of stone had been constructed which contained
heavily grounded technical charcoal, necessary for achieving high temperatures. The
supplies of such charcoal, from which abovementioned 14C date stems, were stored
in a big clay vessel, discovered in the floor level of the same workshop. There were
also clay tuyeres a real confirmation of the smelting procedure as well as a clay
mould for a pig (Chubinishvili 1971: 57f) (Fig. 5.24). Clay tuyeres were found, too, in
Kül Tepe II and Misharchai (Makhmudov et al. 1968: 19, Fig. 4,2) (Fig. 5.7).
A furnace of another type was discovered in BabaDervish II, Azerbaijan. There, on
the periphery of the settlement, three oval pits the foundation of the melting kilns
with vaults of clay above were found. Two of these furnaces had special openings
with a ditch an evidence of the technique of blowing (Fig. 5.5). This circumstance is
confirmed by the fact that there also clay tuyeres were found (Fig. 5.6). Another
remainder of the smelting process at that site was discovered in the form of
technological waste slags (Kushnareva & Chubinishvili 1970:114f, Fig. 40;
Chubinishvili 1971; 102f).
Slags were also found in Khizanaant Gora, Kül Tepe II and Garni (Armenia). In these
sites traces of metal on the walls of vessels, ladles, crucibles and moulds of f'ireproof
clay for the pouring of the liquid metal were discovered, too (Kushnareva &
Chubinishvili 1970:114, Fig. 40, 17) (Fig. 6.13). In the building layers of Khizanaant
Gora, a sickle was found, the forging of which was not finished (Kushnareva &
Chubinishvili 1970:114).
In Kvatskhelebi C 1 as well as in Garni, Shengavit, Kül Tepe and BabaDervish II
casting moulds of axes were discovered (Kushnareva & Chubinishvili 1970: Fig. 40,
35, 9) (Fig. 5.8; 6.14). The clay moulds to cast special bars in the shape of little
ingots in Gudabertka (near Gori) and Iğdir (eastern Anatolia) were found (Kushnareva
& Chubinishvili 1970: Fig. 40,13, 14) (Fig. 6.11,12).
The main part of the metal inventory of the KuraAraxes culture was made of
arsenical copper. The content of arsenic in alloys reaches on average from 2 to 8%
(Tavadze et al. 1987: 45). The distribution of the lead admixtures in the greater part of
the copper inventory of this period indicates in the opinion of Georgian
archaeometallurgists that ores were used which contained natural arsenic admixture.
Such natural alloys were possibly obtained from polymetallic ores, rich in elements
(Abesadze & Bakhtadze 1987: 52). In the Caucasus the copper deposits are of the
polymetallic type which contain from 3 to 10% and more the socalled usefui
components arsenic, antimony, tin, lead, zinc, iron, nickel, silver etc. Among these
elements arsenic is mainly associated with copper, which occurs in the territory of
Central Transcaucasia in the form of realgar and auripigment types (cf. Abesadze &
Bakhtadze 1987: 52).
It is supposed that at the time of the KuraAraxes culture, comparatively easily
smeltable polymetallicarsenical ores were used. The metal artefacts of this period did
not contain sulphur, a fact which possibly indicates the use of the carbonized and
oxidized upper layers of copper deposits (cf. Rapp 1989:107110). The spectral
analyses of the artefacts of the KuraAraxes culture and their correlation with the
composition of the copper ores of the Great and Little Caucasus demonstrate that at
that time metal was gained by the process of straight reduction (Tavadze et al. 1987:
45). [p. 75]
Fig. 5: 1 Reconstruction of Room III, or coppermelting workshop, of Amiranis Gora (Chubinishvili
1971: Table XXIV, 1);
2 Melting kiln of stone (ibid.: Table XXIV, 2);
3 Inventory of Room III (ibid.: Table XXIV, 4);
4 Fragment of clay tuyere (ibid.: Table XXIV, 3);
5 Coppermelting kiln of BabaDervish (Makhmudov et al. 1968: Fig. 3);
6 Clay tuyere from Baba Dervish (ibid.: Fig. 4,1);
7 Clay tuyere from Misharchai (ibid.: Fig. 4,2);
8 Mould from Baba Dervish (ibid.: Fig. 4,3). [p. 76]
Together with arsenic, various amounts also of other ore admixtures were transmitted
in the metal, since the recovery of them was conditioned by the process of smelting.
Therefore it was supposed that all the content of these admixtures were originally in
the ore (Abesadze & Bakhtadze 1987: 51 f). But it is quite obvious that ancient
metallurgists in Transcaucasia were intentionally choosing copper with high or low
content of arsenic, according to the functional destination of the artefacts; e.g. for
ornaments from 7 to 22.7%, for tools and weapons much less, otherwise their
functional abilities would be significanly low (cf. Kushnareva 1993: 235). In this
connection it is worthwhile to note that the copper inventory of the late fourth
millennium hoard of Nahal Mishmar (Palestine) with a very high concentration of
arsenic and antimony is explained by the smelting of selected ores and not of
artificially manufactured alloys (cf. Pernicka 1990: 48, 50). At the same time, copper
alloys with an arsenic content ranging from 3 to 10 % are considered as to be gained
by the direct addition of arsenic (Palmieri et al. 1993: 574).
It is interesting that the metal artefacts of various functional use do not differ from
each other by their composition in the KuraAraxes culture. Such a divergence began
to exist only in the later part of this period, when some ornaments were manufactured
out of high arsenic copper, with the content of arsenic exceeding 10 % and up to 20%:
e.g. biconical beads and a rhomboic pendant from Urbnisi, curlrings from Dzagina
(Tavadze et al. 1987: 45; Abesadze & Bakhtadze 1987: 52). In such cases it is possible
to suppose that arsenic was intentionally added to increase the melting ability of
copper and to obtain an alloy with a silverlike colour. Some artefacts have high
amounts of antimony and lead (Tavadze 1987: 45).
Genuine silver ornaments (pendants, spirals, curlrings) from the territory of Georgia
were found in the earliest layers of the advanced stage of KuraAraxes culture at
Amiranis Gora and Kvatskhelebi (Dvali 1974: 62).
In the later period of the KuraAraxes culture, partially contemporary with the second
phase of the Early Bronze Age or the Early Kurgan period of Central Transcaucasia,
together with the primitive types of artefacts rather complicated shapes and of various
types began to appear in the inventory: flat axes and shafthole axes with downward
directed butts, spearheads, daggers, bayonetlike weapons, chisels, awls, tools for
farming, sickles, pins with T (crutch), loop and doublespiralshaped heads, axe
adzes, earrings, pendants, bracelets, rings, curlrings, beads, a diadem (Figs. 6, 7,10)
(see below).
From the metallurgical point of view particular interest was given to tools of
combined type an axeadze which was uniting a wedgeshaped axe with a long beak
stretched on the butt. This artefact was found in sites of southeastern Georgia in the
region rich in metal deposits. Therefore these artefacts were considered as tools used
for the obtaining of ore (Lordkipanidze 1991: 50). The clay casting mould for a flat
axe from the level C of Kvatskhelebi is similar to the axe from Sachkhere and has
early parallels in Near Eastern and East European sites (Dzhavakhishvili & Glonti
1962: 58, Table 4, N 489; Kavtaradze 1983: 85).
It is a widespread view that the metals from the Transcaucasian ore deposits together
with certain types of metal artefacts were distributed in many regions of the Ancient
World from the early stages of metallurgical activities. Impulses coming from the
Transcaucasian metallurgical centre through the northern Caucasus penetrated wide
territories, from the river Volga to the Dniepr and even farther, reaching the
Carpathian mountains (Chernykh 1992: 91, 159). In the southern direction metal of
Transcaucasian provenance was widely distributed in Anatolia and SyriaPalestine. In
the opinion of archaeometallurgists, the research on Anatolian metallurgy should be
integrated with the location of both copper ore deposits and arsenic occurences in
the Caucasian regions (Palmieri et al. 1993: 591). It seems that Caucasian metallic
ores and metallurgical traditions were used in the Near East at the time when the
Transcaucasian population, bearers of the KuraAraxes cultural traditions, were spread
there (e.g. in Geoy Tepe, northwestern Iran (cf. Burton Brown 1951)). They migrated
in most cases to the south, west, southwest and southeast, from the Transcaucasian
homeland of this culture, to southern Palestine, central Anatolia and central Iran.
Along with the pottery, metal, obsidian and characteristic architecture and graves, a
strong indicator of this culture, a peculiar type of hearth, was distributed in far off
lands.
This event chronologically is placed in the early third millennium, but it seems that
the second half of fourth millennium was the time of initial penetration of certain
elements of the Transcaucasian KuraAraxes culture and possibly also that of the
population bearers of this culture in the northern part of the Near East.
It was stated that the metal artefacts from the hoard of the East Anatolian Late
Chalcolithic site of Arslantepe (Malatya) VI A hoard (from A 113 Room of Building
III) do not belong to the local copper deposits, as they have high arsenic admixtures
(up to 4 %) and no trace of nickel, but might rather be of a northern provenance
(Burney 1993: 314f). Besides the tradition of arsenicbronze metallurgy, the
northeastern direction is indicated also by twelve pokerbutted, leafshaped spearheads
with a cylindroid midrib and at the same time containing 1.34.3% of arsenic
(Palmieri 1981: 108f, Fig. 4), found together with nine swords and a quadruple spiral
piaque of the same hoard. They have dose parallels in the northwestern part of Central
Transcaucasia by the similar copper spearhead found in Tsartsis Gora (Sachkhere)
(Kuftin 1949: 74, Table LIX) (Fig. 7.3) [see, p. 79] [p. 77]
Fig. 6:146 (Chubinishvili 1971: Table XXV). 1, 29, 31, 35, 40, 41 Kvatskhelebi; 2, 21 Garni; 3, 5, 6,
20, 32, 34 Kül Tepe II; 4 Shengavit; 7, 8, 22, 30 Amiranis Gora; 9 Mughan; 10 Geoy Tepe; 11
Gudabertka; 12 Iğdir; 13 Khizanaant Gora; 14 Kuymri (Leninakan, NorthWestern Armenia); 15,
38 Kulbakebi (near Gori); 16 Marneuli (south of Tbilisi); 17 Zemo Avchala (north of Tbilisi); 18
Medzhvriskhevi (east of Gori); 19 Karaz; 21 Garni, 23, 27 Dzagina; 24, 25, 46 Koreti; 26
Sachkhere; 28 Beshtasheni (Trialeti); 36, 45 Tsartsis Gora; 37 Akhaltsikhe; 39 Trialeti; 4244
Elar (near Erevan). [p. 78]
Fig. 7: 1, 2 Pins with Tshaped heads from Nacherkezevi (Sachkhere) and Tsartsis Gora (Dzhaparidze
1961: Table IX, 2,3); Spearhead from Tsartsis Gora (ibid: Table XVI,2); 4 Shafthole axes with
downward directed butts from barrows of Sachkhere (ibid: Table XVI, 36); 5 Pin with doublespiral
shaped head from Koreti (ibid., Table XIX, 1); 6, 12, 15, 16 Daggers from Koreti, Tskhinvali (north of
Gori) and Nacherkezevi (ibid: Tables XIX, 2, XVI, 12, IX, 5,6); 7, 11,14 Pins with loopshaped heads
from Koreti (ibid: Tables IX,5, XIX, 6, 12); 8 Chisel from Sachkhere (ibid: XVI, 8); 9 Flat axe from
Sachkhere (ibid: Table XVI, 9); 10 Gold ring from Tsartsis Gora (ibid: XVI, 10); 13 Fragment of pin
from Koreti (ibid: Table XVIII, 1).
[beginning, see, p. 76] [p. 79] which likewise contained no nickel but 4.66% of
arsenic and 0.30% of antimony (Table 1, no. 21) and which must be dated by the
period following to the Central Transcaucasian KuraAraxes or contemporary with its
latest levels. To the character and typology of the Arslantepe hoard, important
chronological implications are given for the evaluation of the origin of Anatolian and
North Syrian metallurgies (Palmieri 1981: 109; Yakar 1985: 276). Some scientists
believe that metalwork was a major item of trade through Arslantepe (e.g.
Burney1993: 314).
It is quite probable that the economical importance of Arslantepe VI A as well as of
such Late Uruk enclaves and outposts as Hassek Höyük 5, Habuba KabiraTell Qanas,
Jebel Aruda and Tepecik 3 was the reason of their violent destruction by the intruders
from the north the bearers of the KuraAraxes culture. This phenomenon has a
parallel in the western part of central Iran by the destruction of the Late Uruk colony
in Godin Tepe V, which ceased its existence as the result of the invasion of the Kura
Araxes population east of the site, in the Hamadan valley, cutting off commercial
routes to the east. After a short interval of time Godin IV emerged, with the material
of the KuraAraxes culture of the Yanik Tepe I type (Weiss & Young Jr. 1975: 15).
It seems that in the second half of the fourth millennium in the northern part of the
Near East one and the same phenomenon the destruction of the sites, revealing traits
typical of Late Uruk period by a population of northern provenance, characterized by
the redblack, handmade burnished pottery, the higharsenic copper metallurgy and
certain types of metal artefacts, the ,,wattle and daub" houses and the particular type
of hearthes took place.
The intrusive character of the KuraAraxes culture in this area became quite obvious
after the exposure of the stratigraphical sequence, documented at Arslantepe, where
layers containing the material of this culture interrupted the preceding and following
local development of the horizons with the ReservedSlip pottery (Palmieri 1985:
208).
It was emphasized that copper artefacts with a high arsenical content, cast in open and
twopiece moulds, appeared in the Elâzığ region of Turkey after KuraAraxes (,,Early
Transcaucasian") groups became the culturally dominating factor in the Jocal"
population at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age (Yakar 1985: 276). Besides the
RedBlack Ware of the East Anatolian type, the KuraAraxes provenance can also be
proved by the architectural data of the Arslantepe VI B layers subsequent to the
Arslantepe VI A: there a double line of postholes was found, indicating the building
technique typical of the KuraAraxes culture (Palmieri 1984: 7178). It is difficult not
to agree that the appearance of the VI B1 period hut village upon the razed ruins of
Arslantepe VI A epitomizes the recession of the Late Uruk world almost
contemporary with the expansion of the Transcaucasian groups (Conti & Persiani
1993: 406). This fact gives us the very convenient possibility to date the beginning of
intrusion of the Transcaucasian population in the MalatyaElâzığ area by the Late
Uruk period. It is not quite clear if the first appearance of impulses coming from the
KuraAraxes culture to the territories south of the Taurus range were also
contemporary with the Late Uruk period.
At Kurban Hoyuk (Karababa basin, northwest of Urfa, on the left bank of the
Euphrates), in the Late Chalcolithic VI period, which equates with Tell Judeidah
(Amuq) phases FF/G sequence, three fragments of KuraAraxes pottery (,,Karaz
Ware") were discovered. They all are diagnostic and consist of a dense brownish clay
with varying amounts of fine grit and chaff tempering. One of them is uniformly
black, but two have bichrome surfaces, with orange interior and black exterior (Algaze
1990: 260, 268, Table 42, G,F,H; Helwing 1996: 75). Also all of them resemble by
their shape the KuraAraxes pottery (cf. Sagona 1984: Forms 81, 82 Fig. 36, 2,5,6,
Form 34 Fig. 21, 6). There are indications of the long existence of the Karaz Ware in
the neighbourhood of the Karababa region, because in the subsequent Early Bronze
Age (V and IV) levels of Kurban Höyük a few fragments of the same ware were also
discovered (Algaze 1990: 289, 333, Table 90, J,K.). These finds agree with the long
existence of a population of Transcaucasian origin in the regions adjacent to the upper
flow of the Euphrates.
Single sherds of Karaz Ware were also found in other Late Uruk sites in this area, in
the levels of Samsat, ca. 7 km upstream from Kurban Höyük, but on the right bank of
the river (excavated by Özğüç), and at Jebel Aruda, a mountaintop settlement which
appears to be an administrative and religious center of Late Uruk settlements of the
area (D. Surenhagen, pers. comm.).
A few sherds of 'Karaz Ware' were found in Hassek 5 of the Late Uruk period on the
left bank of the Euphrates (near Urfa). That these finds of 'Karaz Ware' were not
accidental, as formerly believed, becomes obvious by the discovery of a redslipped
pot with four handles, a typical product of Uruk Ware (Fig. 8,1) next to an ovoid pot
with a plastic chevron design (Fig. 8.2) in Room 2 of Building 2 from the same level 5
(Hoh 1981: 5; BehmBlancke 1983: Fig. 5; id. 1984: 38; Hoh 1984: 68, Table 17, 3, 4;
Helwing 1996: 74, 87, 92). The colour of the latter varies from darkgrey to brown
grey and is characteristic of the East AnatolianTranscaucasian blackburnished
pottery with the exact parallel at Tepecik 3 (east of Elâzığ, a Late Uruk outpost) (Esin
1979: Table 57, 6, Table 61, 12; id. 1982: Table 73, 8, Table 74, 11). The plastic
chevron decorations are typical of the KuraAraxes pottery (Fig. 8.9,10) (Sagona 1984:
78). The relief representations of the stag or of its horns on the central part of the
vessels except that from Tepecik character[p. 80]ize also other KuraAraxes sites, as
Geoy Tepe, Pulur (Sakyol), Kvatskhelebi (Fig. 8.1219 cf. 11) (Sagona 1984: Fig. 122).
Pots with a rounded body and a slightly flaring high neck were found in Amiranis
Gora, Nakhidrebis Chala, Ghrmakhevistavi, Keti (Fig. 8.58) etc. (Chubinishvili 1971:
Table XV, 5; Table XVII, 2; Kushnareva & Chubinishvili 1970: Fig. 21, 6; Petrosyan
1989: Table 30, 4; Kushnareva 1993: Fig. 19, 6; Abramishvili et al. 1980: 70, Table V,
Fig. 41, 390). In Nakhidrebis Chala and Ghrmakhevistavi the pots were presumably
with handles. A similar pot, but with a wider, spherical body and decorated with cord
Impression was found in the Ukraine, in the Mikhailovka l settlement (on Pidpilna, a
tributary of the lower Dniepr) of the late fourth millennium. This settlement shows
affinities on the one hand with the Maikop culture of the North Caucasus and with the
Usatovo barrows near Odessa on the other (Gimbutas 1992: 403f).
It must be emphasized that in Tepecik 3 a similar Uruk type redslipped pot with four
handles was also found, together with bevelled rim bowls of Uruk tradition and Early
Karaz pottery (BehmBlancke 1983: 167; BehmBlancke 1984: 38; Hoh 1984: 72).
The Karaz Ware was common at that site during the following Early Bronze period, as
well as at Hassek 4, where it obviously represented a part of the spectrum of pottery.
According to specialists, the metal of Hassek Höyük came from the area located
between Erzurum and the southern coast of the Black Sea (SchmittStrecker et al.
1992:122).
Arslantepe VI A, Tepecik 3 and Hassek 5 are thought to be contemporary and, like
Kurban Höyük, roughiy coeval with Habuba KabiraSouth (8 km downstream from
Jebel Aruda). Hence, they must fall somewhere in the middle Hama K levels and the
transitional Amuq F/G, revealed at Teil alJudaidah and Çatal Hüyük (Amuq) (Trentin
1993: 184). Despite the substantial similarity between Arslantepe VI A, Tepecik 3 and
Hassek 5, the links between Tepecik and Hassek seem to be stronger than those with
Arslantepe, essentially due to their greater affinities with Habuba Kabira and with the
south (Frangipane & Palmieri 1987: 298). It is possible that Hassek, Tepecik and
Habuba Kabira were important members of a foreign enclave and Arslantepe a local
center of power (Trentin 1993: 197). But in spite of the characteristics of the sites
mentioned, it seems that the first appearance of the Transcaucasian KuraAraxes
culture to the north, as well as to the south of the Tarsus range, must be dated to the
time of the Late Uruk period.
If we take into account the absolute date of the Late Uruk period, placed in the middle
of the second half of fourth millennium, the necessity of pushing back the traditional
low date of the Central Transcaucasian KuraAraxes culture will be without doubt.
The dates obtained for the Near Eastern layers, characterized by the appearance of
Transcaucasian elements, represent a good possibility to date the KuraAraxes culture
of Transcaucasia the latter being earlier than the Near Eastern sites with material of
KuraAraxes provenance. From the point of view of comparative chronology of
regional variants of the KuraAraxes culture, it must be taken into account that the
material discovered in the oldest KuraAraxes XI level at Pulur (Sakyol), as it was
stated above, seems contemporaneous with the middle layers of Amiranis Gora in
southwestern Central Transcaucasia (Kavtaradze 1983: 89f). At the same time Pulur
(Sakyol) XI has dose parallels with Arslantepe VI B as to the forms and incised
decorations of pot Stands (Palmieri 1981: 112, Fig. 7,6,8).
As an additional possibility to date the initial penetration of the KuraAraxes
population in the Near East, the evidence of the growing Mesopotamian sea
commerce in the Arabian Gulf of the Jamdat Nasr period can be used. This event
seems to be caused by changed political circumstances in Eastern Anatolia, Northern
Syria, Western Iran and the desertion of the Uruk sites in these areas and as a
consequence the passing of the distribution of traded ores and artefacts to local
control (Moorey1982:15).
The determination of the chronological position of the KuraAraxes culture is of a
paramount importance for the establishment of a common chronological System for
the Ancient World, considering the intermediary area of distribution of this culture;
between regions dated by historical chronologies of the Near East, based on the
literary sources, and regions dated mainly by the use of geochronological methods.
l cannot agree with the point of view that, before receiving the large series of
radiocarbon dates from the Georgian and the adjacent sites of the KuraAraxes
culture, it is premature to consider the reliability of the calibrated 14C dates for this
culture (Munchaev 1994: 17). First of all, the „widely accepted" absolute chronology
of the KuraAraxes culture in the third millennium as well as of the preceeding
eneolithic culture in the fifthfourth millennia and of the subsequent Trialeti culture in
the first part of the second millennium B.C. is based mainly on uncalibrated
„traditional" radiocarbon dates (Munchaev 1994:16; cf. Kushnareva & Chubinishvili
1963:16f). This fact makes by itself necessary to reconsider the „widely accepted"
chronological framework. Also the proposal to recalculate the 14C dates by the new
period of halflife, which would make dates 200 years older (Munchaev 1994: 16), has
any sense from the chronological point of view because of the variations in
concentration of radiocarbon with time (cf. Kavtaradze 1983:18f).
Secondly, the statement that the calibration curves and tables based on the
dendroscales of the Californian pine have not still received the füll acknowledgement,
and that therefore it is better to be refrained from their use (Munchaev 1994: 17), after
the publication of the calibration curves based on the joint American and Eu[p.
81]ropean data (the real witnesses of the simultaneous fluctuation of the content of
carbon14 in the northern hemisphere), must be considered as completely obsolete.
The calibration curve officially recommended for the correction of the 14C dates was
published in the journal Radiocarbon, 1993 (Stuiver & Reimer 1993), but also already
in 1981, at the symposium in Groningen, the use of the available calibration curves for
the preliminary correction of 14C dates was suggested (Burleigh 1982: 139).
Thirdly, the fact must be taken into account that, as the data of relative chronology for
a long time indicated, there was a need to revise the traditional chronological position
of the Transcaucasian KuraAraxes culture even independently from the results of
geochronological studies. I mean the dates obtained for those Near Eastern layers
which contained the remains of KuraAraxes provenance (Arslantepe/Malatya, Godin
Tepe etc.), the cultural ties pointing at the Late Uruk period as to the time of the initial
distribution of the KuraAraxes culture or the penetration of its bearers in the Near
East and the stadial proximity between the Georgian KuraAraxes and Early Kurgan
metalworking (and even of some artefacts) and those of the Near East of the Late
Uruk Early Dynastic periods (Kavtaradze 1983: 85104, 109115; id. 1987: 1215; id.
1992: 4650; cf. Munchaev 1994: 17). (Uncertainty caused by different approaches to
the problems of the chronology of the Palaeometallic Age are in the extreme form
reflected in some publications concerning the Caucasian archaeology of this period.
E.g. in two volumes of the ,,Archaeology of Georgia" (published recently in Tbilisi)
some authors are operating with calibrated 14C dates, others based themselves on the
uncalibrated ones).
The Kurgan cultures
The second phase of the Early Bronze Age of Central Transcaucasia comprises the
final levels of the KuraAraxes culture, including the final layers of level B of
KvatskhelebiKhizanaant Gora, the bulk of the Early Bronze Age material of
Sachkhere and the latest burials of Amiranis Gora. In this phase, it is possible also to
include the Early Kurgan culture of Central Transcaucasia, in which two groups are
distinguishable: The first group, comprising the kurgans (barrows) of the
Martqopi/Ulevari and Samgori valleys (east of Tbilisi) and the earliest among the so
called ,,Early Bronze Age kurgans of Trialeti"; the second, chronologically subsequent
group, represented by the kurgans of the Bedeni plateau (near Trialeti) and the
Alazani valley (in Kakheti, eastern part of East Georgia), as well as by the later
kurgans among the early group of Trialeti and later group of Martqopi kurgans with
pit graves (Dzhaparidze et al. 1980: 40; Dzhaparidze 1994: 75, 77).
This phase seems to be contemporary with the particularly wide diffusion of the Kura
Araxes culture in the NearEast; thus it should be dated to the first half and the middle
of the third millennium. Such a date must find corroboration in the typological
parallels of the metal inventory of this phase (Kavtaradze 1983:109116).
While the pottery of the first group of kurgans is close to the KuraAraxes culture, the
pottery of the second, later group is characterized by the socalled "pearllike"
ornaments which is typical of the Novosvobodnaya (Tsarskaya) stage of the North
Caucasian Maikop culture and Early Bronze Age northeast Iranian sites (Tureng Tepe
IIIC, Shah Tepe III, Tepe Hissar IIB, Yarim Tepe); two such sherds were found in the
Late Chalcolithic levels of Alisar (Central Anatolia) (Kavtaradze 1983: 108n.341)
Radiocarbon dates of the first group are: TB317, Martqopi kurgan no.3, 22792050
cal B.C.; four dates are obtained for the Martqopi kurgan no.4: 2611 2457 cal B.C.
(TB325), 20351934 cal B.C. (LE2198), 24592207 cal B.C. (Bin291) and 2877
2405 cal B.C. (GX9252); two dates of Zeiani (near Sagaredzho) kurgan no.1 are quite
distinct from each other: 24522138 cal B.C. (TB328) and 34973131 cal B.C. (TB
329); cereals from the settlement layers of Berikldeebi (near Kareli) gave 36923547
cal B.C. (LE2197). We must take into account also the dates received for the Uch
Tepe kurgans (in the steppe of Mil, Azerbaijan), 33642925 cal B.C. (LE305) and
39303356 cal B.C. (LE300). The dates of North Caucasian UstJegutinski graves of
the postMaikop period are: 28662507 cal B.C. (LE693), 26152468 cal B.C. (LE
687) and 24642284 cal B.C. (LE692). We have the following 14C dates for the
second group of the Early Kurgans of Central Transcaucasian Early Bronze Age:
Alazani valley kurgans, 25662458 cal B.C. (TB243), 23172137 cal B.C. (LJ3271)
and 28752500 cal B.C. (UCLA?); Khramebi (near Gurdzhaani), 25872468 cal B.C.
(TB242). The date of the Bedeni kurgan, 16801520 cal B.C. (TB30), seems to be
anomalous.
In this period most of the artefacts are the result of a complicated production.
Simultaneous casting with subsequent hot and cold forging was employed. The
composition of such artefacts contains admixtures determined by excellent smelting
abilities of alloys used (Tavadze et al. 1987: 47). After the exhaustion of copper rich
oxide ores, it was necessary to exploit deeper sulfidic deposits, chalcopyrite, which
required preliminary roasting for the removal of the sulfureous minerals and the
oxidation of ore. This caused a significant reduction of arsenic in the cast metal.
Therefore, in the opinion of Georgian archaeometallurgists, the artefacts with high
arsenic content were won from oxidized arseniccopper ores, and after the beginning
of the use of sulfide ores, the ,,soft" copper, smelted from sulfureous minerals, needed
the admixture of other alloying elements to increase its melting and mechanical
characteristics (Abesadze & Bakhtadze 1987: 52f). [p. 82]
Fig. 8: 1 Hassek Höyük (Hoh 1984: Fig. 12, 4); 2 Hassek Höyük (ibid.: Fig. 12, 5); 3 Tepecik (Esin
1979: 61, Fig. 12); 4 Tepecik (Esin 1982: 74, Fig. 11); 5 Amiranis Gora (Chubinishvili 1971: Table
XVII, 2); 6 Nakhidrebis Chala (ibid.: Table XV, 5); 7 Keti, grave 5 (Petrosyan 1989: Table 30, 4); 8
Amiranis Gora, Level III (Kushnareva & Chubinishvili 1970: Fig. 21, 6); 9 Kvatskhelebi (Sagona
1984: Fig. 1, 3); 10 Samshvilde (southern part of Eastern Georgia) (ibid.: Fig. 40, 2); 11 Geoy Tepe
K 1 (Chubinishvili 1971: Table XII, 6); 12 Kvatskhelebi (ibid.: Fig. 105, 1); 14 Geoy Tepe K 1
(Chubinishvili 1971: Table XII, 7); 15 Pulur (Sakyol) (Sagona 1984: Fig. 122, 242); 16 Pulur
(Sakyol) (ibid.: Fig. 122, 243); Geoy Tepe (ibid.: Fig. 122, 244); 18 Pulur (Sakyol) (ibid.: Fig. 122,
245); 19 Pulur (Sakyol) (ibid.: 122, 246). [p. 83]
The typical artefacts of this period are various types of pins, earrings, tubes, beads
(Fig. 6.39,40), bracelets (Fig. 6.27), rings (Fig. 7.10), awls, chisels (Fig. 7.8), sickles,
arrowheads, "standards", daggers and spearheads (Figs. 6.37,38; 7.3,6,12,15,16), flat
(Fig. 7.9) as well as shafthole axes. The chronological value of the pins of this period
with loop (Fig. 7.7,11,14), toggle (Fig. 6.30), doublespiralheads (cf. Sagona 1981,
152155) (Figs. 6.28,29,31; 7.5) is rather diffuse. Because of that, only their earliest
appearances in the various areas of the Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean
region need to be mentioned.
The pins with loopshaped heads, formed by drawing out the wire into a loop and
winding it around the shaft, characteristic of the socalled Cypriot pins, existed in the
Near Eastern sites from the late Predynastic tombs of Egypt (Negada graves 162,
1856, 1233, 293, Hemanieh grave 1647, Badari grave 3932, Armant) (Massoulard
1949: 211, 250, Table LXVII, 4), Fara of the Jamdat Nasr period (Klein 1992: 126),
Sialk IV (Ghirshman 1938: Table XXIX, 1a; Table XCV, s. 1602, a), Taşkun Mevkii
2B (Helms 1973: 116, Fig. 10,71/17).
The togglepins were detected already in Thermi of the Early Bronze Age first period
(Branigan 1974: 30, 173, Table 15 (1195)), Troy la (Blegen et al. 1950: 43, 86, Fig. 215
(36417)), Kusura B (Lamb 1937: 39, Fig. 18,3), Alişar I (Schmidt 1932: 61, Fig. 69,
b512; cf. KilianDirlmeier 1984: 23), Karataş IV (Warner 1994: 113, 180, 207, Table
189b (KA 754)), Tarsus of the Early Bronze Age second period (Goldman 1956: 285f,
296, Fig. 431 (210221)), Syrian sites of the Nineveh 5 period (Klein 1992: 271, 276),
Chagar Bazar 5 (Mallowan 1936: 27f., Fig. 8,2 (ME 629), 5 (ME 623), 8 (ME 624);
Mallowan 1937: 132, Fig. 12,1; Mallowan 1947: 190, 217f., Table XLII, 8, Table LV,
13, 14 (E10); cf. Mellink 1970; 248), Tepe Gawra VII (Speiser 1935: 109, 114, Table
L, 8), and the Royal Graves of Ur (Woolley 1934:239, 310, Table 231, type 4).
The earliest specimens of the doublespiralheaded pins are known, apart from
Transcaucasian sites, from Sialk IV 1 (Ghirshman 1938: Table XCV, s. 1602, e, Table
XXIX, 1, b), Hissar IIB (Schmidt 1937: 119, Table XXIX, H 4856), the Turkmenian
sites of the Namazga IVIII stages Kizil Arvat and the second cemetery of Parkhai
(Kuzmina 1966: 78, Table XVI, 281 (no. 4); Khiopin 1981: 26). Mundigak II 3
(Schaffer 1978: 141, Fig. 3.36, no. 6), Tepecik of the Late Uruk period (Klein 1992:
128,278, Table 127,12), Poliochni (Lemnos) ,,Azzuro" (Bernabò Brea 1964: 591 f.,
Table LXXXVI,e), Chalandriani (Syros) of the Early Cycladic 2 (graves 468 and 469)
(cf. KilianDirlmeier 1984: 24), and the late Gumelniţa sites of Bulgaria and Rumania
(Renfrew 1970: 3133, Figs. 7; 12,6; Todorova et al. 1975: 63f, Table 128,4, Table
129,6). A doublespiral, also characteristic of this period (Fig. 6.23,24), was found at
Hissar II (Schmidt 1937: 121, Table XXX, H 2659, H 2982) and Taşkun Mevkii 2A
(Helms 1973:116,120, Fig. 10,70/4) and a plaque of the quadruplespiral shape in
Arslantepe VIA (Palmieri 1981: 110, Fig. 3,5).
The pins with T, crutch or hammershaped heads (Fig. 7.1,2,13) have the most
parallels in East European sites (north Pontic and north Mediterranean regions), but,
as stated above, weapons and tools are of a higher chronological value, since, because
of their greater functional possibilities than those of the ornaments, the need of their
improvement was much more important.
The shafthole axes with slightly cut butts and wide blades, except from Kulbakebi,
Marneuli and Medzhvriskhevi (Fig. 6.15,16,18), were discovered in the Bedeni kurgan
no. 2, Martqopi kurgan no. 3, Kvemo Sarali (near Marneuli) kurgan no. 9 and
Nadarbazevi (Tetritsqaro region). Among the shafthole axes a peculiar type with a
long, thin, very curved blade and a narrow tubular shafthole blade, found mainly in
Sachkhere burials, can be distinguished (Fig. 7.4). The shafthole axes from the
Martqopi kurgans nos. 4 and 5 (Abesadze & Saradzhishvili 1989: 49, 53, fig. 1518;
Dshaparidse 1995b: 230 (no. 69), 232 (no. 76)) are of an intermediate type between
the above mentioned two types.
It has been supposed that the diffusion of the technology of casting shafthole axes in
Asia Minor and Western Asia in the Middle Bronze Age was connected with the
spread of traditions of East European and North Caucasian "pastoralists" (Chernykh
1992: 300). Without excluding such an explanation concerning one particular type of
shafthole axes, we must at the same time take into consideration the finds of the
shafthole axes in the Near Eastern Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age sites. They are
known from Susa I, the second half of the fifth millennium, and Tepe Ghabristan, a
late fourth millennium North Iranian site (Pernicka 1990: 37, Fig. 10, Table 9, 1).
Shafthole axes were discovered also in Khazineh, Susiana (Khusistan, southwestern
Iran) in the layers contemporary with the Early Dynastic period in Mesopotamia
(MaxwellHyslop 1949: 91, 94f, Table XXXIV, 4) and Central Anatolian Early Bronze
Age site Kalinkaya (De Jesus 1980: 147). A casting mould, presumably of a shafthole
axe, was found in Poliochni ,,Azzuro" (Branigan 1974: 79, 82, Fig. 4 (M89)). It must
be also taken into account that Transcaucasian axes usually are considered as weapons
which, more than other copperbronze artefacts of palaeometallic age, reveal exact and
close stadial, morphological features common to the whole Transcaucasian region:
hence this region can be considered as one and the same metalworking center
(Gogadze 1990: 89).
At the same time, it is quite obvious that small workshops which used ores with
different chemical compositions sometimes existed in one and the same region, e.g.
metal artefacts from Kvemo Kartli, southern part of Eastern Georgia, despite their
morphological similarity [p. 84] contained different chemical elements: the weapons
from Kvemo Sarali and earlier items from Ghaitmazi (near Marneuli) zinc, but
artefacts from Nadarbazevi and Bedeni nickel and antimony. The difference of the
contents among bronze artefacts was also detected in Shida Kartli of the latest stage of
the Trialeti culture (Abesadze 1974b: 56).
The date of the bayonetlike weapon from Tsartsis Gora (Fig. 6.36) is usually
connected with the years of reign of the Akkadian king Manishtushu (23th Century)
or the ruler of Elam Pusur Shushinak (22th Century) because of the existence of
similar weapons with the inscriptions of their names (Kuftin 1949: 74). We must take
into account that similar weapons were already discovered in the Royal Graves of Ur
and they have, like the spearhead from Tsartsis Gora, an octalateral section of the
foundation of blade (Woolley 1934: 303, Table 227, la (U7925), Ib (U7930)). Earlier
bayonetlike weapons were also found in Transcaucasia itself: at Kül Tepe
(Nakhichevan) (Fig. 6.34) and the TvlepiasTskaro cemetery (ca. 200 m north from
Kvatskhelebi) (Abibulaev 1982: 161, Table 4, 5; Dzhavakhishvili & Glonti 1962: 43,
Table XXXVI) (Fig. 6.35). In the C 1 level of Kvatskhelebi a weapon of the same
bipyramidal shape was found, but made from bone (Dzhavakhishvili & Glonti 1962:
28f). Local production of this type of weapon in Transcaucasia seems quite possible.
The sickles known from Khizanaant Gora B (Kushnareva & Chubinishvili 1970: Fig.
42,31) and Amiranis Gora (Fig. 6.22), together with sickles from the other sites of the
KuraAraxes culture (Fig. 6.20,21) (Khanzadyan 1964: 94, Fig. 1,3), have more
developed parallels, e.g. from Tarsus of the second level of Early Bronze Age
(Goldman 1956: 281). Curved points, possibly from sickles, were found in Tarsus in
the first level of Early Bronze Age (Goldman 1956: 281).
In the Early Kurgan period metalwork of gold and silver gained importance and
achieved already a high level. To this period belong golden pins, rings, beads, the
excellent small figurine of a lion from the Alazani valley kurgan, the necklace,
presumably with a phallic representation, from Ananauri (northeasternmost part of
Kakheti, near Lagodekhi) (Dshaparidse 1995a: 71, Fig. 50; cf. the analogous
representation on the stonecurved doorslab from the Castelluccio rockcut tomb
(Early Bronze Age, Sicily) (Bernabò Brea 1957: Table 33). The golden pearls with
higher middle ribs than those of the Ananauri necklaces are known from Tall
Munbāqa (northeast from Habuba Kabira, on the opposite, left bank of the Euphrates
(Wäfler 1974: 36, Fig. 51). (The Ananauri pearls and the analogous pearls of the
Martqopi necklace of the kurgan no. 4 (Dshaparidse 1995b: 75, Fig. 55) have a
configuration similar to the head and stem of some maces („Standards" or „sceptres")
of the Nahal Mishmar hoard (cf. MüllerKarpe 1968: Table 107A), revealing the same
level of technological sophistication). Silver pins, bracelets, daggers and knives are
known from Tsartsis Gora and early kurgans of Trialeti.
For the manufacture of jewellery all the existing methods were already used casting,
forging, embossing, plating etc. It has been suggested that since the decorations
applied to the jewellery are repeated on the huge pots and other objects of household,
they must be products of local craftsmen (Pitskhelauri 1987: 24) (e.g., cf., Fig. 9.13
and 23).
Two daggers from Sachkhere (from Tsartsis Gora and Koreti) with decorated hilts
(Fig. 6.45,46) must be considered as the earliest examples of the artistic
metalworking. Their blades were forged, but the hilts were cast. The dagger from
Tsartsis Gora has a flat hilt, decorated with the broken line and wattled relief patterns.
The other dagger from Koreti has also similar wattled ornamentation, but in the form
of spiralic tendrils. This decorations of the Sachkhere daggers were obtained by
casting in wax mould, a sign of the high Standard of metalworking in this period
(Abesadze et al. 1958: 22).
On the diadem from the latest burials of uppermost Kvatskhelebi B period the
representations of birds, deer and astral signs were made by punching on the thin plate
of copper (Fig. 6.41). The closest analogues to this diadem are a golden diadem from
the Ur Royal Graves and a silver one from Chalandriani (Kavtaradze 1983: 115).
The Early Kurgan period in Central Transcaucasia is marked by the introduction of tin
bronze. However, the chemicaltechnological analyses of the two stages of this period
show a considerable difference between them. The bronze artefacts of the first, so
called „MartqopiUlevari stage", except some artefacts of pure copper, are mainly
manufactured of arsenicantimony bronzes with a high content of alloying elements.
The admixture of arsenic in the artefacts from Martqopi kurgans is from 1 to 4.6%,
lead 0.0010.5%, iron 0.0010.6%, zinc 0.0010.32%, antimony 0.0010.4%, silver
0.0010.03%, nickel 0.0010.05% (Abesadze & Saradzhisvili 1989: 54, 59f). Only in
two cases tin bronzes were found there with 3.2 and 6 % of tin with the addition of
zinc and lead. (Both artefacts, the curlring and the standard, were found in the
Martqopi kurgan no. 3 (Inanishvili 1989:127, note 25; cf. Abesadze & Saradzhishvili
1989: 54). Another standard with 7.25% Sn is from the Martqopi kurgan no. 5. The
kurgans nos. 3 and 5 are the latest among the Martqopi kurgans and must be factually
synchronous with the Bedeni stage (Dzhaparidze 1994: 77; Schillinger 1997: 27). At
the same time, in A. Schillinger's opinion the earliest tin bronze artefact of
Transcaucasia is the quatrilateral awl detected in Telebi (on the right bank of the
Alazani, near Telavi), the East Georgian site of the late KuraAraxes times, and it
contained already 11.3% Sn (Schillinger [see, p.86] [p. 85]
Fig. 9: 126 Trialeti culture (MüllerKarpe 1980: 896, Table 547). [p. 86]
[beginning, see, p. 84] 1997: 24f). On the other hand, in the artefacts of the second,
BedeniAlazani stage, the content of tin is from 8 to 15%. At that time the metal
inventory is represented mainly by tin bronze (Inanishvili 1989: 127, note 25. Four
artefacts from Bakurtsikhe (Eastern Georgia, near Gurdzhaani) kurgans: two
spearheads, dagger and spike contained 1013.7% Sn (Abesadze & Saradzhishvili
1989: 55)).
In the subsequent, socalled Middle Bronze Age Trialeti culture of the „brilliant
barrows", tin bronze also prevails with the same percentage of tin content (Pitskelauri
1987: 24) as during the second stage of the Early Kurgan period, its amount in most
cases fluctuates between 4.30 and 14%. Only few items are without any trace of tin;
two of them are kettles, one with 9.85% of arsenic and another with 1.5%. In this
period, except other elements mainly lead (0.20.7%), silver (0.050.15%), arsenic
(0.20.5%), iron (till 0.12%) and nickel (till 0.03%) were used. Zinc was not detected
(Abesadze 1974b: 50).
According to the conclusion of Georgian archaeometallurgists, the artefacts of tin
bronze were made by smelting the local copper ores with the addition of imported
tin. At the same time, in certain cases the import of separate metal objects was
supposed. It is interesting that in the western part of Georgia twenty deposits with tin
content were discovered by geologists, but unfortunately without any trace of ancient
exploitation. Georgian specialists emphasize the fact that tin is genetically connected
with granitoid intrusions, characteristic of the Caucasus (Abesadze 1980: 148156;
Abesadze & Bakhtadze 1987: 54; Abesadze & Saradzhishvili 1989: 58).
Taking the dates of the Early Kurgan culture of Transcaucasia into consideration it
appears possible to place the beginning and initial stages of the Trialeti culture of the
„brilliant barrows" in the second half of the third millennium. Even from the point of
view of stadiality, the culture of the „brilliant barrows" of Trialeti is essentially a
typical product of the Early Bronze Age of the Near East and its periphery. Numerous
parallels can be found in the materials dating back to the third millennium for the
early materials of these kurgans, noted already by B. Kurtin (cf. Kuftin 1941; Gogadze
1972; Kavtaradze 1983).
The typical trait of the Trialeti Middle Bronze Age kurgans is their poverty of
weapons. There were only isolated spearheads, rapiers, daggers and knives discovered,
among them a silver dagger. It must be taken into account that there is no difference
between weapons and decorations as to their chemical composition (Abesadze 1974b:
50f). This fact can be considered as an evidence of a simultaneous production of both
types of artefacts.
The Trialeti kurgans are very rich in gold. An exceptionally high Standard of the
goldsmith is witnessed by a wellknown golden cup with curls and friezes outlined in
the double filigree and set with turquoises and carnelianes (Fig. 9.13) and by pierced
silver pins with golden heads set with the same precious stones and granulations (Fig.
9.8,9). The central piece of agate mounted in gold (Fig. 9.11) of the big golden beads
is similar to the jewellery of the Ur III period from Uruk (Kuftin 1941: 94, Fig. 98;
MaxwellHysIop 1971: 75), but by its shape more similar to the agate pendant from
the Ur burials of the Akkad period (cf. Woolley 1934: 371 f, Fig. 79; Kavtaradze 1981:
104f., Table VII). The silver cup from the Trialeti barrow no. 5 decorated with
mythological scenes (Fig. 9.1) has a recently discovered analogue in the Karashamb
kurgan of Armenia (on the bank of the Razdan, in the Ararat valley). Both these cups
are dose to the silver and golden ones of Troy llg by their shape (cf. Schliemann 1885:
586, 594, no. 840, 841, 858).
From Irganchai, in the western part of Kvemo Kartli, near Dmanisi, recently series of
14C dates for the various periods of the Trialeti culture were received; for the later
stage: kurgan no. 1 of Irganchai, 21221910 cal B.C. (TB475), kurgan no. 2, 1932
1749 cal B.C. (TB476), kurgan no. 3, 22841984 cal B.C. (TB545), kurgan no. 4,
18861706 cal B.C. (TB477), kurgan no. 5,15121406 cal B.C. (TB478), kurgan no.
9,18721679 cal B.C. (TB496), kurgan no. 18, 16781208 cal B.C. (TB548); for an
earlier stage, the Middle Bronze Age material of which reveals some traits typical
even of the Bedeni culture: kurgan no. 21, 21321951 cal B.C. (TB546), kurgan no.
25, 24602138 cal B.C. (TB811), kurgan no. 26, 22001934 cal B.C. (TB812), kurgan
no. 27, 28562409 cal B.C. (TB817), kurgan no. 28, 25782285 cal B.C. (TB818),
kurgan no. 30, 25822328 cal B.C. (TB835), kurgan no. 32, 20331749 cal B.C. (TB
834), kurgan no. 37, 33363036 cal B.C. (KN4499). Two dates gained from the II
kurgan of Aruch (Armenia), typical of the later stage of Trialeti culture: 21121772 cal
B.C. (Bln2727) and 20321890 cal B.C. (Bln2801). The dates obtained for layer II of
Dikha Gudzuba in Anaklia, in Western Georgia, which is dated more or less
contemporary with the Trialeti culture, are: 22732044 cal B.C. (TB274), 23912146
cal B.C. (TB275) and 21171930 cal B.C. CTB276).
The necessity of the pushing back the Transcaucasian dates was also recently
demonstrated by the finds of the kurgan of Karashamb. This unique complex (with the
copious golden, silver and bronze artefacts) of the second group of the kurgans of the
Trialeti culture has some traits characteristic of the third dynasty of Ur (21th20th
centuries B.C.), but at the same time it reveals connections with the earlier Central
Anatolian culture of the „Royal Tombs" of Alaca Höyük (Golovina 1990: 230;
Oganesian 1992: 84, 100 note 1).
At the time of the later part of Trialeti culture, mainly in Western Transcaucasia, a
new type of alloy, namely arsenicantimony bronze appeared. If tools and weapons
were made of firmer and better forgeable arsenic and [p. 87] tin bronzes, ceremonial
and cult inventory were cast from less firm, although easily handled arsenicantimony
bronzes which at the same time had a silverlike appearance. Often beads of antimony
were found. Casting with the wax mould was widely used. Such a development of
metallurgy was possible because of the existence of local resources.
On the upper stream of the Rioni (the ancient Phasis, the main river of Western
Georgia) copper and arsenicantimony deposits (in Zopkhito, Sagebi, Kvardzakheti
etc.) are known. At the same time, there (near the village of Ghebi, in Racha) were
found traces of ancient exploitation nearly 100 copper and 30 antimony mining
places with waste heaps of more than 100 000 tons (Mudzhiri et al. 1987: 235f;
Kushnareva 1993: 245).
Apparently this is the reason why in Georgia (mostly in the western part) and the
Northern Caucasus arsenicantimony bronzes were used so widely in the Middle and
Late Bronze Ages. Radiocarbon dates of the antimony mines of Racha are: Zopkhito,
13791167 cal B.C. (TB335) and 15171083 cal B.C. (TB302); Sagebi, 18951748 cat
B.C. (TB310) and 18821698 cal B.C. (TB334). In the opinion of specialists they
were exploited from the beginning of the second millennium B.C. (cf. Kushnareva
1993: 245). The traces of ore melting workshops and orethreshing stone hammers
found there were dated to the beginning of the Bronze Age (Abesadze 1980: 27). In
Ghebi copper ores have 8% of copper. There specimens of antimony ore from a
mining place situated 6 km from Ghebi contained following elements: I, antimony
27.26%, lead 0.66%, arsenic 4.64%, copper 0.11%, iron 2.08%, sulphur 12.37%;
II, antimony 40.47%, arsenic 0.56%, lead 0.87%, iron 1.90%, sulphur ; III,
antimony 27.31 %, arsenic 1.41 %, lead 0.87%, iron 5.66%, sulphur 15.83%
(Abesadze 1980: 26).
By taking into account the fact of the existence of high antimony copper objects from
the Early Bronze Age materials of Sachkhere (south of Racha), which are sometimes
also characterized by a high content of arsenic (Abesadze 1969: Table IIIV, NN 76
117; Kushnareva 1993: 234) (Table I), it seems to be possible to date the initial
exploitation of such ores already to the early third millennium B.C. For the dating of
the earliest materials from Sachkhere, importance should be given to the
abovementioned spearhead found in Tsartsis Gora, as well as to similar spearheads
discovered in the Late Chalcolithic VI A level of ArslantepeMalatya.
An awl from Ozni (Kvemo Kartli) containing 2.7 % of antimony and a curlring from
Kvatskhelebi B with 5% of antimony are dated to a rather early time (Abesadze 1969:
99,101). At the same time, while materials of Dzagina and Kvatskhelebi (Shida Kartli)
has a high content of antimony in the artefacts from Koreti, of the site from the
outskirts of Sachkhere, no traces of antimony were detected (Abesadze et al. 1958: 19;
Abesadze 1969: 102,104).
In NorthWestern Georgia, Abkhazia, the watershed mountain of the ravines of
Kodori and Bzyp, 20 ancient copper mining places were discovered (Abesadze 1980:
35). We have following 14C dates from mine no. 4 of Bashkapsaara: eastern part,
30152148 cat B.C. (LE4198), northern part, 1518994 cal B.C. (LE4197), western
part, 17501318 cal B.C. (LE4196), central part, 29062137 cal B.C. (LE4199)
(Kushnareva 1993: 244, 280).
In the territory between Abkhazia and Racha, in mountanous Svaneti, in Zaargash, on
the upper flow of the Enguri, a polymetallic deposit was discovered which was
exploited at the times contemporary with the mines of Racha (Chartolani 1988;
Kushnareva 1993: 245). Svaneti is exeptionally rich in leadzinc and arsenic ores
(Abesadze 1980: 28).
In the Middle Bronze Age the cultures of Eastern and Western Georgia (Central and
Western Transcaucasia) had different metallurgical sources, but it seems that they had
strong ties. As the consequence of such an interrelationship, tin was spread to Western
Georgia from the Trialeti culture, but antimony from the western part of Georgia to
Eastern Georgia (Abesadze 1980: 24). The presence of zinc and lead, beside antimony,
is typical of the contents of West Georgian bronze artefacts. There, at the same time,
zinc (till 1.25 %) is detected in arsenicantimony bronzes of Abkhazia and lead (1.8
6.3 %) in tin bronze artefacts of Racha and also sometimes in the Trialeti culture (1
3.5 %, in one case 8.38 %). Because zinc and lead were already found in Kura
Araxes artefacts of Georgia (1.22.5 %), it was supposed that they must represent
natural admixtures, typical of the copper ores of Georgia (Abesadze 1980: 24).
For the dating of the common Transcaucasian Middle Bronze Age certain importance
can be given to the obsidian of south Transcaucasian provenance revealed in Tali
Malyan in the Iranian province of Fars in deposits of the Kafteri phase (21001800
B.C.) and determined by the Conservation Analytical Laboratory of the Smithsonian
Institution. If one part of them was similar to the obsidian used in Alikemektepesi
(Azerbaijan), another part, coming from the Gutansar complex of Armenia (western
slope of Gegam), was found in great quantity in the sites of the Ararat valley, i.e.
south of its "birthplace" the Gegam mountain. At the same time, in the eight kurgans
of the Karmirberd culture, necklaces were found dated to the time of the Babylonian
king Samsuiluna, 18061778 B.C. Among the necklaces some consisted of shells of
sea molluscs which were obtained either at the estuary of the Persian Gulf or on the
south Iranian coast (cf. Simonyan 1984).
The discovery of the south Transcaucasian obsidian in the southern Iran and of south
Iranian or south [p. 87] Mesopotamian ornaments in Transcaucasia can be considered
as the reflection of one and the same phenomenon the existence of trade connections
between southern Transcaucasia on the one hand and southwestern Iran and southern
Mesopotamia on the other which determines the coexistence of the late Karmirberd
and early SevanUserlik cultures of southern Transcaucasia and of the final part of the
Trialeti culture in the 18th Century B.C. (Kavtaradze 1992: 51f;cf. Kushnareva 1994:
117).
The upper date of the Trialeti culture, and together with it the Middle Bronze Age of
Central Transcaucasia, was assigned to the middle of the fifteenth Century B.C. on the
basis of the date of the shafthole spearhead with a ferrule at the end of the kurgan no.
15 of Trialeti (Schaeffer 1948: 512) (Fig. 9.15). But since in the Near East shafthole
spearheads seem to have come from the Early Dynastie period (Thomas 1967: 73) and
the specimens with ferrule appear from the end of the third millennium there must be
a reason to put into doubt the correctness of the above date for the Trialeti spearhead
and to shift it back, together with the end of the Trialeti culture, to the middle of the
first half of the second millennium (cf. Kavtaradze 1983: 130134). The same can be
stated concerning the Aegean parallels of the seventeenth century B.C. to the silver
bowl with a cottonreel handle from the Vanadzor (Kirovakan) kurgan of the Trialeti
culture because of the existence of a similar bowl in Upper Egypt, among the treasure
of Tôd, dated back to the time of Amenemhet II (19291892 B.C.), Pharaoh of the XII
Dynasty, and the findings of similar cottonreel handles in the Anatolian sites of the
end of the third millennium B.C. (Vandier 1937: 174; MaxwellHysiop 1995: 243245,
250).
The latest group of Trialeti barrows revealing also some traits peculiar to the Late
Bronze Age, together with other sites contemporary with them, can be united in the
latest part of the Middle Bronze Age and dated by the postTrialeti times
approximately in the middle of the second millennium B.C. Up to now the only 14C
date of this period is known from the Metekhi burial (near Kaspi): 15261426 cal B.C.
(TB31).
Conclusion
The dating of the Transcaucasian metal artefacts and complexes containing them is in
many cases possible by the consideration of the dates of materials from welldated
Near Eastern strata. The chronological conclusions received by this way, that is by
correlation with the data of other archaeological materials and geochronological
analyses, represent the decisive factor for the formation of relative and absolute
chronologies of Central Transcaucasia of the Palaeometallic Age.
Acknowledgements
l am very much indebted to G. Burger, E. Schalk and E. Pernicka for reading the text
and giving usefui advices, as well as to K. Kakhiani and A. Paghava for the possibility
to publish 14C dates of Irganchai. Discussions with E. Pernicka, R. Gläser and D.
Sürenhagen have been of highiy important value. l would also like to thank B.B.
Helwing and A. Schillinger for allowing me to cite their theses. l want to express my
gratitude to the organisers of the very interesting Conference in Bochum and to the
VolkswagenFoundation which made my participation possible. [p. 98]
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For pp. 8997 see Table 1: in: http://kavtaradze.wetpaint.com/page/Table+1
Chemical composition of some metal artefacts from Central Transcaucasia;
northwestern part (the region of Sachkhere) nos. 154, southwestern part (Meskheti)
nos. 5565, northcentral part (Shida Kartli) nos. 66144, southcentral part (Kvemo
Kartli) nos. 145206, eastern part (Kakheti) nos. 207240. For the compiling of
columns, data by Abesadze et at. 1958: 819; Dzhaparidze 1961: 197201; Kushnareva
& Chubinishvili 1970: 134135; Abesadze 1969: Tables IIV; Abesadze 1974a: 19;
Abesadze 1974b: 6673; Abesadze 1980: 156,157; Tavadze et al. 1984: 46, were used.
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