Prepared for the Garden Club of Virginia Reynolds Homestead, Critz, Virginia Matthew Traucht In a farmer like manner Copyright 2014 by The Garden Club of Virginia. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction: All material contained herein is the intellectual property of the Garden Club of Virginia except where noted. Permission for reproduction, except for personal use, must be obtained from: The Fellowship Committee, Chair The Garden Club of Virginia The Kent-Valentine House 12 East Franklin Street Richmond, VA 23219 www.gcvirginia.org The Reynolds Homestead Critz, Virginia
Prepared for The Garden Club of Virginia 2013 William D. Rieley Fellowship
Prepared by Matthew Traucht 4 Contents Acknowledgements and Methodologies 6 Foreword 8 Site Plan 9 Study Area 12 Context Patrick County 14 Soils and Geology 18 Vegetation 24 Hydrology 32 Transportation 38 Historical Overview 48 Agriculture and Tobacco 50 The Slave Landscape 56 Cultural Landscape 58 Designed Landscape 60
Rock Spring Plantation 1810-1970
Reynolds Family Tree 66 History of Estate 68 Reynolds Homestead 1970-2013 Documentation 84 Restoration 85 Historical Structures 88 Modern Structures 97 Commemorative Landscape 100 Reynolds Family Cemetery 101 Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants 106 Contemporary Landscape 112 Archaeological Resources 122 Conclusion 132
Appendices 134 References 166 5 View of No Business Mountain from Reynolds Homestead front porch, 2013 Acknowledgements and Methodologies 6 Reynolda House in Winston-Salem, North Carolina maintains a wide collection of legal papers, maps, and photographs. Though none of these resources indicated any concentrated efort of garden or landscape design in the historic period, they did fll-in many gaps and helped paint a vivid picture of the historic development of the Reynolds industry and homeplace. These well- organized and preserved archives will continue to provide information about the Reynolds Homestead in particular and about nineteenth century Piedmont homesteading in general. Additional historic research was conducted in Stuart at the Patrick County Ofce of the Clerk and at the Patrick County, Virginia Historical Society and Museum, both of which are pleasant places to visit and rich with local history. In adjacent Henry County, documentary research involved visits to the Bassett Historical Society where an extensive collection of maps proved invaluable. Reynolds Homestead Director Julie Walters-Steele provided unrestricted access to the Homestead while employees Terri Leviner and Lisa Martin, lifelong residents of Patrick County, imparted contextual information that helped me better understand the landscape and culture of the region. Reynolds Homestead Historic Services Assistant Beth Almond Ford is a trove of information, exceptional storyteller, and strong advocate for the understanding of the Homesteads evolution. Former employee and local historian John Reynolds gave insights about the Homestead and its surrounds. Richard Kreh, Superintendent of Reynolds Homestead From June 17, to September 27, 2013 I was privileged to have the opportunity to conduct feldwork at the Reynolds Homestead in Critz, Virginia for the Garden Club of Virginia William D. Rieley Fellowship. To me, Critz was an isolated, unknown place following a fairly structured three years in Minneapolis where I had undertaken graduate work in completion of my Masters of Landscape Architecture degree at the University of Minnesota. Fieldwork entailed pedestrian survey of the historic core and of the nearly 800-acre property guided by aerial images, 7.5-minute USGS maps (current and historic), and, following recommendations by Reynolds Homestead staf, genuine bushwhacking. The goal of these pursuits was to locate extant structures, roads, refuse, and vegetation that might indicate historic occupation of the land. Concentrated efort was made where known structural foundations existed, near waterways, and in other likely locations. This detailed examination of the Reynolds Homestead indicated several key areas, called- out near the end of this report, where future research might reveal additional information about the historic use of the property. Research of written and photographic documentation about the Reynolds Homestead was conducted at several repositories. The Reynolds Homestead maintains a collection of historic papers, photographs, and artifacts, which are revealing of the Reynolds family and of the evolution of the property. The archives at 7 Forestry and Wildlife Research Center from 1969-2002, provided detailed descriptions and recollections of the agricultural landscape he found waiting for him when Nancy Susan Reynolds deeded the property to Virginia Tech. Employees of the Forest Resources Research Center, especially Superintendent Kyle Peer, provided key information that helped guide my feldwork. Anthropologist Dr. Lynn Rainville (Sweet Briar College) shared her discoveries about the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants and provided background on nineteenth century African American burial practices. Archaeologist Dr. Cliford Boyd (Radford University), who has conducted archaeological investigations at Reynolds Homestead, visited the site with me and ofered insights and direction. Research scientist and historian Ann Miller (Virginia Department of Transportation) helped me understand and appreciate the evolution of transportation in the region and the efect it had on the Reynolds industry and Homestead. At Reynolda House Archives, Todd Crumley and Elizabeth Chew were particularly knowledgeable and helpful. Lastly, the members of the Garden Club of Virginia Fellowship Committee were exceptionally enthusiastic about my work and provided key guidance regarding the research. William D. Rieley and Karen Kennedy both provided a high level of support and encouragement as I studied the Homestead and ofered key suggestions on research design and execution. Thank you. 8 In 1825, Abraham Reynolds purchased 598 acres of land near the small town of Critz in southwestern Virginia. This land, known locally at the time as Rock Spring Plantation, was relatively pristine and free of developments. Eventually, Rock Spring would become well-known in Patrick County: The Reynolds family would contribute resources to the Civil War, to local churches, and to area schools and hospitals. Foreword Abrahams son Hardin grew the homestead into a tobacco manufacturing business at the center of more than 8,000 acres of cultivated land. Hardins oldest son, Major Abram David (AD), would lead a Civil War regiment at the age of seventeen, establish his own tobacco factory, and father a child who would transform the metals industry in the frst half of the 20th century with his Reynolds Metals Company. Hardins second son Richard Joshua (RJ) would establish a tobacco empire ffty miles south in Winston, North Carolina that would grow to become one of the largest in the world. All told, Hardin and his wife Nancy would have 16 children at Rock Spring, half of whom would not grow to adulthood. Rock Spring Plantation, now called the Reynolds Homestead, remained in the Reynolds family until 1969 when Nancy Susan Reynolds, RJs daughter, deeded 710 acres to Virginia Polytechnical Institute and State University (Virginia Tech). Two years later, the Homestead was listed on the National Register of Historic Places and, in 1977, became a National Historic Landmark. The Reynolds Homestead is actively engaged in community enrichment programs and forestry research and education. The Homestead continues to play a major role in our understanding and interpretation of ante- and post bellum tobacco farming. Rock Spring, primary water source throughout the historic period, 2013 9 Forestry Research equipment area Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants Replica tobacco barn Historic Core (6.99-acres) Reynolds Family Cemetery Historic Reynolds house and outbuildings Continuing Education Center Staff residence and Forestry Research Facility Historic Rock Spring Historic Rock Spring, 2013 10 Front of restored Reynolds Homestead house, 2013 Community Enrichment Center, 2013 Restored ice house, brick dairy, and house, 2013 Abandoned tobacco barn, 2013 Forestry research plot, 2013 Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, 2013 Reynolds Family Cemetery, 2013 11 Reynolds Homestead, located in the east part of Patrick County in southwestern Virginia, is an almost 800-acre parcel of rural land surrounded by rolling topography, agricultural plots, and sizeable woodlots typical of the Virginia Piedmont. The unincorporated community of Critz, with a population of fewer than 500, is located one mile south of Reynolds Homestead. Stuart, the county seat of Patrick County, is ten miles west of the Homestead and has a population of about 1500. Stuart Critz Woolwine Meadows of Dan Ararat North Carolina Henry County Franklin County Floyd County Carroll County 12 Study Area Surry County Stokes County Reynolds Homestead Danville Richmond Lynchburg Patrick Springs with the historic setting. The remainder of the property includes both natural secondary forest growth and controlled forestry research plots on rolling topography. Several abandoned buildings including houses and tobacco barns can be found scattered across the property. Dirt roads used primarily for research-related vehicles circulate throughout, some of which predate the research component of the Reynolds Homestead and likely represent historic farming roads. The entire property is fenced. Critz Historic Core 13 Reynolds Homestead consists of a 6.99-acre historic core surrounded by scientifc forestry research plots. The core includes both historic and modern structures situated in an open, slightly rolling meadow and grass lawn. The primary feature of the Reynolds Homestead is a restored brick house constructed in two stages between 1843 and 1855. Members of the Reynolds family continuously occupied the house until 1961 when it was rented to tenant farmers. In 1968, the house was restored to its mid-nineteenth century appearance and furnished with period pieces representative of an upper middle-class family in rural Virginia. At this time, an historic granary, dairy, kitchen, and ice house were also restored and the entire property was deeded to Virginia Tech. Two cemeteries are also present on the property, each a short distance from the house. Modern facilities include the Community Enrichment Center to the west of the house, a forestry research center and single-family home southwest of the house, and three forestry-related outbuildings north of the house. A replica tobacco barn was constructed near the house in 2011 for interpretive purposes. Rock Spring, the historic domestic water source, is a tenth of a mile from the house and accessible by an old road and footpath. A one-mile loop trail circulates around the historic core providing access to interpretive material that includes historic structures and botanic specimens. Though the modern buildings impinge somewhat on the historic character of the Reynolds Homestead, the rural landscape is in keeping Property Boundary 14 Context: Patrick County Reynolds Homestead is situated in Patrick County in Southside Virginia. At the age of thirty, Abraham Reynolds made his frst land purchase: In 1810 he bought from Thomas Sneed 180 acres on the waters of the North Mayo (Appendix I.) At the time of the sale, Patrick County was less than twenty years old. Though Virginia was colonized in 1607, the frst European settlers to the area now known as Patrick County would not arrive until 1740. For the frst one hundred years of Virginias colonization, there were no settlements west of the Fall Line, the geologic feature marking the drop in elevation from the Piedmont Plateau to the Tidewater. Though colonists might have explored parts of the Piedmont and utilized the area for hunting and trading with Native Americans, most activity was limited to the Tidewater region. In 1720, Governor Alexander Spotswoodeager to claim land for the British amidst the rising push from the west by French colonists from the Ohio and Mississippi River valleysadded two new counties to Virginias Prince George County, formed in 1703. Spotsylvania County encompassed the area north of the James River and Brunswick County the area to the south. Brunswick County encompassed all the land west of the Fall Line, east of the Blue Ridge Mountains, south of the James River, and north of the as yet un-surveyed Virginia-North Carolina border. Brunswick would later be sub-divided into the counties of Lunenburg, Mocklenburg, Charlotte, Halifax, Pittsylvania, Bedford, Campbell, Henry, Franklin, Prince Edward, a portion of Amelia, and Patrick Counties. The push to settle Spotsylvania County happened much faster than it did in Brunswick. This was partly due to the fact that all of Brunswick Countys rivers emptied into North Carolinas treacherous Albemarle Sound rather than the more navigable harbor at Richmond. Land grants, supposedly limited to 1,000 acres but oftentimes much larger than that, enticed people into the area. So-called Quit Rent, a British tax of one shilling per year for every ffty acres, was not charged for the frst ten years of ownership. Homesteaders were required to cultivate three out of every ffty acres they owned. In lieu of that, they could maintain three head of cattle or build a house somewhere on the entire acreage. Mostly Presbyterians of Scotch-Irish descent and Germans subscribing to Lutheran, Mennonite, and Moravian beliefs settled Brunswick County. In 1728, Colonel William Byrd led a team of surveyors consisting of Virginians, North Carolinians, servants, and Indian guides into what would be named Patrick County 63 years hence. Byrd named many of the features including the Dan River, Wart Mountain (now called Bull Mountain), and the Mayo River in what he called the Land of Eden. Four years later, enough settlers had come to Brunswick County that a local government was established to accommodate the land grant patents and squatters streaming into the area. 1 15 Hotchkiss Geological Map of Virginia and West Virginia, 1835-41 16 The County of Lunenburg was formed in 1745 from the western portion of Brunswick County. Three years later, Haman Critz, Sr., who had been camping on Spoon Creek submitted title for his frst deed. He would continue to acquire land and eventually the town of Critz was established a short distance from the Reynolds Homestead. As settlers continued to arrive in the area and the need for localized government increased, Lunenburg County split and Halifax County was established in 1753. The French and Indian War began a year later and lasted for nine years thus creating a need for a military presence. Fort Mayo, the southernmost of Virginias frontier forts, was established on the North Mayo River a few miles east of present day Reynolds Homestead in Stella, Virginia. In 1764, Pittsylvania County was established from the western portion of Lunenburg County. The Pittsylvania jurisdiction included the present day counties of Patrick, Henry, Pittsylvania, and parts of Carroll and Franklin. It was during this period that the Americans fought the Revolutionary War against the British. Like other counties, Pittsylvania would join George Washington by sending men to be trained for the Continental Army and would establish its own brigade of Minutemen to provide local military enforcement. Patrick County map drawn in 1821 by John Wood 17 Henry County was formed from a portion of Pittsylvania County in 1776 and named for Patrick Henry, frst governor of Virginia. Fifteen years later, Patrick County was established in its present location. A year later, the county surveyor sited the courthouse, jail, and streets in the town of Taylorsville, renamed and incorporated as the town of Stuart for Confederate Major General J.E.B. Stuart in 1884. Today, Patrick County includes approximately 483 square miles, 34th in Virginia by area with a population density of 38 people per square mile. Henry, Franklin, Floyd, and Carroll counties in Virginia and Stokes and Surry counties in North Carolina border the county. The line separating Patrick County from Floyd and Carroll counties is on the Eastern Continental Divide. A portion of the Blue Ridge Mountains lies in Patrick County. The county contains 96 miles of primary roads including sections of State Highways 8, 40, 57, and 103 as well as US Highway 58 and maintains almost 623 miles of secondary roads. According to the 2010 U.S. census the town of Stuart, county seat and commercial center of the county, had a population of 1,408 while Patrick County as a whole claimed 18,490 people. A single high school, located south of Stuart, serves the entire county. In 1995, approximately 100 churches were identifed in Patrick County, one for every 170 people. These churches represent Primitive Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian faiths, among others. Until relatively recent years, farming was the primary mode of earning a living. Tobacco was the major crop grown in the region but orchards and timber are also money-earning agricultural products. Today, the average farm is 144 acres and the average value of crops sold per acre is $335.34. About 22% of Patrick County land is held in agricultural production and approximately 900 acres is listed as orchard. The growing season is roughly six months and the county receives an average of 47 inches of precipitation per year. The climate is temperate and the town of Stuart averages a temperature of 58 F with ranges between zero and 100. Beginning in the 1920s, textile and furniture manufacturing in nearby Henry County provided a source of income for Patrick County residents. By the 1990s however, many of those industries had closed their doors and relocated overseas where labor and materials were cheaper. Fairy Stone State Park in the northwest corner of the county provides more than four thousand acres of recreation land and a 168-acre lake. Of the eight still- standing historic covered bridges in Virginia, two are located in Patrick County. 18 Context: Soils and Geology Reynolds Homestead lies in the southeastern quadrant of Patrick County, established in 1791. Patrick County is comprised of four distinct geological zones, two of which are expressed in the 795 acres now preserved within Reynolds Homesteads boundaries. The gradual blending of two diferent biomes the steep slopes and soils of the Blue Ridge Mountains and the moderately rolling topography of the Piedmontmakes Reynolds Homestead an ecotone, a place of ecological transition. The largest biome in Patrick County is the Piedmont region. The term piedmont frst appeared in the English language in 1755 as piemont and is derived from the Italian piemonte, literally mountain foot. In Patrick County, the land gradually slopes up east to west from 800 feet above sea level at the Patrick County Henry County border to 3,400 feet at the mountains. Historically, most of the tobacco grown in Patrick County was found in the Piedmont province. Similar conditions are found more broadly throughout the Virginia Piedmont and the regional Southern Piedmont, which spans roughly 64,400 square miles and includes portions of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. The Virginia Piedmont is the states largest ecological province and provides a gradual transition between the Coastal Tidewater region to the east and the Blue Ridge mountain range to the west. The Piedmont is characterized by gently rolling terrain, deeply weathered bedrock, and complex soils. Piedmont geology consists of igneous and metamorphic rock having undergone long cycles of deposition, uplift, and erosion. A large quantity of the Piedmont consists of a thick mantle of soil atop gneiss, schist, and granite rocks at shallow depths. Though this soil is not highly rated for agricultural practices, it is improved with the addition of organic material, lime, and fertilizer. Historically, the Piedmont has been considered relatively good land for farming. Tidewater Piedmont Blue Ridge Ridge + Valley 2 No Business Mountain from the southern limit of the Reynolds Homestead property, 2013 19 No Business Mountain, purchased in 1849 by Hardin Reynolds and utilized for timber and orchards but now no longer part of the Reynolds Homestead property, is part of Virginias Blue Ridge province and is located on the northern limit of the Reynolds Homestead. The Blue Ridge Mountains stretch from Pennsylvania to Georgia and are among the oldest mountains on the planet. The Range, comprised of crystalline rock created through processes of upheaval several million years ago and subsequent weathering, demonstrates steep slopes, narrow ridges, and high relief. No Business Mountain is separated from nearby Bull Mountain by a two-mile wide gap; Bull Mountain is separated from the more contiguous Blue Ridge Mountains by a six-mile gap. Historically, these gaps, hollows, and valleys were the frst to be settled. Fertile land, plentiful water from streams, rivers, and springs, and diverse vegetation provided a habitable environment. The slopes of the Blue RidgeNo Business Mountain included were too steep for cultivation and home-building but provided timber resources and acceptable conditions for orchards. 3 20 Reynolds Homestead lies in the western (or inner) zone and southern section (south of the James River) of the Piedmont. The house at the Reynolds Homestead lies at 1,122 feet above sea level and the land ranges from 1,034 feet to 1,185 feet in an undulating pattern across the property. Though Piedmont conditions dominate the rolling landscape at Reynolds Homestead, they are transitional with more mountainous conditions. Reynolds Homestead exhibits a patchwork of highly diverse soils with relatively abrupt transitions. In 2009, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) published a comprehensive soil survey of Patrick County. The survey demonstrates the highly variable conditions at the Reynolds Homestead and gives us some idea of how the Reynolds family might have parsed their land use. This survey provides a modern interpretation of contemporary soils, however agricultural practices and climate change may have drastically altered the conditions there. Richard Kreh, Superintendent of the Reynolds Homestead Forestry and Wildlife Research Center from 1969 to 2002, estimates that in some places as much as eighteen inches of soil has been lost to erosion. The agricultural practices of the 19th and 20th centuries have undoubtedly contributed to soil erosion, loss of fertility, and the sedimentation of waterways. According to the USDA survey, the soils of Patrick County are generally highly leached, acidic, and low in essential plant nutrients. Excessive runof, soil compaction, and poor tilth are resultant of poor farming practices including excessive tillage and trampling by livestock. The countys soils are structurally weak and low in naturally occurring organic matter. Poorly drained, soils no longer support tobacco cultivation, 2013 4 5 4C 29A 5C 40E 26A 4B 43C 5D 19B2 5B 19D2 51C 20D 4D 19C2 21E 19E2 7E 21 As illustrated in this diagram, the highly variable soils found at the Reynolds Homestead created both opportunities and complications for the production of crops and the raising of livestock. Though the Reynolds family is often associated with the manufacture and sale of tobacco, records indicate they actually purchased much more of the plant than they cultivated. USDA Soil Typologies Property Boundary 22 Tobacco grows best on gradually sloping, well-drained, fertile soils adjacent to waterways. Tobacco cultivation quickly degrades soil productivity and integrity requiring the planter to rotate crops every 3-5 years. The process of fallowingwhereby land, after several years of cultivation, is left unused restores some of the balance to soils. The Reynolds might have also practiced some form of crop rotation or allowed livestock to pasture on land exhausted by tobacco production. Areas of the property not used for tobacco production were farmed for corn, wheat, barley, and other crops. As homesteaders, the Reynolds were constantly breaking new ground to provide for their own nutritional needs. They sold surplus crops at the mercantile store they operated from a building near their house. A large quantity of the property is well suited to the production of wheat, tobacco, and hay and moderately suited to corn and soybeans. The fner sandy loams on summits and slopes were ideal for the cultivation of both tobacco and food crops. The sandy clay loams associated with more steeply sloping land is well suited to wheat and moderately suited to corn and soybeans but do not support tobacco cultivation. USDA soil type 26A: Floodplain, French Loam on 0-3 percent slopes with occasional fooding USDA soil type 4C: Braddock fne sandy loam on 8-15 percent slopes found on fan remnants and high stream terraces 23 Today, the Reynolds Homestead remains a highly productive landscape. When the land was deeded to Virginia Tech in 1969, it was stipulated that the property should be used primarily for forestry research. The diverse soils associated with the Homestead are well suited to woodland crop production. Yellow poplars (Liriodendron tulipifera), loblolly pine (Pinus taeda), and eastern white pines (Pinus strobus) are grown in experimental plots scattered across the Reynolds Homestead. The wide range of soils support the growth of eastern white pines and yel- low poplars As successful planters, the Reynolds also were involved in animal husbandry. In an accounting of the Reynolds livestock in 1882, there were 31 cows, 25 sheep, 12 hogs, and 8 mules and horses. Except for the rocky soils associated with steep slopes, a high percentage of the soils would have been suitable for pasturing. Fallowed sections of the Homestead property might have been used at diferent times for pasturing livestock. Except for steep slopes, a large percentage of Reynolds Homestead soils are suited for pasture 24 Context: Vegetation Todays landscape surrounding the Reynolds Homestead is a patchwork of forests, farms, and pastures. Abandoned agricultural felds have seen the regeneration of successional forests and land is utilized for timber, Christmas tree production, and orchards. Early successional trees include shortleaf pine (Pinus echinata), loblolly pine (Pinus taeda), and sweetgum (Liquidambar stryacifua). Oak-heath forests and oak-hickory forests are the dominant hardwood ecological community groups. Oak-heath communities occur on xeric (drier), acidic, infertile, upland soils while oak-hickory forests can be found on mesic (wetter), more basic, fertile soils. White oak (Quercus alba) can be found throughout the region. The mesic ravines and valleys support American beech (Fagus grandifolia), oaks (Quercus spp.), and tulip poplar (Liriodendron tulipfera) while the uplands include silver maple (Acer saccharinum), sycamore (Platanus occidentalis), American elm (Ulmus Americana), and box elder (Acer negundo). Interior of successional forest at Reynolds Homestead, 2013 Forest edge at Reynolds Homestead, 2013 6 25 Reynolds Homestead, outlined in red, is surrounded by a mosaic of farms, pastures, and forests, image courtesy Google Earth 2013 26 10 13 14 16 15 27 17 36 17 18 19 20 25 26 24 23 21 22 27 27 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 28 1 2 3 3 4 5 6 7 7 8 9 10 8 10 12 10 11 13 13 12 Stand Diagram Native Cover Cultivated Cover 27 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 7.8 2.9 10.1 49.5 2.1 2.5 62.3 12.2 4.2 4.0 1.6 1.5 3.2 2.4 16.3 11.6 72.2 2.8 9.5 25.0 4.5 8.9 0.9 4.0 27.2 32.3 ~280 18.0 0.8 0.4 0.4 2.6 2.4 0.7 1.9 5.3 Loblolly Pine Natural, open Loblolly Pine Mixed Pine Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine, Mixed Hardwood Loblolly Pine Loblolly Pine Sycamore, Willow Oak Mixed hardwood Natural, open Yellow Poplar Mixed bottomland Hardwood Shortleaf Pine Loblolly Pine Yellow Poplar, Mixed Hardwood Natural, open Loblolly Pine Hybrid Poplar Mixed Hardwood Mixed Hardwood and Pine Mixed Hardwood Virginia Pine, Mixed Hardwood Research Fence Research Fence Research Fence Hybrid Poplar Hybrid Poplar Hybrid Poplar Black Cottonwood Mixed species Open 2009/2010 2007 1983 2000 2008 2002 2009 2005 1969 var. 2007 2007 2003 2011 ~1930 2006 ~1960 2010 2011 1983 2012 2012 2013 2012/2013 ~1960 2010 1910-1930 ~1950 2010 2012 2013 2011 var. Harvest 2006; Site prep 2008; Burn 2009; Plant 2009,2010 Harvest 2006; Site prep 2008; Burn 2009, 2011 Plant 1983 Harvest 1998,1999; Plant 2000 - Loblolly, White, Shortleaf, Virginia Harvest 2006; Site prep, burn 2008; Plant fall 2008 Plant 2002; Fertilizer research Harvest 2007; Site prep 2008; Burn 2008; Plant 2009; Row mulch 2013 Harvest 2004; Plant 2005 Plant 1969; Understory burn 2001 4 Research blocks Harvest 2006; Natural regeneration; Pre-commercial thin 2013 Plant 2007; Pre-commercial thin 2013 Plant 2003; 5 Research blocks Wetland mitigation study; Site prep 2011; Plant 2011 Selective harvest 2004,2005; Wildlife cut; Understory burn 2011 Harvest 2004,2005; Site prep 2008; Burn 2008, 2012 Harvest 2009; Natural regeneration Harvest 2009; Burn 2011; Plant 2011; Volunteer pine removal 2012 Plant 1983; Thinning/fertilizer research Harvest 2011; Natural regeneration Harvest 2011; Burn 2013 Harvest 2011; Plant 2013 Harvest 2011; Site prep 2012; Plant fall 2012,spring 2013 Harvest 2009; Natural regeneration Mix of upland & bottomland hardwood with scattered blocks of pine species Plant 2010 Plant 2012 Plant fall 2013 Plant 2011 Dow Chemical Company herbicide research Continuing Education Center; Historical District Stand Acres Description Origin Notes 28 Overstory White oak Quercus alba Chestnut oak Quercus prinus Scarlet oak Quercus coccinea Black oak Quercus velutina Red maple Acer rubrum Black gum Nyssa sylvatica Sorrell / Sourwood Oxydendrum arboreum Pignut hickory Carya glabra Mockernut hickory Carya tomentosa Yellow poplar Liriodendron tulipifera American sweetgum Liquidambar stryracifua Southern red oak Quercus falcata American sycamore Platanus occidentalis American elm Ulmus americana Green ash Fraxinus pennsylvanica Hackberry Celtis occidentalis Boxelder Acer negundo Eastern white pine Pinus strobus Shortleaf pine Pinus echinata Pitch pine Pinus rigida Virginia pine Pinus virginiana Understory Eastern redbud Cercis canadensis Eastern hop-hornbeam Ostrya virginiana Umbrella magnolia Magnolia tripetala Sassafras Sassafras albidum Flowering dogwood Cornus forida Serviceberry Amelanchier canadensis Blackberry Rubus spp. Four-leaf milkweed Asclepias quadrifolia Curlyheads Clematis ochroleuca Naked-fowered tick-trefoil Hylodesmum nudiforum Bottlebrush grass Elymus hystrix False solomons-plume Maianthemum racemosum Rock muhly Muhlenbergia sobolifera Goldenrod Solidago spp. Yellow pimpernel Taenidia integerrima Yellow horse-gentian Triosteum angustifolium Wood violet Viola palmata Bracken fern Pteridium aquilinum Pennsylvania sedge Carex pensylvanica Hoary mountain-mint Pycnanthemum incanum Smooth blue aster Symphyotrichum laeve Purple giant hyssop Agastache scrophulariifolia Cutleaf conefower Rudbeckia laciniata Virginia spiderwort Tradescantia virginiana Narrow-leaved vervain Verbena simplex Patrick County Vegetative Cover 29 Generalizations about the historic vegetation can be made through the examination of land deeds for properties bought and sold by the Reynolds family in Patrick County throughout the 19th century. According to a report published by the US Forest Service in 2012, old deeds are an acceptable and informative source for the study of historic vegetation. Metes and bounds surveys were drawn using bearings and distances from rock piles, trees, and other natural features. So-called witness trees recorded in the surveys provide a snapshot into the historic landscape at a precise location and time. Though a certain surveyor bias may have existed (unusual trees might have been chosen because they are easier to relocate, longer-lived species might have been more commonly chosen), the witness trees found in these surveys provide a sampling of the historic vegetation and a very diferent picture than what is found in Virginias forests today. These historic trees, fairly well distributed across oak-hickory and oak-heath communities, demonstrate a diverse forest cover that is no longer prevalent in Virginia. Though individual specimens of these trees may still exist in Patrick County, the prevalence of some has been greatly diminished. Survey for Hardin Reynolds, February 24, 1881 7 30 Common name Scientifc name Ecology Maple Acer spp. Stream banks, food plains Hornbeam Carpinus betulus Coarse soils on stream banks Hickory Carya spp. Mesic slopes and bottomlands Chestnut Castanea dentata Dry, deep soils on slopes Persimmon Diospyros virginiana Wide variety of habitats Walnut Juglans nigra Deep bottomlands, mesic slopes Black gum Nyssa sylvatica Uplands and wetlands Sorrell (Sourwood) Oxydendrum arboreum Well drained, moist soils Locust Robinia pseudoacacia Well drained soils on slopes White oak Quercus alba Lowland, tolerant of mesic/xeric Spanish oak Quercus falcata Dry, sandy uplands Water oak Quercus nigra Wet, mesic bottomlands Chestnut oak Quercus prinus Xeric, rocky slopes, mesic bottomland Red oak Quercus rubra Mesic slopes, well-drained uplands Black oak Quercus velutina Well drained silty clay loam Beach gum Unknown Pine Pinus spp. Patrick County Witness Trees 1810-1906 31 The dense forests of Virginia were highly exploited by settlers as they moved into the area. In 1740 when settlers frst arrived in Patrick County, most timber was cut and burned or allowed to decay to clear land for agricultural purposes. Wood was the primary source for fuel and the dominant building material for all structures. Oak chestnut bark was in such high demand for leather tanning that many trees were cut for their bark only, the rest of the wood being left to rot. As sawmills and railroads entered the region, forests were clear-cut at an even faster pace. Furniture manufacturing companies in neighboring Henry County appeared by the end of the nineteenth century and further increased the demand for timber. The American chestnut was all but extinct by the 1930s due to a blight accidentally introduced from Asia forty years previous. Undoubtedly, the Native Americans who lived in Virginia prior to European colonial settlement had some impact on the regions forest resources. Though a fairly large village existed on the Roanoke River near present-day Clarksville one hundred miles east, archaeologists have found little evidence of permanent habitation by Native Americans in the Patrick County region. Those who did use the area most likely were nomadic groups passing through on gathering-hunting missions. The Great Warriors Path, which extended from New York to Georgia and traversed Patrick County slightly northeast of the Reynolds Homestead, would have seen use by traders and hunters alike. Nomadic groups would have found the areas streams and forests abundant with seasonally available game, fsh, tubers, berries, and plants. Where they had communities, Native Americans cultivated squash, yams, tobacco, and corn: These cultivars had wild antecedents that might have still been found in nature. Selective plant management might have occurred at a small scale and forest fres may have been set as a hunting strategy. That said, Euro-American settlement afected profound change on the regional vegetation pattern. Throughout the homestead period, the Reynolds family increased their Patrick County land-holdings from 180 acres in 1810 to 7,504 in 1884. Transformation of this rugged, forested land into a working agricultural landscape was no small feat and required a high investment in labor. Prior to the Civil War, the Reynolds utilized a force of enslaved people; after the War, indentured servitude and sharecropping was employed to manage the growing property. Handwritten contracts between Hardin Reynolds and his various land tenants demonstrate Reynolds industrial expectations. In all cases, in addition to erecting fences, constructing houses, and maintaining barns, the renter was obliged to clear and improve the land in a farmer like manner to the best of his ability. 8 9 32 The regional hydrology had a major impact on the settlement of the entirety of Southside Virginia, and Patrick County was no exception. Prior to 1860 when railroads became viable, rivers and canals were the only method by which crops could be transported from felds to market. Tobacco, the primary cash crop of Virginia, was marketed in and exported out of Richmond, situated near the coast and accessible via the James River. Unfortunately for Southside, most of its rivers drained into the Albemarle Sound via the Roanoke River. Patrick County planters had no choice but to deliver their crops overland to markets in Lynchburg, an arduous 110-mile journey from Stuart. Context: Hydrology James River (Virginia) and Roanoke River (North Carolina) drainages associated with tobacco transport Plymouth Richmond Roanoke River Drainage James River Drainage Reynolds Homestead 33 Patrick County is drained by four rivers, each of which originate within the county and empty into the Roanoke River. The westernmost drainage in Patrick County is the Ararat, which originates on the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge and drains into the Yadkin River in North Carolina and then joins the Pee Dee River, eventually draining into the Atlantic near Georgetown, South Carolina. Smith River, which drains the north part of Patrick County, is dammed in Henry County to create Phillpott Lake. The Mayo River, having two main branches, drains the entire southeastern section of the county. The North Mayo River originates near Bull Mountain and joins the South Mayo in Rockingham County, North Carolina. The major tributaries of the North Mayo include Pole Bridge Creek, Spencer Creek, Laurel Creek, and Mill Creek, which originates on No Business Mountain and fows through the Reynolds Homestead. The South Mayo, fed by Russell, Spoon, Rhody, Rye Cove, and Poorhouse Creeks, originates north and west of Stuart. The South Mayo fows across the southern part of the county, passes through Henry County, and then joins the North Mayo in North Carolina. The Mayo River system joins the Dan River near Madison in North Carolina. The Dan River, originating in the Meadows of Dan and gaining momentum on the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge, is joined by the Little Dan, Hookers and Peters Creeks and, later, Big Round Meadow Creek and Little Round Meadow Creek before it fows into the Roanoke after several crossings of the Virginia-North Carolina border. Four major drainages in Patrick County Smith North Mayo Dan South Mayo Ararat Stuart Reynolds Homestead 34 In Southside, springs, streams, and rivers were prime real estate for homesteads. Given the available technology, the uplands were often too steep and rocky to support agricultural pursuits. Besides fertile soil, the valleys, or hollows, provided abundant sources of water for drinking, cooking, cleaning, and homestead industry. The frst Patrick County permit for a mill was issued in August 1792 and the next twenty years saw at least ten more permits. By the time Abraham Reynolds purchased the Homestead land in 1825, sixteen mills were registered in Patrick County. The John Wood map, published in 1821, shows twenty-one mills. During the period of signifcance, all mills would have harnessed their power from rivers and streams; steam-powered mills did not arrive in Patrick County until the late 19th century. 1821 Wood Map showing locations of water-powered mills, Reynolds Homestead in red At this time, farmers raised their own subsistence crops but relied on area mills to help them process the grains for consumption. Corn, wheat, rye, and barley were transported to a local gristmill where massive stone wheels or, later, wooden rollers would transform the raw yield into meals and fours. The miller accepted a quantity of the yield as payment, often as much as a gallon of grain for every bushel processed. In the early days, the mills might have operated only one or two days a week and were the sites of informal community gathering. 10 35 Several small drainages are present on the Reynolds Homestead, all of which drain into Mill Creek which then spills into the North Mayo seven miles east of the property. These creeks, whose wide foodplains would be used for tobacco cultivation, originate on the eastern slopes of No Business Mountain. Today, Virginia Tech utilizes some of these drainages to conduct hydrologic and stabilization research. Hydrology in and around Reynolds Homestead Research project: Drainage stabilization, 2013 Mill Creek in northern part of Reynolds Homestead, 2013 36 The plantation took its name from Rock Spring, a small seep that still fows a short distance down the hill from the house. Until the restoration of the house in 1968, Rock Spring was the main source of water for the Homestead. Before the pump house was built in the mid-twentieth century, water would have been gathered at the spring and carried to the house for drinking, cooking, and domestic chores. Aside from its utility for domestic chores, Rock Spring plays an important role in the Homestead history and the Reynolds mythology. By 1843, Hardin Reynolds owned 1,433 acres of land in Patrick County but he located his house based, at least partially, on the presence of the spring with its plentiful waters. Almost two decades later, the spring would be credited with saving the life of little RJ, Hardins second-born son. In late October 1862, RJs older brother AD returned from Randolph County where he had purchased a wagonload of cotton. Upon his return to the Homestead, he was Sevierly reprimanded by his father who had learned that the cotton might have been contaminated with small pox. Hardin, in an attempt to save his family from the disease, made the risky decision to have his children vaccinated. RJ, who felt a strong burning sensationfrom the innoculation, raced from the house down to Rock Spring and washed his arm with its cool waters. Within four days, RJs three youngest siblings were dead, presumably from the vaccination. John Gilmore (aged 6), Nancy Bill (aged 4), and Ernest C. (aged 1) all died within fve days of one another. Today, Rock Spring is preserved as part of the Reynolds Homestead historic core and, as such, is interpreted as the genius loci (spirit of place) of this cultural landscape. Russell Critz refreshing himself at Rock Spring in 1962 11 37 Rock Spring, 2013 38 Context: Transportation Though occasional explorers ventured into Virginias backcountry on foot and horseback, it would require settlers transporting goods into and out of the region to establish the frst roads. Before European colonization, Native Americans followed game trails that, over time, became well traveled and would eventually be used as primary arteries. By the early 18th century, migrating Scotch-Irish, Anglo-Irish, English, and Germans began to venture into the hinterland from Philadelphia. Many of Patrick Countys settlers arrived to the region via the Great Wagon Road, which followed the same course as the Warriors Path, a route from New York to Georgia used by Native American traders. Based on their own survey work, Thomas Jefersons father, Peter, and Joshua Fry produced a map in 1751 that traced the route of the Great Philadelphia Wagon Road, also marked Trading Path leading to the Catawba & Cherokee Indian Nations. This map predated the survey work that would eventually draw many of the political boundaries that would defne the states of Virginia, Ohio, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. As seen on the Fry and Jeferson map, the route departed from Philadelphia heading west where it passed through the Pennsylvania towns of Lancaster and York before it turned southwest to cross the Potomac River at Harpers Ferry. From Winchester the route passed into the Shenandoah Valley and then returned to the east side of the Blue Ridge Mountains via the Roanoke River Gap. The route then progressed southward into North Carolina and eventually to Atlanta, Georgia. When the map was produced in 1751, the only portion labeled Waggon is the section between Winchester and Philadelphia. Though the road never passed through Patrick County, evidence of it is known in adjacent Henry County. 12 Great Wagon Road depicted (red) on A map of the most inhabited part of Virginia containing the whole province of Maryland with part of Pensilvania, New Jersey and North Carolina. Drawn by Joshua Fry & Peter Jefferson in 1751, published by Thos. Jefferys, London, 1755 39 40 In his Recollections, Abram David Reynolds recounts his frst independent foray on Virginias roads as he, in 1862 at the age of ffteen, set out to acquire a wagonload of salt from the Confederate government in Charleston, South Carolina. In the vernacular of his time he writes: After the frst day or two I camped with Mr. Paterson from Franklin County VA he and I Camped togather the frst night between Floyd CH and Christiansburg He had a four horse team and a negro driver Just what I had Except he was riding a poney and I was walking Except when I road in the wagon. That night we formed a Covenant with Each other to stick to Each other all the way to Charleston and back to the Franklin Pike We followed the McCadem road from Christiansburg Va to Dublin whare the Confederate Goverment had a Commersary Storing Supplies to feed the Army in W Va as that Country was destitute of any thing for man Or horse - Not having a full load of tobacco I brought along to peddle out we both applied to the goverment quarter-master for a part of a load which they were only too glad to furnish us. So after getting Our load we moved on down New River by the Narrows Peters town and on to Raleigh CH which was practically burned up only the Chimnies and Some wall remained. After leaving Peraisburg and fnding the goverment was hauling Supplies to the Army I said to my partner Patterson I am going to give you a thought which will Save your teem and my teem aliveWe are about to enter a Country that both armies have marched over Several times and distroyed Every thing and what we Should do is ride this horse a head of the wagons and buy Corn for our teems & pack Same to the road It was impossable to buy Corn on the main high way hundreds of teems had gone on ahead of us and only Chance now was for him to ride one day and pack Corn to the main road & let me have his horse the next day and all I Chardged for the thought was the use of his horse Evry other day He was delighted to accept my sugjestion and before we reached Raleigh County whare Evry thing was destroyed We had laid in about Twenty fve bushels of Shelled Corn (Each) We would gather it in During the day and Shell Sack and Sow up the Sacks at night After we Entered Raleigh County we began to meet Six horse teems that left our Country fat and Slick Worn out and in Some instances half the teems had died We could not haul Sufcient hay so fed our Corn and grased our horses half the night No fences and no Stock to Eat the grass Except teems going & Comeing - Before we Could reach Charleston we were ordered to turn back and Evry thing was being rushed at such a rate the Salt wagons had to leav a part of their load which we bought at nearly the Same price they paid So very soon we had all the Salt we Could pull with our Corn which was not yet half fed The quarter masters Came arround Searching wagons to get Corn As they approached our wagons we would holler at our drivers not to feed all that Corn to leav some for that night & in this way they passed our wagons several times 41 without Searching our wagons Things moved on nicely until we missed our road near Peterstown & found our Selves at a ford on New River instead of the ferry road but being assured the water would not run in our wagon we decided to ford with about 4000 pounds of weight on our wagons just as my wagon pulled out of the River my tire run of having bursted on the Rocks and down Crashed the wheel and no Shop nearer than Pearisburg Va. The only thing to do was leave my driver with wagon and put my wheel in Patersons wagon On reaching Pearisburg I found only the Goverment Shop in the place and they only did Goverment work I hapened to Keep the receipt whare I delivered the load of provisions I hauled for the Goverment on this I got an order to Shop to do my work at Goverment price which they did by Sundown So I Struck out for my wagon Some twelve miles back with the front wheels of a one horse wagon the only thing I Could hire - I tide the wheel on behind & rode the mule - It was a dark night when I got in two miles of my wagon A soldier halted me I did not know whether he was a friend or foe but proved to be a Southern picket He thought I had a part of an artilery Cason afetr questioning me and Examining my turn out he let me go on to my great delight - As soon as I reached my wagon I had my mule fed & we hitched up about midnight by Sun up I rolled in to Pearisburg fed my teem & while they were Eating I went to work to sell what tobacco I had left - I Struck a man by the name of Hale a Confederate ofcer who said if I would deliver it out in Suburb in a residence and pack it up in the Garrett he would pay me - It was a load boxes weighed 120s gross but Bob my self packed up the two Stairways & he dalleyed arround and worried me before he would pay fnally he Counted out the money very Slowly & Soon he put my last bill dow I threw my hand on Same - He rufy removed my hand and Said this is not my money yet he would let me know when to take it - but fnally he turned it over and Paterson who had been waiting for me and I had our teems to roll for home - I will never forget how my father rejoiced when he saw his Splendid teem So fat and Slick Major Abram David (AD) Reynolds, circa 1910 13 42 The turnpike era in Virginia lasted from the mid- 1750s to the end of the Civil War. County governments, controlled and maintained by the gentlemen justices who presided over regional administrative afairs, were in no fnancial position to provide infrastructure to their rural residents. Facilitating settlement while capitalizing on the need for planters to move product to market, turnpike companies spread across colonial America. Where the typical rural wagon road was a miserable and oftentimes impassable dirt path, turnpike companies constructed bridges and paved their road surfaces with gravel, wood, and broken stone. Never realizing a substantial proft, the turnpike companies were completely bankrupt by the Civil War and road construction and maintenance passed to the counties through the period of Reconstruction. Though road- building in Virginia transitioned slowly in the years following the Civil War and would be interrupted again by World War I, the secondary highway system was funded in 1932 by the passage of the Byrd Road Act. The primary westerly route used by wagons, stages, and horseback riders through Taylorsville (now Stuart) was known as the Danville and Wytheville Turnpike, established in the 1850s. This route carried goods and settlers west from Danville, approximately 60 miles east of Taylorsville. Beginning in 1856, goods and passengers were transported from the more heavily populated Tidewater region to Virginias western wilderness (and beyond) via the Richmond and Danville Railroad. At the end of the line in Danville, passengers would disembark from the comfort and dependability of rail travel and then would progress westerly through Taylorsville and then northwesterly through the Blue Ridge at Meadows of Dan or southerly into North Carolina. Following the Civil War, Hardin Reynolds invested in the Danville and New River Railroad. Hardin had spent his entire life marketing tobacco and mercantile goods that had been transported over rough, muddy, unpredictable roads, and surely the idea of a railroad passing by his farm was a promising notion. On August 1, 1884, two years after Hardin passed away, Danville and Evanshams frst train pulled into Taylorsville via tracks that passed through Critz. Though the line was supposed to continue on to Wytheville (Evansham), the company went bankrupt in 1886 and the Richmond and Danville Railroad, which changed its name to Danville and Western Railway Company, then operated the line. Taylorsville, which had changed its name to Stuart in 1884, was the end of the line and saw two trains dailyboth carrying passengers and freightfrom Danville. The villages of Stella, Critz, and Patrick Springs each thrived during the railroad era until the Danville and Western (known locally as the Dick and Willie) slowly declined. The station in Critz closed in 1932 and the last train pulled out of Stuart ten years later. 14 15 43 Critz Patrick Springs Station N o B u s in e s s M o u n t a in B u ll M o u n t a in P A T R I C K
C O H E N R Y
C O P A T R I C K
C O H E N R Y
C O Taylorscille (Stuart) Stella The Danville and Western (Dick and Willie) Railway Company, 1886-1932 N 44 In a letter to Richard Reynolds penned in 1961, local historian, teacher, and tireless advocate for the preservation of the Reynolds Homestead Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry wrote, The house faces north and fronts an abandoned pre-Civil War road which was known as the Norfolk to Bristol Turnpike. A part of this road is used today as a farm road leading to a tenant house. Considering the period in which this house was built, it has a most logical location. On the south side of a mountain, it is protected from the cold north winds; and not too far away was a good spring. The house was almost certainly oriented to face a road passing in front of it, however no indication of any Norfolk-Bristol Turnpike can be found in Virginias record of roads. It is likely that local residents invented the Norfolk- Bristol Turnpike moniker and that its name became solidifed in the annals of Patrick County over time. While it is true that the Reynolds Homestead lies somewhere between Norfolk, Virginia and Bristol, Tennessee, a distance of approximately 330 miles (as the crow fies), it is improbable that any particular route ever connected the two cities and passed by Rock Spring Plantation. Rather, a traveler would instead follow a piecemeal assemblage of turnpikes and unmaintained dirt roads to navigate the twisting rivers, undulating topography, and mountainous terrain that separated the two cities. In searching state and county records and maps, no indication of any named Norfolk to Bristol turnpike has been found. In absence of an actual named route, the term turnpike can still be found in Hardin Reynolds records including a rental agreement between Hardin and a tenant farmer named Joel Tuggle dated November 1, 1855 that reads Know all men by these presents that I Hardin W. Reynolds have rented the place on the turnpike now occupied by Wm. H. High to Joel Tuggle for the year 1856. Given that Hardin owned 3,106 acres of land in Patrick County at that time, we cannot be sure that the said turnpike passed through the Reynolds Homestead property. Map collection, Bassett Historical Center, Basset, VA 16 17 45 Primary and secondary roads near No Business Mountain, 1926 Critz Patrick Springs Station N o B u s in e s s M o u n t a in Patrick Springs B u ll M o u n t a in P A T R I C K
C O H E N R Y
C O P A T R I C K
C O H E N R Y
C O Stuart Courthouse Salem Methodist
A p p r o x im a t e route of D anv ille
a n d
W y theville
T u r n p i k e c irc a
1 8 5 0 N 46 A map of Patrick County roads produced in 1932 by the Commonwealth of Virginia Department of Highways pro- vides numbers for the routes. On this map, County Road 241 (now 798) circles past the Homestead and rejoins with County Road 240 (now 694). Local legend has it that the frst automobile to be seen in Patrick County was owned by RJ Reynolds. 18 47 According to an article published in the Winston Salem Journal and Sentinel in 1962, the road that passed the house was a part of the original winding dirt road to Bassett and Patrick Springs. The article describes the road as one that forked at the front corner of the house and passed by a store. The left hand forkstill used today as a feld roadled on across No Business Mountain and Bull Mountain beyond, to the resort at Patrick Springs on the Blue Ridge. The USGS 1:24,000 topographic map for Patrick Springs published in 1967 from aerial photographs taken in 1964 illustrates the roads and structures in the vicinity. Reynolds Homestead 48 Context: Historical Overview Today, the Reynolds Homestead is situated on almost 800 acres of rural land amidst rolling hills, local farms, and woodlots. The brick house, built by Hardin Reynolds in two stages between 1843 and 1855, still occupies a prominent place on a hilltop looking north to No Business Mountain in the near distance. Following the death of Hardin in 1882, his wife Nancy Cox Reynolds assumed possession of the plantation until passing away in 1903. Four years later, the six living heirs deeded the property to the youngest male, Walter, who in 1917 deeded it to his older brother, Harbour, and his wife, Annie. Harbour and Annie remained on the property until passing away in 1927 and 1961, respectively. In 1951 the property passed to Harbour and Annies son, Hardin Walter, who in 1968, sold it to his aunt Nancy Susan Reynolds, daughter of RJ. The house, along with its associated outbuildings including a granary, a small dairy, an ice house, and a kitchen, was restored in 1968. The family cemetery to the east and the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants to the north can both be seen from the front porch. Nancy Susan Reynolds deeded 710 acres to Virginia Tech in 1971 after restoring the buildings. The house is furnished with articles from the mid-nineteenth century, including the bed where Hardins wife gave birth to 16 children, half of whom would not live to adulthood. A modern community enrichment building stands west of the house and just south of that lies a research facility and home. The contemporary vernacular landscape of the Reynolds Homestead near Critz, Virginia provides opportunities to research and understand such historical contexts as land acquisition, environmental change, agricultural production, and socio-political relationships. Beyond these, the Reynolds Homestead provides an enduring legacy for the Reynolds family American industrialists and philanthropistswhile maintaining a distinctly community-oriented agenda of engagement and enrichment. The Reynolds Homestead has a long history in the annals of Patrick County particularly and in Piedmont tobacco plantation production generally. That its local surroundings are well preserved as an agrarian landscape, that major restorations of the historic structures have taken place, and that the Reynolds history has been well documented makes the Homestead a prime location for the study and preservation of ante- and post bellum Southern Virginia. Reynolds Homestead was listed on the Virginia Landmarks Register in 1970, was listed in the National Register of Historic Places in 1971, and became a National Historic Landmark in 1977. 49 Reynolds Homestead aerial showing historic buildings and family cemetery (circled), modern structures, and Virginia Tech research plots, 2013 50 Context: Agriculture and Tobacco Describing agrarian life in Virginia, Thomas Jeferson noted, It is a culture productive of infnite wretchedness. Those employed in it are in a continual state of exertion beyond the power of nature to support. Little food of any kind is raised by them; so that the men and animals on these farms are illy fed, and the earth is rapidly impoverished. For Abraham Reynolds and most of his contemporaries, homesteading was largely a cyclical process of clearing land to plant enough grains to support his family, raise a crop of tobacco, and market his product for a little cash income to support the purchase of more land. Homesteading individuals in Patrick County were largely self-sufcient; food, construction material, clothing, and domestic goods were all derived from activities on the farm. Women were usually responsible for tending vegetable gardens, which provided a variety of food for the family while men engaged in the cultivation of feld crops including cotton, fax, corn, wheat, rye, oats, barley, potatoes, and, tobacco. By the mid 1800s, crop rotation was practiced to maximize the fertility of land and lessen the persistence of pests. Tobacco was often grown in a rotation followed by wheat, corn, and one or two years of clover. Oxen, mules, and horses were used to clear land and pull the plow for the arduous task of converting hilly, rocky, densely forested land into cultivable felds. Cattle and sheep were raised for meat, milk, wool, and leather products and their manure was a key ingredient in maintaining the lands fertility. Hogs, used for food and lard, were raised in large numbers and permitted to range the wild hillsides where they grubbed for chestnuts and acorns. Though the poor soils associated with Blue Ridge outcroppings were not as ideal for tobacco production as the Piedmont further east, the Reynolds name would eventually become synonymous with that plants commercial success. Because a planter could only raise three to four crops of tobacco on virgin land before having to abandon it due to lowered yields, tobacco farmers plantations grew in size not necessarily corresponding to a growth in production and wealth. In neighboring Henry County for example, the average tobacco farm consisted of about 129 acres of which 47 were considered improved. Of the improved land, only about three and half acres might be under tobacco cultivation. 19 20 21 51 No accounting of Abraham Reynolds agricultural pursuits has yet to be recovered but an assessment of Hardin Reynolds farm operation can be gleaned from several documents. In reporting for the 1870 US Census, Productions of Agriculture in Mayo Township in the County of Patrick (Appendix II), Hardin declared ownership of three horses, eight mules, 51 head of cattle, 42 sheep, and 80 hogs. His agricultural returns included 125 bushels of wheat, 80 bushels of rye, 1,000 bushels of corn, 600 bushels of oats, 100 bushels of Irish potatoes, 150 bushels of sweet potatoes, 100 pounds of butter, 25 gallons of molasses, and 2,000 pounds of tobacco. This accounting should be considered very subjective: In addition to the above yields, Hardin reported owning 100 acres of improved land and 1,000 acres of woodland but, according to the Patrick County Land Books for the same year, Hardin Reynolds owned 7,283.25 acres. A more accurate depiction of his agricultural pursuits can be assessed from the 1882 appraisal of Hardins personal estate (Appendix III) following his death the previous year. That document provides the following data for livestock: six mules, two horses, 36 head of cattle, 26 sheep, 24 hogs, and 2 oxen. The assessors also accounted for 300 bushels of wheat, 150 bushels of rye, 204 bushels of corn, 85 gallons of molasses, 4,500 pounds of harvested tobacco, and 1,560 pounds of manufactured tobacco. Tobacco production was a year-round process involving almost constant management and a ready labor force. If virgin land were available, it would be cleared of timber and plowed deeply. Previously farmed land would receive a thorough application of manure for fertilization. At the beginning of the year, preparation began with the burning of land to kill weeds and grass seeds. A plant bed was prepared on a sunny slope of virgin soil near a water source and sand was mixed into the freshly prepared loam. Four tablespoons of seed proved enough to cover a hundred square yards of planting bed. The plants, susceptible to infestations of the tobacco fea beetle, would be dusted with ash. Following plowing, Tobacco growing in a feld near Critz, Virginia 2013 52 felds would be prepared with the construction of as many as 5,000 raised hills per acre. In May the seedlings were pitched, drawn from the planting beds and relocated to the hills. Once the tobacco plants roots were established, intensive tillage was required to prevent cutworm infestations and the growth of unwanted grass and weeds. In July, priming involved the removal of lower leaves, those that had become bruised by tillage. During the summer, the removal of unwanted sprouts known as suckers and the tedious process of killing green hornworms occupied the planters and their enslaved from dusk to dawn. About six weeks after transplantation, topping was performed. This process, which involved the removal of the uppermost leaves, bud, and stem, prevented the production of seed and promoted the growth of sturdier, thicker, and more marketable leaves. Throughout this period, the vulnerable plants were subject to drought, food, disease, hail, wind, and insects. Because tobacco was inspected and purchased based on the quality of the leaf, even the smallest degree of damage could result in signifcantly lowered marketability. Once the tobacco was ready for harvest, planters would cut the stalk laterally down the center to allow the plant to be hung easily on tobacco sticks and cure quickly. Left in the felds until the sun wilted the plants, the tobacco was then harvested, loaded in wagons, and moved to the tobacco barns for curing. Man Carrying Tobacco Leaves to Drying Shed, 1942. Georges Schreiber Mighty Fine Leaf, circa 1947. David Stone Martin 53 Though air-curing utilizing natural ventilation on scafolding was practiced in the early years, open-fre curing was practiced from about 1815 until 1840. During this time, consumers began to prefer a less smoky favored tobacco. In the 1820s experiments in Virginia resulted in the development of fue-cured tobacco whereby a fre is made outside the barn and metal fues were used to deliver a smokeless dry heat. This greater control over the curing process also reduced the amount of fuel required to dry the tobacco and lessened the potential of accidental burning of the product and the structure. After curing, the tobacco leaves were stripped from the stalks and pressed or prized into hogsheads, large barrels constructed of oak and used to store and transport tobacco. A painstaking task, prizing involved a powerful succession of levers and screws to compress the leaf. Great care had to be taken that the leaves were not damaged, as this would lower the marketability of the product. These hogsheads, each weighing more than 1,000 pounds, were then rolled to market. It has been suggested that Virginias meandering roads are directly related to the rolling roads, which followed watersheds but avoided fords to prevent leakage into the hogshead and spoilage of the product. Prizing and marketing happened in early spring of the year following the initial clearing and planting, thus a year and a half usually passed from seedbed to warehouse. Cream of the Crop, undated. Arnold Blanch Untitled, undated. Zoltan Leslie Sepeshy 22 54 Sweet-scented dark leaf tobacco cured over open fres was the major cash crop in Virginia from about 1618 until 1839 when bright leaf tobacco was discovered. On a North Carolina farm in Caswell County on the Virginia border, a slave named Stephen owned by planter Abisha Slade fell asleep while tending a curing crop of a newly popularized gold-leaf variety that performed on poor, leached soils. When Stephen awoke, he discovered the fre almost extinguished so he promptly added charcoal from a nearby blacksmith pit resulting in a quickly dried, yellowish-colored tobacco. The tobacco and the new fue- curing process were quickly adopted by farmers who had previously been discouraged by their poorly performing lands and the tobacco industry was signifcantly altered by the resulting surge in cultivation. Tobacco cultivated in Patrick County was delivered to Lynchburg where it was sold to merchants who shipped it via the James River to Richmond where it was largely exported. When he was a young man, Hardin Reynolds had been sent with a load of tobacco to sell in Lynchburg, a trip that would take more than ten days. Disappointed with the proft, Hardin convinced his father to let him make a press to manufacture tobacco into twists that he could then sell in the Carolinas. Though this marks the beginning of Hardins interest in manufacturing tobacco productsan interest that his heirs would inherithe was not alone in Patrick County. In the 1840s, there were fve tobacco factories in Patrick County with annual sales ranging from $5,000 to $20,000. Twenty years later, there were seven factories including the one at Rock Spring. As more and more planters were producing tobacco, Hardin was able to purchase the product from them at a cost lower than he himself could grow it. During Hardin Reynolds time, Patrick County tobacco was grown for chewing rather than smoking and the manufacturing process produced either twist or plug varieties. For twist tobacco, harvested leaves were cured and then wound together with a reduced mixture of honey, molasses, licorice, and spices. Plug tobacco involved combining all of the above ingredients into a press that then compressed the tobacco into a half-inch thick solid, which was later cut into bars and wrapped for transport and sale. The home factory, often employing Piedmont Tobacco 1860 Bright Leaf Territory 1869 Bright Leaf Territory 1899 23 55 the labor of slaves, was comprised of an assortment of presses, screws, and other tools: Twisting benches, at which the hands sat as they rolled and twisted the leaf, were common items in the inventories of tobacco houses. There were stoves for the sweat house, boilers for use in preparing the favorings, cutting knives for trimming the raw material to plug length, scales and balances for accurate measurement of ingredients and for weighing the tobacco in each plug. In addition to producing crops and manufacturing tobacco, Hardin rented portions of his land to white tenants before the Civil War and to both whites and blacks after it. In addition to paying rent, tenants were expected to clear and improve the land, construct fences and tobacco barns, and provide a portion of their crop yields to Hardin. In 1855, Hardin and Joel Tuggle entered the following agreement: Know all men by these presents that I Hardin W. Reynolds have rented the place on the turnpike now occupied by Wm. H. High to Joel Tuggle for the year 1856 The said Tuggle binds himself to make a good fence around the whole of the plantation and build a good Tobacco house on the Turnpike on the premises and to pay ffteen Dollars in Tobacco or other produce at the Market price in the Neighborhood by 1st of November 1856. Following the War, Hardin held nearly three dozen sharecropping and tenant farming contracts with poor whites and emancipated slaves, some of whom had formerly been owned by Hardin and continued to bear his name. One such individual was Dick, a freedman who entered into a contract stipulating that he would provide Hardin two-thirds of his crop of grain and one- half of his crop of tobacco. In 1866 Hardin entered into a contract with his former slave Abe Reynolds who agreed to tend the land, install a fence, plant grains and tobacco, collect frewood for Hardins family, feed the mules, and establish a vegetable garden. For these eforts, Abe was permitted to live in Hardins old store and keep half of the crop yield. 24 25 26 56 According to historian John Michael Vlach, Grand mansions and elegant grounds have, at least since the early twentieth century, come to be regarded as emblematic of the plantation as a place. Generally overlooked is the fact that a planters house was only the centerpiece of a holding that necessarily included felds, pastures, and woodlots. Moreover, these holdings would not have existed at all were it not for the sizable profts amassed through the unrelieved labor of enslaved workers. Because it is often the case that only the mansion houses remain, the impression conveyed by plantation sites today is exclusively one of wealth and easy comfort. Because the slave quarters and various work spaces are frequently missing, how such splendor and comfort were sustained remains something of a mystery. The Reynolds success as farmers and manufacturers of tobacco would not have been possible without the massive labor investment of enslaved people. Though very little of the ethnographic landscape of slavery remains at Reynolds Homestead, it exists as an underlying component of the surroundings and should be considered a signifcant interpretive and historical feature. It is unknown if Abraham Reynolds owned any slaves but it is certain that as his landholdings grew, so too did his need for inexpensive and dependable labor. Context: The Slave Landscape Though slavery was commonplace in Virginia since the frst importation of blacks as early as 1619, most Patrick County residents were not in a fnancial position to own slaves. In neighboring Henry County, Colonel George Hairston and his descendants became the largest slaveholders in the country, owning at one time more than 1,400 individuals. Returns from US Census records indicate the following numbers of enslaved persons in Patrick County: In 1800 there were 649 slaves; 721 in 1810; 1,213 in 1820; 1,782 in 1830; 1,742 in 1840; 2,324 in 1850; and 2,070 in 1860. According to the Personal Property and Farming Operations ledgers preserved at the Ofce of the Clerk in Stuart, Hardin Reynolds frst reported owning slaves in 1839 with an entry of eight individuals. By 1845 the number was 18; in 1850 he reported 37; in 1855 he owned 54; in 1860 Hardin reported 59; and in 1863 (the fnal year of reporting) the number had grown to 88. The relative treatment of slaves by Hardin is unknown but one individual is memorialized in the current Reynolds Homestead interpretive material. Kitty Reynolds, it is said, encountered a bull attacking Hardin in the felds and was able to distract the animal long enough for Hardin to escape. For this, she was rewarded with the role of nanny to his children and was taken care of for the rest of her life. Hardins eldest son AD was accompanied by trusted enslaved men on his various expeditions and during his year as a soldier in the Civil War. 27 28 57 Though the labor associated with tobacco production was tedious and time consuming, it did not require a high degree of strength and could therefore often be performed by women and children. Accounting for his tobacco-manufacturing factory, Hardin reported eight men in 1850 and ten years later he reported seven male and seven female slaves. With the close of the Civil War, Hardin Reynolds was devastated by the emancipation of his workforce. In his Recollections, Major AD reports on his homecoming from the War: My father was a fne disciplinarian and always Kept me at a distance and I never Knew he loved me until then when he saw me he ran to meet me and threw his arms around me and Said my Son the Yankees have been here and torn up Evry thing and my Negro men have all gone with them but Since you have Come back alive and well it is all right we Can rebuild our lost fortune. Undoubtedly, the plantation landscape was markedly diferent when 88 slaves resided there than what is visible today. The modern visitor, who might hear Kittys story while standing in the restored kitchen or consider the contributions and sacrifces of African Americans while visiting the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, will likely be hard-pressed to imagine the former landscape as it was experienced by an enslaved individual. Researcher and landscape architect Rebecca Ginsburg suggests that the slave landscape should be understood as the system of paths, places, and rhythms that a community of enslaved people created as an alternative, often as a refuge, to landscape systems of planters and other whites. It was largely a secret and disguised world, as compared to the planter landscape of display and vistas. Long vanished are the hiding places and escape routes that must have been well-known to the slaves at Rock Spring Plantation, replaced by tangles of forest, orderly research plots, and ADA accessible paths. In direct opposition to the ordered, neat, bounded landscape of the plantation owner, the slave landscape was one of movement and of clandestine gathering places. The slave landscape was an ensemble of behavioral associations created incrementally by a series of improvisational responses to the given landscape rules of white masters. The woods, felds, and rows of slave houses (now irretrievably erased from the landscape), would have been the domain of the slaves where, though still controlled, they would have found some sense of autonomy, choice and, above all, freedom. 29 30 58 The National Park Service (NPS) describes a cultural landscape as a geographic area (including both cultural and natural resources and the wildlife or domestic animals therein), associated with a historic event, activity, or person or exhibiting other cultural or aesthetic values. There are four general types of cultural landscapes, not mutually exclusive: historic sites, historic designed landscapes, historic vernacular landscapes, and ethnographic landscapes. Of these four types, Reynolds Homestead is all but a historic designed landscape, which is described as having been consciously laid out by a landscape architect or master gardener working in an identifable style or tradition. Research has been unsuccessful in fnding any evidence of intentional formal design. The Reynolds Homestead is best described as a historic site, a landscape signifcant for its association with a historic event, activity, or person. The Homestead was listed on the Virginia Landmarks Register on November 30, 1970 and on the National Register of Historic Places on September 22, 1971. On December 22, 1977, Reynolds Homestead was inscribed as a National Historic Landmark, a list that today includes fewer than 2,500 such places. National Historic Landmark status is reserved for nationally signifcant places so designated by the Secretary of the Interior as possessing exceptional value or quality in illustrating or interpreting the heritage of the United States. The National Register of Historic Places Inventory and Nomination Form, (Appendix IV) prepared in 1970 by James W. Moody Jr. of the Virginia Historic Landmarks Commission, remarks that The Reynolds Homestead has been preserved not only as a typical plantation complex of its era and place, but as a memorial to the Reynolds family, who played such a leading role in the development of the nations tobacco industry. It was through the eforts of families such as the Reynolds that tobacco became such an important factor in the economic rehabilitation of the South following the Civil War. The National Register of Historic Places nomination for the Reynolds Homestead lists the following subjects as signifcant: Architecture, Person, Commerce, Industry, Greek Revival, and Building. The primary period of signifcance is listed as 1850 to 1874, however this report will include discussions of the Homestead and its context throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. The name Reynolds Homestead does not fully or accurately depict the historic character of the place now known by that name. The term homestead, from the Old English hmstede denoting a home, town, or village, conjures in the minds eye a rugged farm, a modest wooden shack, and the toil of breaking ground to establish a private claim on wild, publicly owned land. By the time that the house was built in 1843 on the 598-acre plot of land purchased in 1825, the Reynolds were already a wealthy family, one well-established in Patrick County. The land where the present Homestead is located frst appeared in the Patrick County land records on March 26, 1795 transferred from Brett Stovall to Wilson and Gabriel Penn and listed as the home of Major Richard Harrison. Wilson Penn transferred the land to Abraham Reynolds in Context: Cultural Landscape 31 32 59 1826. If any place is the Reynolds Homestead, it would be the frst purchase of land registered to Abraham Reynolds (and his home through his adult life) which was a few miles north of the current Reynolds Homestead location on 180 acres he purchased in 1810. Because the Reynolds Homestead evolved organically from the natural environment and served most of it existence as a working farm, it is best described as a historic vernacular landscape, one that evolved through use by the people whose activities or occupancy shaped it. Through social or cultural attitudes of an individual, a family, or a community, the landscape refects the physical, biological, and cultural character of everyday lives. Function plays a signifcant role in vernacular landscapes. Examples include rural historic districts and agricultural landscapes. Reynolds Homestead is an exceptional environment in which to study agricultural adaptations to the natural context in light of technologies and traditions available to homesteading tobacco farmers in Southside Virginia throughout the 19th century. Another lens through which to view this landscape reveals a less obvious place, one that underlies the idyllic country estate now preserved. The NPS designation of an ethnographic landscape begins to capture some of the nuances of this signifcant component of the cultural landscape. An ethnographic landscape is described as one containing a variety of natural and cultural resources that associated people defne as heritage resources. Though normally reserved for ceremonial grounds, sacred sites, and contemporary settlements, the designation is herein important to understanding the place as it was interpreted by the eighty or so enslaved people that helped put Rock Spring Plantation on the map. Aside from the cemetery north of the house, there is very little extant evidence of the slavery landscape remaining at Rock Spring Plantation. Without the sturdy bricks used to construct the Reynolds house (most likely manufactured on-site by slave labor), slave quarters and overseers residences have long deteriorated into oblivion. Today, the tidy yard behind the house, still displaying a few structures associated with livelihood on the plantation, is serene and quiet. Standing on the back porch of the house, it is difcult to imagine the bustle of slave industry that once must have dominated the surrounding landscape. The sights, smells, and sounds of slaves performing domestic chores, tending to the tedious tasks of tobacco cultivation, and the industrial nature of the tobacco manufacturing facilities is now absent from the Rock Spring Plantation cultural landscape. From the front porch, looking across a peaceful meadow, one can observe the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants nestled in a grove of trees on a hillside. One may only speculate what it was like for Hardin Reynolds to step out onto his porch ornamented with its triumphant white columns and witness his human chattel burying their dead and memorializing their own personal losses. 33 34 60 Context: Designed Landscape The Reynolds Homestead, now restored as an historic site, operates as a Commonwealth Campus Center of Virginia Tech, augmented with a Community Enrichment Center and the 780-acre Forest Resources Research Center and Laboratory. With its restored house and outbuildings, family and slave cemeteries, and natural setting, the Homestead is an exceptional location to research and interpret the historic vernacular landscape of a bygone era. Though documentation about landscape architecture and ornamental gardening at the Homestead is scant, the site is useful in understanding the general design and layout of Southside Virginias plantations. One example of this is the exemplifcation of traditional plantation landscape plans as described by Norman T. Newton in his treatise Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture. In his descriptions, Newton mentions such historic plantations as Westover built in the 1730s by William Byrd II, Gunston Hall constructed by George Mason in the 1750s, George Washingtons 1785 Mount Vernon, and Thomas Jefersons Monticello begun in 1771 and completed by the time Jeferson died in 1826. Though, as far as can be confrmed, Hardin Reynolds never employed a landscape architect to arrange his plantation, he did follow one guiding principle that Newton describes: On the larger place, where several distinct elements comprised the whole, some sort of overall organization of parts was naturally required In the layout of the typical plantation, even to the end of the eighteenth century and into the nineteenth, the organizing force was usually the strong geometric infuence of the English Renaissance rather than the landscape gardening trend that had since become the fashion in England. As a rule, then, the southern plantation had a readily discernible spatial structure that was not always skillful and in fact was rather often childishly bungling, but that nevertheless clearly evidenced an efort at creating an overall scheme of organization, with perceptible sight-lines tying the spaces together. The Reynolds Homestead is organized as an assemblage of utilitarian structures in a compact arrangement on a fat, open hill in the center of a contiguous 780-acre plot of gently rolling topography in a rural setting. When it was frst constructed, the Homestead was the literal and fgurative center of plantation life for Hardin Reynolds family and enslaved people. In 1843 when the house was frst constructed, the 598-acre plot was the largest of six distinct landholdings in the Reynolds estate. By the time of Hardins passing forty years later, he held deeds for 34 plots comprising 7160 acres in Patrick County with an additional 2180 acres in Stokes County, North Carolina. The house served as Hardins home and business ofce where he entertained other members of the Southside Virginia social elite and his tobacco factory, mercantile store, and post ofce would have attracted many peopleboth neighbors and strangersto his property. Though no evidence exists, his home most certainly would have been ornamented with landscape plants to accent his familys wealth and refnery. 35 61 Historian John Michael Vlach describes the 18th century plantation landscape as one of social dominance and hierarchical relations expressed through a highly rational formalism: Implicit in the structured layout of Georgian houses, formal gardens, and extensive stretches of fenced and cultivated felds was a strong sense of the planters dominance over both nature and society. He goes on to state that plantations constituted an articulated processional landscape, a spatial system designed to indicate the centrality of the planters [and] planters of more modest means still tried to make their homes and gardens fashionable by incorporating some formal qualities of design or decoration. A Greek Revival porch, for example, complete with columns and entablature, might be grafted awkwardly onto a humble log cabin as a statement of presumed sophistication. Certainly the brick house, with its intricate Flemish- bond brickwork, faux marbre (marbleized) decorative paintwork, and Backwoods Chinese Chippendale staircase was a far cry from a humble log cabin. Still, the organization of the plantation likely exhibited aspects of the articulated processional landscape, and continues to do so. Perhaps the strongest example of this can be seen in the study of the placement of the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants. The Reynolds family maintained and continues to utilizeits own family cemetery just east of the house. This cemetery, surrounded by an historic wrought-iron fence (of unknown age), consists of the graves and tombstones of several generations of the Reynolds family, with the most recent interment on February 6, 2014. Headstones indicate that Hardins parents, Abraham and Polly, as well as his brother, David, several of his children, and Hardin himself were all buried there. This cemetery, which lies approximately 150 feet east of the house on perpendicular axis with the front porch, is visible from the windows in the downstairs parlor and the eastern rooms upstairs. Its placement was prominent in the Reynolds plantation landscape, situated between the house and the store. Reynolds Family Cemetery as seen from inside the house, 2013 36 37 62 Even more prominent in the landscape though is the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants which lies approximately 625 feet northwest of the house on a ridge above the hollow just beyond the front porch. Because of the axis and its position at the same elevation as the house, the cemetery is always under surveillance from the front door. The placement of the cemetery between the house and the borrowed views of No Business Mountain seems an unnecessary and unlikely intrusion upon the idyllic scene initially composed by the siting and orientation of the house. The placement sets up a spatial organization where Hardins slaves were watched even at their most vulnerable, intimate times; where Hardin could observe their actions even at times of grief; and where, even at death, his enslaved people were under his watchful eye. The placement of the cemetery might also indicate another interpretation of history though. Given that the land was purchased in 1826 but that the house was not built until 1843, the slave cemetery might predate the house. Though we cannot know what year Hardin left his fathers homestead and relocated to what would become Rock Spring Plantation, we do know that he would have been 16 years old when the land was purchased and 33 by the time he married. Presumably, he was already living as a planter there for a number of years before he had acquired the resources to build the house for his bride. According to historian Nannie Tilley, Hardin owned nine slaves in 1840. It is plausible that his slaves also lived on the propertyand died there as well. In any event, the sight-lines set up between the slave masters house and the burying place of his enslaved exemplifes Newtons organizational scheme as well as Vlachs articulated processional landscape. 38 63 Fieldstones in the foreground indicate burials in the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants with the house in the background, 2013 Rock Spring Plantation 1810-1970 Early photograph of the Reynolds house with unnamed man and dog, circa 1890 66 Christopher Reynolds 1611-1654 Married Elizabeth 1622 England to America 1636 Isle of Wight Co., VA Richard Reynolds 1641-1711 Married Elizabeth Sharpe Newport Parish, VA Richard Reynolds 1669- Married Mary Anderson King William County, VA David Reynolds 1720- Pittsylvania County, VA Abraham David Reynolds 1781-1838 Married Mary Polly Harbour 1784-1853 Patrick County, VA David Harbour Reynolds 1811-1836 Hardin William Reynolds 1810-1882 Married Nancy Jane Cox 1825-1903 Reynolds Homestead ice house (left), house (center), and kitchen (right), 2013 Reynolds Family Tree 67 Mary Joyce 1844-1888 Agnes Catherine 1845-1861 Abram David (AD) 1847-1925 Richard Joshua (RJ) 1850-1918 Hardin Harbour 1854-1927 John Gilmore 1856-1862 Lucy Burrough 1858-1953 Nancy Bill 1859-1862 Ernest C. 1861-1862 William Neal 1863-1951 Twins 1865 Walter Robert 1866-1921 Nancy Kate 1870-1890 1825 Rock Spring Plantation, House built 1843-1855 1906 Reynolds heirs deed Rock Spring Plantation to William Neal for $1 1951 Rock Spring Plantation Passes to Hardin Walter Reynolds Nancy Susan Reynolds 1910-1985 Rock Spring Plantation 1968 for $100,000 1969 Reynolds Homestead Virginia Polytechnic Institute 1917 Rock Spring Plantation Deeded to Hardin Harbour Twins 1849 68 On August 11, 1825, Abraham (also called Abram) Reynolds paid $2,100 for 598 acres on the waters of Mill Creek. Though we have no evidence that Abraham ever lived on that land, it would eventually become known as the Reynolds Homestead. In fact, Abraham lived on another piece of land, a few miles away on the waters of the North Mayo River. Though it is not known exactly how Abraham came to be in Patrick County, we can trace some of the path that brought him there. In 1622, one Christopher Reynolds and his wife Elizabeth departed from England and settled in the newly established Colony of Virginia. In 1636, he and his wife were two of the 5,000 people reported to be residing in Tidewater Isle of Wight County. In 1641, Christopher and Elizabeth had a son they named Richard. Richard married Elizabeth Sharpe, and they resided in Newport Parish, a small shire within Isle of White County. Their son Richard, who married Mary Anderson, lived further inland in the newly formed King William County. These two had a child in 1720 named David Reynolds who would eventually be reported as living in Pittsylvania County, formed from the western portion of Lunenburg County in 1764. On March 1, 1781, David Reynolds son Abraham David was born. Abraham would have two children of his own: Hardin William lived from 1810 to 1882 while his brother, born in 1811, would die a young man in 1836, two years before Abraham passed away in 1838. Hardin married his cousin Nancy Cox Reynolds in 1843 and History of the Estate the two moved into the house at Rock Spring Plantation where they would have 16 children (only half who lived to adulthood) and established a lucrative tobacco manufacturing operation. At the birth of Patrick County, Abraham Reynolds was in familial company. In a 1791 reporting of landowners, the list included Bartlett, Jesse, Moses, and Richard Reynolds. The 1820 Patrick County register of Heads of Households includes Thomas, Moses, Meekins, Jesse, James, and Abraham. Though it is unknown how much interaction these individuals had, early surveys and deeds demonstrate that, in some cases, the Reynolds were next-door neighbors to one another. A survey conducted for Abraham in 1811 for 200 acres on the nobusiness forke of the North Mayo River begins by recording a witness tree on land owned by Jesse Reynolds and concludes at a fallen Red Oak [at] a corner of Moses Reynolds line Throughout this time of land clearing, home building, and labor-demanding tobacco cultivation, the Reynolds, like other families in newly settled territories, would have depended greatly upon assistance from their relations and neighbors. On July 22, 1810, Abraham paid Thomas Sneed $250 for 180 acres on the Waters of North Mayo River. This land would remain in the possession of Abrahams descendants until August 31, 1896 when Abrahams grandson Walter sold it to settle a debt. Twelve years 39 40 69 prior, when the Reynolds lands were subdivided among Hardins heirs following his death in 1882, the land was given to Walter: One track known as the Abram Reynolds or Mayo place lying on North Mayo containing 180 acres valued at $340.00 (Appendix V) The distinction between the Abraham Reynolds property and the Reynolds Homestead is a small but important one. For more than 40 years, the story of the Reynolds in Patrick County has reported that Abraham purchased the Homestead in 1814. Tracing the origination of this myth is a difcult process but the frst written mention of it appears in Nannie M. Tilleys text Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970 edited by Nancy Susan Reynolds. In the book, the rich and complex history of the Reynolds family is recorded through personal stories, photographs, and genealogies. In her introduction to the book, Nancy Susan recounts The frst ffty acres of this land were purchased in 1814 by Abraham Reynolds, often called Abram, who settled there with his wife Mary Harbor, nicknamed Polly. Theirs was a log house which no longer exists, while the one built by their son, Hardin William, was made of brick and has been recently restored. This version of the origination of the Reynolds Homestead has been retold many times. Abraham was a hard-working individual who spent his life acquiring land and instilling in his children a sense of hard work, civic responsibility, and farmer-like virtues. In 1816, Reynolds added to his 180 acres two plots, one of 50 acres and the other 200. Abraham maintained these three holdings for almost a decade until 1825 when he purchased the 598 acres that would eventually become known as Rock Spring Plantation. By the time of his passing in 1838, he had increased his landholdings from the 180 acres purchased in 1810 to 1,456 acres. Though not a contiguous plot of land, Abrahams holdings were tracts limited to areas around the North Mayo River and Mill Creek. On August 11, 1825, Abraham Reynolds paid $2,100 to George Harrison for three tracts or parcels of land lying and being in the county of Patrick on the waters of Mill Creek containing fve hundred and ninety eight acres more or less with all woods, ways, water and water courses, trees, orchards Houses, fences and all other involvements thereunto belonging, or in any wise appertaining. This land is the present location of the Reynolds Homestead as demonstrated on the Table of Tracts of Land for the Year 1881, a document that lists all of the land holdings Hardin Reynolds was in possession of at the time of his death the following year. That document refers to the 598 acres on Mill Creek as Residence and lists the 180 acres on North Mayo River as A. Reynolds old Residence. 41 70 1881 Table of Tracts of Land with 598-acre plot called Residence and 180-acre plot called A. Reynolds old Residence 71 Documentation about Abraham Reynolds is scarce. The voluminous text published in 1999 by Patrick County Historical Society on the history of the county gives only a brief accounting of Abraham: Certainly, the most famous family in the Critz area was the Reynolds family. Moses Reynolds, Jesse Reynolds, and Abraham Reynolds all seem to have originally settled in the Smith River and Rock Castle Creek section of northeastern Patrick County, but all migrated in the frst half of the 19th century to the area south of No Business Mountain where they acquired large acreages of land. Abraham Reynolds married Mary Harbour in 1809 and settled on the site of the present Reynolds Homestead. His son, Hardin Reynolds, had sons who have had a great impact on the business life of this county. Abraham and Mary Harbour had two children; Hardin William Reynolds was born in 1810 and David Harbour Reynolds came a year later. Abraham endeavored to teach his children how to read, keep accounts, manufacture tobacco, and speculate on land. David would become an enterprising businessman in Patrick County, and in the early 1830s was partnered with Colonel James M. Redd. The two maintained a mercantile in Wards Gap and eventually moved the business into Taylorsville (now Stuart). The venture included peddling manufactured tobacco twists from Patrick County into the Carolinas and Georgia in exchange for cotton, rice, cofee, molasses, sugar, rum, brandy, tin, and other staples. The business was a successful one, employing a clerk, owning a horse and a slave, and buying tobacco in lots as large as half a ton, which was then resold. Following a trip to the South in September 1836, David Reynolds returned with $500 in cash plus a load of groceries worth at least that much. Upon his return, he was taken ill and succumbed to his sickness a day later. Abraham Reynolds died less than two years later on May 3, 1838, leaving Hardin the sole heir to the Reynolds properties and business interests. According to Patrick County tax records kept at the Ofce of the Clerk in Stuart, Abraham Reynolds held 1,080 acres of land in 1836. The following year, Hardin appears for the frst time in the records when he and Abraham purchased 376 acres together, thus bringing their total property to 1,456 acres in Patrick County. In the records, Abraham is listed as deceased until 1861 and with only a slight changethe 376 was altered to become 353.75the land remains in his name. Meanwhile, Hardin paid taxes on that land and began to accumulate his own. The land records of Hardin William Reynolds serve to expand our knowledge of tobacco plantations in America throughout the nineteenth century. Unlike the cotton, rice, and sugarcane plantations of the Carolinas, Alabama, and Georgia, which were commonly large, unbroken tracts of agricultural land, the tobacco plantations of Southside Virginia were often pieced together from smaller parcels. Hardin Reynolds, who would eventually become one of the largest landholders in Patrick County, grew his plantation bit by bit. 42 43 44 72 Following the deaths of his brother and father, Hardin focused on building a house and starting his family. At thirty-two years, he married Nancy Jane Cox on January 31, 1843, the same year he built the frst half of the brick house that still stands on the hill facing No Business Mountain. To accommodate his growing family, Reynolds tripled the size of his house by adding a two-story central hall ell to the original Colonial Revival house. The second part was built sometime around 1855. Nancy Jane Cox Reynolds, ffteen years younger than Hardin, came from a well-known family in the Quaker Gap community in nearby Stokes County, North Carolina. Her father, Joshua Cox, is said to have arrived in America as a captain in the British Army, then captured by Indians, and adopted by the chief of the tribe, escaped by swimming many miles on the Susquehanna River where he killed his own dog to keep it quiet, and eventually settled in Stokes County. Nancy Jane apparently inherited this strength and endurance from her father and bore sixteen children in the Reynolds Homestead house, outliving her husband by two decades. Hardin William Reynolds, 1810-1882 Nancy Jane Cox Reynolds, 1825-1903 73 Following the death of Abraham in 1838, Hardin maintained the same 1,453 acres for a decade before he purchased more land. For those ten years, he concentrated on cultivating and manufacturing tobacco, establishing himself in his community, and setting up a small mercantile on the Reynolds Homestead property. In 1848, Hardin made several land purchases and doubled his property in a single year. The following year, he would report 3,431 acres scattered around Patrick County, including 473 acres on the headwaters of the Dan River and 1,052 on No Business Mountain. A year later, he purchased a 1,315-acre tract of land adjacent to the Cox family in neighboring Stokes County, North Carolina. Hardin continued to buy land for the next forty years but limited his purchases to tracts located in Patrick and Stokes Counties. Tax tables through the period of signifcance provide limited descriptions of the location of each of the tracts by recording the number of acres, the tracts distance from the Patrick County courthouse, and the general location based on the nearest creek, stream, or river. For example, the property known now as the Reynolds Homestead is described as being 598 acres on Mill Creek, nine miles east of the courthouse. Occasionally, these entries were altered for unknown reasons. The entries for 1844 and 1845 list the same 598 acres as fve miles east rather than nine. It is beyond the scope of this research to attempt to isolate every piece of property ever owned by the Reynolds family. Because much of the land once owned by the Reynolds has hence been subdivided and resold multiple times and because the original surveys and deeds do not provide exact geographic locations, we are limited in describing exactly where these tracts existed. The graphics on the following two pages illustrate a generalized view of Reynolds properties by decade from 1810 when Abraham frst appeared until 1882 when Hardin passed away. These diagramsscaled representations of general locations near reported rivershave been constructed in order to illustrate the Reynolds geographic range rather than to provide precise spatial details about each individual plot. The blocks do not provide actual depictions of the shape of each holding nor the exact location but rather provide numbers of acres in generalized locations based on deed descriptions. 74 Reynolds Homestead (Eventually) 1810 180 Acres 1820 430 Acres 1830 1058 Acres 1840 1456 Acres Reynolds Homestead (Eventually) Reynolds Homestead Reynolds Homestead 5mi 10mi 5mi 10mi 5mi 10mi 5mi 10mi Conjectural locations and representatively scaled estimations of Reynolds land holdings from 1810-1840 based on land records. 75 1860 4709 Acres 1870 7283 Acres 1850 3429 Acres 1882 7160 Acres Reynolds Homestead Reynolds Homestead Reynolds Homestead Reynolds Homestead 5mi 10mi 5mi 10mi 5mi 10mi 5mi 10mi Conjectural locations and representatively scaled estimations of Reynolds land holdings from 1850-1882 based on land records. 76 From these diagrams we can observe that, though the Reynolds land was not contiguous, it was fairly well organized spatially in a twenty-mile radius of the Homestead. For tobacco planters in Southside Virginia, labor and equipment were limiting factors. The complexities of slavery and tobacco cultivation inform the general pattern of land aggregation and use throughout the period of signifcance. Through the tax records, we can observe that, unlike many other Southern plantation owners, Hardin remained successful through the Civil War. In 1860, on the eve of the War Between the States, Hardin Reynolds reported owning 4,709 acres in Patrick County and another 2,240 in Stokes County. Six years later at the end of the Civil War, Hardin reported on 6,249 acres in Patrick County with no signifcant change in North Carolina. Even though his eldest son was away at war and the South was undergoing signifcant political, social, and economic turmoil, Hardin managed to accumulate signifcant quantities of farmland, possibly capitalizing on the poor fortunes of his neighboring Patrick County residents. Within the next fve years, the Reynolds would increase their Patrick County land holdings to 7,283 acres. By the time Hardin died in 1882, the Reynolds held title to 7,160 acres in Patrick County and 2,180 acres in Stokes County. Survived by his wife and nine children ranging in age from 38 to 14, Hardin Reynolds did not leave a will. Thus, W.D. Smith, Special Commissioner to the Patrick County Court, was assigned to subdivide his lands among his heirs. In the documentation of the chancery case, Smith provided written descriptions of the acreages, assigned monetary values to the parcels, and subdivided the lands by geographic location such that each of Hardins heirs inherited several parcels. Though the resulting written document provides a fairly legible accounting of the Reynolds land, one important piece is missing. Smith assigned each inheritance as lots and referenced a plat made by the commissioners of partition + assignments in the said suit. Though the plat for the Stokes County parcels still exists (reproduced, next page), the one for Patrick County has been lost. This is very unfortunate as its existence would provide a much better understanding of the spatial relationships of the Reynolds property in 1882. 77 1884 Survey and Deed dividing Hardin Reynolds land in Stokes County, North Carolina 78 The resulting deed, made October 6, 1884, dividing Hardin Reynolds property provides descriptions and values of the land as well as insights into the valuation of land at that time. For example, the 952-acre No Business Mountain tract given to RJ Reynolds was valued at $0.33 per acre, for a total of $317.33. On the other end of the spectrum, RJs elder brother, AD, received 496 acres in Stokes County valued at $3472, or $7.00 per acre. Land values refected the quality of growing conditions rather than quantity or location. The parcel given to AD is prime farmland still being used for tobacco production today while the mountainous tract given to RJ remains a densely forested and rugged plot. Hardins wife Nancy Reynolds was given the land on the waters of Spoon Creek including the Mansion House of the late H.W. Reynolds, containing 711 acres and valued at $2000, or $2.82 per acre. She was also given title to 475 acres in Stokes County valued at $2000, or $4.21 per acre. RJs younger brother, Walter, received title to, among other lands, the Abram Reynolds or Mayo place lying on North Mayo containing 180 acres valued at $340.00. After 39 years of marriage, Nancy Cox Reynolds who outlived her husband by 21 years, passed away in 1903. By this time, she had moved from Rock Spring to Bristol, TN and, eventually, Winston NC. Unlike her husband, she is not memorialized in the family cemetery and was instead buried at Salem Cemetery in Winston-Salem. By the time of her mothers passing, Mary Joyce, the eldest of the Reynolds children, had married Patrick County judge Andrew Murray Lybrook for whom she bore eight children. She died in 1888. Abram David (AD), the oldest son, had married in 1872 and moved from Patrick County to Bristol, TN where he pursued a career in tobacco, politics, and religious afairs. Richard Joshua (RJ), who had sold his interests in the Hardin William Reynolds tobacco operation in 1874 and left home at the age of 24, was enjoying success in Winston by the time of his mothers passing. The ffth child, Hardin Harbour had partnered with his father until relocating to Winston Tobacco growing on land formerly owned by Hardin Reynolds, Stokes County, North Carolina, 2013 79 where he began manufacturing tobacco in 1882, the year of his fathers death. He moved to Bristol in the mid- 1890s where he worked with AD until he established his own tobacco manufacturing business in South Boston, Virginia. By the time of his mothers passing, Hardin Harbour had returned to Patrick County where he, his wife Annie Dobyns, and their four children continued the tobacco traditions on the Reynolds Homestead. The second oldest living daughter, Lucy Burrough, married Robert Critz and the two moved to Winston. William Neal and Walter Robert, the two youngest of Hardins boys, entered Trinity College (now Duke University) in 1882. By the time their mother died, both boys resided in Winston and were working for RJ Reynolds. The youngest of Hardin and Nancys children, Nancy Kate, died at twenty years in 1890. Upon the death of their mother, the heirs to the Reynolds Homestead entrusted the land to Hardin Harbour but retained the deed for William Neal. On March 28, 1906, the living children of Hardin and Nancy Reynolds transferred their interests in the Homestead to William Neal for One Dollar, to them in hand paid (Appendix VI). The contract stipulated that William Neal hold the title in trust for the use and enjoyment of Hardin Harbour and Annie for the entirety of their lives and that they would care for and protect [the land] in a husbandlike manner. Eleven years later, on June 26, 1917 Walter Reynolds signed a Deed of Gift whereby he transferred his title to the Reynolds Homestead to Hardin Harbour and Annie Dobyns Reynolds in consideration of natural love and afection. Hardin Harbour and Annie Dobyns Reynolds made a life of farming on the Reynolds Homestead. The two had four children, two boys and two girls. Tragically, in 1912 their six-year-old daughter, Nancy, died from injuries she acquired when her nightgown caught fre. Hardin Harbour and his wife remained at the Homestead for the rest of their lives, he dying in 1927 and she in 1961. Ten years before Annies death, the deed to the Homestead was transferred to Hardin Walter Reynolds, the eldest child of Hardin Harbour and Annie. He rented the land and the house to tenant farmers. Following their fortunes, the heirs to the Reynolds Homestead had dispersed from Patrick County. 80 On September 23, 1962 at the age of 70, the caretaker of the Reynolds property and family friend Russell Critz provided background information about the Reynolds Homestead in an article appearing in the Winston-Salem Journal and Sentinel. Referencing the small natural seep down hill from the house, Critz remarked, This spring is my favorite point on the farm. So little farming is done here now that there is little need for me to be on the place all the time. At that time, the farm consisted of 840 acres but only a 4.5-acre tobacco allotment. Critz went on to say It surprises many people who visit the farm, expecting to fnd a tremendous tobacco plantation. But the fact is, this farm never did grow a great deal of tobacco. The farm factory, in its time, probably used tobacco also from other farms. The article mentions a plug tobacco factory to the rear of the house that burned in the 1880s and describes the cedar-lined driveway entrance to the farm as marked by rock pillars and designated Reynolds Home Stead. This article indicates that there must have been some interest in the preservation and interpretation of the Reynolds Homestead as a destination even at this early date. A year before the article appeared, a local schoolteacher in nearby Critz named Nannie C. Terry took an interest in the Reynolds Homestead. In 1961, Terry wrote to Richard S. Reynolds in Richmond regarding the history and declining condition of the Homestead. Each day as our family goes to school we look down on the red brick house It has a beautiful location at the foot of No Business Mountain. At the front and west of the house are a few of the old buildings in good repair, one used years ago as a general store and later a Methodist parsonage. The house faces north and fronts an abandoned pre-Civil War road which was known as the Norfolk to Bristol Turnpike. A part of this road is used today as a farm road leading to a tenant house. Considering the period in which this house was built, it has a most logical location. On the south side of a mountain, it is protected from the cold north winds; and not too far away was a good spring. (Still supplying the house with water.) [The house] is now rented to a family who is giving it good care. The land, more than seven hundred acres, is also rented out. Unfortunately the farm has now acquired that rented look. Richard Reynolds, busy with the afairs of relocating his Reynolds Metals to Richmond, was unable to help Terry in her pursuit to preserve the Homestead as a Patrick County landmark. 45 46 47 81 On June 3, 1967, Terry again enlisted the help of the Reynolds heirs, this time contacting RJs daughter Nancy Susan Reynolds Verney, of Winston Salem, NC. She wrote, The primary purpose of this letter is to call your attention to the fact that the HOME of your Reynolds ancestors no longer gets care and attention from anyone who is actually interested in it and its heritage... Her reply came more than nine months later when, on March 17, 1968, Nancy Susan wrote As you have no doubt heard, Hardin is considering selling me the old homeplace and if this does work I will expect to see something of you in the near future. Thank you for your interest. On July 23, 1968, for the sum of $100,000, Hardin Walter and his wife Catherine deeded the Reynolds Homestead to Nancy Susan Reynolds. That deed references all of that certain tract or parcel of land lying and being in the Mayo River Magisterial District of Patrick County, Virginia, located near the village of Critz, containing 717 acres, more or less, which land is commonly known as the Reynolds Homestead. In addition to the brick house, fve other houses could be found on the Homestead property. In a letter to Nancy Susan dated December 23, 1968, W. Russell Critz reported You have three renters, two paying $8.00 per month and one pays $10.00 and you now have three houses vacant. Presumably, the old Reynolds house fetched the highest rent. Little else is known about the condition of the other houses or the contracts the renters maintained. 1969 survey of Hardin Reynolds Farm at Offce of the Clerk, Patrick County, 2013 A year later on December 30, 1969 following the restoration of the brick house and outbuildings, Nancy Susan deeded the property to the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (V.P.I.) Educational Foundation, which now maintains the Reynolds Homestead as an educational campus focused on cultural enrichment, environmental stewardship, and agroforestry research. 48 49 50 51 Reynolds Homestead 1970-2013 Aerial of Reynolds Homestead following restoration, 1971 84 The earliest documentation of Reynolds Homestead as an historic property predates Nannie Terrys interest by several years. Edward K. Williams of Charlottesville recorded a single page Historic American Building Survey (HABS) document on July 12, 1956. Williams documented the owner of the property as Mrs. Thompkins, referring to Annie Dobyns Reynolds who had remarried after Harbours passing. Williams reported the historical signifcance of the property as the home of R.J. Reynolds, where he started the manufacture of tobacco products. A photograph of the east elevation of the house illustrates the character of the landscape abutting the house. The dense vegetation in the foreground of the photograph might be interpreted as a fower garden or as weedy overgrowth. A hand drawn sketch plan depicts the location of freplaces, steps, the front entry, and a twentieth century addition (hashed lines). Note: The north arrow is mistakenly drawn pointing east. Documentation Historic American Building Survey (HABS) form, 1952 85 Upon taking possession of the property, Nancy Susan Reynolds worked with Frank L. Horton to restore the Reynolds Homestead to its nineteenth century appearance. Horton (1918-2005) was an antiques dealer who, along with his mother Theo Taliaferro, was largely responsible for the restoration of Old Salem, North Carolina. Horton supervised the restoration of the house and outbuildings, provided guidance on the selection of furnishings, and advised Nancy Susan on matters concerning her management of the property. According to Reynolds, Horton refused any compensation and gave freely of his time and talents. Additionally, Reynolds enlisted the help of Jim Gray, President of Old Salem who provided recommendations and services. On May 28, 1968 Nancy Susan Reynolds described the conditions Horton should expect to fnd at the Homestead. No doubt, some of what she reported was based on family myth while other observations came from her single visit to the Homestead earlier that year. The barn near the house was built by R.J.s father and was used as a corn crib The center part of the other barn beyond the cemetery was built by Hardin Sr., too, and was used as a store to sell groceries and supplies to the negroes. I would assume that this must date it after the civil war (sic). I did not go inside, but it is possible we would want to repair this and remove the newer sections. The road past the front of the house was the highway to the mountains and the only way to get to market from there. It went straight past the house, down the hill past the spring and through the woods to Critz. This can still be walked and would be a more attractive way to approach the house. The spring is charming, stoned inbig treesgood water. Harbour Reynolds built a small pump house to get water to the main house In the basement of the kitchen the tobacco was sorted for market. Russell Critz remembers where the tobacco barn was located as well as the tobacco factory which burned down. There are some other houses on the property and some good tobacco barns. Would one of these latter be worth moving near the house? Russell Critz in tobacco feld with Hardin Reynolds store in distance, 1962 Sentinel and Journal Restoration 52 86 Nancy Susan had a two-fold plan for the property: In 1969 she deeded 710 acres to Virginia Polytechnic Institute for forestry research and education. To that end, in 1974 she further endowed the program by funding the forestry and wildlife research facility, which included the construction of greenhouses, ponds, laboratory, and living accommodations for the staf. Her second mission was to preserve the historic structures and their immediate surroundings. To accomplish this, Nancy Susan retained the deed to 6.99 acres of the property including the restored historic structures. In a correspondence dated October 9, 1968, Frank Horton advised Nancy Susan: Im not sure that I see the reason for retaining part of the property from the deed to VPI. At any rate, I would think that a space of about 100 yards on either side of the drive, terminating on the left side at the barn corner, along the back line of the barn outward towards the mountain. The other side should branch out about 50 yeards (sic) from the back of the kitchen, going diagonally of to include the graveyard and store, thence toward the mountainI cant say how far would be necessary. A year later, a draftsman from the Robert C. Conrad Company of Winston Salem produced a detailed plan that identifed the 6.99-acre parcel, illustrating the restored structures and landscape features including ample parking. Nancy Susan Reynolds and unidentifed child in front of restored house, undated photograph 87 Detailed plan of Reynolds Homestead showing restored structures and landscape features in the 6.99-acre historic core, 1969 88 Reynolds house and rear porch, prior to restoration, 1968 Historic Structures Though Horton did not keep detailed notes about the work he performed for Reynolds, he did provide a brief discussion of the restoration for Tilleys Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970 in which he goes to great length to describe the process of investigation, planning and restoration of the Reynolds Homestead property ac- complished during late 1968 and 1969. His notes, primar- ily concerned with the condition of the buildings, provide scant detail about the extant historic landscape. With Horton supervising from Old Salem, John W. Daniel & Co., Inc. of Danville, Virginia, performed the actual work. Hortons description of work performed on the rear porchperhaps the most transformative aspect of the exterior restorationprovides an example of his meth- odology and approach. When Nancy Susan took control of the Reynolds Homestead, two major architectural embellishments troubled the historic interpretation of the house and yard. First, where the rear porch now (and historically) occupies the southeast corner of the house, a two room, single-story addition from an unknown date was found. The addition projected nearly ffteen feet to the south of the original house. 89 Undated image showing rear porch shortly after restoration According to Horton, The rear porch presented the greatest problem of restoration design since a rear addition completely destroyed the original structure and most evidence. Study of the original brick wall revealed the roof line and certain indications of the extent of the porch in its lengths. The depth was based on a conjectural line extending the roof and the ceiling. The posts and their placement, together with step placements, are based on the recollections of Hardin Walter Reynolds of Clemmons, North Carolina. If Reynolds, born in 1905, could provide a frst hand account of the placement of the posts, the addition must have been built during his lifetime. Hortons contractors removed the structure, flled the basement, and repaired the historic houses brick. The ell-shaped wooden porch and accompanying roof now provide the primary mode of access to the house. Three doors can be accessed from the rear porch: the westernmost door provides access to the dining room, the central door leads to the main hallway to access the front door, and the west-facing door on the south portion of the ell provides access to the bedroom. 90 The hierarchy of doors and the placement of the rear porch illustrate that this portion of the house and farm saw considerable activity. Though the front faade, with its Ionic and Doric columns and symmetrical Colonial Revival construction, presented the public face of the Reynolds estate, the rear porch would have been the primary access for most people working on the farm. In his survey of Southern plantation landscapes, John Michael Vlach describes the space near the rear of the house and including the out-buildings and the yard as the space where slaves performed many of their household chores. Vlach reports that there were no ornamental plants in the yard; the yard was work space. For example, Gunston Hall, George Masons home, had a large, ornamental garden located behind the house. The yard to the east was used for the daily chores of a working plantation. At the Reynolds Homestead, just beyond the rear porch, the brick kitchen, icehouse, and dairy can still be found in their original locations. Domestic chores including laundry activities, food preparation, and soap making would have been performed from the rear porch and into the yard. In close examination of the pre-restoration photo, a laundry line can still be seen indicating that the area retained its domestic function. A B C D E A House B Kitchen C Ice House D Dairy E Granary Site lines from rear porch The Yard 53 54 91 The house, having been built in two separate stages to accommodate Reynolds growing family, was begun around 1843 and completed by 1855. Horton hypothesized that the present brick kitchen was built at the same time as the later part of the house because the kitchens single window matched one removed from the house at the time of the addition. Though the construction dates of the other outbuildings are not known, they likely were built by 1855. Hortons second major exterior restoration involved the removal of a porch from the north face of the kitchen and a wooden addition from its east face. Prior to the restoration, the kitchen had been converted into living quarters. The front porch and overhang were removed, as was the frame addition that had been attached to the east elevation of the kitchen. The interior of the kitchen was stripped of its modern conveniences and designed to interpret its domestic function. A brick walk was laid to connect the house with the kitchen and fagstone was placed around the building, presumably to manifest a rustic landscape feeling. At the same time that Horton returned the brick structure to its former appearance as a nineteenth century kitchen, he also conducted analysis and restoration work on the other outbuildings. Kitchen (front view) prior to restoration, 1968 Kitchen (rear view) prior to restoration, 1968 92 Horton reported on his restoration work thusly: Outbuilding restoration included removal of an addition to the left of the kitchen and closing of a later door there, restoration of cellar vent windows after fragments found, removal of a front porch, and restoration of a back cellar entrance. This latter feature is probably inaccurate for it was difcult to determine an original design which would permit entrance to the cellar and to an upper door by the kitchen hearth The milk house was cleaned of exterior paint and left unrestored on the inside except for removal of a modern foor slab. The house for ice was re-roofed and a new base of logs installed. The door and hardware were replaced. The grainery (sic) was also re-roofed and a few rafters replaced. Certain logs were repaired and it was necessary to supply new gable covering and doors. The rear elevation was completely covered due to its fragile condition. A shed addition was removed. Connecting the rear porch with the kitchen, Hortons crew laid a brick walkway; a feldstone walk led from the kitchen to the ice house and the dirt road beyond. Ice house (front view) prior to restoration, 1968 Dairy (side view) prior to restoration, 1968 93 Ice house (right) and kitchen shortly after restoration Dairy (left) and icehouse shortly after restoration It is unknown exactly when the dairy, ice house, and granary were built but they were likely constructed around the same time as the house. According to Vlach, dairy buildings were exceptional elements in the built landscape. A dairy was thus an architectural emblem signaling the wealth of the planter class. In an 1870 census of Hardin Reynolds farm, Hardin reported owning nine milk cows and 100 pounds of butter. Some of this was inevitably sold to neighbors from Hardins store. The brick dairy would have kept the milk, cream, and butter at about 50 F in all but the warmest months. At the time of the restoration, Horton replaced the metal roof with one of rough cut wood shingles. The ice house, a low, log structure set on a deep cobble foundation, would have been packed with ice cut from nearby streams and ponds in the winter and hauled to the plantation where it was packed in straw, grass, or sawdust to keep it from melting. The subterranean vault would have preserved ice until late spring or early summer. Close comparison of the before and after restoration photos of the ice house demonstrate that when Horton replaced the metal roof with a shingled one and installed new base logs, he built the walls higher than he found them. In many cases, ice houses were little more than a gabled roof resting near the ground sheltering a deep pit where ice was preserved. Today, the packed dirt foor is about three feet below grade; archaeological testing might reveal that the historic depth was much deeper. 55 94 Restored outbuildings: brick kitchen (left), wooden ice house, brick dairy (right), 2014 95 The granary is the largest extant outbuilding at the Reynolds Homestead. The two-story log structure is set on a cobble foundation and has a wood framed roof of rough-cut shingles. The granary would have held provisions, tools, and surplus grain and corn. At the time of the restoration, a frame lean-to shed housing storage space and restrooms was added to the rear (west) of the granary. Unlike the other outbuildings, the granary is generally not open to the public and is used primarily for storage. Unlike the other historic structures, the granary is on the west side of the road and stands a few yards from the modern Community Enrichment Center. Granary shortly after restoration Restored granary, 2013 96 Store and family cemetery prior to restoration, 1968 A large barn was present a short distance north east of the house just beyond the family cemetery. Though utilized for storage by the tenant farmers in the late 1960s, this structure is thought to have been Hardin Reynolds store. Richard Kreh, Superintendent of Reynolds Homestead Forestry and Wildlife Research Center (1969-2002) and frst caretaker of the property, recalled storing some of his possessions there when he frst moved onto the property in 1968. Kreh remembers the interior of the barn as having been much too nice to be originally built as a storage barn. In a 1969 memo to Tommy Roberson, foreman of John W. Daniel & Co., Inc., Frank Horton advised that the barn should be dismantled: Tear the barn down. Take anything worth saving in the way of wide planks or paneling, weatherboarding, beams, etc and fnd a place to store it... Take up the old fooring and use what fooring you have stored in the kitchen to put down for the downstairs room Use some of the weatherboarding from the storage barn that you take down to put on the ends of the porch. The barn was described by Tilley: Hardins store, located near his dwelling, stood on the old Bristol-Norfolk highway, which was for years a main thoroughfare across Virginia. The commodious building with its large cellar, no doubt for use in handling leaf tobacco, was still sturdy and strong in 1960. 56 57 58 97 A replica tobacco barn, completed in 2011, now stands where the old store once was. In 2006, the dilapidated crib of a historic tobacco barn was dismantled. It stood near the present forestry outbuildings approximately 500 feet north of the Reynolds house. Because of its poor condition and proximity to the forestry work area, the tobacco barn was disassembled, tagged for reassembly, and stored on the Homestead property. In 2009, these materials were evaluated with the idea that the structure could be rebuilt. Of the original 50 beams, half had deteriorated and were no longer salvageable. Additionally, several components were missing including many of the foundation rocks, the roof, the door, tobacco poles, and the frebox. The Reynolds Homestead, in its continuing pursuit to provide interpretive materials about 19th century tobacco plantations, decided to rebuild the tobacco barn from existing and newly acquired material as an early example of fue-curing structures. John Larson, vice president for restoration at Old Salem Museum and Gardens in Winston-Salem provided guidance and Steven Cole Builders Inc. of Danbury, North Carolina performed contract work. Ben and Betty Davenport who donated two structures from Banister Bend Farm in Chatham, Virginia provided additional materials for the barn. The replica, constructed using nineteenth century techniques, was sited nearer the house so that it is easily accessible to visitors to the Reynolds Homestead. Its placement refects the historic tradition of locating tobacco barns at the junction of two roads. Being on the periphery of the historic interpretation area, the tobacco barn provides a visual edge to the farm property and restores an aspect of the 19th century agricultural landscape. With the entry facing south, the tobacco barn maximizes exposure to the sun which historically would have been the only source of light in the otherwise enclosed barn. Level, open ground surrounding the barn would have been necessary to accommodate the work of loading and unloading wagons and preparing the cured tobacco for shipment. Dismantled tobacco barn, 2007 Modern Structures 98 Comprised of locally gathered rocks, the dry-stacked stone foundation provides a protective barrier from ground moisture and the intense heat associated with fue curing. To provide additional support, a concrete foundation was poured and the basal rocks were mortared in place. The south elevation of the foundation includes two stone tinderboxes, one on either side of the entry, where fres would have been tended to create the low-temperature, constant heat necessary to cure bright leaf tobacco. Metal tubes inserted into the freboxes circulate heat to the interior of the barn and provide ventilation for smoke. The tobacco barn walls consist of white oak logs interlocked with half-dovetail notches, an early and sophisticated method that required skill to perfect. Each wall is ten logs high and seventeen feet long. Voids between logs were flled with small stone chinking material and sealed with daub made from locally accessed red clay. The daubing will require occasional maintenance. The roof is comprised of oak rafters capped with cedar shingles. A lean-to on the south elevation provides protection from the sun and rain when loading and unloading tobacco-laden wagons. The interior is in keeping with historic tobacco barns: The foor is packed dirt and horizontal poles are arranged to provide drying racks for tobacco. Tobacco growing near replica tobacco barn, 2013 Detail of replica tobacco barn, 2013 59 99 In 1976 Nancy Susan Reynolds endowed the Reynolds Homestead Continuing Education Center, now known as the Community Enrichment Center, which is used for cultural programming. The two-story (ground foor and basement) modern structure is situated just west of the historic granary and extends beyond the grade change that occurs there. In 1990 the center was extended south to add ofce space on the ground foor and a library in the basement. The most recent landscape design was performed in 2000 by Virginia Tech Facilities Management. Community Enrichment Center, 2013 Plan of R.J. Reynolds Homestead drawn by George R. Adams, AASLH for National Register of Historic Places nomination: note Learning Center, 1976 100 Reynolds Homestead preserves two cemeteries: The Reynolds Family Cemetery lies 150 feet east of the house and serves as the resting place of many members of the Reynolds Family including Hardin Reynolds, his parents, Abraham and Mary Polly Harbour Reynolds, and his granddaughter, Nancy Susan. The family cemetery is fenced with a historic wrought iron fence of unknown origin. Approximately 625 feet northwest of the house lay the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants. This burial ground, which lies on a ridge between the house and No Business Mountain, is in direct sight line from the front porch. The cemetery is comprised primarily of unmarked feldstones and is surrounded by a grove of deciduous trees. Commemorative Landscape 625 Feet 150 Feet Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants Reynolds Family Cemetery N 101 The family cemetery, landscaped, tidy, and trim, displays a number of markers, varying in height, style, and material and refecting the long span of interment and the accumulation of wealth and manner of memorialization throughout the period. The dates recorded on the stones illustrate that the cemetery was populated over time in distinct clusters. Hardins parents and brother are buried together and, adjacent to them, Hardins children who died during childhood. A tall obelisk commemorates Hardin and his children Agnes, John, Naney, Ernest, and two sets of twin sons. It is unknown when the obelisk was dedicated but we can infer it was after Hardin died but before his wife, Nancy Cox Reynolds, who was buried in Winston Salem in 1903. Hardins headstone, next to his mothers, reads HWR. Reynolds Family Cemetery 3 7 . 2 5
F T 4 7 . 2 5
F T 6 6 . 2 5
F T 6 9 .5 0 F T N 102 U. Julian Sargeant, 1936 - 1971 V. Richard Samuel Jr., 1908 - 1980 Y. Sandra Reid ,1944 - X. William Neal II, 1940 - 2009 W. Michael Randolph, 1947 - 2004 Z. Nancy Susan, 1910 - 1985 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z N * Q. Hardin Harbour, 1854 - 1927 R. Lucy Ruth, 1914 - 1929 S. Hardin + Catherines Son, 1931 T. David Parham II, 1965 - 1966 P. Annie Dobyns, 1875 - 1961 O. William Neal II, 1910 - 1994 N. Nancy Ruth, 1906 - 1912 A. Abram Reynolds, 1781 - 1838 B. David H. Reynolds, 1811 - 1836 C. Mary Polly Reynolds, 1784 - 1853 D. Hardin W. Reynolds, 1810 - 1882 E. Ernest C., 1861 - 1862 F. Agnes Catherine, 1845 - 1861 G. Twin Sons, 1849 H. John Gilmore, 1856 - 1862 I. Nancy Bill, 1859 - 1862 J. Twin Son, 1865 K. Twin Son, 1865 L. Lucy Critz, 1885 M. Susan Critz, 1878 - 1885 * Obelisk 103 Reynolds memorial obelisk, note repaired headstone, 2013 Horizontal markers (late period burials 1970s-1980s), 2013 Upright markers (early period burials 1830s-1860s), 2013 104 Bricks removed from the headstone foundation, 2004 Repaired headstone, 2004 In 2004 a storm felled a tree near the family cemetery fence prompting restoration and landscape work. At this time, landscape improvements around the family cemetery were made with money from the Richard S. Reynolds Endowment Fund. Work related to the cemetery included landscape research and design, repairs to the damaged wrought iron fence, and repairs to the broken headstone belonging to David H. Reynolds. Chicora Foundation, an archaeological consulting frm from South Carolina, excavated bricks from the substrate when they made repairs to the headstone. These bricks, which were associated with the initial stabilization of the headstone, were not replaced following the repair. Hill Studio (Roanoke, VA) performed design services for the restoration and planting of the family cemetery with Seven Oaks Landscape Company (Glade Hill, VA) conducting the work. The primary directives included a landscape plan that would create a pleasant experience for visitors, accommodate continued interments, and contribute to the existing Reynolds homestead interpretive plan. Hill Studio researched period cemeteries to design a historically accurate planting plan that included crape myrtles, daylilies, American hollies, and oaks. They also suggested adding fll to level the ground surrounding certain graves that had sunk. 105 Another component of the Reynolds commemorative landscape is the podium erected near the house in memory of Lieutenant Governor Julian Sargeant Reynolds who spoke at the Reynolds family reunion at the Homestead in 1970 and passed away a year later. The memorial reads: This homesite is part of the rebuilding of the South it was men like the Reynolds boys of Patrick County who would develop the industrial and commercial opportunities and in so doing increase the chance for a decent life for thousands who otherwise would have been doomed to the backwardness of a region that had no future and was burdened with a past that had failed. Commemorative memorial to Julian Sargeant Reynolds, 2013 Commemorative memorial to Julian Sargeant Reynolds, 2013 106 Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants In 1969 when she drew the boundary of the 6.99-acre historic core, Nancy Susan Reynolds was not aware of the presence of the unmarked cemetery on the hill between the house and No Business Mountain. In about 1970, Richard Kreh, Superintendent of Reynolds Homestead Forestry and Wildlife Research Center from 1969 to 2002, discovered the cemetery while clearing land. Ten years later, a wooden fence was erected around the cemetery, which had become part of the historic interpretation of the Reynolds Homestead. The cemetery is an assemblage of grave depressions and burials marked primarily by feldstone headstones and footstones. Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants (looking west), 2013 The surroundings consist of a grove of hardwoods and is kept clear of undergrowth. To refect the historic character of the cemetery, the fence was removed in 2011 and, unlike the family cemetery, turf grass is not used. In 2001 Virginia State Archaeologist Mike Barber conducted research at the 100-foot diameter cemetery and identifed 61 burials, of which only four were marked with inscribed memorials. His map divides the cemetery into four clusters of burials, identifes headstones, footstones, and depressions, and illustrates a travelway. Barber observed that the long axis of the graves are oriented east-west and many of them are marked with unaltered, locally-gathered sandstone and shallow depressions caused by cofn collapse. Of the ffty instances of depressions, forty are ovoid indicating that they were hand-dug and ten are rectangular meaning that they may have been dug with machines. Barber wrote that the cemetery may have been designated for use by particular family or kin groups. While four grave clusters can be identifed, three may be kin based and the fourth is more likely related to temporal considerations. One cluster of graves has several burials known to the Penn family and another is marked with Will Lee Reynolds burial. Aside from the stones, the only artifacts found there were dark brown translucent bottle fragments, shards of a clear jar, and a milk bottle that read A Bottle of Milk is a Bottle of Health. 60 107 Survey of slave cemetery drawn by Michael Barber, 2001 108 Very little is known about the individuals buried in the cemetery across the hollow from the house but inference and oral history suggests that the cemetery was used by African Americans from both ante- and post-bellum periods. In 2010 researcher Dr. Lynn Rainville, Research Professor of Humanities at Sweet Briar College, visited the cemetery. She concluded that African Americans, based on oral histories and the fact that so many enslaved people lived at Rock Spring Plantation, used the cemetery. According to her report, On all large plantations, enslaved individuals were buried somewhere on the property, usually in separate slave cemeteries, but occasionally they were buried within or adjacent to white family cemeteries. There is no reason to expect that the individuals enslaved at the Reynolds Homestead behaved any diferently, so either the current cemetery was used to bury slaves or there is another slave cemetery not yet found. It is far more likely, that this site was used during both ante- and post-bellum times. And while it is unusual to fnd a slave cemetery used by several post-emancipation generations, some families prefer to keep kin together in death even if it means using plantation land. Rainville researched the marked burials and found that two identifed the interment of individuals who had been born into slavery: Kemp Penns stone indicates that he died in 1914 at the age of 72 and so was born in 1842. Rainville writes The fact that he was buried on the plantation 50 years after emancipation suggests that other family members were buried in this cemetery during the antebellum period and thus he decided to be buried with them A nearby, carved marble marker for Will Lee Reynolds indicates that he was born in 1851 and died in 1936. Will Lees mother was Kitty Reynolds, an enslaved individual who lived on the Reynolds Homestead. Kitty is credited with saving Hardin Reynolds from a charging bull, afterwhich she was entrusted with raising Hardins children. A granite marker for Mary Bell (Marybelle) Penn (1889-1939) is partially obscured by dirt. She was buried next to her husband Valle Penn (1885-1958) and is commemorated by a metal marker. According to oral histories, Valles brother Harry Penn is buried nearby. Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants (looking east), 2013 61 109 Carved marker, Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, 2013 Fieldstone marker, Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, 2013 Carved markers, Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, 2013 Metal marker, Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, 2013 110 In addition to commemorating the sacrifces and legacies of individuals and their families, the well-preserved and accessible Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants provides opportunities to further our understanding of the burial practices of enslaved people. In many cases, contemporaneous cemeteries were relegated to marginal spaces, refective of the fact that planters would not want to waste valuable, arable land. One example of this can be found in nearby Franklin County at Booker T. Washington National Monument. There, the Sparks Cemetery is secreted away in the woods, far from the main activity area of the plantation. The fact that at the Reynolds Homestead the cemetery is located on a prominent rise near the house and other central features might indicate something about Hardins relationship with his slaves. It was common to utilize feldstones as markers in African American cemeteries of the period. At Rock Spring Plantation, we see the use of medium-sized rounded feldstones and upright slabs inserted into the ground in addition to the aforementioned carved markers. Rainville points out that the variation seen in grave markers is indicative of socio-economic stratifcation within African American communities and goes on to say that If we fail to protect these sacred sites, we will lose the hand-carved mortuary memorials that document the struggles and successes of this community. In addition to feldstone markers, more ephemeral objects such as bottles, wood planks, and plants were often used to memorialize the dead. Temporary markers such as these suggest that it was not of great importance to know the exact location of any particular grave and allows for the expansion of the cemetery should there be a need. In his study of the cemetery of the Reynolds Homestead, Barber noted the presence of glass fragments, some of which are still visible today. At the Reynolds Homestead, preservation, maintenance, and exhibition of the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants is one of the highest priorities of historic landscape interpretation. A mown path and signage marks the route from the house to the cemetery and visitors are encouraged to visit. Undergrowth is cut back on a regular basis and a mulched path follows the historic travelway to provide access to the burial ground, limiting the possibility of trampling the graves. The Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants is the only extant landscape feature commemorating the presence of enslaved people at Rock Spring Plantation. 62 63 111 0 25 50 FEET A scale comparison of the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants (above, left) and the Reynolds Family Cemetery (right) provides insight into two similar but discrete commemorative landscapes. In both we observe a clustering of graves based upon parentage and, perhaps, refective of diferent periods of time. Unlike the orderly rows of marked graves in the Family Cemetery, the one utilized by enslaved people and their descendants exhibits a more random placement of graves. The diference in numbers of individuals is also notable. The family cemetery is comprised of 26 burials while the African American cemetery has 61. N 112 No evidence of historic ornamental gardens was ever indicated in restorationist Frank Hortons notes. He did not describe the landscape as he found it nor did he mention any type of work that he or his contractors might have performed. Since no plans, diagrams, or maps depict the Homestead landscape prior to the 6.99-acre historic core plan drawn in 1969, we cannot know what type of landscape was present. In searches of the archives preserved at Reynolda House in Winston Salem, only one letter was found that indicates any type of historic ornamental gardening: On October 23, 1918 Annie Dobyns Reynolds (wife of Harbour Reynolds), who was living at Rock Spring Plantation, wrote to Katharine Reynolds (wife of RJ Reynolds) at her home in Winston Salem. Annie wrote, As I walked around in your lovely fower garden & enjoyed the magnifcent varieties, I thought it would perhaps give you pleasure to have a few clumps of hollyhocks from dear Bro. R.J.s boyhood home, so I am sending a few seeds by todays mail. Contemporary Landscape Letter from Annie Dobyns Reynolds to Katharine Reynolds, 1918 113 There are examples of designed landscapes at similar contemporaneous country estates in Virginia but many of those existed in more populated areas that enjoyed the benefts of longer patterns of settlement, greater wealth, and better access to landscape gardening traditions. Though no extant ornamental landscape elements are present, it is very possible that the Reynolds developed their own ornamental gardens during their time at Rock Spring Plantation. Nancy Cox Reynolds owned an extensive collection of seashells, indicative of both an appreciation of natural beauty and a desire to display such objects. The house itself, with its Flemish-bond brickwork and plastered columns, demonstrates the Reynolds refnement. Attention to the ornamental landscape and garden would have had both aesthetic and practical applications. In the words of historian Raymond Williams though, a working country is hardly ever a landscape. Catalpa and pre-restoration granary, undated photo 64 114 A vegetable garden and fruit trees would undoubtedly have been present in the yard just beyond the rear porch and other gardens tended by enslaved people would be near their own domiciles. Though no plans or letters have been discovered that describe the exact location of a vegetable garden, analogous evidence of similar plantations from the time period suggest that a garden near the house would have been tended for domestic purposes. At the Booker T. Washington National Monument 55 miles northeast of the Reynolds Homestead in Moneta, Virginia, the National Park Service manages a domestic farm to interpret the character of an 1850s farm that includes a one-acre garden. A garden this sizeplanted with peas, greens, cabbages, sweet potatoes, corn, beans, and cucumberswould have been sufcient to provide enough vegetables for a large family. It should be expected that, given the duration of habitation at the Reynolds Homestead and the potential for soil depletion, the familys garden might have changed size and location several times. Archaeological work conducted in 2001 revealed a subsurface anomaly between the house and cemetery, which might indicate organic matter consistent with a garden plot. An overgrown patch just southeast of the house photographed prior to the restoration might have been a vegetable garden. Vegetation depicting location of possible garden, c. 1968 This area is now maintained as an open turf lawn in keeping with the rural character of the environs. The lawn is primarily used for large gatherings. An orchard consisting of twelve individual examples of heirloom-variety apples and pears was planted in 2004-2005. A small herb garden is located between the kitchen and the icehouse. 115 Though its exact location is not known, Hardin Reynolds tobacco factory stood somewhere in close vicinity. Tilley quotes an interview with W. Russell Critz from 1960: His factory was a log building behind his dwelling in a feld that even today is known as the factory lot despite the burning of the building about 1904. According to Richard Kreh, he discovered a straight ridge in the ground that ran a distance and turned at a right angle in the forest about 300 yards south of the house. Though the area is now a nearly 40-year old stand of loblolly pines, at the time of his discovery the area was a cultivated feld. This same area may also have served as the setting for slave quarters for some of the Reynolds enslaved people. Vlach reports that in many instances, slave quarters were generally set behind or to the side of the planters residence, where they would not contend with it visually. Even if they were visible, they were obviously smaller, subordinate buildings. Hardin Reynolds is said to have been among the largest slaveholders in Patrick County: According to the Patrick County Schedules of Slave Inhabitants, Hardin reported owning 42 individuals in 1850 and 45 in 1860. Nannie Tilley recorded his slave holdings as 9 in 1840, 37 in 1850, and 59 in 1860. Though some of these individuals served as house slaves and undoubtedly would have kept quarters near the house, no trace of their former quarters has been discovered. Other individuals might have been housed nearer the felds, some a considerable distance from Rock Spring Plantation. Forty-year old stand of Loblolly pines behind house, 2013 65 66 67 68 116 There are few known photographs of the Reynolds Homestead that illustrate the landscape from the historic period and those from the time of the restoration are focused on structural components of the built environment. One photo from just prior to the restoration shows a rather untidy planting bed positioned to the west of the front walk. This was not maintained following the restoration. In her introduction to Nannie M. Tilleys Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970, Nancy Susan Reynolds wrote The large and ancient boxwoods planted at the front and back doors [following the restoration] came from the home of Zachary Taylor Smith, a nephew of Nancy Jane and my grandfather. These boxwood continue to occupy their original locations. Undated photo showing house shortly after restoration, c. 1970 House and present-day landscape, 2013 Pre-restoration: Unkempt planting bed just west of walk, c. 1968 69 117 Two trees receive particular attention during interpretive tours of the Reynolds Homestead landscape. The Southern catalpa (Catalpa bignonioides) is a much-loved tree just west of the house near the brick walkway leading to the rear porch. With its gnarled trunk, showy white fowers, heart-shaped leaves, and slender bean pods, the catalpa is a popular ornamental tree. Its strong wood was useful for fence post construction, fbers from the fruit were useful for making rope, and the worm (caterpillar stage of catalpa sphinx moth) that feeds of it is popular as fshing bait. Said to have been present during RJs boyhood, the tree has not been precisely aged. In fact, catalpas are naturally fast growing and assume an appearance of antiquity because of their twisted growth patterns. Though it imparts a sense of historicism, the catalpa may be only 100 years old. Foreground: Catalpa, yucca, dogwood; Background: lilac, boxwood, 2013 Catalpa, 2014 118 Another popular tree is the sourwood (Oxydendrum arboreum) located on the creek bank near Rock Spring. The tree, growing nearly horizontal from a large canker three feet above the ground surface, appears to have been tied into a knot as a sapling and trained to point to the Reynolds Homestead house. So-called trail trees were important navigational tools used by pre-contact Native Americans to identify routes and resources. It is easy to mistake a naturally malformed tree for one actually used as a wayfnding device. This particular tree is likely fewer than 100 years old. Several tall white oaks (Quercus alba) also thrive near the spring. Sourwood trail tree near Rock Spring, 2013 White oak near Rock Spring, 2013 119 Though no longer present, a number of eastern white pines (Pinus strobus) grew along the main drive leading to the house (Homestead Lane) from Abram Penn Highway. These trees grew on both sides of the then-gravel road spaced evenly approximately 30 feet on center. According to Richard Kreh, the trees were planted in the 1930s based on dendrochronological studies and cut down in the 1980s when they began to topple in windstorms. Kreh asserts that Annie Dobyns Reynolds might have brought them from nearby Floyd County, the edge of their natural habitat. Kreh also recalls fnding a few apple trees growing among piles of rock on the slopes of No Business Mountain. Given that, when he arrived at the Reynolds Homestead in 1968, the slopes of the mountain were dotted with pioneer Virginia pine (Pinus virginiana) and devoid of primary forest, this area might have once been cleared for agricultural use including the planting of orchards. Today the core of the Reynolds Homestead is maintained with turfgrass and occasional specimen and ornamental trees and shrubs. The landscape, rather than being indicative of the historic period to which the interior of the house has been restored, is planted in a rather casual and unplannedthough pleasingmanner. Crape myrtle (Lagerstroemia spp) and American holly (Ipex opaca) are utilized as ornamentals around the historic house and modern structures; an American persimmon (Diospyros virginiana) grows in front of the house. A number of yuccas (Yucca spp) can be found near the house and along Homestead Lane. In some cases these are also found in the out-lying areas of the property and often indicate historic occupation areas and home sites. A native grass feld in front of the house provides a pastoral setting for birds and adds to the agrarian aesthetic of the Reynolds Homestead. A number of years ago, an artist designed the Friendship Garden near the spring based on a historic dough bowl found among the Homestead collections. Though still present, the garden receives infrequent maintenance and does not contribute to the historic character of the Reynolds Homestead. Friendship Garden near Rock Spring, 2013 120 In 2010 a one-mile interpretive forest trail was installed as part of the Virginia Cooperative Extension and Virginia Department of Forestrys Conservation Education Program, known as the LEAF (Link to Education About Forests) initiative. These outdoor classrooms expose Virginians to historical and natural legacies at four diferent locations throughout the state. The self-guided tour begins at a signboard near the parking lot where interpretive pamphlets are available. Visitors follow a mown trail past research ponds, through the forest near Rock Spring, then pass by the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, replica tobacco barn, and orchard. The trail also provides access to an ADA accessible birding trail to an overlook in the loblolly stand south of the Reynolds house. Twenty-two educational placards identify trees by common and scientifc name and describe their uses. LEAF Trail information kiosk, 2013 ADA Accessible LEAF Trail path in loblolly stand, 2013 LEAF Trail mown path west of Community Enrichment Center, 2013 121 The acreage surrounding the historic core is rugged, diverse, and lush in some places but leveled, mono- cropped, and tidy in others. Natural vegetation, geologic outcroppings, and meandering creeks provide an astonishing sense of the landscape as it may have appeared to RJ and his siblings as they grew up playing and working their homestead. In other places, forestry research has established a grid of rotational experiments that ofer their own sense of permanence and evolution. In the wilder places, where saplings have grown to swallow rusty strands of barbed wire, one can wander aimlessly and wonder about the sights and sounds around them. In the agroforestry plots, the gridded lines of trees display the order and maturity of science and industry. Reynolds Homestead, as an educational and interpretive institution, is an attractive juxtaposition of both historic and modern. Revegetated following homestead-era clearing, 2013 Loblolly experimental plot, 2013 Fencepost on No Business Mountain, 2013 122 Archaeological Resources Archaeological surveys at the Reynolds Homestead, primarily conducted by Radford University using non-destructive methods, have provided a high level of relevant data about past activities. As discussed previously, archaeologist Michael Barber (State Archaeologist, Virginia Department of Historic Resources) conducted minimally invasive work at the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants in August 2001. This work, which did not include excavation, provided data about the numbers, sizes, and orientations of graves present in the cemetery and included a description of the grave markers and visible surface artifacts. Though there are only four inscribed aboveground markers, Barbers work identifed 61 burials in four clusters separated by a central travel-way. In 2002, faculty and students from Radford University led by Dr. Clif Boyd (Radford University Forensic Science Institute) utilized non-invasive techniques to better understand the potential for subsurface deposits in strategically selected areas of the Homestead, primarily near the main house and family cemetery. Yielding information about non-native materials, electrical conductivity measurements were taken using a hand- operated EM31 device to measure subsurface radio waves. Another technique, which measures disturbances in the earths magnetic feld, was employed to locate ferrous deposits indicating potential artifacts with some degree of iron content. Both methods provided positive results indicating the necessity of future work at distinct locations within the historic core. Figure from 2002 Archaeological Report illustrating lines of remote sensing and potential anomalies The above fgure, included in the 2002 report of Radford Universitys archaeological survey (Appendix VII), illustrates EM31 survey lines and potential subsurface deposits. The report states that the data yielded obvious anomalies due to subsurface features that are certainly of human origin. The data are consistent in that several large anomalies appear in multiple data lines, and they appear in locations that are consistent with past human structures or activities. In addition, the strengths of the signals from these anomalies are strong so that there is no doubt that the signals are truly present rather than just an artifact of instrument drift, operator-origin signal interference, normal uncertainty in the instruments receiving electronics, etc. Through 70 123 additional research, these anomalies have the potential to reveal information about structures, domestic activities, and other relevant aspects of the past. In his report, Dr. Boyd suggests that his work reveals subsurface deposits consistent with the presence of structural foundations, a garden, and magnetic anomalies indicative of buried metal objects. All of these fndings warrant future, more precisely directed investigation. Because the archaeological team had limited time on site and was using non-invasive modes of investigation, conclusions drawn from their work are best guesses based on analogous evidence. A change in magnetic polarity, for example, might indicate a large buried object comprised of a small amount of ferrous material or, conversely, a small object containing a large amount of iron-containing material. In 2008 Dr. Boyd and Dr. Rhett Herman (Radford University Department of Chemistry and Physics) returned to the Reynolds Homestead with six students to follow up on the work conducted six years previous. Again employing remote sensing equipment (magnetic scans and ground-penetrating radar) as well as performing limited shovel testing, the researchers focused on the area near the house, outbuildings, and both cemeteries, but this time broadened their focus to include the area around Rock Spring and the adjacent creek as well as near the Community Enrichment Center. In a report (Appendix VIII), the researchers described their fndings.
Figure from 2008 Archaeological report, Overview of Surveyed Areas Figure from 2008 Archaeological report, Surveyed areas around the homestead and family cemetery 124 Shovel testing of the various zones revealed that modern construction of the Community Enrichment Center had disturbed the soil enough that relevant data would be difcult to locate and that, near the spring and creek, alluvial deposits associated with periodic fooding rendered the discovery of cultural artifacts unlikely. Shovel testing of an area isolated from the 2002 study revealed that the known anomaly was likely a natural soil change rather than a cultural artifact. The remote sensing techniques employed near the house revealed that several subsurface features might indicate buried utilities or natural hydrologic activity. Boyds survey of the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants demonstrated that Michael Barbers 2001 map, though slightly out of scale, was comparable to the fndings of the remote sensing equipment, somewhat attenuated by the undergrowth and damp forest foor. Remote testing of the family cemetery revealed that the subsurface evidence of burials corresponds generally with the above ground grave markers but that in some cases the burials are interior to the markers and in others the burials are exterior of the orientation of the stones. This might be described by a change in burial practices throughout the long use of the cemetery. Reporting on his 2001 study, Michael Barber wrote in 2010, While it is likely that much activity occurred within a landscape framework in front of the plantation house, most plantation activities were carried out in back of the big house. The slaves involved with the house and household operations would have lived in proximity but likely behind the main house. Topographically, a broad level ridge top is located to the southeast of the house. This area holds promise for archaeological research. Throughout my own investigation at the Reynolds Homestead, I utilized archaeological survey techniques I learned and practiced as a State Archaeologist in New Mexico (2003-2006). Through systematic survey of both the historic core and the surrounding forested area, I located several areas where further archaeological survey work might be fruitful. I shared many of these fndings with Dr. Boyd on his visit to the Homestead on August 7, 2013. Among those are existing historic trash dumps, historic buildings and foundations, and apparent above ground indications of subsurface deposits as well as the identifcation of the physical locations of potential subsurface deposits based on historic occupation. In the acreage surrounding the historic core, several abandoned structures, remnant structural foundations, fences, trash deposits, and old roads have the potential to increase our knowledge of Piedmont planting activities, homesteading, and historic uses. 71 125 Historic structure repurposed for Forestry Research Storage Foundation Burned house (Patty Bundy Residence) Historic tobaco barn Historic trash deposit Modern tobacco barn Map of identifed structures, foundations, trash deposits Historic structure and trash deposit Historic structural foundation and trash deposit Historic tobacco barn 126 Historic vegetation near Rock Spring and the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants may preserve undisturbed deposits including trash dumps and foundations associated with slave dwellings. In an old growth stand between Rock Spring and the Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants, a modern dump of concrete building materials is likely associated with the 1968-69 demolition of domestic additions to the Reynolds house. East of the spring and north of the culvert and bridge associated with VA-798, an old a grove of umbrella magnolias (Magnolia tripetala) and leveled ground might indicate an area cleared for planting or homesteading and should be surveyed for remnant structural foundations. East of the spring and along the creek, leveled ground might be associated with either natural alluvial action or with the construction of buildings. Around the spring and on the adjacent hillsides, a substantial scatter of bricks, bottles, and crockery should be examined. An aggregation of partially buried fat rocks a few meters north of the spring might be associated with historic domestic use: Historian John Reynolds has identifed this artifact as an old still. A network of gravel roads and trails continues to provide access to various zones related to forestry activities. A number of these routes appear to have seen extensive use and likely follow the tracks associated with the Reynolds planting activities. Some connect to routes that lead of the property through locked gates while others meander through the forest and across creeks only to disappear into the tangle and growth of forest. Factors including but not limited to the rate of revegetation, the susceptibility of certain soils, the slope of land, and the modern use or disuse of these routes makes it difcult to trace the historic function and integrity of the gravel and dirt roads. Some of these roads can be found on historic topographic maps while others have never been mapped. Foundations associated with homesteading and tobacco cultivation are scattered across the property; archaeologists and architectural historians might fnd the study of these structures informative. Some might be contemporaneous with the construction of the Reynolds home while others might have been built later when Hardin Reynolds rented plots to tenant farmers. Further investigation is warranted to understand the sequence of construction and use of these structures. These, along with nearby trash dumps, might provide datable artifacts to help complete our understanding of the historic use of the property. Rendering the study of these structures difcult and complex, tobacco barns and domestic structures have witnessed cycles of use, abandonment, and reuse. The appropriation of old materials for new structuresand the adaptive reuse of certain of the structuresfurther complicate the study of these artifacts. 72 127 Aggregation of rocks near Rock Spring, possible still site, 2013 Historic period feral vegetation includes garlic and yucca, 2013 Historic period trash midden near Mill Creek, 2013 Historic period car and homesite, No Business Mountain, 2013 128 One particular historic structure, an old domestic building on the eastern side of Abram Penn Highway about one half mile north of Homestead Lane, was partially rebuilt in 1981 by Patty Bundy, Reynolds Homestead groundskeeper at the time. According to a newspaper article published in the Martinsville Bulletin on May 31, 1981, Miss Bundy was ofered the chance to live in the cabin originally built in 1812 by Abram Reynolds. The article goes on The rustic cabin, nestled between tall oak and willow trees, needed a lot of yard work, says Miss Bundy, who planted several fower and herb gardens around the cabin While the present condition of the cabin is a vast improvement from only fve months ago, Miss Bundy says there is plenty of work still to be done before its completion. She plans to sand the wooden foor, build a stone patio of the front porch, install plumbing and construct a privy close by. There is no evidence that this cabin was ever a component of Abrahams cultural landscape and it is likely that the structure was actually built later. When I asked him about this cabin, former Reynolds Homestead Director David Britt (1979-1999) replied As both Mary and I recall, there were two cabins that burned, one before we arrived and the other soon thereafter. I dont know the Patty Bundy cabin by name but a burned cabin is located about where you said. Across Abram Penn Highway from this structure, the remains of another burned building can be found near an abandoned tobacco barn. Further north, on the edge of the Reynolds Homestead property, an abandoned log home and outbuilding are used for storage of forestry equipment. Martinsville Bulletin, May 31, 1981 73 129 Abandoned house on eastern periphery of Homestead property, 2013 Ruined former Patty Bundy structure, 2013 Abandoned tobacco barn near Patty Bundy structure, 2013 Abandoned house on eastern periphery of Homestead property, 2013 130 Historic period foundation, 2013 Modern tobacco barn, 2013 Historic period structure and trash deposit, 2013 Historic period tobacco barn, 2013 131 Old-growth vegetation with potential for slave structures Potential store basement Potential foundation Potential for slave structures Deposits associated with Rock Spring including historic still and historic domestic trash Potential burned factory Potential historic privy Potential garden deposit Historic demolition deposit Potential Archaeological Study Areas Cemetery of Slaves and Their Descendants Modern septic drainfeld 132 In 1969 when Nancy Susan Reynolds hired Frank Horton to restore her ancestral home, she sought the counsel of Robert Kline and Company, a Richmond- based public relations and publishing company that would later produce Nannie M. Tilleys history of the Reynolds Homestead. In his report A Recommendation for Maintaining Reynolds Homestead as an Authentic Restoration and Travel Attraction, Kline suggested that the house be moved to Winston-Salem and exhibited on the grounds of Reynolda House, RJ and Katharine Reynolds estate. The report elaborated Reynolds Homestead, as either a travel attraction or a permanent restoration, appears to have little future in its present location We estimate annual visitors will total a minimum of 100 and a maximum of 600, even with a complete public relations and travel promotion. As the years go by, we foresee (1) closing of the house as a visitor attraction and (2) eventual loss of its identity as Reynolds Homestead. At the end of the report, it was recommended that a bronze plaque be installed in place of the house and that the cemetery and out buildings be maintained so that members of the Reynolds family and travelers to the area will continue to have meaningful visits. Obviously, Nancy Susan did not follow the recommendations of that report. Forty-four years later, statistics from 2012-2013 illustrate that nearly 17,000 participants attended tours, continuing education classes, and other activities at the Reynolds Homestead. While I was conducting feldwork at the Reynolds Homestead, researchers from the Institute for Museum and Library Services prepared a Conservation Assessment Survey Report at the behest of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Though primarily focused on the condition of the historic buildings and artifact collections, the report mentions the importance of the surrounds: The 6.99 acre Reynolds Homestead occupies a hillock overlooking mowed felds and lawns bounded by woods, all ringed by mountains in the distance The house, outbuildings, historic road, and landscape context form a rich setting. That report provides numerous recommendations for the stewardship of the historic buildings and landscape including strategic vegetation management and a redesign of the interpretive tour route. It also stresses the need for a landscape management plan to successfully interpret and preserve the historic agrarian setting of the Reynolds Homestead. Conclusion 74 75 133 Today, the Reynolds Homestead maintains appropriate land uses, preserves important viewsheds, and employs interpretive programming that educates visitors about Southside Virginia tobacco plantations, provides stewardship for the Reynolds family historic property, and engages the public in a wide variety of cultural activities. The current model of land management for both the historic core and the larger property is suitable to continue to meet these goals. Archaeological testing and slight modifcations to the interpretation model will further engage the public in understanding the historic integrity of the property. According to the National Park Service Preservation Brief 36 Protecting Cultural Landscapes: Planning, Treatment and Management of Historic Landscapes, preservation planning should involve historical research, documentation, an evaluation of the sites integrity and signifcance, the development of plans for the treatment, management, and maintenance of the historic resources, and the preparation of future recommendations. This report, structured as a Cultural Landscape Report, provides the foundation for that process and can serve as a resource for Virginia Tech as it moves forward in the continued stewardship of Reynolds Homestead as a historic site, a community resource, and a signifcant National Historic Landmark. 134 This indenture made this 22nd day July in the year if our lord one thousand Eight Hundred ten between Thomas Sneed of the County of Patrick and State of Virginia of the one part + Abraham Reynolds of Patrick County and state of Virginia of the other Witnesseth that the said Thomas Sneed for and in consideration of the Sum of two hundred + ffty Dollars to him in hand Paid by the said Abraham Reynolds the receipt whereof he the said Thomas Sneed do hereby acknowledge hath given granted Bargained + Sold unto the said Abraham Reynolds his heirs + assigns forever one certain track (sic) or parcel of land lying + being in the same County of Patrick on the waters of North Mayo river containing one Hundred + eighty acres more or less and Bounded as followeth to Wit Begining [sic] at a Spanish oak in Adrin Anglins line thence with the Consented line agreed on by Nathaniel Ross + Thomas Sneed to the old Ridge Path between Abraham Reynolds + John Sneed then with that Path to Spencer Martins Corner black gum thence with Carters line South twenty seven degrees West Ninety Nine poles to a red oak South twenty nine degrees East ninety Eight Poles Crossing the river to a chestnut tree at the Mouth of a branch up the same as it meanders forty one poles to a poplar North thirty three degrees West forty Poles to a black gum New lines South Thirty three degrees West thirty four poles to Anglins Corner Gum with his line South Eighty degrees east Seventy three poles crossing a branch to a pine thence South thirty six degrees east one hundred + six poles to pointers in said Anglin line with his line to the begining [sic] with all woods ways water courses + every other thing in any wise thereunto belonging to the said track or parcel of land above Mentioned + Described + all the estate Right + title Interest Clame + demand whatsoever of him the said Thomas Sneed of in + to the said track or Parcel of land + premises above mentioned and every part there of to have + to hold the said track or parcel of land and all Singular the premises above mentioned every part and parcel thereof with the appurtenances thus unto belonging unto the said Abraham Reynolds his heirs + assigns forever and the Said Thomas Sneed hereby Warrants + Defends all the Right and title of the aforesaid premises unto Abraham Reynolds against himself his heirs + all other persons whatsoever in Witness whereof the land Thomas Sneed hath here unto Set + afxed his hand + seal this day above Written Signed Sealed + Delivered in present of } Thomas Sneed S + S Patrick County July Court 1810 this deed was acknowledged in Court by the said Thomas Sneed to be his act + deed + ordered to be recorded Test Sam Staples CCPC Appendix I: Deed Book 3, Pg. 332 Reynolds from Sneed Deed, Patrick County Ofce of the Clerk 135 Appendix II: US Census, 1870 H.W. Reynolds 136 137 1 Cupboard 1 Sideboard 1 Piano 12 Split bottom chairs 1 Table 1 Carriage Remnant of goods in store 300 Bushels Wheat 85c per bus 150 Bushels Rye 60c per bus. 1 Mule colt 1 Spotted Mule 1 Bay Horse 1 Sorrel Horse 1 Yoke spotted oxen 1 Black Steer Brindle steer 1 Red ox 1 Yoke red spotted steers 1 Red steer 1 Bull 1 Do [?] 1 Brindle do. 1 Black steer 1 Yoke Pat. Kennerly Steers 1 Blind Mule 1 Black Mule 1 Black Mule 1 Mouse Mule 1 White-faced cow + calf 1 Brindle do. 1 Red cow + calf 1 White faced do 1 Pale red do. 1 Do. 1 Red Heifer 1 Do. 1 Black Do. 1 White bull 1 Red do. 1 Red heifer 1 Red Heifer 1 Do. 1 Do. 1 Black 1 Red Bull 1 Brindle Heifer 1 Spotted Do. 1 Red Heifer 2 calves 2 Do. 1 Black cow 1 Lot old wagons- fxtures + e Tarrow[?] 1 Wagon + harness 1 Sc. plow 26 Head Sheep 1 Cider Mill 1 Corn sheller 1560Lb Manufactured tobacco @ 30c 2 Retainer pumps 6 Box screws 2 Iron levers 4 10 150 3 1 40 100 255 90 25 100 40 40 40 15 20 16 35 12 15 15 20 40 12 40 100 60 57 12 15 15 15 12 10 8 10 10 2.5 5 3 5 2.5 7 3 3 5 3 10 3 4 15 8 3 25 1 40 10 16 468 450 150 16 Appendix III: Estate Appraisal, 1882 DESCRIPTION VALUE ($) DESCRIPTION VALUE ($) 138 John Tuder 5 stacks tops [?] .5 John Tuder 12 stack oats John Tuder shucks of 30 bbls corn at 10c Murry + Son 2 bbr of corn 50c Murry + Son 2 black stacks 75c Murry + Son 200 Lbs Tobacco at 5c Tyler Hill 10 bbr corn 50c Tyler Hill 300 run. fodder Tyler Hill 250 Lbs Tobacco 10c Tyler Hill 16 gallons Molasses at 35c Charles Tatum 10 bar corn 50c Charles Tatum 1000 bbs fodder 75c Wm. Fesler 10 bar Corn 50c Wm. Fesler 1000 bbs fodder 75c Home 115 bar corn 50c Home 8 [?] Shucks 75c Home Shucks of 75 bar. corn at 10c Home 2500 Lbs Tobacco 8c 1 Bedstead [____] 1 Clock Amt ____ own 1 still at Robert Critz 85 gallons This amount due from RJ Reynolds to estate June 1st 1882 to Cash 989.5, 2 checks 51.45, 13, Reynolds check 23.94.74 June 1st 1882 Stationary + c July 5, 1882 Patton + Sons Bank Aug 1, 1882 Do. June 29, 1882 cash for wheat July 24,, 1882 From sale of Leaf Tobac. July 10 for a box of Dan River Tobacco 40 LBs 35c 1 Do. 2 Sets Shapers 10 Clamp bands 2 Stoves 6 Sets Clamps 1 Pr. Scales 1 Factory Bull Interest in Threshing Machine 1 Cane Mill + 2 Kettles 40 Gals Molasses at 35c 1 Lapplows [?] 1 Scythe + Cradle + 2 Mowing blades 24 head of hogs [?] Pork Woodall Lafayette 15 B corn at 50crs per bus Woodall Lafayette 1380 bundles of fodder 200 Lbs of Tobacco 5c Armstead Penn 8 bus of corn 50c 2 Blade Stacks 75c 500 Lbs Tobacco 5c Armstead Purdy 7 bus of corn at 50c per bus 3 blade stacks 75c 300 Lbs Tobacco 5c David Allison 10 bus of corn at 50c bus 300 bus. fodder 45c 600 Lbs Tobacco 10c John Scales 10 bus corn at 50c Peter Kennerly 25 bus Do. 50 Grun Penn 10 bus corn 50c 2 Stacks blades 75c John Tuder12 bus corn 50c 1000 bus fodder 75c 4 2 3 30 5 10 25 2.25 25 5.6 25 7.5 25 7.5 87.5 20 7.5 200 8 2 4341 60 3448.69 6.83 2600 78.68 53.5 21.5 14 14729.30 4 180 20 20 12 12 3 100 25 14 10 5 100 37.5 2 10 20 5 25 17.5 4 15 25 2.25 60 25 62.5 25 5 30 7.5 DESCRIPTION VALUE ($) DESCRIPTION VALUE ($) 139 Appendix IV: National Register of Historic Places Inventory - Nomination Form, 1970 140 141 142 This deed made Oct. 6, 1884 by virtue of a decree in the case of H.W. Reynolds heirs vs. Robert Critz + wife rendered at the June Term 1884 of the Circuit Court of Patrick appointing the undersigned W.D. Smith a special commissioner for that purpose. Witnesseth that the said W.D. Smith as commissioner aforesaid grants with special warranty to Mrs. Nancy Reynolds for life a track of land lying in said County on the waters of Spoon Creek including the Mansion House of the late H.W. Reynolds, containing 711 acres and bounded according to a plat made by the commissioners of partition + assignments fled in the said suit valued at $2000 [?]. Also a track in Stokes County N.C. known as the Molly Cox place valued at $2000.00 and containing 475 acres. He also grants to Hardin H. Reynolds the following tracts lying in said County designated as lot No. 1 in the report fled by said commissioners in said suit one track of 60 acres known as the Carter Franz place lying on Mill Creek, valued at $600. One other track known as the John Lee place containing 364 acres valued at $1820- also one other track adjoining the above known as the ____ Car track containing 100 acres valued at $500. Also one other track adjoining the above known as the Peter A. Lee track containing 150 acres, valued at $375.00. Total value of the whole $3290.00. [614ac] He also grants to Mary J. Lybrook the tracts embraced in Lot No. 2 of said report as follows- one track lying on North Mayo and its waters known as the John R. Cobb place containing 794 acres valued at $2382.00 also one other track lying on South Mayo known as the Geo. W. Taylor track containing 29 acres, valued at $354.00 also one other track lying on the waters of South Mayo known as the Napier place containing 300 acres valued at $300 also one other track on Bull Mountain at the High Nob, known as the Rich Woods containing 100 acres valued at $100.00. The whole valued at $3136.00. [1223.5] He also grants to R.J. Reynolds the lands embraced in Lot No. 3 as designated in said Report as follows: One track on North Mayo and its waters known as the Meekins Reynolds place containing 540 acres valued at $1351.25 One other track known as the Nobusiness Mountain containing 952 acres, valued at $317.33. One other track known as the Rich Hollow, containing 180 acres, valued at $180 and one other track known as the Joshua Keaton place containing 88 acres, valued at $88.00 and one other track also known as the Joshua Keaton land adjoining the above on Nobusiness Mountain containing 49 acres valued at $49.00 One other track known as the Nancy Hopkins place lying near Nobusiness mountain containing 10 acres valued at Appendix V: Deed Book 23, Pg. 430 Heirs of H.W. Reynolds from Deed, Patrick County Ofce of the Clerk 143 containing 60 acres and valued at 4240.00 One other track lying west of Lees Old Store known as the Peter Lee place containing 60 acres + valued at $150.00 One other track known as the William Houchins place, 2 miles South of Patrick C.H. containing 76 acres and valued at $132.00 One other track known as the Varner place lying on the waters of Mill Creek containing 82 acres + valued at $164.00 One other track known as the Walker land adjoining the above, containing 30 acres and valued at $60.00 and one other track on South Mayo River known as the Joe Himbish place containing 170 acres + valued at $340.00 making in all in value $3193.00 [1075] And he also grants to Nancy Kate Reynolds the lands embraced in what is designated in said report as Lot No. 5 as follows- One track known as the 5 Fork or Todd Martin land on the waters of Peters Creek containing 425 acres and valued at $1490.12 One other track known as the Gunter place on the waters of Russells Creek containing 303 acres valued at $910.00, one other track known as the Clifton place adjoining the Todd Martin place, containing 15 acres and valued at $60.00. One other track known as the Bundy Davis land adjoining Hatchers Dan River place containing 614 acres + valued at $614.00 and one other track known as the Ferrill land lying west of the Stone House in Stokes $20.00 One other track known as the Tuggle track lying near the above, containing 20 acres valued at $40.00 One other track known as the Gilley place near the above containing 75 acres valued at $112.50 One other track near the above known as the Hansford Keaton place, containing 22 acres valued at $22.00. One other track known as the Lee Anglin place lying on Mathews Creek on the Rail Road containing 144 acres valued at $396.00 and also one other track on the waters of Spoon Creek known as the William Thompson track at Patrick Springs depot containing 154 acres valued at $616.00. In all aggregating in value $3192.08. [2234.5] He also grants to Walter N. Reynolds the lands embraced in what is noted as Lot No. 4 in said report as follows: One track known as the Abram Reynolds or Mayo place lying on North Mayo containing 180 acres valued at $340.00 one other track known as the H.N. Reynolds or Rufus Joyce place lying on North Mayo River + adjoining the above containing 55 acres and valued at $275.00. One other track known as the Adrin Anglin place or quarter place on North Mayo River containing 376 acres and valued at $1128.00 One other track known as the Thomas Hutchins place on Carters Mountain containing 144 acres and valued at $144.00 One other track known as the Kennerly place near Lees old store 144 County N.C. containing 16 acres and valued at $64.00 aggregating in value $3138.62. [1343.25] He also grants to Lucy B. Critz the lands designated in said Report as Lot No. 6 as follows, a track lying in Stokes County N. Carolina on the North side of Dan River containing 722 acres and mark on the plat with said Report as Lot No. 1 and valued at $2888.00 also one other track known as the Sam Numan place on the waters of South Mayo containing 43 acres + valued at $258.00 making in aggregate $3146.00. [43] He also grants to William N. Reynolds the lands designated in said Report as Lot No. 7 as follows a track comprised of a part of the Moore place South of Dan River, with about 40 acres north of the river opposite the house in Stokes County N.C. containing 794 acres and marked on said plat as Lot No. 2 and valued at $3373.00. He also grants to Abram D. Reynolds a track comprised of the remainder of said Moore place, marked on said plat as Lot No. 3 adjoining Lot No. 2 on the South West side containing 496 acres and valued at $3472.00. He also grants to said Abram D. Reynolds a right of way through the lands of William N. Reynolds to the public road. The above lands are more particularly described in deeds from various grantors to the H.W. Reynolds now of record in the clerks ofce of Patrick County Court. Witness the following signature and seal. Oct. 6, 1884 W.D. Smith Special Comr (Seal) 145 thence leaving creek N. 27 E. 32 3/5 poles to a white oak bush, N. 25 E. 56 3/5 poles to a small white oak, N. 19 30 3.16 poles, to a leaning black gum, S. 59 E. 43 poles to a stone on the West side of the old Salem road, S. 66 30 E. crossing road at 4/5 poles, 7 2/5 poles to a stone, S. 64E. 40 3/5 poles to a maple on the East side of a branch, S. 61 E. 6 4/5 poles to a white oak on the west side of a road not public, thence with R.J. Reynolds line N. 39 E. 94 poles, crossing the Critz Mill road to a fallen chestnut with marked pointers a-round root of same, N. 74 E. 4 poles, to a new corner chestnut oak between H. Gilley and W.J. Callahan, thence with said Gilleys line N. 34 W. 16 poles to Critz Mill road the same course continued with Henry Wilsons line crossing a branch at 73 poles, in all 80 poles, to a small red oak and stone (formerly post oak) N. 67 W. crossing old Salem road at 44 poles, 105 poles thence with Jef Gilleys line in all 54 1/5 poles, to a forked poplar on the East bank of a branch, thence up said branch N. 12 30 W 11 poles to a Sycamore on the West bank of the branch N. 54 1/4 W. 74 poles to a Persimmon Tree, N. 59 1/4 W. 47 poles to a small gum and stone N. 89 3/4 W. crossing a branch at 27 poles, 54 poles to a dead red oak; made corner on small gum standing by same, corner to the Floyd land, thence with said lines S. 89 W. 11 1/5 poles to a small locust (formerly red oak) S. 76 W. crossing a branch at 7 poles, 23 2/5 poles, to two small maples on the East side of the road leading across the mountain from Critz, S. 42 40 W. crossing a branch at 52 poles, second branch at 83 poles, third branch at 138 poles, 171 poles to an ash on the East bank of a branch N. 37 This deed of Trust, made the 28th day of March 1906, by and between A.D. Reynolds and his wife Senah [?] A. Reynolds of Bristol, Tenn, R.J. Reynolds and his wife Katharine S. Reynolds, Robert Critz and his wife Lucy B. Critz, W.N. Reynolds and wife Kate B. Reynolds, and W. R. Reynolds, of the County of Forsyth and State of North Carolina, all parties of the frst part, and W. N. Reynolds, Trustee, of the County of Forsyth and State of North Carolina, party of the second part, Witnesseth: That the said parties of the frst part, in consideration of One Dollar, to them in hand paid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, and various other considerations to them moving, have bargained, and sold, and by these presents do ______ bargain, sell and convey unto the said W. N. Reynolds, Trustee, party of the second part, his heirs and assigns, all the right, title, and interest [?] of each and every of the parties of the frst part, in and to the following described track of land, lying and being in the County of Patrick and State of Virginia, and bounded and described as follows: A track of 717 acres of land on the waters of Mill Creek in Patrick County, Virginia, known as the lower track of Nancy J. Reynolds, deceased, beginning at a set stone S. 68 degrees W. 5 links from a small red oak an agreed corner with W.J. Callahan in W.D. Critz line about 100 rods North of Critz depot, thence with the said Callahans line and a fence N. 6 degrees E 675 poles to a sourwood, N. 4 W. 6 poles, N 0 30 E. 86 4/5 poles to a double ash on the South bank of Mill Creek, thence up said creek N. 61 W. 10 4/5 poles to a point on the North bank of creek, N. 37 W. pole from Hornbeam, Appendix VI: Patrick County Deed Book 34 Pp. 465-468, Patrick County Ofce of the Clerk 146 But in the event the said H.H. Reynolds and wife shall both die without issue surviving, then the said property shall revert to and belong to as follows: Three shares to R.J. Reynolds, and one share each to the following persons; A.D. Reynolds, Lucy B. Critz, W. N. Reynolds, and W.R. Reynolds. That the said H.H. Reynolds and his wife under the provisions of this trust as aforesaid, enter into possession of the said land under the terms shall pay all lawful taxes thereon, and care for and protect the same in a husbandlike like manner. In witness whereof, the said parties of the frst part have here unto set their hand and seals this year and day frst above written. A.D. Reynolds (seal) Senah A Reynolds (seal) R.J. Reynolds (seal) Katherine S. Reynolds (seal) Robb. Critz (seal) Lucy B. Critz (seal) W.N. Reynolds (seal) Kate B. Reynolds (seal) Walter R. Reynolds (seal) (With various notary seals for Tennessee and North Carolina, March + April 1906.) W. 3 4/5 pos. from fork of branch S. 9 20 E. crossing branch at 6 links, second branch at 2 poles, 50 poles to a stone formerly pointers in the Abram Reynolds, deceased, line, with said lines, S. 44 E striking branch at 24 poles, crossing branch at 29 poles, at 30 poles, and at 33 poles, in all 76 poles to a stone (formerly gum) S. 56 45 E crossing the road leading to Stuart at 1 poles, 88 poles to a rock in the south side of a branch, S. 46 W. 22 2/5 poles to a white oak stump, S. 86 W. 9 links from a Locust, S. 23 40 W 4 1/5 poles to a small Gum, S. 45 W. 4 poles to a point, S. 45 E. 15 links from a white oak, and S. 78 W. pole from another white oak, thence with W.D. Critzs line S. 70 45 E. crossing a branch at 53 poles, second branch at 139 poles, and the road leading from Critz across the mountain at 192 poles, 232 poles to the beginning. To have and to hold the aforesaid track of land unto the said W.N. Reynolds, Trustee, party of the second part, his heirs and assigns, upon the following trust, and none other:_ That the said W.N. Reynolds shall hold said described track of land in trust: (1) For the use and enjoyment of H.H. Reynolds for and during the term of his natural life; (2) If the said H.H. Reynolds should die leaving a wife surviving, then the said Trustee shall hold said property for the use, beneft, and enjoyment of the said widow of H.N. Reynolds during the term of her natural life; (3) That on the death of the said H.H. Reynolds, and his wife, then the entire property, freed from this trust, shall go to their issue, should they leaving any surviving 147 Appendix VII: Reynolds Homestead Preliminary Data, Radford University Faculty and Students, 2002 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 Appendix VIII: Phase I Archaeological and Geophysical Remote Sensing Survey of Selected Areas of the R.J. Reynolds Homestead, Critz, Virginia, 2008 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 The majority of this section is compiled from History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), 25-41. William and Mary College. The Geology of Virginia: Piedmont Province, http://web.wm.edu/geology/virginia/ provinces/piedmont/piedmont.html?svr=www, (accessed November 4, 2013). William and Mary College. The Geology of Virginia: Blue Ridge Province, (accessed November 4, 2013). Van Lear, Mark A. Soil Survey of Patrick County, Virginia, http://www.nrcs.usda.gov/Internet/FSE_ MANUSCRIPTS/virginia/patrickVA2009/Patrick_VA.pdf (accessed March 10, 2014). Kreh, Richard. Personal communication, August 5, 2013. Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation. Natural Heritage: The Natural Communities of Virginia, Classifcation of Ecological Community Groups, (http://www.dcr.virginia.gov/natural_heritage/natural_ communities/ncoverview.shtml), (accessed July 8, 2013). Thomas-Van Gundy, Melissa A. and Michael P. Strager. European Settlement-Era Vegetation of the Monongahela National Forest, West Virginia, United States Department of Agriculture, General Technical Report, August 2012. History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), 6-7. Ibid. 12-18. Ibid. 397. Recollections of Major A.D. Reynolds 1847-1925, Barbara Babcock Millhouse, ed., 1978, (Reynolda House Inc.: Winston-Salem, NC), 4-5. References Learn NC, Mapping the Great Road, http://www. learnnc.org/lp/editions/nchist-colonial/2038 accessed March 17, 2014. Recollections of Major A.D. Reynolds 1847-1925, Barbara Babcock Millhouse, ed., 1978, (Reynolda House Inc.: Winston-Salem, NC), 55-58. Virginia Department of Transportation. A History of Roads in Virginia, http://www.virginiadot.org/about/ resources/historyofrds.pdf, (accessed February 16, 2014). History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), 276-281. Letter from Mrs. N.C. Terry to Mr. Richard S. Reynolds, December 19, 1961. Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry Letters Collection, Box 1, Reynolds Homestead, Critz, VA. Reynolda House Archives: PC 194 4/273. History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), 280. P.L. Ford, ed., Writings of Thomas Jeferson (10 vols,. New York, 1892-1899), III, 271. Joseph Clark Robert, The Tobacco Kingdom: Plantation, Market, and Factory in Virginia and North Carolina, 1800-1860, Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1965. Ibid., pg. 19. Ibid. pg. 54. History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), pg. 391. Robert, Joseph Clark, The Tobacco Kingdom, Peter Smith: Gloucester, MA, pp. 211-212. Tilley, Nannie M. Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970, (Richmond, VA: Robert Kline and Company, 1970), pg. 20. Ibid., pg. 21. 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 16 15 14 13 12 17 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 167 Vlach, John Michael. Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery, (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), pg. 183. History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), pg. 183. Ginsburg, Rebecca, Freedom and the Slave Landscape, http://rebeccaginsburg.net/Rebecca_ Ginsburg/CV_fles/Freedom%20and%20the%20Slave%20 Landscape.pdf (accessed November 30, 2013) Vlach, John Michael. Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery, (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), pg. 13. National Park Service. Guidelines for the Treatment of Cultural Landscapes: Defning Landscape Terminology, http://www.nps.gov/tps/standards/four-treatments/ landscape-guidelines/terminology.htm, (accessed November 11, 2013). National Park Service. National Historic Landmarks Program, http://www.nps.gov/nhl/, (accessed November 11, 2013). National Park Service. Guidelines for the Treatment of Cultural Landscapes: Defning Landscape Terminology, http://www.nps.gov/tps/standards/four-treatments/ landscape-guidelines/terminology.htm, (accessed November 11, 2013). Ibid. Newton, Norman T. Design on the Land: The Development of Landscape Architecture, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: The Belknapp Press of Harvard University Press, 1971), 250. Vlach, John Michael. Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery, (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 5. Ibid., 8. Tilley, Nannie M. Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970, (Richmond, VA: Robert Kline and Company, 1970), 38. History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), 474. Ibid. 477. Patrick County Deed Book 6, pg. 430, Reynolds from Hairston Deed, Ofce of the Clerk, Patrick County, Virginia. History of Patrick County, Virginia. Patrick County Historical Society (Stuart: VA, 1999), 302. Tilley, Nannie M. Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970, (Richmond, VA: Robert Kline and Company, 1970), 6-8. Ibid. 8-9. Martin Howard. Old Reynolds Homestead in Virginia, Journal and Sentinel, Winston Salem, North Carolina, September 23, 1962. Ibid. Letter from Mrs. N.C. Terry to Mr. Richard S. Reynolds, December 19, 1961. Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry Letters Collection, Box 1, Reynolds Homestead, Critz, VA. Letter from Mrs. N.C. Terry to Mrs. Nancy Reynolds Verney, June 3, 1967. Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry Letters Collection, Box 1, Reynolds Homestead, Critz, VA. Letter from Nancy Susan Reynolds to Mrs. N.C. Terry, March 17, 1968. Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry Letters Collection, Box 1, Reynolds Homestead, Critz, VA. 49 48 47 46 45 44 43 42 41 39 38 37 36 35 40 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 168 Patrick County Deed Book 152, pg. 454-456, Deed of Bill and Sale from Hardin W. Reynolds et al. to Nancy Susan Reynolds, Ofce of the Clerk, Patrick County, Virginia. Letter from W. Russell Critz to Mrs. Nancy Susan Reynolds, December 23, 1968. Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry Letters Collection, Box 1, Reynolds Homestead, Critz, VA. Tilley, Nannie M. Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970, (Richmond, VA: Robert Kline and Company, 1970), X. Vlach, John Michael. Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery, (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 33. Ibid. Ibid. 79. Personal communication, Richard Kreh interview; July 13, 2013. Letter from Frank L. Horton to Tommy Roberson, July 31, 1969. Nancy Ruth Cooper Terry Letters Collection, Box 1, Reynolds Homestead, Critz, VA. Tilley, Nannie M. R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 10. Larson, John C. Reynolds Homestead Tobacco Barn Project Report. March 1, 2011, pg. 10. The Reynolds Homestead African-American Cemetery Survey, Patrick County, Virginia: An Exercise in Graveyard Mapping and Study by Michael B. Barber and Michael J. Madden in Quarterly Bulletin of The Archaeological Society of Virginia Volume 65 Number 3, September 2010. Reynolds Homestead: African American Cemetery Report and Recommendations Submitted by Dr. Lynn Rainville (Research Professor in the Humanities, Sweet BriarCollege), 2010. Rainville, Lynn. Protecting Our Shared Heritage in African-American Cemeteries in Journal of Field Archaeology, Volume 34 Issue 2 (01 January 2009), pp. 196- 206. Grave Matters: The Preservation of African- American Cemeteries, Chicora Foundation, 1996. Williams, Raymond. The Country and the City, Oxford University Press, 1975. Tilley, Nannie M. R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 14. Personal communication, Richard Kreh interview; January 21, 2014. Vlach, John Michael. Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery, (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 21. Tilley, Nannie M. Reynolds Homestead 1814-1970, (Richmond, VA: Robert Kline and Company, 1970), 18. Ibid. xi. Radford University Faculty and Students, Reynolds Homestead Preliminary Data, 12/17/2002. The Reynolds Homestead African-American Cemetery Survey, Patrick County, Virginia: An Exercise in Graveyard Mapping and Study by Michael B. Barber and Michael J. Madden in Quarterly Bulletin of The Archaeological Society of Virginia Volume 65 Number 3, September 2010. 71 70 68 67 66 65 64 62 61 63 60 69 59 58 57 56 55 54 53 52 51 50 169 Personal communication, John Reynolds; August 20, 2013. Personal communication, David Britt; August 5, 2013. A Recommendation for Maintaining Reynolds Homestead as an Authentic Restoration and Travel Attraction, Robert Kline and Company, Inc., Richmond VA, April 14, 1970. Watson & Henry Associates and Wendy Jessup and Associates, Inc. Conservation Assessment Survey Report for Reynolds Homestead, 2013. 75 74 73 72 170