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Human Relations
DOI: 10.1177/0018726709334880
Volume 62(8): 11151144
The Author(s), 2009
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The Tavistock Institute
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A B S T R AC T
K E Y WO R D S
When and why do people in organizations obey? When and why do they
resist? How do these reactions play out? Themes like consent, obedience and
resistance can be seen as key concerns in management and organization. As
a wide body of literature suggests, the answers to these questions in organization analysis depend on context. In this article, we address them within
a specific area: management consultants in a big firm that places quite a lot
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Morris & Empson, 1998; Nonaka, 1994; Spender, 1996; Starbuck, 1992).
Knowledge work differs from other forms of work because it is assumed to
draw upon intellectual and cognitive abilities, rather than strength, craft,
capital or a well-oiled machinery. People working in management consultancy and other knowledge-intensive firms are typically assumed to be
engaged in complex and difficult tasks, which cannot be neatly converted
into standardized work procedures and regulations. Thus, knowledgeintensive companies are forced to attract and retain qualified people who can
adapt their repertoires to meet the demands of the task. Consequently,
management strictly through a focus on behavior is difficult as a considerable amount of self-organization is necessary. In contrast to bureaucracies
where mission-critical organizational knowledge is stored or is made
manifest in procedures and processes, knowledge-intensive firms utilize
knowledge made manifest in qualified individuals.
Interestingly, power in and around knowledge work and operating on
employees in knowledge intensive firms is rarely analyzed explicitly, with only
a few exceptions (e.g. Deetz, 1995; Kosmala & Herrbach, 2006). Typically,
power is analyzed implicitly and usually under the label of control (Krreman
& Alvesson, 2004; Kunda, 1992; Wilkins & Ouchi, 1983). As Kunda (1992)
drawing on Etzioni (1964) observed, knowledge-intensive firms operate
in circumstances where behavior in key respects might be out of reach of
explicit efforts to organize and control, for example, where professionals
make judgment calls in complex situations. By necessity, managerial activities
tend to target behavior indirectly in such organizations. Of course, control in
all organizations addresses a large number of objects using a multitude
of means, from formal rules and structures, to a variety of output and
process measures, supervision, promotions, rewards, normative control, etc.
(Alvesson & Krreman, 2004). However, management in knowledgeintensive firms tends to pay more attention to the regulation of ideas, beliefs,
values and identities of employees than most other organizations. The subjectivity of employees becomes highly central. To produce individuals with
the right mindset and motivation becomes a more vital part of the total
apparatus of control mechanisms and practices than is the case for other
organizations.
Power in organizations
Mainstream management theory generally prefers to refer euphemistically to
power, by means of concepts such as leadership, restructuring, and downsizing, or even inverse euphemisms, such as team-work and empowerment,
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than to engage directly with the many facets of power. Yet, as Pfeffer (1992)
points out, even from a managerialist point of view this strategy is inherently
problematic:
It is not clear that by ignoring the social realities of power and influence we can make them go away, or that by trying to build simpler,
less interdependent social structures we succeed in building organizations that are more effective or that have greater survival value . . .
By trying to ignore issues of power and influence in organization, we
lose our chance to understand these critical social processes and train
managers to cope with them.
(p. 30)
Other managerialist authors see the will to power as an important and
positive motive for exercising influence (McClelland & Burnham, 1976). For
more critically oriented scholars, power is a key theme and tends to be associated with negative or problematic aspects such as domination or suppression of (legitimate) interests. With the expansion of critical management
studies and the increasing popularity of feminism and poststructuralism
adding to labor process theory, radical Weberianism, critical theory, that is,
what Burrell and Morgan (1979) refer to as radical structuralism and radical
humanism we have a broad set of power-detecting and -exploring perspectives. Power is here linked to the control of resources, structures, behaviors,
agendas, ideologies and cultures, as well as various aspects of subjectivity
(e.g. Clegg, 1989; Clegg et al., 1996; Hardy, 1994; Lukes, 1974).
Although power exists in many forms and shapes, it is typically understood from three dominant perspectives. In the first perspective power as
a restraining force power is understood as something that makes people
do things other people want them to do, thus restricting them from doing
things they otherwise would have chosen to do. In its most elementary form,
power is from this perspective at display when A makes B to do things B
otherwise wouldnt do. A second perspective is less interested in naked power
than in how ideologies and cultural traditions make people comply with an
existing order without much need for the mobilization of explicit power in
dealing with visible conflict (Lukes, 1974). This idea of social power provides
a means to understand how power operates when social reality is constructed
in ways that avoid visible conflict. Commentators with poststructuralist
convictions find in this analysis that power is ultimately something that
restrains an abstract, essential and autonomous individual, whose real
interests are only discernible through the construction of relations that are
free from the manipulative and distorted effects of power (Knights &
McCabe, 1999: 203).
Resistance
In any attempt to understand power, it is important to consider the
potential for resistance. Although typically conceptualized as the flipside of
the coin in relation to power, resistance is sometimes brought to the forefront of analysis (e.g. Carr & Brower, 2000). Researchers using critical
perspectives tend to be particularly interested in the anatomy of resistance
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(see Ball & Wilson, 2000; Fleming & Spicer, 2003; Jermier et al., 1994;
Kersten, 1998; Knights & McCabe, 1999; Prasad & Prasad, 2000; Thomas
& Davies, 2005).
Obviously, the meaning of resistance differs depending on the perspective of power. The power-as-a-restraining-force perspective typically depicts
resistance as more or less binary responses to the exercise of power. Such
responses may include activities like, to cite Carr and Browers (2000) empirical study, conditional effort (e.g. withdrawal and foot-dragging), exit, voice,
sabotage, enacting alternative channels and engaging stakeholders (which
includes well-known resistance strategies such as leaks and whistle blowing;
see Ackroyd & Thompson, 1999, for a review). The common denominator
here is that resistance is understood as a response to attempts to exercise
power over (Chan, 2000) the resisting party.
The power-as-a-productive-force perspective understands resistance,
not as the opposite of power, but rather as inherent in the exercise of power.
Resistance is thus not understood as something that is qualitatively different
from power but is an integral part of the exercise of power: it can assume
many forms, but always exists within a network of power relations. Thomas
and Davies (2005) see resistance as a constant process of adaptation,
subversion and reinscription of dominant discourses (p. 687), the tensions
and contradictions of social processes around alternative discourses and
subject positions producing a deviation from a specifically prescribed subject
position (Weedon, 1987). Almost everything related to subjectivity and not
fully in line with a prescribed response may then be labeled resistance. The
approach emphasizes the individual and the local setting and therefore is
characterized by a rather limited focus (Ganesh et al., 2006). To consider
what is happening after this redefinition of discourse and self is vital, yet
often marginalized by poststructuralist and Foucauldian views. The key
element is the articulation of alternative meanings from the dominant/
prescribed, in particular with regard to the self.
Resistance occurs because the exercise of power necessarily is active
and selective, thus inducing the possibility to counter-act and counter-select.
Resistance is not clear cut, any more than power is, nor does it generate a
coherent form or shape. Resistance and evasive action lead to new forms of
power: ironically, it is in itself an example of power, as in power to (Chan,
2000; see also Fleming & Spicer, 2007). It is important to stress that resistance is a form of power, as there is, arguably, a) some force behind the
impulse to resist and b) the effect of the resistance act (or experience implying
a protest) leads to a power response.
A key element here is that resistance can in itself be resisted. Mumby
(1997) hints at this possibility in his analysis of the dialectics of hegemony,
involving (modest) struggle. However, hegemony is a tricky concept: one of
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Method
The empirical basis of this article comes from a case study of a management
consulting firm. The empirical material consists of transcripts from 59 interviews with 51 people, as well as notes from participant observation at several
organizational gatherings. We performed six day-long observations and typically focused on specific events, such as the annual meeting between managers
(the top one-third of the firm participated), a training session organized by the
consultants, the inaugural meeting of a new competence group, various
internal information events and a two-day participant observation of a typical
work group. We also have observations of organizational members interacting with external audiences, that is, firm presentations for students and appearances at job fairs. People from all levels and sections of the organization have
been interviewed: the CEO, people in managerial positions, support staff,
newly recruited organizational members and so on (see Table 1).
# Participants
# Interviews
Consultants
Partner & Associate Partner
Manager
Consultant
10
12
12
10
15
12
Staff
Research (knowledge management)
Finance
HR
4
3
3
8
3
4
Outsiders
Ex-employees
Customers
2
5
2
5
51
59
Total
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The approach allows for sensitivity to language use in context, but also
provides space for the exploration of somewhat broader patterns. In a sense,
discursive pragmatism attempts to claim the middle ground between the
text-centric approach of micro-discourse (see Potter & Wetherell, 1987)
and broader meso- as well as the all-encompassing and all-constituting
Foucauldian mega-discourses (Alvesson & Krreman, 2000b). The study of
discourses then does not necessarily have to be restricted to the text level
only; it is possible to investigate issues close to discourses, for example,
dominant local meanings and practices. Having said that, discursive pragmatism also allows for some textual autonomy. Discourses may therefore
have material effects, but this is an empirical question and needs to be
corroborated, rather than assumed a priori.
In practical terms, the discursive pragmatist approach means that the
levels of the text, meaning and practice (Alvesson & Krreman, 2000b) are
viewed as autonomous empirical domains. Thus, we primarily view interview material as a basis for understanding the structure and nature of how
organizational members talk about organizational phenomena. Observation
data have been viewed as primarily providing insight into organizational
practices in use. Interview data have also been viewed as providing clues on
meanings and practices, while observational data have been viewed as
capable of providing clues on meanings and conventions of conversations.
Initially, the interview data suggested that the two dominant discourses
had a similar, if not an equal, impact on practice and meaning. However, it
was quite clear over time, and from the observational data, that this was
not the case. In many ways, the method has made it possible to analyze the
identified discourses in an unusually nuanced and complex way. A more
micro-oriented approach would have been content to identify the discourses
and their effects in conversation, while more muscular assumptions about
the agency inherent in discourse, would either assume too much or too little
about the impact of the Autonomy discourse.
The case
Magnum Consulting is fast-growing and has over 30,000 employees worldwide. It works with management and information-technology (IT) consultancy. It caters to all consultancy market niches, but claims to be
particularly strong at implementation. Magnum clearly qualifies as a knowledge-intensive company virtually all consultants have an academic degree,
some services may be standardized but are generally quite complex, product
and personnel development are deemed critical activities and attract a relatively high proportion of resources.
Hierarchy is highly visible and pronounced at Magnum. Although
there are claims that the grips of the hierarchy tend to loosen as one
advances, sheer organizational demographics those under 30 years old
constitute roughly 70 percent of the work-force make clear that a strong
majority of organizational members face hierarchical constraints in their
work. The firm is a career company, which means that initial advancement
is fast and dramatic for the individual. There are four basic levels: analyst,
consultant, manager and partner. Employees are expected to advance within
fixed time frames and only a limited number will eventually become partners.
Junior people carefully monitor their position in the companys promotion/
differentiation system. Hierarchy is assumed to capture very well competence
and experience. It is seen as a way to legitimately fine tune from above as
well as below. Work is standardized or regulated in a variety of ways at
Magnum: unified package of methods, standardized and selective recruitment, continuous training and development, formalized systems for evaluation and appraisal and elaborate systems for knowledge management.
The firm thus, in many respects, appears somewhat different from the
idealized conception of the contemporary, progressive, post-bureaucratic
firm that may be most attractive for younger people. Magnum is hierarchical
and has systems, structures and procedures for almost everything, resembling
the traditional bureaucracy more than a flat, informal, adhocratic and entrepreneurial organization. It does, however, offer a lot of positive things for its
employees: high and increasing wages, rapid promotion possibilities, a lot of
training and development, international work, quite effective work practices,
a bright and ambitious workforce and an elitist image and self-confirmation
that is good for the self-esteem of those that are employed at, and get
promoted within, the organization. In polls, Magnum is broadly viewed as
an attractive employer among students in business and engineering in the
country.
Magnum is not a workplace that puts a premium on dissent. On the
contrary, the firm invests a lot of energy in making organizational members
compliant. Systems, procedures around management control, detailed HRM
practices in combination with a lot of rewards and the demographics of the
firm population all contain resistance-resisting elements. The prospects of
promotion, better work conditions and increasingly higher levels of material
rewards hierarchically controlled and contingent upon carefully monitored
performances mean the presence of conventional forms of power, but this
cannot be understood simply as naked power in operation. We identify three
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Enacting counter-resistance
An illustrative example is Jake, a project manager, who frames hard work
perhaps under conditions that could be seen as exploitive in a positive way:
It is impossible not to be carried away by the enthusiasm, the feeling
that this must simply be done, although we are only five when we ought
to be 10. You just go on, and to start back-pedaling in that situation,
to say that I dont want to do this, thats just unthinkable.
(Jake, project manager)
In this statement he links a negative cause of hard work serious understaffing to a positive experience enthusiasm. Both contribute to a
pressure/want to work very hard. There is an indication that there is a fusion
of driving forces melting the negative with the positive. The negative
becomes buried under an aggregated discourse of moving on, not backpedaling or being obstructive. The key word, drowning potential critique,
is enthusiasm. There is an element of seduction and lack of independence
in this enthusiasm: it encapsulates tendencies toward doubts, criticism and
resistance, either by overriding them or by introducing ambiguity, making it
impossible for consultants to voice strongly felt feelings and ideas and, ultimately, to act upon them. The Ambition discourse is lurking here, in particular the version of the nature of the consultancy business and the meaning
of being a consultant. For a person of the true grit, it is unthinkable to
raise objections or refuse to participate. The idea of the team as a strong
disciplinary mechanism is part of this picture (Barker, 1993).
But this is, to some extent, situational. Outside the specific work situations where working extremely hard and being guided by performance and
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working weekends was that I wanted to reach a level of understanding and competence that felt comfortable. And I think that most
want to reach that level as soon as possible. Which is good for the
company, because then you have self-confidence, and others are confident about you.
(Bo, junior consultant)
Here consent thinking is salient and the substantial amount of work
done is viewed as an outcome of a) the natural orientations and drive of the
people employed and b) the natural want to arrive as quickly as possible at
a level of competence that is seen as comfortable. Nevertheless, the interviewee expresses fairly strong feelings about working too much:
You must know your limitations. You must say stop sometimes. Thats
something Ive learned during my first 18 months. I have always been
doing lots of things simultaneously. But when you are at the university,
you can do that and still feel that you have a life, because you
choose all the time. It doesnt work that way in business. That insight
is frustrating. Because you want to work much, to prove yourself. But
you also must take care of your body.
(Bo)
Bo here embraces a balanced life version of the Autonomy discourse.
Here we find a mix, a moving back and forth between expressed frustration
and critique, followed by an immediate countering of this through the
naturalization of things in this kind of business and by emphasizing his own
agency and shortcomings. There is no explicit critique of the firm or any
implications for resistance. Instead, there is the idea that the very nature of
the consultancy business is like this, as if natural law operates. The key point
seems to be that people must develop an ability to realize their own limitations and that this should, optimally, lead to saying stop. However, this
isnt happening. Saying stop to the firm or a manager does not really enter
the picture. Bo constructs himself as trapped between two discourses: the
hardworking way in which things function in this business and the balanced
life discourse voiced by his body.
Despite that long working hours take the upper hand in consulting life,
therefore opening one up to risks of burnout and physical toll, the interviewee also views this from a partly positive perspective:
On the other hand, this is positive because it forces you to think about
the future. How many hours do I want to work? How much spare time
do I want? What do I want to do with my spare time? What do I want
to do when I am working? It is both positive and negative . . . its
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exactly that. The interviewee cant set the line for leaving the workplace. A
kind of compromise enters temporarily: Helena the good role model.
Although she is not so good at going home on time. So it may not be possible
after all even the heroine does not succeed. On the other hand, the firm
does not really wear out the employees. It is possible to slow down the pace
somewhat. Perhaps Eve in a sense deconstructs and thus undermines the
impulse to resist.
Eves story starts by emphasizing her autonomy and then makes room
for some variety in corporate normalization. But this is followed by closure:
the nature of the world, or at least consultancy Magnum-style, tells you
what you have to do. Eves statements that she decides when she goes home
but that you cant leave at 5 illustrate a temporary and weak autonomous
subject position and more frequently and strongly presents this is what you
do in this business. Compared to Jake and Bo, Eve is somewhat less inclined
to emphasize that this is the very nature of consultancy work and sees the
long work hours less as a natural law of consultancy and more as a matter
of organizational constructions (the culture) that could possibly be opened
up for alternative options. But these openings are blocked and the routes are
perhaps very difficult to embark on. It seems as if not even the real role
model has done so.
As the three cases illustrate, people in the firm sometimes construct
their situation in a way that almost seems bound to trigger resistance. The
presence of balance, autonomy and freedom discourses, and the capacity to
exercise agency, are obvious resources to draw upon in articulating and
enacting resistance. The Ambition discourses seem to imply pain, frustration
and lack of discretion a subtext of slavery to a particular regime or a
specific mode of being. This would trigger a critical stance. The positiontaking here is so strong that it seems to be at odds with any notion of ideological uniformity or compromise-based consensus. People hint at autonomy
and balance as alternative and more favorable positions, but they then steer
away from these positions. There is no clear agency suggesting resistance.
They take a this is not me-position, but there is no articulation of a positive
subject or identity position that would inform carrying through an inclination to resist. Rather, there is a strong but fleeting moment that hints at
resistance, which is then resisted. This is a bit different from the exit
response, which is a quite different way of coping with a frustrating situation
without raising voice or protest. In Kundas study (1992) many people
expressed strongly negative views about work, but this led to the response
of quitting in a few years time, that is, imagining exit. There is a contained
and channeled form of adaptive resistance located in the imagined career
trajectory. This differs from the resistance to resistance we have identified in
our study, which marginalizes the exit option.
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events such as the IPO, the new CEO, the renaming of the firm, etc.
The website might have had its golden days which old posting dates
and one of the postings on the website indicate.
The official policy from the Partners was to more or less ignore it, since
it was an external homepage, designed and maintained by employees
in their spare time. Unofficially on the other hand, I knew a few
Partners who thought it was a good laugh and mirrored the sometimes
absurd reality in the firm pretty well. We must remember, despite the
hierarchy, that the Partners are also part of the system. They have done
the same career as everyone else, struggled with their Managers and
Partners, absurd policies, etc. And they are still managed tightly by
their superiors. The hierarchy never ends at Magnum. There is always
someone you are accountable to. Therefore, I think many of them
thought the cartoons were amusing, to the point and pretty harmless.
(Marvin, project manager)
The cartoons, and the website as a whole, can be interpreted as an
exemplary case study of bureaucratic and organizational resistance. In this
sense, it is an example of a counter-institutional website (Gossett & Kilker,
2006). It ridicules management, satirizes partners and subverts strange and
incomprehensible corporate practices. It gives a voice to the (relatively)
powerless, thus providing the marginalized with a forum where they can
speak up. It provides a medium where uncertainties, insecurities and fear
are not only recognized, but also framed in a way that has an authentic feel and that, according to our informants, has resonance with common
perceptions.
However, Topgunconsulting.com is highly ambiguous as an exercise in
resistance. First, Magnum is a management consulting firm. The premises of
the firm are that managers are important and management is a social good.
Thus, the cartoons not only question and subvert a powerful social group;
they question and subvert the existence of the firm. Taken seriously, the
cartoons are not able to rationalize consultants suffering or lead to any
suggestions to reform the firm. They can only lead to exit from it.
Second, the cartoons may actually be interpreted as embracing
corporate ideology, rather than resisting it. For example, Magnum is
perceived as having a strong organizational culture. Magnum officials work
hard to make that perception valid, almost over-saturating workplaces with
slogans, messages, policies, clues and hints that paint a more or less coherent
corporate picture on how to feel, think and behave as a Magnum consultant.
Occasionally, this picture breaks down. Topgunconsulting.com clearly
provides a means and possibilities to voice discordant experiences. This does
not necessarily mean that they resist or reject the ideology of the company.
On the contrary, the pay-off of some cartoons is that the company doesnt
live up to its ideology not because there is something wrong with the
ideology, but because people do not try hard enough. But even when the
website carries less pro-corporation and more subversive content, it may
nevertheless subtly reinforce the web of corporate control. As Rosen (1988)
points out, satirical play with corporate ideology may mitigate the ambiguity of symbols and provide support for the production of consensus
through social drama. Rather than undermining corporate ideology, the
website satire and humor may add emotional resonance to otherwise cold
and sterile corporate commandments, suggesting coping strategies instead of
a radical questioning of the status quo.
What happens when compliance is a built-in feature of almost all social
interaction and when even satire and parody sites appear to silently affirm
the status quo? In Hirschmans (1970) terms, this results in a suppressing
voice and offers organizational members the choice between loyalty and exit.
In this sense, resistance becomes a binary proposition: it is either off (loyalty)
or on (exit). Resistance is always an option, but it is something that is difficult to exercise within the organization. Consequently, as long as you align
your destiny with the organization, you learn to resist resisting.
Conventional wisdom describes professional and other knowledge
work as complex, non-routinized and inherently difficult to control;
knowledge-intensive firms as inverted pyramids; knowledge workers as
remarkably empowered individuals, almost autonomous agents. The knowledge worker appears to not only be able to resist managerial control he or
she appears to have a relatively more powerful position. However, in the case
of Magnum, conventional wisdom is circumvented. As our analysis demonstrates, resistance as materialized is uncommon, weak, fragmented, ambivalent and ambiguous. Interviews and observations suggest that organizational
members choose compliance over resistance and appear to do so willingly,
despite the fact that in reflexive situations, such as interviews, they signal
that this may be at odds with their own self-interests.
Subordination, identification and conformity do not eliminate resistance, but they clearly shape the space available for acts of resistance. Since
subordination, identification and conformity are built into the fabric of
almost all forms of social interaction in organizations like Magnum (with an
ambitious HRM machinery that makes extensive scrutiny of work performance and expressions of attitudes possible), organizational members cannot
protest single instances of perceived exploitation, because to do so also
means to question the social fabric of the organization. This understanding
strongly informs the satire site, the most visible form of resistance at
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Magnum. The site satirizes and parodies life at Magnum, but not in a way
that compels organizational members to resist what are perceived as
exploitation, greed and injustice. It rather provides commentary on unavoidable facts of life for Magnum members. It perhaps offers a mechanism for
letting off steam but, more importantly, it provides a non-authorized, yet
authoritative, portrait of what is normal and expected. Thus, it complies in
its detailing and elaborating of work-life at Magnum. It may focus on the
absurdities of consultancy work but, ironically, this appears to give everyday
work experiences at Magnum a more full and human quality. At the end of
the day, it normalizes and counter-resists.
Conclusion
This article has carefully analyzed one example of power and resistance in
an organizational setting that in many ways is atypical, but still says something about important, and perhaps increasingly significant, aspects of
working life and the economy. Beyond the specifics of the case, it points to
a broadly relevant aspect of resistance: power tends to trigger resistance
(sometimes in a minimalistic form), but this impulse to resist also appears
contingent upon an anticipated exercise of power (prescribing an identity or
subject position or indicating a norm of how it should be). Once realized,
this instance of power (power 2) may provoke a second-level impulse to
resist (resistance 2, directed by power 2). First-level resistance thus normalizes individuals into one or more social categories (such as gender, age, union
membership) that, in turn, influence second-level or future resistance in
subtle ways. For example, resistant actors may not want to appear overly
obtrusive, fanatical or anti-corporate in some way as a show of displeasure.
In short, this leads to a dialectic between power (1) leading to resistance,
being triggered or closely connected to power (2) in operation, leading to a
new resistance (2).
The case is not inconsistent with conventional ideas about hegemony
and the production of consent (e.g. Mumby, 1997), but we think the case
allows for other kinds of insights that show how the dynamics of resistance
and the neutralization of resistance work. Compared to most other studies,
we approach this at very close range, where process aspects are illuminated.
In our case, the (modest, infrequent and weak) inclinations to resist the
organizational regime (and here we use the term resistance broadly, including a strong experience of this is not reasonable, I will not accept this) draw
upon discourses of autonomy and life balance. Here we find not only
elements of resistance against consultancy discourses on client-orientation,
performance and career, but also a normalization effect. The life balance
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Acknowledgement
The authors would like to thank Professor Gail Fairhurst, Associate Editor, and
three anonymous Human Relations reviewers for their help in developing the
authors argument.
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