Koha Digest # 69

EDITORIAL

THE ROLE OF BEATING IN POLITICAL EDUCATION

by VETON SURROI

While the NATO officials were bombing with empty words, the bravery of the Serbs had no
limits, and Mr. Karadzic's main preoccupation was his hair style in front of the TV cameras.
NATO's aircrafts proved last week that bravery and hair fashion were almost the last thing
Bosnian Serbs were thinking about, as a several years long branch of Belgrade's policy. A day
of serious bombing was enough to make all promises "we shall never..." look for a mouse's
hole. Together with the author of the sentence.

However, the bombing also proved the emptiness of the words of Western politicians, who on
a daily basis and week after week, in the past three years, claimed that air strikes wouldn't
solve e thing. It is true: the attacks didn't find the solution yet. However, it is also true that
they hastened things much more than any resolution, threat or conference so far. Showing the
Serbs for the first time that the balance between their forces and those of the others could be
found. Quite easily, even.

The first effect of the NATO bombings is that the bottom of the Pale leaders tends to lean
more towards the negotiations table rather than the frontlines. In this process, a tactical
movement is made, giving Serbian president Milosevic all negotiating prerogatives about the
future of the Serbs on both sides of the Drina, a very important fact, for already there is a
"sensitive spot" in Milosevic: the sanctions and the shadow of the Western military aircrafts.
But, even though early to confirm, it is not to early to announce, that there are secondary
effects. On one side, for the first time the UN tested its "peace strengthening" role instead of
the peacekeeping one, which is a precedent to any other occasion in the world. And even
maybe more important, NATO woke up after a several years long post-Communist sleep. In
its largest military action in Europe since it was founded, it showed its capacity (if anyone had
any doubts). But, as it happens many times in life, thus it also bit the apple of paradise: the
sense is that NATO can't stop at this point. Political heads that made the military undertake
their action, must now try to find peaceful solutions for the present conflicts in Bosnia &
Herzegovina, but also create a security order which would guarantee continual peace.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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KOSOVA

WHO MADE SPACE FOR THE COLONIZERS?

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Is history repeating itself, at least in the case of the Albanians? At the beginning, let us quote
some documents, which realistically reflect present reality. Branislav Krstic, in his book
"Kosova: Between the Historic and Ethnic Right", while analyzing the processes of
colonization of Kosova between two world wars, writes: "With the decree on colonization (24
September 1920), this process started. The decree also foresaw the land where the
population would be settled: (1) the free land owned by the state (2) lands of municipalities
and villages, if their areas surpass the area necessary for them, (3) deserted lands and the
ones abandoned by their owners, (4) land determined by the agrarian reform, which can be
separated from private property... It is very important to stress that according to official
figures, until 1941, 120.647 hectares of land were given out to 10.877 families of colonizers,
602 families of volunteers and 7.812 families of local Serbs and Montenegrins. The largest
number of families settled in Kosova (a bit over the half) and, almost the other half in
Metohija and Macedonia.

Analyzing the process of the Albanian exodus, in an earlier work of his, Krstic writes: "It is
estimated that in the period between 1912 and 1967 alone, around one million Albanians
were expelled to Asia, mainly Turkey ( and this will be corroborated by the documents of the
Emigrants' Register in 1975). Thus, still according to the non-verified data, in the period
between the two wars alone, around 240 thousand Albanians emigrated, meanwhile in
Rankovic's era (1953-1966), around 400 thousand. The exact number of Albanians in Turkey
remains unknown, even though there are dozens of localities inhabited by Albanians who
preserve the memories of their lands, traditions, language and habits. Their number is
unknown, because many dossiers and elaborates are shut down in the archives of Belgrade,
Istanbul, Ankara, Vienna, London and other states".

The proof that colonization is not a topic of concern only since the fall of Krajina, but even
earlier, are the documents of the government of the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia, and/or Serbia
and its installed apparatus in Kosova. According to attorney Fehmi Baftiu, the federal
documents foresee the construction of 3.564 apartments, the apportionment of 711 lots and
the building of 200 enterprises for the needs of the colonizers. On the other hand, the Serbian
government foresees the construction of 1.088 apartments meanwhile the apparatus in
Kosova is to build 867 flats and 116 shops.

The Serbian officials have still not elaborated concrete documents in which they would say
what would they want to do with the Serbs which are being installed in Kosova. There are
statements that their number is so small, that this can't be called an attempt to alter the
demographic balance, or it is said that this settlement is done for humanitarian reasons and
that this is not colonization, or there are even statements of Serbs from Croatia who don't
want to come here, nor will they remain here for a longer period. Nevertheless, none of them
could be taken so seriously, since the essence of all this movement is the goal to colonize
Kosova, openly advocated by the Serbian ultranationalist parties, meanwhile the government
elaborated in its prior documents, as was the "Program of Peace in Kosova...", adopted five
years ago.

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So far, over 7 thousand refugees arrived in Kosova, and were spread almost all over. The
officials also state that they are ready to receive another 12 thousand refugees, meanwhile this
figure could be increased for another 8 thousand. It is true that they are being accommodated
mainly in societal-statal buildings, hotels, schools from where Albanian pupils and students
were expelled from, resorts and sports gymnasiums. There are a very few Serb families which
have hosted refugees, and a very few refugees settled in Albanian deserted houses. There are
statements that the evidence of empty houses and flats is being done in silence, however there
is no concrete proof that something of the kind is really being conducted. One year ago,
having in mind that a large number of Albanians was leaving Kosova and going westward, a
Serb official of the Cadastre Service in Prishtina declared that an act was being prepared, and
it was not certain whether it was a decree or a law, which would authorize the registration of
property. In case its owner is not in the state, then it will be treated as a property without any
owner, i.e. that the state automatically takes over the property. It is not ceratin whether a
document of this kind was really prepared, but the threat of the state to take over the property
is real and actual. This is supported by the statements of Serbia's officials, who are informing
the public that the flats not being used at all are being evidenced. "In Serbia there are 57.091
uninhabited apartments and around 18.200 free apartments. In Vojvodina, there are around
30 thousand apartments, not used at all. There are also 250 hectares of land owned by the
state". Kosova is not mentioned in this statement, but this doesn't mean that it is outside the
"attention" of the Serbian institutions authorized to settle refugees who fled Krajina. Local
officials claim that Kosova has 30 thousand (and sometimes even 40 thousand) hectares of
fertile land, which are practically owned by cooperatives and former combines. According to
them, this could serve as a solid basis for the solution of the problems of the colonists.

Demographic movements have been always present in Kosova. However, almost as never
before, the exodus is getting huge dimensions, and it has become especially emphasized in
the past five years, since Kosova's occupation, which is characterized with massive
dismissals, persecution of draft evaders... There are many others who can't claim they left as a
consequence of repression. There are elements to believe that some have left because of lust,
or "because they give you an apartment without having to work", however, the fear of a war
conflict in the area, and which could be a consequence of the tense and complex situation,
shouldn't be excluded as a reason.

According to the official censuses conducted 15 years ago, the number of Kosovans
employed abroad was 39.434. This number was symbolical compared to the total population.
Until 1990, emigration was not that intense: one or two members of families from different
areas, were forced to find jobs abroad and sustain the families. There were also cases of
people coming back, as was the case of 30 people from Kamenica who had invested their own
money just to find a job in the local "Kosovatrans" transporting company. However, the
earlier emigration and return do not make up the mosaic of the situation in Kosova, which has
been alarming since 1981, when first tendencies of colonization came to the surface.
It is still not ceratin how many Albanians fled Kosova. There were attempts to make a census
among Albanians abroad, but the initiative got stuck along the way. Dr. Hivzi Islami writes
that in 1992, there were 120 thousand Kosova Albanians in Germany, 95 thousand in
Switzerland, 35 thousand in Sweden, 25 thousand in Austria, 8 thousand in Belgium, 5
thousand each in France and Denmark, 4 thousand in Italy, 3,5 in Norway, 2 thousand in
England... According to some data, it is stated that around 25 thousand went to Albania, out
of which around 8 thousand also got Albanian citizenship. But, these figures are not actual
today, since a long period has passed since then, while the columns of Albanians leaving
Kosova haven't stopped. Depending on the source, it is said that Kosova was abandoned by

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350 thousand to 500 thousand inhabitants. These figures should be taken with some reserve,
since these claims were not corroborated seriously. The ones to suffer the consequences the
most ere the tourist agencies which were accused of supporting and organizing the quiet
ethnic cleansing of Kosova.

UNIKOMB, a political party which has aggressively presented the problem of exodus, a
couple of months ago came out in public with some names but no last names, of the bosses of
the Albanian transport-mafia. However, the declaration of this party, as of many others,
remains just another verbal declaration. Realistically, none of them discussed the matter
seriously, but only justified the movement of the population with the violence and terror
applied by the Serbian government. Was fleeing Kosova the best solution, or should have
people remained at home? This is something that they should have told their membership in
the field, naturally without any open confrontation. The ones who took the responsibility on
them, should have known better. Besides, there are a few of those who have the moral right to
tell the others to stay, when they have already sent their children somewhere westwards and
put them on safe.

At the same time, there was a large part of the population which was socially and
economically endangered, and had no other way out - went abroad and sought asylum.
According to the data provided by the humanitarian organizations in Kosova, around 50
thousand families are their permanent beneficiaries, i.e. one sixth of the total number of
Albanian families in Kosova. The Central Financing Council claims that 35 thousand families
are exempted from paying contributions, meaning that these families have no income
whatsoever.

Why is the problem actualized now, when first colonists settled in Kosova? Couldn't
something to stop Albanians here be done five years ago? Or was it that everything happened
without any control, meaning that we missed a clear concept about what Kosova we want and
what do we do with our people who were thrown to the streets, dismissed from their jobs and
expelled from schools and University? Tourist agencies can't be the only ones to blame, for
they are only a ring in the chain of these tragic flows. Their guilt is to have found the paths to
make the flow to the west easier. Today, when all bearers of red SFRY passports find almost
all borders closed to them, tourist agencies "guarantee comfortable travel" and full security
for the passenger. There are agencies, and their number is not small, who can provide one
with a visa for two or three thousand DEM, as they claim a real one, and then charge one the
fee for the ticket so the "trip can be safe".

Several days ago, 30 Albanians were arrested at the Macedonian-Bulgarian border, travelling
with false travel documents. There is no doubt that the drama of the exodus continues on the
waves of the Adriatic, i.e. the Tivar (Bar)-Bari ferry, a travel usually organized by Kosovan
travel agencies. Or, in order to come to a final destination, Germany, Switzerland or Great
Britain, people travel for months and risk a lot going through Rumania and Bulgaria and then
former Soviet republics, Poland, so the promised security ends up in the illegal crossing of
the Polish-German border. Not describing individual dramas, let's just remind that the exodus
of Albanians still continues almost with the same intensity, even though facing quite some
difficulties. Travel agencies could be accused of inciting emigration, but they serve only as a
paravane to cover the ones who are really to blame.

Without any doubt, even though the last census was conducted 15 years ago, the Serbian
government is very well informed about the demographic movements in Kosova. i.e. the

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exodus of Albanians. The efforts of the Serbian government and then also the passiveness of
the governmental institutions and political parties of Kosova Albanians are allowing a quiet
ethnic cleansing, i.e. are creating space for the settlement of colonists. The ascertainment that
there are 40 thousand hectares of free land in Kosova, then that the colonists will be given 2-3
hectares of land which once belonged to the cooperatives, and earlier to Albanians, proves
that they are not transit passengers here, but are planning to settle here. Around 445.220
hectares of land are owned by the society (state), i.e. 43,8% of its area. The largest part are
forests and pastures, while according to Dr. Asllan Pushka, about 49.206 hectares are
ploughable land, and there are almost as many hectares of fruit gardens, vineyards and
meadows. On the other hand, Serbs and Montenegrins own much more land than is their
participation in the total population. While the Albanians make the absolute majority in seven
municipalities and own 131.544 hectares of land, or 67,8% of the total area, Serbs and
Montenegrins hold 55.541 hectares of land, or 28,6% of the private ownership. Taking the
area which is state property as basis, then it comes out that Albanians own a very small area
of land, which is quite behind the figure of 90%, the population they make up in Kosova.

It is very hard to pick up a municipality which has not been affected by the colonization
process. This is also done in Skënderaj (Srbica) and Kaçanik, where the Albanian population
makes almost 100%. For example, 45 colonists were settled in Kaçanik i Vjetër, and 25
others are in Motel "Kalaja", and the information is that the old sanatorium is being
reconstructed so families from Croatia could be settled. It is worth mentioning that so far,
there were only 300 Serbs and Montenegrins living in the whole municipality. Or in
Skënderaj, even though no refugees have been settled, many jobs, shops, lands are being
offered to the refugees to come... In Vushtrri, 200 refugees were settled so far, and the
promise is that there will be at least 3 thousand, since this municipality has reserved 300
hectares of land and 100 housing buildings, while the enterprisers of this municipality offer
jobs to all those who wish to come and work. In Viti, they are offered two hectares of land
and 54 people were settled in Hotel "Park" of the Kllokot Spa...

This process continues, regardless of the opposition of colonists to come to Kosova, of the
fact that they are being guarded by the police to be prevented from escaping, or the fact that
the largest number of them is settled in Serbia and Vojvodina. It is very dangerous that until it
is understood that the colonization of Kosova has started, and that all departures make new
spaces for them to come, this process with a very dangerous and deep background could end.
It should not forgotten that the end could be also tragic.

REPORTAGE

"PRAY TO GOD WE GO AWAY FROM HERE..."

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

The last time I entered the Medical High School in Prishtina was ten years ago, when I
graduated. Now, a decade later, I entered what used to be my classroom. This time, I was
given the task to write a reportage about the new colonists or refugees from the so called
"Serb Krajina".

My school was converted into an accommodation facility for refugees. At the door stood a

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sign: "Zabranjen Ulaz" (entrance forbidden), but after we told them that we were journalists
and that we only wanted to talk to them, we were allowed to enter. On our way out, we were
stopped by the "secret police", interested to know where had we been and what had we been
doing.

Inertia drew me towards my old classroom. I opened the door and heard the greeting: "Hello
brothers".

I told my colleague not to speak Albanian, otherwise the reportage would fail.

At the right and up front were the beds and there was only one table, that of my teachers, still
remaining. All of them were elderly. We sat down and started the conversation: "My name is
Rade" said one of them, very eloquent and cool. I couldn't imagine him committing a war
crime. "I am from Srb", he continued. "One of the last ones to leave Krajina. We walked, but
we also hitch-hiked. We don't know how we came here. We have been received well, but
nothing is comparable to our land. We didn't know where were we going to. First we were
settled in Zrenjanin in a school, and then one evening, they came and told us that we were
going to Nish. We didn't know what was Nish like. We had never seen it. The next day, they
told us we were in Kosova. We were terrified!"

A quite old lady intervened: "I wouldn't have wanted even my bones to come here. I had
Kosova in Knin".

"You are from Knin?" - I asked her.

"Yes, I am. They betrayed us. We lost our homes, land, and now we are in no one's hands. I
didn't want to become a refugee ever. Nothing is secure here. The ones who have read the
papers told us so".

"We're fine. Forget her".

"Who are you?" - I asked.

"Dusan, from Knin. I spent quite some time at the frontline".

"You were defending Knin?"

"Yes, these were our soldiers like. Like this guy", says Rade.

"Why did you leave Knin?"

"How could civilians defend it? They were shelling us with 1000 grenades and we shot back
only one. They were the first ones to flee, and we were defending Knin. We knew it would
happen so, but we were hoping Yugoslavia would defend us. If we knew things would come
out like this, we should have accepted autonomy and saved our property. Who will give me
back my four stories house, and all my land in Srb?", asks Rade. "I have to start life all over
again at this age. Martic betrayed us".

"We don't know who betrayed us" said another one who couldn't control his movements. As
if he were used to work in an office and dictate to a typist. "You don't know whether Martic

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or Sloba betrayed us. We are to small to know."

"Who then" , said the old lady. "Damn it. Better if we would have died than be here. What do
we need Kosova for? Who will stay here? You don't know how are the others settled in Fushë
Kosovë. They are lying on the floor and have only one blanket each".

"Were you the ones to stop the train, not wanting to come here?"

"No, but we heard. If we would have known where were we headed to, we wouldn't have
allowed to be brought here. We have requested to be taken back to Serbia, close to our
relatives. We would prefer Vojvodina", says Rade.

"Are you afraid to stay here?"

"We fear the situation. We don't want to go through what we have experienced already. We
will probably will be the bargaining change again. We were also offered jobs and land and we
still don't know what to do", says Dusan. "If I have no other solution, then I will stay".

"Have you heard that a list of all those willing to go back to Croatia is being made?"

"Look, we would go back willingly, but there are only walls remaining. If I were offered to be
president of this place, I would reply: No thanks, I want to go back. I'd rather have a tent in
my place than live at the Grand Hotel in Prishtina. But no one is asking us about anything",
says Rade.

"They tell us that they will ask us where would we want to go. In two days school will start
and we don't know where our children will be accommodated".

"Where are your children?"

"A few of them are here. The majority are in Vojvodina and Serbia, but also some are in
Bosnia. That's life. Screw the life in which you have to flee with a bag of things and leave
behind all you had. But, that's enough. Let's go and see the other rooms".

Rade was leading, walking down the hall-way of the first floor. In the other room, there were
another 12 people, mainly elderly one orphan and a girl waiting for the school year to start.

"Do you know this is a school?"

"Yes. I remained here and I want to continue the classes".

"This is the Medical School, why don't you start classes here?"

"No, I want to study economy".

"Do you know what will happen with the students of Sept. 1? Were you told to leave the
premises?"

"We don't know a thing".

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The little boy was pale and silent. He was lying and looking at us with one eye, as if he were
hungry. At one corner of the class stood a jar with a bit of cheese and peppers, and during the
day, sufficient food was coming in. We knew that some Albanians lost their profit in the
market that day, because someone had to feed the refugees, but...

We came out from the classroom, wanting to end the visit. At the end of the corridor, a barber
was cutting hair and shaving beards, the long ones, offered to us by the TV and often
identified as Seselj's chetniks. We came out from the building, and some of the refugees saw
us off wishing themselves a fast return back home - "Wish to God we go back home".
On the way out, a civilian coming out from a "101" asked the regular question:

"Where were you?"

"Taking pictures of refugees", we replied.

"Refugees? There's no refugees".

"Oh, yes there are, inside there".

"Get the hell out of here, don't want to see you around".

This was a story about refugees, about the ones who don't know where they came to and who
wish to leave Kosova as soon as possible. They even pray to God for that.

KOSOVA

ALL KOSOVAN BORDERS AND CHECKPOINTS

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

A long time ago, since the application of Serbian compulsory measures and the proclamation
of the state of emergency in Kosova, since the beginning of the nineties, the best sign to
remind you of the "martial law" were the new checkpoints, placed by the Serbian police. By
all means, the most symbolical one was that at the entrance of Podujeva, which is in fact the
border of Kosova and Serbia. Simply, there is no way to pass through, especially if you enter
Kosova, and not to be checked by the Serbian police, which has established an improvised
cabin, for the policemen on duty 24 hours a day.

Someone found grounds enough and joke about it, saying that this was a measure of the
Serbian government to be applicable at the end, when we will sort out things, and that the
Serbian government will then request its guarding of the borders during the past years
become, post festum, part of the reparations! But, the ones who must often cross this border,
are not fond of jokes. They cross it either by cars or buses, and especially coming back from
Belgrade (lately Kosovans are obliged to finish administrative matters or have medical
checkups in Belgrade), and especially the ones coming from abroad. All of those travelling
this way, know what does it mean to travel loaded with money in this part of Kosova. These
people often carry not only their savings, but also those of their compatriots who ask them to
transport the money back home. Once it happened to me that I was travelling in a bus coming

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from the West and headed to Prishtina, with people carrying over 300 thousand DEM,
meaning about some 10 thousand DEM per passenger! Probably the ones carrying the 3% or
solidarity funds travel the same way.

And this is not the only motive, but so is the mood and mercy of the police what determines
the (dis)comfort of all Kosovans travelling this way, especially those who have not finished
their military service. There have been many cases in which people have been beaten,
mistreated or sent to the police stations. The foreigners also face problems, they also get
"haircuts" on their way through Podujeva. And while the Serbian authorities claim that these
checkpoints are necessary to stop the "arms or drugs" smuggling, at the same time, this is best
way to remind you that Kosova is still under the state of emergency!

The other checkpoint, at the other side of the Kosovan border, is the one towards the south,
towards Macedonia. In fact, this checkpoint has moved three times in the past three years. At
the beginning, it was at the exit of Ferizaj, and then at Prelez village, also decorated with an
improvised cabin with a 24 hours duty, and which you couldn't miss if you were travelling on
the main Kosovan magistral which leads you to Vitia and Shkupi as well as if you were
coming into Kosova from Hani i Elezit, or Glloboçica (unless you were going to Prizren
through Sharr, Brezovica and Prevallac). Now at Gërlica, precisely at this checkpoint, the
compulsory stop sign was posted at the left side of the road. It also counts for all those
travelling from Macedonia to Kosova: Gërlica has become the second "x-rays" check after the
customs in Hani i Elezit or Glloboçica, and you can't evade it.

The old inhabitants of the area are reminded by this sign of an older checkpoint: that of
WWII. Gërlica was the border checkpoint between "Greater Bulgaria" and "Greater Albania"
under the patronage of the powers then (and according to the old maps of "Saint Stefan"), and
this was precisely the place where the smuggling of flour and gas, the main articles then, was
taking place.

The old generations, kept Gërlica, one of the "historic Albanian-Albanian borders" as a
motive of many aphorisms they relayed to younger generations. Now Gërlica again becomes a
motive in the aphorisms of the new generations of Kosovans. But, not funny aphorisms, for
sure!

KOSOVA

OUR ACTIVISTS AND CHINESE SILK

by B.H. / Prishtina

Since a long time there have been chats about the Women's World Congress; until recently,
no one knew who was going to participate from Kosova. This was a topic of discussion even
in the Presidency of the LDK and there were also protests against this "group excursion",
reportedly, because of the expenses to be made without any good reason. Then, the dilemma
stood: what would the effects of the participation in such a congress be?

Anyhow, as reported, 11 women from Kosova went to this Congress, two in the official part
and nine others in the commissions organized by NGOs and other associations.

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Realistically, the departure of a 11 members delegation is nothing else but a repetition of
group travels conducted previously by men during their political travels. We don't wish to
deny nor relativize the departure of the group of women from Kosova to China. But, wouldn't
the effect be the same if less would have gone and if they were more coordinated?
It is also reported that the delegation didn't depart as a homogenous one, as one which would
clearly represent Kosova, but at the start they split into small groups, and each one of them
represents an idea, an attitude and a determined activity, even though officially it is said that
Edita Tahiri, LDK's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, heads the delegation. Furthermore, as a
member of LDK's president declared, she was member of the preparation committee of the
Congress.

The departure became problematic thanks to the Serbian police which first stopped Saranda
Vidishiqi, summoning her to an informative chat and telling her to bring her passport in!
Further on, the police arrested Salih Cacaj, who was supposed to prepare a photo exhibition
on the police brutality against the Kosovan women. This is understandable knowing that
Beijing will also host Buba Morina, head of the Yugoslav delegation, who before departing to
China, declared to the Serbian media that their task will be to lobby for the lifting of the
sanctions against rump Yugoslavia. The organized presence of the Kosovans in Beijing and
their serious attitude would be an obstacle to the widow of the former prime ex-cop of
Kosova.

Even if it were so, the question still remains: couldn't the same be achieved without the
excursion of the 11 people, hoping that the departure of our activists to China will not be
reduced only to the wish to feel the Chinese silk?

ASYLUM-SEEKERS

DETERIORATING IMAGE

by FADIL GASHI / Bonn

Our man, who has never been to FRG before, once he steps on German soil, or rather any bus
or train station known as "Banhoff", will ask himself: "Am I in Germany or in Prishtina?".
This first impression is created because "Banhoffs" are the places where Albanian can be
heard at every step. You don't need to approach the information desk: all info can be provided
to you by your compatriots any time.

And if this man of ours becomes curious and wants to find out what is the status of these
people in Germany, he will get a straight answer: "Asylum-seeker, brother, what else? We
have no jobs, so we decided to come out to the Banhoff and see some friends. What can I say
brother. The repression made me flee." And really, was it only the repression that made all of
them flee?

We were tempted by this question long ago. This is why we made a verbal survey with many
asylum seekers about the reasons that made them flee. The conclusion would be: not all
Kosovan asylum-seekers had motivated reasons to flee. Many compatriots were honest to
admit that they decided to flee because of economic reasons. The insecurity and violence
applied in Kosova by the Serbian police, is not a very convincing reason to flee. Today, no

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one is secure in Kosova, young or old, kids or youths. Anyone can become object of the
Serbian violence, anywhere: on the streets, the bus, pubs, etc. If this were the logic to be
applied, then all should flee Kosova. When this argument is mentioned to the ones who fled
Kosova for this reason, then the answer one gets is: "All were fleeing, so did we".
The influx of young asylum-seekers from Kosova continues, although not with the same
intensity. It is strange to see that despite all measures to control the influx of new asylum-
seekers by the German authorities, are not stopping thousands of Albanians appear early in
the morning at the reception centers. The merit for this "achievement" belongs to our travel-
patriotic agencies (they save us from the Serbian violence). If there would be competition of
travel agencies to organize illegal travels of passengers without passports (false travel
documents could do), I don't believe that Kosovan agencies would have any competition, for
they already have a wide experience in the field. And the tools are: a lie, a deception,
promises that are not kept, treason and beyond all, huge amounts of money. And what about
the suffering and maltreatment along the way? Many pages would be needed to describe
them, maybe even books.

Fresh asylum-seekers state that after the increased control, the price for the service of
transport from Kosova to Germany has increased a lot. The least needed is 4 thousand
German Marks plus expenses. The majority still keep coming through Austria and the Czech
Republic, but also through the Italian-French line.

Some Kosovan agencies are making a huge profit from the disgrace of these people, for they
are able to provide the future asylum-seekers with false Austrian tourist visas. The price of
this visa, claim the ones who "used it" is 2,8 thousand DEM. Then, another 1 thousand to
cross to Germany from Austria. All circumstances speak of a very well organized network of
the transport-mafia, which is under the control of the ones who don't wish us good.
There is nothing new in regard to the return of our asylum-seekers to Kosova. The German
government, after the failed conversations with Belgrade, the bargain couldn't be agreed, has
silenced the problem. Maybe this was aided by the new tensions arose in the Former
Yugoslavia. Anyhow, the problem of the return is only a matter of time but still, no one
knows when and how will it be accomplished.

Asylum, as an institution towards a standard of living and profit offers very little. The life in
former American, English, French military barracks is not that envious. It is a collective life.
The four hundred Marks the refugee receives either as coupons or as a food basket is not
enough, especially not for smokers. The right to work is formal. Some employment offices
allow the asylum-seekers to find work under the condition that they must find their job.
However, if someone from the EU is interested in getting it, the asylum-seeker has not the
right of preference.

The lack of qualities makes it impossible for many asylum seekers to adapt to the German
way of life. There is no way not to mention the very hard working asylum-seekers who have
found themselves jobs, and have straightened their matters quite fine, and are sustaining their
families. This deserves only compliments. However, this time we can't skip the "happy"
portion of our asylum-seekers, which includes those who have not managed to get over the
pain, the disappointment and homesickness and try to do it with the flavour of the well-
known German beer. Seeing no way out, many seem to get over with the life of an asylum-
seeker by marriage. Very often in parties one can hear the following remark: "There is
nothing to gain from asylum. Get married and solve your problem". Conversations about
marriage, i.e. "the papers" are a very often conversation among our asylum-seekers.

- 11 -
Unfortunately, there are also of those whose fiances or wives and several children are waiting
for them to go back to Kosova and to them. The new alchemists claim that three years get
over soon, and the papers are there to be gained.

There is another category to mention, the one which has deteriorated the image of Albanian
asylum-seekers with their criminal activities. The activities of these asylum-seekers are crime,
robbery, drug dealing, murders, etc. What is even worse, there has also been talks about
organized crime, organized criminal groups.

In the past two years, the matter of crime among the Albanian asylum-seekers has been object
of analysis of the German media. Weekly "Focus" published an article about a group of
criminals, also publishing their pictures. According to the author of the article, the Federal
Crime Bureau published a special brochure with the names of 383 and the pictures of 282 of
professional thieves of apartments and houses. According to the author, these people originate
from Mitrovica, Prishtina or Shkup and belong to the age group between 18 and 40.
According to the data provided by the police and the author of the article, Kosova Albanians
are concentrated on stealing money, jewellery and electronic machines. They always use the
same modus operandi. In a very short period of time, they become experts and become part of
trios which enter the world of criminality.

While robbing, they don't mind at all if the owners of the household are there. They usually
go armed, and they are merciless. Albanians tend to use a gun which uses long bullets (as
pens). Since this criminal activity has become dangerous, since last year in April, all offices
against crime have formed special detection groups to fight the crimes committed by Kosovan
asylum-seekers.

According to the author, there is a strong struggle going on at the east and west of the country
between crime bands, for the primate. According to the data provided by the "Special
Commission for Kosova Albanians", Serbs, Poles and Rumanians are now the competition to
Albanians. They are proving to be even more professional. Serb thieves are specialized in
robberies by order. How otherwise could the following fact be explained: the black market in
Belgrade unexpectedly saw itself full of robbed video-players in July. Three days before they
appeared there, they had been robbed from a Department Store in Bielefeld.
The interpretation of this article only makes us aware how harmful these groups are for us and
the rest. Germans call them black sheep, and there is no way we can call them but "our black
stain".

INTERVIEW

BLAGOJ HANDZISKI, Minister of Defence of Macedonia

THE SOLUTION OUTSIDE THE MERIDIANS OF WAR

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: The actual issue now is that of the refugees and their settlement in Kosova, a fact
which is getting other connotations among Albanians, and not only them, as an attempt to
change the ethnic structure of the population. In fact, how do you perceive the solution of

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Kosova's problem?

HANDZISKI: There have been certain problems in Kosova since long ago. The same way we
believe that there must be a peaceful solution for Bosnia, we believe that there should be one
for Kosova too, and which could be accepted by both sides. There is no other alternative,
because any other destabilization of any character, of the start of warring conflicts would also
mean the involvement of almost all Balkan states, before all of Albania. There would be
harsh fighting, and there would be new waves of refugees from Kosova fleeing towards
Albania, the eastern parts of Kosova and there is Albanian population in southern Serbia. A
part of them would be headed towards Macedonia, and one part of them, according to our
evaluations, would be going to Greece. This is why we don't even want to think of the
possibility of a conflict in Kosova The international community and the involved parties
should must do everything they can to find an acceptable solution. It is therefore completely
natural to see all Balkan states discuss the matter and prepare themselves just in case.

KOHA: How do you evaluate the political and security situation in Macedonia?

HANDZISKI: In both exterior and interior plans, it could be evaluated as fully stable. There
are sources of destabilization in the interior plan. One of them is the difficult economic
situation and ingression social tensions. The situation is difficult and we know that the
months to come will be critical, meanwhile we expect that the situation will improve by
November. The other source are the increased inter-ethnic tensions. However, they have
decreased a bit recently. We are happy to have created conditions to solve all problems in
Macedonia institutionally. This possibility is offered to us by the presence of the
representatives of the Albanian parties in the Parliament. They also have presence in the third
power: Albanians are represented in the Judicial Council and the Supreme Court. Recently,
the law on Courts has been adopted and it is certain that the representation of Albanians in
them will be done according to the percentage of their participation in the total population.
Albanians are represented in the government and other institutions. I could also tell you that
their participation was symbolical in the Ministry of Defence, today, in its civilian part,
Albanians are represented with over 4%; one of the eight members of the headquarters, there
is one Albanian general. Now we will have also a Military Academy, where we will apply the
"positive discrimination" - naturally respecting all criteria, and we will try to inscribe as many
members of nationalities, especially Albanians. It is very important that we are trying to
construct a climate of understanding, to solve all problems through dialogue, in the
institutions of the system and we have never had inter-ethnic conflicts nor fighting. I am sure
that we will not have them in the future.

KOHA: How do you perceive the presence of international forces in Macedonia?

HANDZISKI: Our evaluations but also those of the international community and the UN
proper are that UNPROFOR's mission is one of the most successful, if not the most
successful: it is the first mission of a preventive character, with a mandate of supervision and
referral to and about our western and norther borders. The intermediaries do a great job and
we have very good cooperation.

KOHA: Referring to UNPREDEP: some time ago, PPDSH's chairman Arben Xhaferi, in a
meeting with Sokolski, head of UNPREDEP, spoke of the paradox of the latter: on one hand
they take care of the Macedonian borders meanwhile inside the Macedonian government
does not have a correct posture towards Albanians?

- 13 -
HANDZISKI: If it is so, then I must say that he was wrong. UNPREDEP's mandate is clear:
to observe and refer about the situation in the west and the north, stressing that the situation
westwards is not linked to the situation in the Republic of Albania, but rather it is linked to
the eventual consequences of the deterioration of the situation in Kosova. What is happening
inside in Macedonia is in the competence of other international organizations which, also,
have representatives in our country and so far have informed objectively about the situation in
Macedonia. We are trying to solve all open issues by dialogue, apart from the determinations
which are contrary to the Constitution and the laws in force.

KOHA: However, Macedonia still does not have good relations with its two nieghbors - the
northern, Serbia and the southern - Greece!

HANDZISKI: The situation up north is totally different from the situation down south. In the
north, we have a problem imposed by the Serbian side and it contains a potential source of
undesired incidents. In fact the Serbian side does not wish to determine the demarcation line.
This is a political issue which should be solved by special commissions from both sides. We
have created ours, and the Serbian side announces the creation of theirs too, however, we still
don't have the determination of a bordering line between both states.

This stalling has also caused incidents, maybe casual, when patrols from both sides cross the
imaginary line. Another problem is the reciprocal recognition of the RM and FRY, in a way it
is linked to our problem with Greece. This makes you believe that FRY has become Greece's
lawyer. It is by all means a joint action of both states, especially as an assistance to Greece
which believed that the establishment of the unilateral embargo will defeat the Republic of
Macedonia and make it accept Greece's irrational requests.

I believe that Greece, despite the disagreements, shouldn't fear any aggression, for this state is
member of the collective systems of defence, which we aim at becoming members of, and
which we couldn't because of Greece's veto.

KOHA: Lately we heard more rumours about Russia's wishes for a bigger presence in the
Balkans!

HANDZISKI: I haven't heard of them. I believe that these are critical moments when the new
European architecture of security is based on the inclusion of all member states of NATO, EU
and the former members of the Warsaw Pact. The opinion is that this new architecture will
have effects in safeguarding peace and stability in Europe. Only if all European states are
involved, including the Russian Federation. Maybe this is the reason why Russia signed the
Partnership for Peace treaty. We think that any cooperation which is not oriented against a
third country could positively influence to calm down the situation in the region.

KOHA: But, some time ago, a Russian parliamentarian proposed the creation of a Slavic
Balkans Union!

HANDZISKI: Our opinion is that the creation of any alliances on any grounds, a Muslim
horizontal or an Orthodox vertical is enervated. These are retrograde processes and will never
do the Balkans well. We are against any new alliances of the kind. The Republic of
Macedonia is in favor of the European option. We would want that all Balkan states become
part of a European family.

- 14 -
KOHA: There have been again rumours about the military polygon in Krivolak. What would
its fate be. Is there any chances for it to become an American base?

HANDZISKI: No, there are no chances for that. This was never a matter of discussion. You
know: American military bases are dislocated to NATO members states. The polygon in
Krivolak is used by our army for its needs. It is fully functioning, and for the time being, it is
used for domestic needs. There is no place for speculations of the kind.

MACEDONIA

SUMMER'S LAST MARATHON

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

On the last week of August, another round of exhausting conversations between the
Government of Macedonia and the Albanian political parties with the mediation of ICFY's
representative, Arens, took place. The main topics of discussion of this round (the eighth in a
row) were the law of local administration and the Law on Superior Education. However, one
day before the conversations - believed to be negotiations - because of their form, the
representatives of three political parties of Albanians (PPD, PPDSH and PDP) declared that
they had big dilemmas regarding the continuation of their participation in the conversations.
And the reason for having second thoughts was the draft Law on Local Self-Administration,
the first topic of conversation, had already been approved by the Macedonian Government.
The issue was "why should there be discussions about something already done", and
furthermore, Albanians stated that they would inform Arens about this dissatisfaction, and
that their final decision will exclusively depend on what he will have to say.

Since these conversations took place behind closed doors, and in one of the rooms of the
Government of Macedonian, the public was deprived of the chance to follow Arens's
reaction. Nevertheless, the conversations continued according to the plan, and the conclusion
that the ambassador's reaction was favorable to the Albanians, was imposed. This is best
known by himself, but since he is strong in his decision not to give any statements in this
regard, then the conclusion will be drawn indirectly.

The conversations which took place on 24 and 25 August ended without any incidents, and
even less sensationalism, but they didn't end the speculations on their future fate. This was
provided for by the Albanian representatives in their statements, especially in regard to the
Law on Local Self-Administration and the reaction of the minister of Justice, Vlado
Popovski.

Immediately after the conversations, Mevlan Tahiri (PPD) declared that Albanians didn't
withdraw from the conversations because after their remarks and the intervention of Gert
Arens, the Minister of Justice accepted to withdraw the draft, in its seventeenth version, and
have it discussed again in the next round of conversations and then take it back to the
Government and finally place it in the parliamentarian procedure. This was the "price" the
Albanians set to continue the talks. However the next day, Minister Popovski declared that
these statements were an attempt to politicize the process of the adoption of the act and that
they are not true. He allegedly declared that he had agreed that it would be better if this law

- 15 -
were discussed in the next round (11 or 12 of September), however he didn't agree to return it
to the government. He also stated that as an expression of his good will to make concessions
to Albanians, and which relates to this law, is the fact that with the new discussion he implies
the possibility of presenting amendments by MPs, including Albanian deputies. This
possibility was offered as a gift to the Albanians, i.e. as counteroffer to Albanians to convince
them to continue the conversations!

The response of the Albanians was that the Minister was trying to relativize the agreements
and that they stood strongly behind their own statements.

It is very interesting that in times when this polemics was going on, the draft was introduced
in the Parliament and then silently it was withdrawn. This act of the government was
explained as "a change in the Parliamentarian procedure" and not as a full withdrawal. How
true all of this is will be soon seen, in the first session of the Parliament, on September 17,
when this act was supposed to be discussed. Even if the law does not appear on the agenda,
this doesn't mean that the Albanian version is true. It could easily happen that the draft could
wait the ninth round of conversations and then enter the parliamentarian procedure without
any changes whatsoever. The form would be satisfied thus, we believe the one promised in
Arens's presence, while the contents will wait the result of the voting in the Parliament, which
would verify the existing situation. This is the thing which justifies the question: what is the
sense of continuing these conversations?

MACEDONIA

ETHNIC PROBLEMS: MACEDONIAN STATAL MINUS

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

The letter addressed to Clinton could be sublimed in a couple of sentences: the American
president is asked to include the Albanian question in the framework of the global solution of
the crisis in the Former Yugoslavia, "for Albanians, as people who live in their ethnic lands,
are threatened to be involved in war, even though they have not contributed to it, therefore
we consider that your initiative would be accurate and humane if all constituents of the
Former Yugoslavia would be included in the process, regardless of the fact whether they are
or are not in war". The concern about the situation in Kosova, the possibility of the change of
the ethnic structure or the threat of ethnic cleansing, discrimination in Macedonia, the threat
of the expansion of war southwards, are the arguments offered by the chairmen of the PPD,
PPDSH and PDP to corroborate their request to have the Albanian question included in the
global solution. In the letter, terms "FYROM" and "Slavic-Macedonians" are used.
Aliti's, Halimi's and Xhaferi's letter was first published by "Flaka e Vëllazërimit", and the
very next day, the information about it was conveyed by the central news broadcast of TV
Macedonia and published in "Nova Makedonija", along with the first reactions of the
Republican Institution of Culture, a scientific manifestation of Muslim Macedonians and the
Ecologist Association of Macedonia! In the first reaction, among others, it is said: "this letter
spreads lies, misinformation and calumniations about RM. It also calumniates about the
alleged Albanian question in Macedonia, for it doesn't exist, and all of it is being done for the
Albanization of Western Macedonia in its borders of the Ballist period between 1941-1944, in
the area where the Muslim Macedonians make up the majority in the demographic structure

- 16 -
of the Macedonian people. President Clinton and the public are again offered mistaken
statistical data about Albanians in Macedonia, showing all people of Muslim confession as
Albanians, using the Islam for political reasons, aiming at the destabilization of Macedonia".
Ecologists, nevertheless, consider that these political parties wish to cause problems and war
in Macedonia, that there is no Albanian question in this country and that it is an issue pushed
hard by the Albanian political parties and the Albanian Lobby with the aim of creating
Greater Albania, as imagined in the times of the Prizren League.

The reactions of marginal associations, which are not even political parties, were an
introduction to the reactions of the media. It was first the TV which commented the letter in
the similar way and then "Nova Makedonija" published a long comment "The Last Minute
Disclosure", holding a clear message: "While all other big nationalisms in the former
Yugoslav space are being defeated, the leaders of Albanian political parties ask Clinton to
help them realize their dream of "all Albanians in one state". It is an attempt to involve
Macedonia again in the Yugoslav crisis" and it's also the "disappointment of Albanians of
Macedonia with the new pro-European winds blowing in Tirana".

"We are again going through strange experiences", says the commentator of "Nova
Makedonija", underlining a very interesting context: "Only two days after the visit of
Albania's foreign minister Serreçi ended, the letter sent to Clinton was published", in which
"Clinton is asked to include the so called "Albanian question" (in Macedonia and the rump
Yugoslavia) in the American plan for the global solution of the crisis in the former
Yugoslavia. As in many similar articles of the same authors, sent to many other international
addresses, this letter too, is full of calumniations against their own state and the largest
people for the alleged violations of the rights of the local Albanian minority. This
calumniations have now been "strengthened" with new inaccuracies (not to call them
differently), then with the attempt to equal the status of the Albanian minority in Macedonia
with that in the rump Yugoslavia, and Macedonia is again included in the "Yugoslav
package", the same one it barely got out of. All of this is presented with open threats of war,
if Clinton doesn't show understanding and makes no efforts for the peaceful solution of the
"Albanian issue" and the "global" one.

Even the conclusion offered by the commentator, who has recently proved to be a well
informed person, and among others is also provided by with first hand information coming
from the top Macedonian officials, which are otherwise closed for the public, goes in the
same direction: "In the light of this "step forward" important in the Macedonian-Albanian
relations in the policy of official Tirana, the letter of the leaders of the Albanian minority
political parties in Macedonia gets other connotations and meaning. This is not only a
dissatisfaction with the status of the national minority that Albanians have in Macedonia. It
is not even an expression of anger towards Serreçi. i.e. the official Tirana, because in a way
they feel neglected and deceived in regard to the "all Albanians in one state" dream. This is a
"last chance" ( as they evaluate the American initiative) for them to do something. On behalf
of all Albanians, "because united we are stronger", they are excluding those in Albania,
because Clinton wouldn't "swallow" that. Only to include, be it with offenses, lies and
threats, the Albanian question among many other issues which should be solved in the
negotiations table. Even though the Albanian question, theirs nor our fate, are not part of
that crisis".

Analyzing the disputable letter, "Vecer" ascertains: "The reactions of the political public to
the letter of the three leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia are not stopping. Regardless

- 17 -
of whether they are moderate statements as "wrong evaluation in wrong times" (Guner
Ismail, port-parole of the Government) or the extreme nationalist offers about the "cultural
exchange" of the populations in Albania and Macedonia (VMRO-MNDS signed by Tomislav
Stefkovski, would contact the exchange of 350 thousand Macedonians in Albania for 450
thousand Albanians in Macedonia). It is clear that the letter is evaluated as an expression of
disloyalty of ethnic Albanians towards Macedonia". The author of the article first states that
"for the sake of truth, even the superficial analysis of the letter..., and this means that the
analysis which doesn't treat the essential messages of the letter to Clinton - discovers the
vocabulary which in the most direct way has offended only the Macedonian state and only the
Macedonian people.Thus, if the state is referred to as "FYROM", and this means that, as
Xhaferi claims, until the "new historic agreement" is reached, Albanians will be denied the
identification with the state of Macedonia, then referring to Macedonians as "Slavic-
Macedonians" is an open offense of the national feelings of the Macedonian people. This fact
is of a different importance because the mutual confidence between Albanians and
Macedonians so far has been grounded on the basic respect of the mutual feelings. Lets'
recall: after the euphoria of the beginning of the decade, no one has ever referred to Albanians
in the way they would feel offended". This analysis of the letter is different from the one
made by "Nova Makedonija", and it mainly makes a problem about the solution of the
Albanian question in the YU-package, comparing the message of the letter with Milosevic's
politics. The message at the end is that "Albanian politicians have the legitimate political
right to ask for the status of a constituent people, the University, autonomy, etc. If it weren't
so, the highest statal act would not have foreseen the possibilities for its partial or full
changes. They have the right to hope that with time conditions will be created to convince the
parliamentarian majority that their cause is just and that Macedonians will not lose a thing
with it. Macedonian politicians have the right to hope that with the advance of the status of
the nationalities the whole climate of the inter-ethnic relations will improve, that the requests
of the Albanian representatives will become unimportant and not actual. But no one,
absolutely no one, has the right to involve the people in the insecurity of the creation of
"history", and especially not today, when people have seen how this is being done in these
spaces and how much it has cost people".

Before this letter appeared, the Macedonian public was upset about Vasil Tupurkovski's
statement that "The Albanian question will not be solved in an isolated way, outside
Macedonia. In this case, we must say clearly where we stand, or to say that we know where
we stand or that we are dealing with this problem more seriously. Inter-ethnic problems and
the incidents in the Republic of Macedonia are a great minus for the state. We must
understand that an agreement is necessary, a historic agreement between Macedonians and
all others living in Macedonia, as a people, i.e. as citizens. We must, by all means be
convinced or not convinced about what is the meaning of a national state and what is that of
a state of its citizens, as a factor of stability of the state". This was evaluated by Frckovski as
solidarity with Xhaferi's postures. Meanwhile, Tupurkovski is confirmed by Aliti in an
interview by "Nedeljna Dalmacija": "We have reached a consensus about what is in the joint
interest of the state - independent and democratic Macedonia. It this is true then there should
not be any obstacles for Albanians to become equal. But, it is not true. And this is the reason
why the Macedonian government is acting as God towards us, as someone who has the right
to give and to take".

It is clear that the letter was a step backwards in the inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia,
pursuant to an ancient pattern. The upsetting detail is that the space for political manoeuvring
is being restricted. Meanwhile the proof, be it in a disputable form for any of the sides (the

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Law on Local Self-Administration, the Law on Education) or the conversations in the
presence of a mediator, are soon to take place.

DOSSIER

THE DEFENDING LINE OF KOSOVA'S STATEHOOD?!

by HALIM HYSENI & ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

WHY THIS DOSSIER

It is a sin, a big and unpardonable mistake that so far we have not seen any publications about
the terrible situation Albanian education has gone and is going through. This failure has many
negative repercussions and consequences, unpredictable results which have complicated and
will complicate endlessly the process of seeking and finding a way out from the Serbian
claws. If these publication would have been published and would had analyzed clearly the
tendencies and trends of development, characteristics, factors and causal links of the
situation, the development of Albanian education in determined frame-work, we would more
easily the indicators of the crisis in Albanian education, more objectively and quicker we
would find the solutions, we would be successful in preventing, we would make Albanian
education more efficient and resistant to the attacks and devastating Serbian blows, on one
hand, and we would more easily and quicker react to the attacks and deviations which are a
result of the immoderate, and unorganized and non-synchronized actions of the Albanian
subject, on the other hand. If there were thorough analyses about the characteristics of the
development of education, the links of education and economy, national political strategy,
easily and more effectively we would elaborate a strategy to defend the Albanian education
from the tortures, ethnocidal and genocidal actions of the Serbian government. If we would
have had scientific publications on Albanian education, the quality of the Albanian education
would be much more effective. On the other hand, this quality would be transformed in the
better knowledge of the culture and history of the Albanian people, its positive tradition, we
would have a high feeling of statehood, we would have organized our general life, we would
have advanced our science, we would have less individual work, the exodus of the youth
would be lower, the platform for the internationalization of the question of education would
be much more efficacious, we would have much more books published in foreign languages,
and our propaganda would be more efficient.

"KOHA" Dossier doesn't aim nor has itself the possibility to alone present the trends and
tendencies, directions and aspects of development of the Albanian education, but only
partially covers this matter with a study on some aspects and difficult paths our education has
gone and is going through in the post Second World War period, with a special emphasis in
the 1990-1995 period.

I. THE BEGINNING OF THE RUIN OF ALBANIAN EDUCATION

Albanian education is completely linked to the Albanian processes and political movements,
as well as that of the others towards Albanians.

The obstacles that Albanian education faced in Kosova are fully political because the advance

- 19 -
and development of the Albanian education is in a way the reason of development of the
national question or vice-versa. Therefore, there would be no possibility to make a clear
division between the two areas. In the same way, there would be no political correctness to
believe that statehood is built only through education. This would also be a very difficult
burden with huge consequences, which education can't push till the end. But, on the other
hand, the Albanian education in Kosova today, also, is the only sphere which manifests a kind
of independence of Albanians as opposed to the Serbian rule in Kosova. At the same time, the
aims of establishing an independent system of the Republic of Kosova are pretended to be
done through education. Actually, the only segment in this direction, is the functioning of the
educational system. Naturally, this functioning is followed by many difficulties and obstacles
set by the Serbian regime which pretends to stop all ideas about Albanian independence from
its system. The constitutional changes at the end of the eighties lead towards the ruin of the
autonomy, and were most reflected in the educational system. If we would refer to the
beginning of the ruin of the Albanian education, this would take us back to the Serbian
aspirations to occupy Albanian lands.

The killings, persecutions and condemnations of Albanian scholars go way back in history.
This is best illustrated by the famous names, whose killings were linked to Serbia, the Greek
and the Ottomans: Papa Kristo Negovani, Naum Veqilharxhi, who was poisoned as ordered
by Fanar's Partiarch in a Greek hospital, Pandeli Sotiri, who was killed by Greek agents, Petro
Nina Luarasi, etc.

Albanian aspirations for education in Kosova continue to be followed by statal terror after
Kosova's occupation in 1912, when all Albanian schools were closed by Decree in the present
territory of Kosova, Montenegro, North-Eastern Kosova (Preshevë, Bujanovc, and
Medvegjë). The decision for the close-down of the Albanian schools were made by the
"commanders" of determined regions based on the orders of the Ministry of Education. Each
time Kosova was annexed, schools were closed down. On the present territory of Kosova, in
the middle of WWII, the politics of persecution of Albanian teachers and supporters of
Albanian education continued. The killing of Albanian teachers continued as well as their
expulsion from Kosova's territory. Between the two wars, Serbian agents killed Father
Shtjefën Gjeçovi. The police summoned Sheh Man from Rahovec, and with their request, a
patriot, Hasan Prishtina, was killed, and so on.

The persecutions and killings of Albanian teachers also continued after WWII. Immediately
after the repeated annexation of Kosova by Serbia in 1945, the following teachers were killed:
Gjergj Martini - executed by the Communist regime; Azem Morina - executed in 1946 as
member of the National Democratic Party of Albanians (NDSH); Bedri Gjinaj, poisoned in
prison; Ali Gaxha executed by the ill-famed OZNA (secret police) without a trial; Mustafë
Kelmendi - killed by OZNA in 1947; Gjon Serreçi - executed; Halim Orana - executed;
Mustafë Kokaj; Xheladin Hana - killed in 1948, Fazli Grejçevci - died after being tortured in
prison 1963; Shaban Shala - died after being tortured in prison in 1964; Haki Sërmaxhaj -
killed in 1948; Emin Abazi - died in prison in 1948; Ramë Geci - died in prison after being
tortured in 1951; Metush Krasniqi - died two months after he was released from prison, as a
consequence of the tortures he was subjected to in 1986; Xhemajli Berisha - was thrown dead
or alive (not certain) from the police station in Prizren, in 1989.

The cases of torture were at times resisted, as was the case of Mustafë Kokaj, who was
always suspicious for the Yugoslav OZNA. At the beginning of June 1951, he was beaten and
mistreated by OZNA's officers Vojo Tadic and Xhafer Lila, who were threatening him that

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the would suffer the same fate as his father and brother. Heta and Muharrem, who after being
sentenced to long prison terms, were liquidated in the Nish prison.

After surviving the beating and threats, Kokaj came back the next day and killed both officers
and fled the country.

After WWII the core of illusions for liberation and equal rights in Albanian education
becomes more fragile and pale. Serbian governmental circles prepared scenarios, programs
and projects for the prevention and ruin of the Albanian education in Kosova. All aspirations
to ruin the Albanian education were done on programmed grounds of the four known projects
on the Serbianization of Kosova (Vaso Cubrilovic, Ivo Andric, Vukotic, Ilija Garasanin and
the fascist viewpoints of anthropologist and geographer, Jovan Cvijic.

These are grounds which served for the extension of the wide spectre of violence against
Albanian education. E.g., in 1953 the census of the population was organized with the only
purpose to make Albanians declare themselves as Turks. Comparing to the previous census
held in 1948, the number of Turks increased more than three times in five years, to a total of
160 thousand. Grounded on Cubrilovic's ideas, to convert Albanians into Turks (through
privileges or threats), Turkish schools are opened in Kosova, while Albanian teachers were
forced to teach Albanian pupils in Turkish. Albanian teachers refused this, and this was the
reason why a large part of them were not only dismissed, but also sentenced in prison. We
would illustrate this with only some names: Kolë S. Shahini (dismissed because he opposed
the opening of schools in Turkish and the forced inscription of Albanian students in these
schools), Hysen M. Shehzadi (dismissed because he refused to lecture in Turkish). The same
reasons served the officials to dismiss Qenan Deda, Janur Mripa, Hajdar and Arife Siqesa,
Zehra Zhubi, Nerxhivane Prekazi, Lule Gjinaj, Shukrije Zymi, Aziz Kabashi, Nazmi Zeka,
Lelja Presheva, Ramadan Dedaj, Xhemil Doda, Gani Gashi, Kasem Dema, Sylejman Drini,
Myrvete Gjevori, etc.

Part of the scenario for the ruin of Albanian education and which has the premises of
genocide and ethnocide against the Albanian people in general, was the emigration to Turkey
which was more massive than anytime before, meanwhile 30 thousand Albanians were
mistreated physically.

In 1956, the so called Prizren Process was organized, and Sedat Dida, a teacher, was
sentenced to jail. The main instruments of violence were:

I. Dismissals: from 1945 to 1967, 850 teachers were dismissed;

II. Arrests: in that period, over 630 teachers were arrested.

III. Expulsions from schools: hundreds of students are expelled because of their requests to
study in their mother tongue. Among others, Academician Musa Haxhiu, former President of
the Academy of Arts and Sciences of Kosova and Mikel Marku, an attorney killed by the
Serbian police in 1992, were expelled from school in 1955, due to these convictions.
Besides the instruments, motives of dismissals and arrests of Albanians teachers should be
mentioned. The motives of dismissal were totally political, while in the functional aspect, this
was a form of special war against the Albanian people and the education in Albanian. The
motives of arrests and dismissals were also the following: Rahim Ramadani refused to
become member of the Communist Party, Munish Ramadani was an Informbiroist, Enver S.

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Retkoceri, was politically dangerous, Sebë Rodiqi for political reasons, Sabit Kapiti, as
member of NDSH, Kolë Spaqi, enemy of the people, Kolë B. Sopi, as member of a hostile
family and enemy to the people, Mustafë Shehu, as an irredentist along with a group from
Suhareka, Hasan Sherifi, because of his religious beliefs along with other 50 teachers from
Gjilan, as ordered by UDBA (new secret police), Murat Shkodra because he was politically
unsuitable, Ukë Ukimeri Kabashi, because he established the "Nationalist Movement", Zeqir
Gërvalla with a group of teachers and Adem Demaçi, was dismissed and arrested because of
the formation of the Revolutionary Committee of the Unification of Albanian Lands, Sabri
Zeqiri was dismissed because of his political activity, Haki Zeqiri was not suitable to work in
education, many teachers were dismissed because of their political convictions and this list
included, among others, Halit Zymi, Shaqir Zymi, and 18 teachers were dismissed because
they had participated in Ibrahim Fehmiu's funeral ( a teacher and Albanian patriot), Emin
Abazi, Hilmi Ademi, Destan Bajraktari and four friends, as well as hundreds of other teachers
were dismissed and arrested because of political reasons, Halil Berisha was dismissed
because he taught pupils songs about Bajram Curri, Hajrush and Sejfullah Berisha were
dismissed as members of a "reactionary family", Isa Dema, Osman Dumoshi, Pashk Staka,
Xhemajl Bahu, Ramadan Blakaj, R. Smaka, Xheladin Rekaliu, Adil Pireva, Meriman Braha,
Zymer Neziri, Mehmet Hajrizi, etc. lost their jobs and were arrested because they organized
demonstrations in 1968. For having openly requested the status of republic for Kosova,
Ukshin Hoti was arrested in 1981 (and is now again in prison, for political reasons).
Isolations and political arrests occurred because of the clear opposition to the forced
constitutional changes. 250 Albanian intellectuals were isolated and 354 teachers were
dismissed in the round of "ideo-political differentiation" in the eighties, and large number of
them were arrested. Because of the support given to the miners in 1988, over 100 teachers of
school principals were dismissed or discharged.

In order to illustrate the Serb bizarreness, we will mention the case of Munish Ramadani, who
on 2 February 1949 as arrested by UDBA and after being held for several months in
confinement, was taken to the ill-famed camp in Goli Otok and thus drew him away from
education for good. He was accused "for having burdened the state budget by opening the
Albanian schools", for having stayed some time in Albania and because "he wouldn't conceal
his love for the Albanian people and Albania".

Based on the ideo-political differentiation, between 1981-1985, 1768 pupils and students
were expelled from elementary and high schools, 788 students were denied the right of
inscription in high schools, 568 students were denied further superior education because of
their political unsuitability, 1820 Albanian students were denied the right of inscription in the
University.

Aiming at the ruin of the Albanian education, the party organs adopted a series of documents
which intensively ruined the system in Kosova. The forced changes of the curricula take
place, insisting on the application of the so called "Joint Cores" which totally attack the
Albanian national culture along with the attempt to replace it with Slavic culture. Albanians
and educational organs of Kosova are imposed to create mixed classes, unique text-books, the
discriminating Law on the Anticipated Retirement of Teachers, the imposition of the Serbian
language, bringing in Serb teachers from Serbia, the application of segregation and the
discrimination of Kosovan teachers in salaries, the decrease of the number of Albanian
university students, the stimulation of Serb and Montenegrin students by increasing the
number of vacancies for them, giving them the advantage of getting the accommodation first,
assuring them grants and scholarships regardless of any criterions.

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Along with this repression, through murders of Albanian youth and students (Ylfete Humolli,
Afrim Prebreza, Gjylbehar Badallaj, Shefki Obërtinca, Dina and Afrim Paqarrizi), the
scenario for the ruin of the autonomy of Kosova in the area of education was being prepared,
and which was finally accomplished on 28 March 1989.

This will be a day remembered not only as a day in which Kosova lost the little autonomy it
had, but because the blood of young Albanians started flowing down Kosova's streets, and
also because the Serbian prisons were full of Albanians, because this year meant the end of
the autonomous educational system, and because this is the year when classical genocide
started being applied against one people in total and education in particular.

In 1989, all Albanian pupils and teachers were expelled from the elementary school in
Prilluzhë (Vushtrri). This was the first time when apartheid was being implemented in an
institutionalized way. After the violence, the campaign for the change of the laws according
to articles 300 and 301 of the Constitution of Serbia started. Since the new amendments of the
Serbian Constitution deprived Kosova the right to determine the bases of the system, Serbia
took advantage of the created situation, the military and police force, the support of the
federal organs and hastily adopted the educational laws which were not only discriminating,
but also created the possibility for the application of genocide. In the name of the defense of
Serbia's statehood, killings of Albanians started, physical and mental wounds were caused,
massive dismissals took place, aiming at the deterioration of the economic situation aiming at
biological extermination, and under the pretext of the defense of the Serb-Montenegrin pupils
and students from the "Albanian nationalists", the request for the division of children on
national grounds was made.

This request appeared in 1989, and later it became obvious that it was premeditated and
prepared as a special test of repression against Albanian pupils and youth. In this timing
coincidence, there was a continual link of events which will later have determined
repercussions not only to the Albanian education. At the beginning they were not massive. It
seems that the nervous and asphyxiating intoxication in two Albanian high schools were a test
of the effects of intoxication. The first test took place on 19 March 1989, at "Luigj Gurakuqi"
High School in Klina, which ended with the intoxication of 33 Albanian students, who were
hospitalized in Prishtina. At that time, no one even thought of the massive intoxication.
The second experiment took place on 6 December 1989 in the Medical High "Boro e Ramizi"
in Prizren. Four students and two teachers were intoxicated.

The experimental tests proved to be successful, therefore there was a need to put Serbian
pupils and students on the safe. The only way to do this was the application of segregation
and the division of students and pupils on national grounds. This was achieved in a wild
campaign, with the use of all possible forms, with the use of police forces which stood in
front of the buildings, the organization of petitions and strikes of Serbian speaking teachers
and pupils. At the head of this organization stood the ruiner of the University of Prishtina,
Radivoj Papovic, accompanied by Stanoje Dogandzic, Misa Doslic, Stevan Balosevic,
Branko Paunovic, Jordan Ristic, Vitomir Sipic and supported fully by the Minister and
epigean, Danilo Z. Markovic, Miodrag Ignjatovic, Zika Nedeljkovic, and many others,
dangerous and less dangerous persons.

II. THE RUIN OF THE ALBANIAN EDUCATION BETWEEN 1990 AND 1995

In January 1990, the Assembly (Parliament) of Serbia adopted the laws on primary, secondary

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and superior education, even though the Parliament of Kosova hadn't given its consent for
them. None of Kosova's remarks were taken into consideration. The adopted laws were totally
discriminatory. This laws gave Serbia the right to elaborate and adopt all educational
programs, the appointment and suppression of the educational organs, the Pedagogical
Institute, the Institute for the Publication of Text-Books, the Educational Association, etc.
The adoption of these laws caused the dissatisfaction of the Albanian population. because of
this and the repressive measures and the killing of Albanians, on January 31, the Albanian
youth came out on the streets again, to show its dissatisfaction and disagreement with changes
undertaken.

At the same time the other party, the Serbian, started organizing strikes, protests and boycotts
of classes, asking for the segregation of Albanian students. This was quite supported by the
Serbian organs, while the Albanian organs couldn't resist, because the Provincial Committee
of the Communist Party, headed by Rrahman Morina, had already taken the definitive
decision for the division. On 16 March 1990, all students were expelled from the students
dormitory. The division in high schools took place.

In these circumstances, the syndrome of massive intoxication appeared again, this time in
Podujevë, one year after the first test undertaken in Klina. On 19 March 1990, chemical war
poisons are "thrown" in "Djuro Djakovic High" causing the intoxication to many students. On
20 March 1990, the other high school in Podujeva was affected, also causing intoxication of
many people.

The supposition is that the intoxication was caused by chemical war poisons Tabun, Soman
and Sarin which are also asphyxiating: Cholriphosgen and Diphosgen. Both Profesor
Hendrycx and former President of the Presidency of SFRY Stipe Mesic confirmed the
intoxication. The intoxication lasted 53 days.

During intoxication there were also cases of induction, but this number is minor. It was
ascertained that 7.421 pupils and adults were intoxicated during this time. The number could
be higher. There were also three casualties, as a consequence of intoxication: Vesel Demi,
Lamie Kadriu and Arlinda Vllasaku.

The incidence of intoxication among Serbs is unknown, because the Serb government
conceals the figures. The structure of the intoxicated is 7 (0,1%) pre-school children, 2.116
(28,5%0 primary school children, 4.284 (57,7%) high school children, 167 (2,8%) University
students, 487 (11,4%) adults.

The national appertaining of the intoxicated is the following: Albanians 7.402 (99.7%),
Serbs/Montenegrins 8 (0,1%), Muslims 5 (0,6%), Turks 3 (0,04%) and Gypsies 3 (0,04%).

To be continued.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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