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In contemporary psychology, the "Big Five" f act ors (or Five Fact or Model ; FFM) of personality
are five broad domains or dimensions of personality that are used to describe human personality.
The Big Five framework of personality traits from Costa & McCrae, 1992 has emerged as a robust
model for understanding the relationship between personality and various academic behaviors.[1]
The Big Five factors are openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and
neuroticism (common acronyms are OCEAN, NEOAC, or CANOE). Conscientiousness is
exemplied by being disciplined, organiz ed, and achievement- oriented. Neuroticism refers to
degree of emotional stability, impulse control, and anxiety. Extraversion is displayed through a
higher degree of sociability, assertiveness, and talkativeness. Openness is reected in a strong
intellectual curiosity and a preference for novelty and variety. Finally, agreeableness refers to being
helpful, cooperative, and sympathetic towards others. There is some evidence that personality and
motivation are intricately tied with individual differences in learning styles, and it is recommended
that educators go beyond the current emphasis on cognition and include these variables in
understanding academic behavior.[2] The neuroticism factor is sometimes referred by its low pole
"emotional stability". Some disagreement remains about how to interpret the openness factor,
which is sometimes called "intellect" rather than openness to experience. Beneath each factor, a
cluster of correlated specific traits are found; for example, extraversion includes such related
qualities as gregariousness, assertiveness, excitement seeking, warmth, activity and positive
emotions.[3]
Co nt e nt s
1 The five facto rs
1.1 Openness to experience
1.1.1 Sample o penness items
Psychology
History Subfields
List s
Disciplines Organiz ations Outline
Psychologists Psychotherapies
Publications Research methods
Theories Timeline Topics
Po rt al
V T E
Do wnlo ad as PDF
Printable versio n
1.4 Agreeableness
1.4.1 Sample agreeableness items
1.5 Neuro ticism
Languages
Deutsch
Espao l
Franais
Italiano
Bahasa Melayu
Nederlands
Po lski
Po rtugus
Slo venina
Svenska
5 Further research
6 See also
Trke
7 External links
8 References
[edit]
The Big Five factors and their constituent traits can be summariz ed as (OCEAN):
Openness t o experience (inventive/curious vs. consistent/cautious). Appreciation for art, emotion, adventure, unusual ideas,
curiosity, and variety of experience.
Conscient iousness (efficient/organiz ed vs. easy- going/careless). A tendency to show self- discipline, act dutifully, and aim for
achievement; planned rather than spontaneous behavior.
Ext raversion (outgoing/energetic vs. solitary/reserved). Energy, positive emotions, surgency, and the tendency to seek stimulation
in the company of others.
Agreeableness (friendly/compassionate vs. cold/unkind). A tendency to be compassionate and cooperative rather than suspicious
and antagonistic towards others.
Neurot icism (sensitive/nervous vs. secure/confident). A tendency to experience unpleasant emotions easily, such as anger,
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Openness to experience
[edit]
who are open to experience are intellectually curious, appreciative of art, and sensitive to beauty. They tend to be, when compared to
closed people, more creative and more aware of their feelings. They are more likely to hold unconventional beliefs. Another characteristic
of the open cognitive style is a facility for thinking in symbols and abstractions far removed from concrete experience. People with low
scores on openness tend to have more conventional, traditional interests. They prefer the plain, straightforward, and obvious over the
complex, ambiguous, and subtle. They may regard the arts and sciences with suspicion or even view these endeavors as uninteresting.
Closed people prefer familiarity over novelty; they are conservative and resistant to change. [33]
[edit]
Conscientiousness
[edit]
[edit]
I am always prepared.
I pay attention to details.
I get chores done right away.
I like order.
I follow a schedule.
I am exacting in my work.
I leave my belongings around. (reversed)
I make a mess of things. (reversed)
I often forget to put things back in their proper place. ( reversed)
I shirk my duties. (reversed) [34]
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Extraversion
[edit]
[edit]
Agreeableness
[edit]
[edit]
I am interested in people.
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Neuroticism
[edit]
[edit]
I am easily disturbed.
I change my mood a lot.
I get irritated easily.
I get stressed out easily.
I get upset easily.
I have frequent mood swings.
I often feel blue.
I worry about things.
I am relaxed most of the time. ( reversed)
I seldom feel blue. (reversed) [34]
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History
[edit]
[edit]
The first major inquiry into the Lexical Hypothesis was made by Sir Francis Galton.[37] This is the idea that the most salient and socially
relevant personality differences in peoples lives will eventually become encoded into language. The hypothesis further suggests that by
sampling language, it is possible to derive a comprehensive taxonomy of human personality traits.
In 1936, Gordon Allport and H. S. Odbert put this hypothesis into practice. [38] They worked through two of the most comprehensive
dictionaries of the English language available at the time and extracted 17,953 personality- describing words. They then reduced this
gigantic list to 4,504 adjectives which they believed were descriptive of observable and relatively permanent traits.
Raymond Cattell obtained the Allport- Odbert list in the 1940s, added terms obtained from psychological research, and then eliminated
synonyms to reduce the total to 171.[14] He then asked subjects to rate people whom they knew by the adjectives on the list and
analyz ed their ratings. Cattell identified 35 major clusters of personality traits which he referred to as the "personality sphere." He and his
associates then constructed personality tests for these traits. The data they obtained from these tests were analyz ed with the emerging
technology of computers combined with the statistical method of factor analysis . This resulted in sixteen major personality factors, which
led to the development of the 16PF Personality Questionnaire.
In 1961, two United States Air Force researchers, Ernest Tupes and Raymond Christal, analyz ed personality data from eight large
samples. Using Cattell's trait measures, they found five recurring factors, which they named "Surgency", "Agreeableness",
"Dependability", "Emotional Stability", and "Culture".[39] This work was replicated by Warren Norman, who also found that five major
factors were sufficient to account for a large set of personality data. Norman named these factors Surgency, Agreeableness,
Conscientiousness, Emotional Stability, and Culture.[40] Raymond Cattell viewed these developments as an attack on his 16PF model and
never agreed with the growing Five Factor consensus. He refers to "...the five factor heresy" which he considers "...is partly directed
against the 16PF test". Responding to Goldberg's article in the American Psychologist, 'The Structure of Phenotypic Personality Traits',
Cattell stated, "No experienced factorist could agree with Dr Goldberg's enthusiasm for the five factor personality theory". This determined
rejection of the FFM challenge to his 16 factor model is presented in an article published towards the end of his life and entitled 'The
fallacy of five factors in the personality sphere', Cattell, R. B. (1995), The Psychologist , The British Psychological Society , May Issue pp
207208.
Hiatus in research
[edit]
For the next two decades, the changing z eitgeist made publication of personality research difficult. In his 1968 book Personality and
Assessment , Walter Mischel asserted that personality tests could not predict behavior with a correlation of more than 0.3. Social
psychologists like Mischel argued that attitudes and behavior were not stable, but varied with the situation. Predicting behavior by
personality tests was considered to be impossible.
Emerging methodologies challenged this point of view during the 1980s. Instead of trying to predict single instances of behavior, which
was unreliable, researchers found that they could predict patterns of behavior by aggregating large numbers of observations. As a result
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correlations between personality and behavior increased substantially, and it was clear that personality did in fact exist. Personality and
social psychologists now generally agree that both personal and situational variables are needed to account for human behavior. Trait
theories became justified, and there was a resurgence of interest in this area.
By 1980, the pioneering research by Tupes, Christal, and Norman had been largely forgotten by psychologists. Lewis Goldberg started
his own lexical project, independently found the five factors once again, and gradually brought them back to the attention of
psychologists.[41] He later coined the term "Big Five" as a label for the factors.
[edit]
In a 1981 symposium in Honolulu, four prominent researchers, Lewis Goldberg, Naomi Takemoto- Chock, Andrew Comrey, and John M.
Digman, reviewed the available personality tests of the day. They concluded [citation needed] that the tests which held the most promise
measured a subset of five common factors, just as [citation needed] Norman had discovered in 1963. This event was followed [citation needed]
by widespread acceptance of the five factor model among personality researchers during the 1980s. Peter Saville and his team included
the five- factor Pentagon model with the original OPQ in 1984. Pentagon was closely followed by the NEO five- factor personality
inventory, published by Costa and McCrae in 1985.
[edit]
Ever since the 1990s when the consensus of psychologists gradually came to support the Big Five, there has been a growing body of
research surrounding these personality traits (see for instance, Robert Hogan's edited book "Handbook of Personality Psychology"
(Academic Press, 1997)).
Heritability
[edit]
Wh e th e r to m a ke th e |reason= m a n d a to r y fo r th e {{cl e a n u p }} te m p l a te i s b e i n g d i s cu s s e d . S e e th e r e q u e s t fo r co m m e n t to h e l p r e a ch a co n s e n s u s .
This section may require cleanup t o meet Wikipedia's qualit y st andards . (Consider using
more specific cleanup instructions.) Please help improve this section if you can. The talk page
may contain suggestions. (June 2010)
All five factors show an influence from both heredity and environment. Studies of twins suggest that these effects contribute in roughly
equal proportion.[42] Of four recent twin studies, the mean estimated broad heritabilities on self- report measures for the Big Five traits
were as follows:[43]
Domain
Herit abilit y
54%
Conscientiousness
49%
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Neuroticism
48%
Agreeableness
42%
Learning styles
[edit]
Similar to personality, individual learning styles play an important role in Big Five traits as well. Scientists have defined four types of
learning styles, which are synthesis analysis, methodical study, fact retention, and elaborative processing. The main functions of these
four learning styles are as follow:
Name
Funct ion
Synthesis analysis
processing information, forming categories, and organiz ing them into hierarchies
Methodical study
Fact retention
focusing on the actual result instead of understanding the logic behind something
Development
[edit]
Many studies of longitudinal data, which correlate people's test scores over time, and cross- sectional data, which compare personality
levels across different age groups, show a high degree of stability in personality traits during adulthood.[46] More recent research and
meta- analyses of previous studies, however, indicate that change occurs in all five traits at various points in the lifespan. The new
research shows evidence for a maturation effect. On average, levels of Agreeableness and Conscientiousness typically increase with
time, whereas Extraversion, Neuroticism, and Openness tend to decrease.[47] Research has also demonstrated that changes in Big Five
personality traits depend on the individual's current stage of development. For example, levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness
demonstrate a negative trend during childhood and early adolescence before trending upwards during late adolescence and into
adulthood.[48] In addition to these group effects, there are individual differences: different people demonstrate unique patterns of change
at all stages of life.[49]
Gender differences
[edit]
Cross- cultural research has shown some patterns of gender differences on responses to the Big Five Inventory. For example, women
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consistently report higher Neuroticism and Agreeableness, and men often report higher Extroversion and Conscientiousness. Gender
differences in personality traits are largest in prosperous, healthy, and egalitarian cultures in which women have more opportunities that
are equal to those of men. Both men and women tend to grow more extraverted and conscientious and less neurotic and agreeable as
cultures grow more prosperous and egalitarian, but the effect is stronger for men.[50][51]
Birth order
[edit]
The suggestion has often been made that individuals differ by the order of their births. Frank Sulloway argues that birth order is correlated
with personality traits. He claims that firstborns are more conscientious, more socially dominant, less agreeable, and less open to new
ideas compared to laterborns.
However, Sulloways case has been called into question. One criticism is that his data confounds family siz e with birth order. [citation needed]
Subsequent analyses [by whom? ] have shown that birth order effects are only found in studies where the subjects personality traits are
rated by family members (such as siblings or parents) or by acquaintances familiar with the subjects birth order. Large scale studies
using random samples and self- report personality tests like the NEO PI- R have found milder effects than Sulloway claimed, or no
significant effects of birth order on personality.[52][53]
Cross-cultural research
[edit]
As an imposed etic measure, [54] the Big Five have been replicated in a variety of different languages and cultures, such as German, [55]
Chinese, [56] Indian, [57] etc.[58] For example, Thompson has demonstrated the Big Five structure across several cultures using an
international English language scale.[31]
Support has been less good for the Big Five as an emic measure in Asian countries. Cheung, van de Vijver, and Leong (2011) suggest
that the Openness factor is particularly unsupported and that a different fifth factor is sometimes identified.
Recent work has found relationships between Geert Hofstede s cultural factors, Individualism, Power Distance, Masculinity, and
Uncertainty Avoidance, with the average Big Five scores in a country.[59] For instance, the degree to which a country values individualism
correlates with its average Extraversion, while people living in cultures which are accepting of large inequalities in their power structures
tend to score somewhat higher on Conscientiousness. The reasons for these differences are as yet unknown; this is an active area of
research.
Non-humans
[edit]
The big five personality factors have been assessed in some non- human species. In one series of studies, human ratings of
chimpanz ees using the Chimpanz ee Personality Questionnaire (CPQ) revealed factors of extraversion, conscientiousness and
agreeableness as well as an additional factor of dominance across hundreds of chimpanz ees in z oological parks, a large
naturalistic sanctuary and a research laboratory. Neuroticism and Openness factors were found in an original z oo sample, but did not
replicate in a new z oo sample or to other settings (perhaps reflecting the design of the CPQ).[60]
Criticisms
[edit]
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Much research has been conducted on the Big Five. This has resulted in both criticism[61] and support [62] for the model. Critics argue that
there are limitations to the scope of Big Five as an explanatory or predictive theory. It is argued that the Big Five does not explain all of
human personality. The methodology used to identify the dimensional structure of personality traits, factor analysis, is often challenged for
not having a universally- recogniz ed basis for choosing among solutions with different numbers of factors. Another frequent criticism is that
the Big Five is not theory- driven. It is merely a data- driven investigation of certain descriptors that tend to cluster together under factor
analysis.
Limited scope
[edit]
One common criticism is that the Big Five does not explain all of human personality. Some psychologists have dissented from the model
precisely because they feel it neglects other domains of personality, such as Religiosity, Manipulativeness/Machiavellianism, Honesty,
Self- Awareness, Thriftiness, Conservativeness, Critical Judgement, Masculinity/Femininity, Snobbishness, Sense of humour , Narcissism,
Identity, Self- concept, and Motivation.[63] Correlations have been found between some of these variables and the Big Five, such as the
inverse relationship between political conservatism and Openness;[64] although variation in these traits is not well explained by the Five
Factors themselves. McAdams has called the Big Five a "psychology of the stranger," because they refer to traits that are relatively easy
to observe in a stranger; other aspects of personality that are more privately held or more context- dependent are excluded from the Big
Five.[65]
In many studies, the five factors are not fully orthogonal to one another; that is, the five factors are not independent. Negative correlations
often appear between Neuroticism and Extraversion, for instance, indicating that those who are more prone to experiencing negative
emotions tend to be less talkative and outgoing. Orthogonality is viewed as desirable by some researchers because it minimiz es
redundancy between the dimensions. This is particularly important when the goal of a study is to provide a comprehensive description of
personality with as few variables as possible.
Methodological issues
[edit]
The methodology used to identify the dimensional structure of personality traits, factor analysis , is often challenged for not having a
universally recogniz ed basis for choosing among solutions with different numbers of factors. That is, a five factor solution depends on
some degree of interpretation by the analyst. A larger number of factors may, in fact, underlie these five factors. This has led to disputes
about the "true" number of factors. Big Five proponents have responded that although other solutions may be viable in a single dataset,
only the five factor structure consistently replicates across different studies.[citation needed]
A methodological criticism often directed at the Big Five is that much of the evidence relies on self report questionnaires; self- report bias
and falsification of responses are difficult to deal with and account for. This becomes especially important when considering why scores
may differ between individuals or groups of people differences in scores may represent genuine underlying personality differences, or
they may simply be an artifact of the way the subjects answered the questions. The five factor structure has been replicated in peer
reports.[66] However, many of the substantive findings rely on self- reports.
Theoretical status
[edit]
A frequent criticism is that the Big Five is not based on any underlying theory; it is merely an empirical finding that certain descriptors
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cluster together under factor analysis . While this does not mean that these five factors don't exist, the underlying causes behind them are
unknown. Sensation seeking and cheerfulness are not linked to Extraversion because of an underlying theory; this relationship is an
empirical finding to be explained.
Jack Blocks final published work before his death in January 2010 drew together his lifetime perspective on the five factor model [67].
He summariz ed his critique of the model in terms of:
the atheoretical nature of the five- factors
their "cloudy" measurement
the models inappropriateness for studying early childhood
the use of factor analysis as the exclusive paradigm for conceptualiz ing personality
the continuing non- consensual understandings of the five- factors
the existence of various unrecogniz ed but successful efforts to specify aspects of character not subsumed by the five- factors
He went on to suggest that repeatedly observed higher order factors hierarchically above the proclaimed five may promise deeper
biological understanding of the origins and implications of these superfactors.
Further research
[edit]
Current research concentrates on a number of areas. One important question is: are the five factors the right ones? Attempts to replicate
the Big Five in other countries with local dictionaries have succeeded in some countries but not in others. Apparently, for instance,
Hungarians dont appear to have a single Agreeableness factor.[68] Other researchers find evidence for Agreeableness but not for other
factors.[29]
In an attempt to explain variance in personality traits more fully, some have found seven factors, [69] some eighteen, [70] and some only
three.[71] What determines the eventual number of factors is essentially the kind of information that is put into the factor analysis in the first
place (i.e. the "Garbage in, Garbage out" principle). Since theory often implicitly precedes empirical science (such as factor analysis), the
Big Five and other proposed factor structures should always be judged according to the items that went into the factor analytic algorithm.
Recent studies show that seven- or eighteen- factor models have their relative strengths and weaknesses in explaining variance in DSMbased symptom counts in nonclinical samples [72] and in psychiatric patients.[73] and do not seem to be clearly outperformed by the Big
Five.
A validation study, in 1992, conducted by Paul Sinclair and Steve Barrow, involved 202 Branch Managers from the then TSB Bank. It
found several significant correlations with job performance across 3 of the Big Five scales. The correlations ranged from .21 .33 and
were noted across 3 scales: High Extraversion, Low Neuroticism and High Openness to Experience.[74]
Another area of investigation is to make a more complete model of personality. The "Big Five" personality traits are empirical
observations, not a theory; the observations of personality research remain to be explained. Costa and McCrae have built what they call
the Five Factor Theory of Personality as an attempt to explain personality from the cradle to the grave. They don't follow the lexical
hypothesis, though, but favor a theory- driven approach inspired by the same sources as the sources of the Big Five.[citation needed]
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Another area of investigation is the downward extension of Big Five theory, or the Five Factor Model, into childhood. Studies have found
Big Five personality traits to correlate with children's social and emotional adjustment and academic achievement. More recently, the Five
Factor Personality Inventory Children[75] was published extending assessment between the ages of 9 and 18. Perhaps the reason for
this recent publication was the controversy over the application of the Five Factor Model to children. Studies by Oliver P. John et al. with
adolescent boys brought two new factors to the table: "Irritability" and "Activity". In studies of Dutch children, those same two new factors
also became apparent. These new additions "suggest that the structure of personality traits may be more differentiated in childhood than
in adulthood", [76] which would explain the recent research in this particular area.
In addition, some research (Fleeson, 2001) suggests that the Big Five should not be conceived of as dichotomies (such as extraversion
vs introversion) but as continua. Each individual has the capacity to move along each dimension as circumstances (social or temporal)
change. He is or she is therefore not simply on one end of each trait dichotomy but is a blend of both, exhibiting some characteristics
more often than others:
[77]
See also
[edit]
External links
[edit]
, public domain list of items keyed to the big five personality traits.
for researchers
by PsychTests.com
References
[edit]
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27. ^ Mersho n, B.; Go rsuch, R.L. (19 8 8 ). "Number o f facto rs in the perso nality sphere: do es increase in facto rs increase predictability o f real-life
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28 . ^ Pauno nen, S.V.; Ashto n, M.S. (20 0 1). "Big Five facto rs and facets and the predictio n o f behavio r". Journal of Personality & Social Psychology
81 (3): 524539 . do i:10 .10 37/0 0 22-3514.8 1.3.524 .
29 . ^ a b De Fruyt, F.; McCrae, R. R.; Szirmk, Z.; Nagy, J. (20 0 4). "The Five-Facto r perso nality invento ry as a measure o f the Five-Facto r Mo del:
Belgian, American, and Hungarian co mpariso ns with the NEO-PI-R". Assessment 11 (3): 20 7215. do i:10 .1177/10 7319 110 426 58 0 0 .
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