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The Decline and Fall of Sociology, 1975-2000

Author(s): Lee Ellis


Source: The American Sociologist, Vol. 12, No. 2 (May, 1977), pp. 56-66
Published by: American Sociological Association
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THE DECLINE

Lee
Minot
The

1975-2000 *

AND FALL OF SOCIOLOGY,

American

Ellis
State College
1977, Vol.

Sociologist

12 (April):

56-66

In a hypothetical format, evidence


critical stage of its development.
at least in large part,
abandon,
purposeful
recognition

(ideological)
as a science

to support the proposition


is advanced
is in a
that sociology
The argument presented
is that sociology
very soon must
its traditional assumptions
antireductionism
and
favoring
to avoid losing all academic
explanations
for human social behavior
(or even prescience).

Although itwas rather clearly foreseen


early in the last quarter of the 20th century
that sociobiology would eventually absorb
the scientific aspects
of sociology and
the speed
supplant it (Sade,
1975:263),
with which this occurred was remarkable.
By themid-1980s, the trends in this direc
tion were commonly recognized, and by
the end of the 20th century, essentially
nothing remained of sociology within the
academic community. This paper outlines
in a historical context the factors respon
sible for this eventuality.
Two
related and
as
interdependent
sumptions retarded sociology's
growth
into a full-fledged science almost from its
were
beginning. These
(1)
assumptions
that causal explanations
of human social
behavior could not be reduced to non
human or nonsocial
levels, and (2) that
human behavior was purposefully caused.
Although, as will be shown, all major sci
ences probably originated with obvious
traces of analogous
in the
assumptions,
course of their maturation they
gradually
shed them. Evidence
suggests that sociol
ogy was progressing toward abandonment
of these assumptions, but that its overall
movement was too slow for most of its
practitioners to perceive the implications
of numerous 20th century
biological dis
coveries with profound sociological
impli
cations. By the third quarter of the 20th
century, these discoveries had snowballed
to enormous proportions and were
ripe for
the beginning of a theoretical synthesis
*
Helpful comments
by Pierre
an early draft of this
manuscript
knowledged.

van den Berghe on


are gratefully ac

that could account for several major forms


of complex social phenomena. To assume
its role inwhat could have been sociolo
gy's first paradigm-forming process
(? la
fabric"
Kuhn,
1962), its "assumptional
so as to permit the
had to be modified
incorporation of major evolutionary, ge
netic, ethnographic, and biochemical con
cepts and hypotheses.
Impatiently, how
a major
new
ever, biology established
branch of science called "sociobiology"
which rapidly engulfed the study of social
behavior. Meanwhile,
sociology's
juris
diction over the study of social institu
tions had already been largely lost towhat
now are called "the administrative
sci
ences,"
principally political science and
What
economics.
became
of sociology
thereafter, actually, was not as surprising
as most science historians have held. It
followed a rather logical pattern, and had
at least one scientific precedent.
Antireductionism
and Purposeful
in Sociology
Explanations
Although sociology's founder, Auguste
Comte, saw sociology rooted in biology,
his concept of a hierarchy of sciences,
with sociology at the summit, opened the
door to a sort of "stratified segregation"
of sociology
from the other sciences.
Thereafter,
nearly all of its other early
influential figures staunchly opposed any
suggestion that sociological
phenomena
could be reduced to nonsocial causal ex
(Catton,
planations
1966:303; McClin
tock, 1975). The position taken on this
matter was most forcefully argued by
Emile Durkheim,
around the turn of the

56

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The

Decline

and

20th century; and his writings added ra


tional substance to an approach that had
already been fairly widely adopted by
the discipline
those
affiliating with
(Hatch, 1973).
By way of fortuitous political circum
stances
in the early 1960s, sociologists
were called upon in large numbers for the
purpose of finding solutions to basic social
problems prevalent in major portions of
North America during that period. None
of the discipline's
prominent theoretical
deduced
remedies?for
explanations?or
poverty, racial separatism, poor academic
achievement,
inadequate
public health
care, crime, familial instability, and per
stratification patterns
skewed
versely
the institutional or social
went below
levels.
Consequently,
interpersonal
sociologists failed to appreciate the neces
for important
sity of making allowances
in
their
factors
program de
biological
no notice
or
little
of
course,
and,
signs;
in the
able impact could be documented
case of most of these corrective adminis
and Smith,
trative programs
(Robison
1971: Jencks, 1972; Etzioni,
1973; Gaff,
1973: 553; Milner, 1973; Zigler, 1973a and
1973b; Lipton et al.y 1975).
theoretical sterility became
Sociology's
increasingly obvious and a subject of pro
fessional concern
(Wilier and Webster,
1972:
1973;
481; Schearing,
1970; Freese,
1976). Seeing antireductionism
Goldstein,
as at least part of the problem, a few
almost
suggested?some
sociologists
the
pre
discipline's
apologetically?that
dominant position on this matter should
be critically reappraised
1966;
(Catton,
1973: 514; Tarter,
1973:155;
Friedland,
re
Cavan,
1976:140), but the movement
mained slow. It is important to realize that
at the same period, among natural scien
tists, reductionism had become an almost
(Ander
universally accepted assumption
son, 1972:393). In fact, reductionism ap
parently even then was being perceived
by a number of scientists as the main
most major
under which
framework
theoretical breakthroughs occurred
(Ka
1973:967; Sade,
gan, 1972:78; Ghiselin,
1975:261; Fruton, 1976:332).
Purposeful explanations for phenomena
usually are closely linked with antireduc
tionism. This can be understood by noting

Fall

of

Sociology

57

the latter dictates where


that whereas
are not to be found,
causal explanations
the former identifies where they are to be
found. Their connection was clearly con
ceived as far back as the writings of
Dewey and Bentley (1949), who criticized
the extent to which both concepts could
sci
be identified in all of the behavioral
ences during the period
in which
they
wrote. Three stages for theory develop
ment in any science were postulated:
(1)
the self-action or purposeful stage, (2) the
interaction or simple causation stage, and
transaction stage inwhich
(3) theprocess
were
viewed at the systems
phenomena
as
of wholly
and
level,
being composed
last
This
components.
interdependent
stage translates quite well into Hardin's
(1974) deceptively simple Law that "You
can never do merely one thing." And, it is
at this last stage, of course, that the real
of
is carried out?that
work of science
one's
symbolic
expanding
continually
representation of the systems and refining
one's understanding of each system's in
teracting elements.
to explain
The attribution of purpose
empirical observations can be found in all
sciences during their infancies (Tarter,
held
1973:155). For example, Aristotle
that falling bodies accelerate because
they
become more jubilant the nearer they get
to their earthly home. It is important to
that this proposition has never
emphasize
itwas merely set aside as
been disproved;
physics gradually devised alternative prop
ositions that could be disproved. Except
statements
for occasional
carelessness,
aims, and
implying intentions, purposes,
science
mature
in
are
not
found
any
goals
(Kuhn, 1962:171; Skinner, 1971:6; Ghise
to earlier,
alluded
lin, 1973:965). As
antireductionism
encouraged
sociology's
in explaining
to purposes
references
human social behavior; and because pur
are not empirically
poseful hypotheses
theory continued
sociological
disprovable
to

stagnate.

The Emergence

of Sociobiology

immature as
of sociology's
framework,
began
biologists
sumptional
into
invasions
sizable
mounting
1970s
in
the
(Gal
territory"
"sociological
Because

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58 The American

Sociologist

ing to social behavior also laid to rest


genuine fear that the only application of
sociobiology would be in the form of re
viving early 20th-century eugenics (Alper
et al.} 1976; Sociobiology
Study Group of
Science for the People,
1976). As Hixson
and Scott (1976:170) conceived of it near
the outset of sociology's
decline, "Biol
ogy is no more destiny than history is."
Even
in the early 1980s, the major prob
lem for applied sociobiology was that of
perfecting ways of environmentally con
factors in conjunc
trolling biochemical
tion with institutional factors to confront
social problems.
insured
its acceptance
Sociobiology
outside
of the intellectual community
it began to dem
when, in the mid-1980s,
onstrate success with technologies to deal
with major
social problems,
including
drug abuse, poverty, and certain types of
crime. Public funding (and regulation!) of
tre
versed.
increased
research
sociobiological
Some of the specific major biological
to
thereafter, and continued
mendously
in large part,
discoveries which appeared,
expand into the mid-1990s. This funding
early in the second half of the 20th century
brought about the creation of many siz
that had profound implications for the sci
able academic sociobiology departments to
mere representa
entific study of social behavior are sum
replace sociobiology's
marized
in the table. In no way can this
tion on biology
faculties
departmental
but it prior to 1980. Sociology, during the same
table be considered
exhaustive,
does seem reasonably
representative of
period, began to suffer the effects of lower
the relative level of development
in each
soci
and
younger
funding;
public
area at that time. Most
some
who
had
sociobiologists
gotten
ologists?those
recruited into
today will be surprised at just how com
biological
training?were
this knowledge
the many well-paying and difficult-to-fill
prehensive
really was,
especially in the case of social behavior's
sociobiology positions about as quickly as
evolutionary basis. Prior to themid-1970s,
they graduated. This continued until the
most of the research was aimed toward
when
mid-1990s,
sociobiology
depart
the evolutionary
ments were producing sufficient graduates
documenting
signifi
cance
of complex
of their own.
social
phenomena.
to a
however,
Growing evidence,
implicated
Sociobiology's
rapid elevation
factors in the
genetic and biochemical
highly respected major branch of science
etiology of human social behavior as the with both a theoretical and applied base
table suggests, and, at the same time, evi
within 15 years was impressive. What has
dence documented
the enormous extent
been largely overlooked by science histor
to which social behavior
in 'lower ani
ians is the fact that much of what was
was
mals"
to environmental
in the name of
responsive
initially accomplished
factors just as man's
involved using
(Emlen, 1976:736).
merely
"sociobiology"
In thisway, the focus of inquiry gradually,
in the
European mathematics
developed
but irreversibly, turned away from dis
1970s (Panati, 1976) to intermesh biologi
cal theories with sociological
research
putes over whether human social behavior
was reducible tomore basic levels, to that
findings of the 1960s and the 1970s.
of discovering how and to what degrees
with every sociobiological
Nevertheless,
this was
the case. The rapid growth in
advance,
sociology seemed to lose more
of its dwindling claim to research funds.
genetic and biochemical knowledge relat
lant and Prothero, 1972; Sade,
1975:261).
Those most prominently
involved were
the specialists
in primate evolution, ge
netics, and finally, biochemistry. Once in
cursions began, two considerations
led to
the establishment and rapid expansion of
major enclaves of study inwhat was then
still clearly recognized as sociological sub
ject matter. One was a swell of exciting
in the
discoveries
biological
beginning
1950s that had unmistakable
social be
havioral implications, and the other was
the very
fact
that few
important
ever
had
received
the
sociologists
to
academic
fol
training necessary
begin
lowing the leads of these discoveries.
By
the time a number of leading sociological
departments
began to require graduate
in
in the late 1980s?
training
biology
especially in biochemistry and genetics?
the demise of sociology apparently was
to be re
already too firmly established

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The
By 1990, virtually all of
port was being diverted
tive (i.e., sociobiological)
ogy, from then on found
retain,

and,

cruit, well
Major
sociologists
course of
1980s, the

few

years

and

Decline

its research sup


to more produc
projects. Sociol
itvery difficult to
later,

even

to

re

qualified students.
factional
among
disputes
the future
errupted over
their discipline. By the late
choice seemed clear to most
build
either
leading
sociologists:
into sociology's
"biosociology"
major
branch so as to recapture jurisdiction over
theory and technology lost to sociobiol
ogy, or retrench into those few areas still
either by sociobiology on the
unoccupied
one side of the social phenomena
con
tinuum, or by the administrative sciences
on the other (see Reverby,
1972:141).
Continued debate without decisive action,
growing embarrassment over sociology's
deteriorating image within the scientific
community, and impatience in the face of
sociobiology's
expanding share of public
to
contributed
research
funding, all
influ
sociology's withering professional
ence. By 1990, membership
in the major
association
had
shrunk to
sociological
in the late
about a third of what it was
1970s. As was already mentioned, many
younger sociologists had been fortunate
re
some biological
to receive
enough
search and theoretical training, and were
other
into sociobiology. Most
absorbed
former sociologists obtained professional
in political science.
acceptance
Sociology's

Regression

Those who held most tenaciously to the


title of "sociologist"
began to resurrect
the writings of historical sociologists who
had exhibited
tendencies
predominant
toward nonreductionist
and, especially,
of
social
teleological
explanations
away
phenomena.
explained
They
successes
in dealing with
sociobiological
not on an empirical
social problems,
it as unnatural
basis, but by denouncing
interference
and immoral environmental
with the human will. These actions at
tracted the support of certain public
groups to whom sociology had never ap
pealed before. Coinciding with this trend
of sociobiol
toward moral denunciation

Fall

of

Sociology

59

some of the remaining sociologists


began to call attention to what came to be
of social essences"
in
called "perceptions
the writings of teleological
sociologists
that they claimed could be arrayed into
by
logical geometrical tables. Derivations
could be made
"qualified
sociologists"
from these tables to produce what many
held to be astonishingly accurate predic
tions. As the academic
community de
as quack
nounced the "New Sociology"
and pressed
ery and a pseudo-science,
for its ouster from institutions of higher
learning, many of the laymen who sup
ogy,

pro
anti-sociobiology
ported sociology's
nouncements
also were attracted to the
aesthetics and logic of such tables, and by
the fact that a number of "individual
abstractions"
could be made to help them
lives. Unwavering
guide their personal
testimonies of the mysterious
predictive
of sociological
and diagnostic
powers
tables"
reached
alarming
"predictive
the
decade of the
first
proportions during
21st century among several poorly edu
hemi
cated
segments of the Western
re
to
have
and
trend
this
appears
sphere,
tained some following even today as we
embark upon the second half of that cen
tury.

The Significance of the Sociology


Sociobiology Dichotomy
in science are al
Major developments
ways complex, and, for that reason alone,
can
attempts to cite historical parallels
much
be
overdrawn.
Nevertheless,
easily
of what happened
in the case of the
dichotomy bears a
sociology-sociobiology
remarkable resemblance to the dichotomy
between two older disciplines?astrology
it is not known
and astronomy. Although
which of these latter two appeared first,
the
they both aimed toward explaining
same set of phenomena
(i.e., the positions
In
of heavenly bodies).
and movements
fact, throughout the Middle Ages,
they
constituted
"a
pur
single professional
suit" (Kuhn, 1966:92). By the 18th cen
tury,

however,

the

"Copernican

Revolu

tion" had slowly driven an impregnable


the practitioners of this
wedge between
single professional pursuit, even though
lived and wrote over a cen
Copernicus

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Shah
and
1974:111-126
&
Williams
Eichelman,
1971
Evidence
Biochemical
of
Influences
on
Such
Behavior
in
Species
the
Human
Kreuz
1972 Ehrenkranz
Roth,
al..
et
1974
1975
1973:124Anonymous,
Persky
et
al.,
1971
Rose,
& Eisenberg,

Revelle
al.,
et
1976
1973
Moyer,

1974
Weiss,

&
Sauerhoff
Michaelson.1973
Evidence
Biochemical
ofBehavior
Influences
Such
on
Nonhuman
in
Species
Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
1971:70
Welch
al.,
et
1974
1971:605
Axelrod,
1969:262
1969
Edwards,
Sadleir, Sheard,
Leshner,
1975
1975
Peters,
1967

Money,
1969:230

&
1975
Zahoric,
Johnston

Milne,
&Milne
1968:6<
Stynes,
&
1959
Leary
&Siegel
Poole,
1969
Moyer,
1973

et
al.,
1975
1969Macrides
Vandenberg,
1975
1975
Nadler,
Reinboth,

Van
1974:780
Berghe,
den
Maccoby
&
Jacklin,
1974
Influences
Such
Behavior
on
Human
in
the
Species
Evidence
Genetic
of
1967
Vandenberg,
Moyer,
1975

Laughlin
Hogan,
1973:218

UPON
MAJOR
FORMS
OF
SOCIAL
HUMAN
BEHAVIOR
Eisenberg
&
1971
Dillon,
Eisenberg
&
Dillon,
1971
on
Such
Behavior
EVIDENCE
OF
EVOLUTIONARY,
GENETIC
BIOCHEMICAL
AND
INFLUENCES Influences
Nonhuman
in
Species
Bekoff
Hill,
&
1975
Hare,
Trivers
&
1976
Evidence
of
Genetic
1967:133
Atland,
Nevo,
1969:486
1960
Vernon,
1969
Scott,
1958
Guhletal.,

Evidence
SuchBehavior
Implicating
Breeding
Survival
Success
Contributing
Species
to
as&
Gould,
Eisenberg
&
1970
1969
1972:149
Trivers.
Hamburg,

1974
d'Aquili,
&

Diamond,
1965:157
Ballonoff,
1974
Cattell,
1957

Kolata,
1976

Knerer
&
Atwood,
1973:1091
&
Milne,
Milne
1968:69
seeMcClearn,
1971:60
Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
&
1976
Trivers
Hare,1971:80
1971:80
McClearn,
see
Christian,
1970
1975
Kolata,
1975
Wilson,
1975
Williams,
1971
1966
Sade,
Dare,

Carey
&
Nolan,
1975
Trivers,
1972:168
Williams,
1975

&
Atwood,
Knerer
1973:1091
Similar
Highly
Behavior
Berghe,
den
Van
1974
Nonhuman
in
Species
Evidence
the
Same
of
or
1972
Southwick,
Christian,
1970
Calhoun,
1962
Scott,
1958

Howell,
1972:171

Parsons,
1967

&
Atwood,
Knerer
1973:1091
Klopfer
&
1973:563
Klopfer,

Berghe,
den
Van
1974

Kolata,
1975
Wilson,
1975

Milne
&
1968
Milne,
Stynes,
1968
etal.,
1968:298
Baldwin,
1969:99
Wickler,
Struhsaker,
1976
Le
1974
Boeuf,
Le
1974
Hoagland,
1972
Scott,
1969:269
1973:36
Beyers,
1966:39
Fox,
1967:28
1967:31
Fox,
Fox,1967:31
1970
Herbert,
1968
Calhoun,
1962 Christian,
1962
Chivers,
1974
1,1969
Zajonc,
Wickler,
1969
Kolata,
1975
Boeuf,
1975
1973
Mazur,
Calhoun,
Schein, Singh,
1969
Rowel

Major
Forms
of
Human

aggressive
behavior
Behavior
Social

dominance
general
and
mimetic
conforming
and
family
between
membersaltruism
altruism
and
loyalties
and
loyalties
allelo
within
groups
social cooperative,
social
stratification
behavior behavior

monogamous
sexual
discrimination
and
sexual
selectivity
gregariousness,
and
bonding
pair
sociability

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Satterfield
Cantwell,
and
1975
Anonymous,
1975

Benedek,
1952

&
Bern
Gorski,
1973
Calhoun,
1972:250

&
Bower,
Hilgard
1966:433
&
Levine,
Thoman
1970
Leon
etal.,
1973
Klopfer,
1971

1976
Shah
1974:131-139
Roth,
and
Yeni-Komshian
&
Benson,
see
Dobzhansky,
1962:102
Cloninger
et
al.,
1975
Ghiselin,
1973:967
Wescott,
1969
Kagan.
1969

1976
&
Yeni-Komshian
Benson,

Manosevitz,
1970
McClearn,
1971:75

&
Wilson
Vessey,
1968
Carey
&
1975
Nolan,
Klopfer,
1969

&
Huxley
Huxley,
1947
1976:7
1972:18;
Skinner,
Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
1971:58
Waddington,
1961
1970:672
Marley,
1967:69
Fox,
Hogan,
1973
1970
Lang,

Fox,Klopfer,
1967:29
1971

104
&
&
Menzel
1975
Halperin,
Gardner
&Gardner,
1969 Rumbaugh
Van
Berghe,
den
1974
et
al.,
1973
1971:76 Premack,
Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
1971:58
1971
&
1970
i11,
Aver
see Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
Manosevitz,
1970
Calhoun,
1962:250
McClearn,
1971:75 1968:726
1969:104
Wickler,
Lancaster,
1973 1966
Goodall,
1969Hoagland,
1972
Bar
1963
nett,
Klopfer,
1969
Fox,
1967:29
Sebeok,
1975
1974
Beyers,
1973
1975
Kolata,
1970 Fleming,
1975
Lorenz,
Lang, Gould,

hoarding
behavior
territorial
and

care
and
protection
offspring
of

and
ment
compliance
enforce
ordainment,
communication
normative
conduct:
linguistic

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62 The American
tury and a half earlier
(Farrington,
1961:96; Halsey,
1971:321). Copernicus
proposed a disturbing concept of the uni
verse, inwhich the ethnocentric notion of
the earth as the center and focus of the
universe was no longer defensible. Even
tually, astrologers had come to associate
themselves with two assumptions
that as
tronomers rejected. First, astrologers held
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Received 9/9/76

Accepted 9/23/76

REFLECTIONS ON A PREMATURE BURIAL


It is sorely tempting for a biologist?and
a professed sociobiologist at that!?to ac
and even acclaim Ellis'
quiesce
(1977)
scenario for the "decline
and
proposed
fall of sociology."
After
inter
all,
departmental competition for scarce uni
is likely to increase in
versity resources
the coming years, and my more recalci
trant colleagues couldalways
be retrained
as social workers, opinion pollsters, or
perhaps (as Ellis suggests) purveyors of
the occult! However,
reality intervenes.
Despite my distaste for the stodgy intel
lectual inertia of social scientists being
to rampant environmentalism,
wedded
I
confess
discomfort with freshly
equal
converted zealots, with whom Ellis must
are
unfortunately be numbered. There
two particular dangers to this brand of
partisan enthusiasm. (1) By suggesting in
stant epiphanic
as the
Enlightenment
wellsprings of human behavior, Ellis sim
ply

overestimates

proach which
considerable

the

power

is even now

of

an

ap

the subject of
bi
controversy
among
ologists. Sociobiology may well be pow
erful, but it is probably not that powerful,
and hell may have no fury like that of the
aspiring sociologist who hitched his or her
cart to a rising star that never quite shed

the light predicted for it. (2) I fear that by


overstating his case, Ellis may have an
tagonized
sociologists,
causing them to
react defensively to sociobiology,
rather
than challenging them to study the case
with the open-mindedness
and perhaps
even cautious enthusiasm that ismore ap
propriate.
In fact, sociobiology deserves an airing
in the social sciences,
not because
it
threatens
the professional
futures of
but rather be
present-day
sociologists,
cause it offers a potentially powerful ana
lytic tool in the study of human behavior.
the behavior of
Certainly, understanding
Homo
sapiens is an enormous task, and
sociology needs all the help it can get. If
evolutionary
biology seems arrogant in
claiming some relevance here, what of the
greater arrogance of a social science that
refuses proffered assistance! Sociobiology
has produced dramatic insights into such
phenomena as altruism, both in the pres
ence (Hamilton,
1964; West
Eberhard,
1975) and absence
(Trivers, 1971) of ge
netic relatedness;
strategies of spatial or
territorial
both
ganization,
(Brown, 1964)
and social (Hamilton,
1971); mate selec
tion (Orians, 1969); the adaptive
signifi
cance of animal social systems (Crook,

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