BARBARICUM, tom 8, Warszawa 2009

Przemysaw DULBA
Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw

Celtic Long Swords with Punchmarks1

The blades of certain Celtic swords were marked with punchmarks2 made with specially
prepared stamp. The marks were punched in the top parts of the blades of two-edged swords (both
in long swords as well as short ones with anthropomorphic hilts), usually a few centimeters below
the hilt (DRACK 1955, 198). Single punchmarks are most common, however marks in groups of two
and even three have been found. Some marks were inlaid with gold, silver or brass. There have been
various interpretations of the function of these punchmark. Attempts have been made to prove that
these marks are the signs or brands of specific blacksmiths (JAHN 1916, 115-120; KOSTRZEWSKI
1919, 89-90), and also signs of property, custom made for selected warriors (VOUGA 1923, 36),
however, the most probable answer is that these are magical-religious symbols (PETRES 1968, 40;
SZAB, PETRES 1992, 61; PLEINER 1993, 60-61). Findings of long swords with punchmarks have
occured in almost every province of the La Tne culture, stretching from Serbia to Great Britain,
therefore we may be sure that this is a general Celtic phenomenon. The chronology of these
artifacts stretches over a considerable length of times, from the beginning of LT C1 until the end of
La Tne culture (LT D2). The result of intense spreading of La Tne culture into contemporary
European barbarian cultures was that weapons manufactured outside Celtic regions were heavily
influenced by Celtic pattern.
So far 104 specimens of long swords with punchmarks have been found on the area of Celtic
settlement (Fig. 1). Only 18 finds come from non-disturbed burials, and it is possible to describe
their furnishings (Table 1). R. Pleiner (1993, 48) noticed that the inventory of burials in which
marked swords were found was not exceptional, which apparently contradicts E. Petres theory that
stamped swords were a sign of the richest class of warriors, i.e. equites (PETRES 1968, 40). Aside
from three cases, graves with stamped swords have no exceptional characteristics, and in the
context of all graves with weapons in mid La Tne, they may be described as average, containing
the standard set of equipment belonging to a Celtic warrior: a sword, a shield and a spearhead. In
contrast, grave no 27 in Guorgy contains only a ritually bent swords and scabbards with metal rivets
(PELLET, DELOR 1980, 19). The oldest findings in the western regions of La Tne culture are from
the youngest horizon of inhumation burial. Only two artifacts found in funerary contexts can be
dated precisely as belonging to LT C2: Wallertheim (PARE 2003, 64, 66) and Courgney (PARRUZOT
1955, 104). Such date its also possible in case of artifacts from disturbed skeleton grave from
Basadingen. The form of a scabbard from this burial is similar to group 6 and 7 according to
typology of scabbards proposed by T. Lejars for items from Gournay-sur-Aronde (LEJARS 1994,
1

I am grateful to the following scholars for their help in the preparation of this paper: T. Bochnak (Rzeszw), D. Boi
(Ljubljana), M. Dizdar (Zagreb), A. Gazowska (Pozna), W. Garbaczewski (Bydgoszcz), M. Gutin (Koper), A.
Jovanovi (Breice), M. Kneevi-Jovanovi (Novi Sad), M. Schnfelder (Mainz).
Punchmarked swords with anthropomorphic hilts are a separate category of artifacts and important link in the process
of interpreting the functions of punchmark. Such swords are much shorter than typical mid and late La Tne swords,
with richly decorated hilts (DCHELLETE 1927, 643-649; CLARKE, HAWKES 1955) . Such weapons were symbolicrepresentational weapons par excellance, hence the function of punchmarks in this context (almost all of them were
inlaid with precious metals) has been interpreted as symbolic-magical. Such findings date back to LT A-B, but have
also shown up in later phases (DCHELLETE 1927, 817-818; BULARD 1980; IMA 1989, 1996; PLEINER 1993, 51-53;
FITZPATRICK 1996; RAPIN 2002).

P. DULBA

52-53). A rich grave from Ilbeshiem contained nine wheel-made vessels, two of them were painted
(FISCHER 1967, 77-80, Fig. 8). Painted pottery is specially characteristic of late La Tne materials,
but is also known from phase LT C2. Weapons found in this complex, especially the ornaments on
the sheaths and the shapes of the scabbard rivets are characteristic of middle La Tne finds (Fig. 2).
Furthermore, fragments of two badly preserved iron fibulae of the middle La Tne construction,
similar to group 18 according Gebhard's typology, suggest LT C2 stage (GEBHARD 1991, Fig. 6:42).
The territory of modern-day northern Croatia and Serbia was inhabited in ancient times by a
mixed population of the Scordisci tribe, in which the Celtic ethnos was the dominant one
(TODOROVI 1974; WONIAK 1974). A characteristic of this settlement was the extended presence
of cremation and graves filled with rich sets of weapons, in which Illyrian and Dacian influences
may be found (TODOROVI 1974, 248-249). Fourteen specimens of stamped swords have been
found in this area, only three of which were found in homogeneous graves. One was found in single
graves in Zvonimirovo (TOMI 1997, 67, Fig. 44-48). A rich burial in Odaci (Fig. 3) contained
two stamped swords in ornamented scabbards showing signs of ritual bending, an iron band-shaped
shield boss (M. Domaradzki's type III A), 5 spearheads (3 ritually bent, 1 broken in half), an iron
knife, iron woodworking tools, shears, a horse bit, iron bracelets, 4 parts of a chariot and ceramic
vessel (ROEDIGER 1904, 351; GUTIN 1984, 121-127; SZAB, PETRES 1992, 114-115). The shape
of the boss and the ornamentation of the scabbards suggests a date of LT C2 (SZAB, PETRES 1992,
115).
Nine stamped swords have been found on the territory of modern day central and eastern
Slovenia and western Croatia, in ancient times inhabited by the Mokronog group, identified with the
Celtic Taurisci tribe (BOI 1987, 866-869). The sword from burial grave from Vojkovac is the
oldest one from Balkan territory, precisely dated to phase LT C1 by the iron, ornamented chainbelt, the shield boss (M. Domaradzki's type II 1B) and the iron fibula of Middle La Tne
construction with two knobs on the foot and on the bow (MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, 49,
DOMARADZKI 1977, 77; BOI 1987, 872). A similar fibula is known from the grave 25 from
Dobova cemetery and is characteristic for the phase Mokronog IIa, parallel to phase LT C1 (BOI
1987, 874, Pl. XLIV:14). Very interesting and untypical find was discovered on the cemetery in
Dobova (GUTIN 1981). Grave 10 (Fig. 4) dated to LT C2, contained two iron swords, both in fine
decorated, bronze scabbards. One of these swords was punchmarked as well. Also the other
specimens (Fig. 5-6) from Skorba (PAHI 1966, Fig. 14), Slatina v Rozni Dolini (PRIKMAJER 1991,
22) and Veliko Marevo (SZAB, PETRES 1992, 117) were discovered in burials dated to LT C2,
representing conventional set of warriors grave equipment.
From the well-known, mass, votive deposit found in La Tne, the most numerous set of
punchmarked swords is known. From the total number of 166 swords found in La Tne, the 34 was
punchmarked (VOUGA 1923, Fig. 6; DRACK 1955, 218). Some swords still remained in their
scabbards, making it possible to date the former based on stylistic changes in decoration of the
latter. All examples of the punchmarked swords were very similar in terms of morphological
characteristics, and were dated to LT C stage.
Not far from La Tne, in place known as Port, in Zihl river, another watery mass deposit was
found, where the remains of a wooden pier preserved quite well (LSCHER, MLLER 2002, 272273). From the 60 swords found in Port, the 6 was punchmarked. Two specimens from Port have a
double fuller along their blades, median ridges in the center of the blades and the narrow points.
These finds belong to the latest at the site and are characterized by their exceptional length (approx.
95-100 cm). They are dated to LT D2, while the rest of the finds is somewhat older and most likely
belong the LT D1 or LT D1/D2 phase (DRACK 1955, 219).
Numerous Celtic weapons were recovered from the river Rhein and the rivers of north-east
France and Belgium (JAHN 1916, 222-224; WEGNER 1976; LEJARS 1996, Fig. 1). In the river Rhein
there were found punchmarked swords from Gustavsburg and Mainz-Kastel (WEGNER 1976, 137;
DANHEIMER 1975, 60). The punchmarked sword from St. Andr-de-Lidon was probably recovered
from river Seudre in south-west France (FITZPATRICK 1996, 393). It is very plausible that the
specimen of unknown provenance from Museum in Lyon, could be recovered in river Rhne or
Sane in the vicinity of Lyon (BULARD 1980, 34). Finds from the water contexts within the
boundaries of east part of La Tne culture are very rare, represented by only one find from Donau
river near Tahittfalu. According to the morphological attributes, this sword can be dated to LT C

Swords with Punchmarks

stage (SZAB, PETRES 1992, 61-62).

The lack of punchmarked swords in large deposits of weapon recovered in so-called Belgiansanctuaries is very astonishing (BRUNAUX, MNIEL, RAPIN 1980; BRUNAUX, MNIEL, POPLIN
1985). There is no one specimen of punchmarked weapon in sanctuaries in Gournay-sur-Aronde
(Oise) and Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Somme) so far, but the complete materials from this sites are not
published yet. There is no reference about the punchmarks in complete monograph of scabbards
recovered in Gournay-sur-Aronde (LEJARS 1994).
The intense process of latenization experienced by the barbarian cultures of ancient Europe
resulted in the strong imitation of Celtic patterns outside the proper area of Celtic settlement. It is
often impossible to differentiate between a Celtic import and its imitation. However the presence of
a punchmark on the blade of the sword is evident enough to prove that a specimen is an import.
This custom was unknown to Germanic tribes in the area of the Przeworsk culture, the PoienetiLukaevka culture, and the Groromstedt culture.
Since now there are four finds Celtic punchmarked swords from the territory of the
Przeworsk culture (DULBA 2006). The first is from a cremation pit grave (no 19) from Altranft
(LEWCZUK 1997, 43-44, 53, 82, Pl. I.5,9). The punchmark stamped on the sword from Altranft has
a unique shape of double almond and two stamped points between them. This extraordinary
specimen represents various type of punchmarks (SEYER 1982, Pl. 19:2). Two Celtic punchmarked
swords from the territory of Przeworsk culture were recovered from river Note (Greater Poland),
in the vicinity of Biaoliwie and Inowrocaw-Mtwy (JAHN 1916, 115-120; KOSTRZEWSKI 1919,
89-90). The sword from Biaoliwie bears a punchmark in a shape of crescent, while the sword from
Inowrocaw-Mtwy bears an anthropomorphic punchmark (JAHN 1916, 117, Fig. 130:f, h). There is
another sword with anthropomorphic punchmark from the collection of Archaeological Museum in
Pozna (UCZKIEWICZ 1997, 186, 207). Provenance and archaeological context of this find are
unknown, but it may be assumed that it is from disturbed cremation grave in Greater Poland. It is
implied by the remarks of ritual bending of the blade. All these specimens represents type I
according to Kostrzewskis classification, and should be dated to A1 stage of Late Pre-Roman
Period, equivalent to LT C2. Majority of analogies from the burials recovered on the territory of
Scordisci and Taurisci tribes strongly confirms such chronology. This weapon is one of the earliest
Celtic imports from the area of the Przeworsk culture.
There are only two finds of Celtic punchmarked swords beyond the Przeworsk culture and
the La Tne culture itself. The first was excavated in richly equipped warriors grave 1908 K63 on
the cemetery at Groromstedt (PESCHEL 1964), eponymous site for the so-called Groromstedt
culture. The sword bearing a double stamp of a boar, is very unique due to a specific, triangleshaped point. This burial is one of the oldest on this site, and artifacts from this complex could be
dated to late stages of the Late Pre-Roman Period, equivalent to Late La Tne Period.
The only one Celtic punchmarked sword from territories settled by the Poieneti-Lukaevka
culture, was found in well-equipped, cremation grave no 29 on the cemetery at Boroseti (BABE
1993, 186, Fig. 5). The complex is dated to stage equivalent to LT C2. The punchmark from the
Boroseti has a shape of birds head.
It may be assumed that these artifacts found their way to areas settled by Germanic tribes as
spoils of war, considering that the magical-symbolic nature of the punchmarks the meaning of
which was clear and understood by their Celtic owners surely excluded the sale of these swords.
This may, to a certain extent, be confirmed by the fact that no sword with an anthropomorphic hilt,
which is assumed to have been an insignia, has so far been found outside the area of the Celtic
settlement. It should be noted that, as in the case of many finds from the proper area of the La Tene
culture, punchmarked swords found within the boundaries of the Przeworsk culture were recovered
from water deposits.
W. Drack has divided punchmarks on the five types: a) zoomorphic, b) mixed, c) astral, d)
anthropomorphic, e) various (DRACK 1955, 200). Such classification is still actual, even though the
number of finds has been doubled. Small sizes of punchmarks makes that suitable shape is
described with large margin of error. In case of punchmarks that were stamped careless, description
is very subjective, and closely connected with a proper process of blade conservation.
The shape of a punchmark is limited by the shape of the punch itself, therefore mostly simple
geometric forms were used. The punch was probably an iron rod, at least 15-20 cm in length, with a

P. DULBA

specially prepared butt end. The process of making punchmarks was similar to techniques used in
coin-striking and metalworking: the punch was hit from above with a hammer while pressing the
head to the blade of the sword.
Mixed punchmarks and some zoomorphic punchmarks (Fig. 7) were made with larger
punches, including ones rectangular in shape. The depictions were places within the rectangles,
and often bore additional decorations around its borders. The most suitable example of the
developed form of a punchmark is the specimen from Port (cat. no 57), which has a rectangular
shape with a impression of a bull inside. The depictions of two punchmarks on the Ilbesheim blade
are encompassed by the shape of the punch head: the zoomorphic and anthropomorphic
punchmarks by a equal-armed cross and a circle, respectively (FISCHER 1967, Fig. 8:1b).
The punchmarks are rather similar in size, within the range of 0.5-1.5 cm. The punchmarks
were usually made in the upper section of the blade, approx. 5-10 cm below the hilt. Only a few
specimens bears the punchmark in the central part of blade La Tne (cat. no 22), Port (cat. no 5859), mihel, or near the point Choussin. In most applicable cases (anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic punchmarks), the punchmark was placed so as to be visible right side up when the
point was raised. Based on this observation, it may be assumed that the intent of the sword's bearer
was for the marks on his weapon to be visible to himself or to the adversary in battle.
The punchmark from the specimen (Fig. 8) found at Corgnac-sur-lIsle (BOUDET,
CHEVILLOT, GOMEZ DE SOTO 1986, Fig. 4:3, 5:4) is very similar to a bird head depicted on the gold
staters type Regenbogenschsselchen (ALLEN 1980, Pl. 12:155; CASTELIN 1985, 46, Fig. 115).
According to numismatic evidences this type of coins was emitted by Celtic tribe Vindelici from
modern Bayern (KOSTIAL 1997, 30). The motive of the bird head is probably the simplified sign of
the snake and the so-called Rolltier (spiral animal) interpreted as an influence of oriental art. The
emissions of gold coins with bird depictions are rather contemporary to emissions of gold staters of
Athene-Alkis type, and dated to second half of the 3rd century B.C. (ZIEGAUS 1995, 105). It is
highly probable that the artisan who marked the Corgnac sword used a coin punch, which is
suggested by great similarity of the size and shape of both depictions. The detailed context of find
from Corgnac is rather unknown, so it cant be precisely dated, but the morphological details of
sword and scabbard indicate the Middle La Tne Period specimens. The richly-decorated scabbard
found with this sword contains unique floral ornaments and the depiction of a bird in profile
(BOUDET, CHEVILLOT, GOMEZ DE SOTO 1986, Fig. 4:1, 2, 5:3). The depiction of a predatory bird
clutching in its claws a circle or a ring is also a reminiscent of the iconography on the coins of the
Gaullic Carnutes tribes (CASTELIN 1985, 36, Fig. 43). The elaborate floral motif with bird heads
covers nearly the whole surface of one of the scabbards found in La Tne (VOUGA 1923, Pl. II:2).
The four punchmarked sword finds from the collection of Rmisch-Germanisches
Zentralmuseum in Mainz, discovered on the modern Germany: Heiligenstein, Tuttlingen, Augsburg,
place unknown and swords from Chaussin (France), Isleham and Llyn Cerrig Bach (Wales) were
testified by the examinations (PLEINER 1993). The analysis has confirmed a great diversity of
materials and blacksmiths techniques used during production of the punchmarked examples. The
same situation has been observed on the large set of swords without punchmarks (PLEINER 1993,
117-119, 133). This assignation is still a little doubtful because of too small number examined, but
it is probable that custom of punchmarking swords wasnt connected with quality of blade.
The punchmarks are also visible on the Celtic spearheads. Shapes of punchmarks stamped on
the spearheads from La Tne, Wangen, Bodroghalom and Dolec resemble the shapes depicted on
the blades, but there are no two punchmarks alike (DRACK 1955, 230; WONIAK 1974, 187, Fig.
11:5, 5a; HELLEBRANDT 1999, 183, Pl. LXII:10). All the examples of punchmarked spearheads can
be dated to LT C.
The most numerous type of punchmarks (55 specimens) embraced the anthropomorphic ones.
They vary greatly in form, and may be divided into five subtypes (Fig. 9):
Subtype I highly realistic human heads, depicted in profile; there are known 4 specimens
from Wallertheim, Ilbesheim, Odaci, Courgenay. Depiction is very similar to numismatic
iconography examples. The swords were recovered in burials dated to LT C2 (PARRUZOT 1952,
passim; FISCHER 1967, 77-80; SZAB, PETRES 1992, 114-115; PARE 2003 66-68);
Subtype II basic bust en face, just shoulders and head; 24 specimens from all parts of
Europe are documented, among them 11 specimens from La Tne (DRACK 1955, 230-233). There

Swords with Punchmarks

are various depictions, from realistic to basic forms. The shape of these punchmarks is most similar
to a horseshoe, but there are some specimens in a pelta-shield (Tahitfalu; Riica) or their outline is
adapted to the shape of the bust (Neupotz; La Tne, cat. no 23, 24, 26; Vojkovac; Zvonimirovo).
Subtype III simple depiction of human shape with head en face; one should enlist here
specimens from Aka, Czkberny and Magenta (cat. no 50). The punchmark from Aka is in the
shape of a human with crescent head. The punchmark stamped on the sword from Czkberny has
the shape of a human with a depictions of eyes and mouth marked by a simple points. The
attribution of the punchmark from Magenta is more problematic. This punchmark is a combination
of anthropomorphic and geometric sign;
Subtype IV mask, depiction of human head en face; there are specimens from
Gustavsburg and Metlika-Pungart. This subtype is a transitional form between subtypes III and V.
The badly preserved punchmark from Gustavsburg is surrounded by two circles made in punctim
technique. The punchmark from Metlika-Pungart has a shape of human face or mask This shape is
also similar to depiction of human skull;
Subtype V derivative of subtype II with a basic depiction of semicircle with three points
inside; 20 specimens are proved. Some headless pressed punchmarks of this subtype (Progar and
unknown place in Lombardy, cat. no 69) could be interpreted as astral signs. The motive of three
holes can be interpreted as symbolization of eyes and mouth. One of the punchmarks from La Tne,
cat. nr 43 is intermediate form between III and V subtypes. Depiction of human face fills the entire
width; eyes and a mouth are somewhat more clearly marked than on the other specimens from this
subtype.
Two specimens do not match any subtype. The punchmark from Chaussin has a shape of
human holding some tool (hammer or horn?) (DCHELLETE 1927, 623, Fig. 462) and the
punchmark from La Tne site is foot-shaped (DRACK 1955, 234, Fig. 8:53). W. Drack's claim that
anthropomorphic punchmarks do not occur in LT D is confirmed by the material presented in this
article (DRACK 1955, 223).
There are 28 specimens of zoomorphic punchmarks and some of them are doubled:
Groromstedt, Wangen, Lothringen or triple: Bttstein, Port (cat. No 56), Elsenfeld. There are five
categories of zoomorphic signs: boar (19); bird (4); horse (2); bull (1); unknown animal (2).
Depictions of a boar are the most popular and very differentiated, from highly realistic (Veliko
Marevo) to basic and unclear (La Tne, cat. no 16-17; unknown site in Lombardy?). The
punchmarks from Wangen and Port are further decorated with three points between the legs of
animal. The punchmarks from Bttstein, Elsenfeld and unknown site in Lombardy are inlaid with
gold (DRACK 1955, 193; HEFNER, SCHWENDER 1980, 132; TIZZONI 1984, 102). Of the four
punchmarks with birds depictions (La Tne cat. no 19, Corgnac-sur-lIsle, Boroseti, Ilbesheim) the
first depicts a bird in flight, the second and third birds head and the fourth bird with a ring in his
claws. Two punchmarks from La Tne, cat. no 18 and Acy-Romance depict a horse: the former
with its legs bent up to its body and its head turned back and on the latter it is shown from the side,
with its mouth open. The only punchmark with depiction of a bull was recovered in Port, cat. no 57.
The category of astral punchmarks is known from 10 specimens. The astral punchmarks have
analogies in punchmarks and signs engraved on the blades of anthropomorphic hilted short swords.
We can distinguish two groups of signs: lunar (crescent shape) and solar (concentric circles, rosette
or semi-rosette). The four swords bear double astral punchmarks and one of them found in La Tne,
cat. no 20 has two signs whose breaks out. Interestingly double astral punchmarks (La Tne, cat. no
22, mihel, Himmelreich) are placed in central part of the blades, otherwise than the others. This
type includes punchmarks generally very simple to make.
Mixed punchmarks create the most distinct type, recovered only in one site, in the votive,
mass deposit from Port. The mixed punchmarks were recognized on the four blades. These
specimens are the latest of Celtic punchmarked swords. The punchmarks from Port, cat. no 58-60
are in the shape of a horsemen or a horse with a shield. One of them is also decorated by a circle
made in punctim technique (DRACK 1955, Fig. 7:15, Pl. XL:15). The well-known specimen (cat. no
60) with the Greek inscription KOPICIOC has a shape of a palm-tree symmetrically flanked by two
standing goats (or capricorns?). This exceptional artifact was elaborate in details and it seems to
have connections with oriental, Classical art (WYSS 1954; 1956). The word may be Celtic,
Greek or Italic name and its most probable that this sword was inscribed somewhere in the

P. DULBA

Mediterranean area (LIVENS 1972).

The next type: various punchmarks consists of 12 specimens, without any connection with
other types. Shapes of punchmarks belonging to this type are differentiated and interpretation of
these signs are rather worthless. Some of these punchmarks may be deformed specimens of another
type. Beside the anthropomorphic punchmark from Aka there are two rows of little rectangular
punchmarks (SZAB, PETRES 1992, Fig. I). The same punchmarks were stamped upon one face of
the scabbard. This ornament seems to be like awkward chagrinage, while the shape of the marks
suggest that they were impressed with the same tool.
As mentioned above, the role of the punchmarks has been interpreted in various ways,
however three explanations are the most plausible. The first concept suggests that punchmarks were
marks made by blacksmiths to signify particular workshops (JAHN 1916, 115-120; KOSTRZEWSKI
1919, 90; TODOROVI 1965, 173; SAVORY 1966, 375-376; UCZKIEWICZ 1997, 184). This idea
seems to be artificially carried over from interpretation of Roman swords. Celtic crafts, although
highly developed, were not as standardized and organized as were the workshops in the Roman
provinces. This hypothesis is contradicted furthermore by swords with various types of punchmarks
on one blade, found in Aka, Ilbesheim, Kloz-Felstbrzsk, Magenta, Mandach, and an unknown
site in Lombardy. Also the simple observation of localization of the punchmarks on the blade,
generally just below the guard, confirms that the intent of the sword's bearer for the marks on his
weapon was to make them visible to himself or to the adversary in battle. Gold or silver inlaid also
occurs to mark importance of stamped sign.
P. Vouga (1923, 36) interpreted La Tne punchmarks as property symbols. Similarities
between certain punchmarks are significant and there seems to be some standardization in the iconic
types, however not two identical punchmarks on two separate blades have been found to this day. In
some ways, this may point to the function of personal property marks. Two very similar finds of
stamped punchmarks come from Zvonimirovo and Vojkovac (MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, 49;
TOMI 1997, 67). Both seem to be made with two punches: one in the shape of a crescent, and the
other in shape of a small circle. In the case of the item from Zvonimirovo, the circle stamp seems to
merge with the crescent one and is somewhat shifted, compared to the punchmark made on the
Vojkovac blade. This concept, however, is not supported by the clear significance of the depictions
on the punchmarks, which refer to the same religious symbolism in every region in which such
marks were found.
R. Pleiner (1993, 65) supports the magic-religious symbolism of the punchmarks, which is
further supported by the lack of any connections between the presence of punchmarks and the blade
manufacturing method, as observed in metallographic research of the seven swords. There are many
analogies between the form of punchmarks and coins iconography. The evolution of their shapes,
best seen in anthropomorphic punchmarks, is visibly similar to the stylistic evolution of monetary
depictions from realistic and developed forms to synthetic and simplified ones (SZAB, PETRES
1992, 61). Unfortunately, the available chronology of punchmarks is not as precise as in
numismatics, therefore we can not be sure which of the particular types is actually the oldest.
It is perhaps more reasonable to suggest that the punchmarks that show zoomorphic shapes
are closely related with the ideology of warfare. Possibly, their function was not only that of an
amulet, but it could have been also a sort of a military distinction. This is the most probable
explanation of the occasional double or even triple impression of a mark on one blade. Numerous
representations of the boar, which was a type of Celtic coat of arms, are enough to support the
argument for the symbolic function of punchmarks. The form of the punchmark may be connected
with depictions on the scabbards, as in the case of artifacts found in Corgnac-sur-lIsle and Aka.
The ornamentation of the sword has also been known to be bound with the symbolism of the
punchmark, as is the case in a sword from Rmerberg, on the guard of which there is a depiction
similar to a type V anthropomorphic punchmark. There is a figure of a boar on a sword from
Kupinovo, on which there is a depiction of a human head at the pommel of the hilt (MAJNARIPANDI 1970, Fig. III:3). Such a compilation of both symbols, also present on a sword from
Mandach (DRACK 1955, Fig. 7:2 a, b, 9:2), allows us to place them in a common meaning category.
A. Bulard (1980, 49) noticed that astral symbols which appear on blades of swords with
anthropomorphic hilts played an apotropaic function. A. P. Fitzpatrick (1996, 388) correctly noticed
the rarity of astral depictions known in this category of artifacts.

Swords with Punchmarks

The cult of severed head ttes coupe, was very characteristic for the Celtic tribes. In Celtic
religious beliefs, the head gave health, wealth, success, and it was the location of godly strength.
The heads of defeated enemies were severed in order to take over their qualities. Diodorus Siculus
(V.29) refers, that the severed human heads were treated by the Celtic warriors like trophies. These
beliefs clearly correspond with symbolism of anthropomorphic punchmarks.
Clear parallel to anthropomorphic punchmarks are those with three holes. The amulets made
of human skull occur in various sites from France, Germany, Austria, Bohemia and Slovakia,
mostly in early and middle La Tne contexts (ABELS 1987; WALDHAUSER 2001, 93, Fig. lower
left). On the cemetery in Tuchomyl the amulet made of human skull was a part of the child's
inhumation burials equipment (WALDHAUSER 1987, 154-155). The artifact was found on the chest
of skeleton nearby a bronze pendant. Another amulet of that kind is known from the grave 5 on the
cemetery in Ranis, where parts of equipment suggests female interment (KROPP 1911, 17-19). Both
burials can be dated to LT B1 stage. It is possible that these artifacts were connected with pars pro
toto principle and are substitutes of whole heads. The placement of three holes in the middle of the
amulet might to have its sources in the depiction of the head, which underwent subsequent
simplification and synthesis. The motive of a human head or mask often occurred in the La Tne
culture especially in the early stages, also on weapons. On the scabbard from grave 20 from a
cemetery at Marson, can be seen the application made of bronze with the motive of three human
heads (MEGAW 1970, Fig. 193). The pommels of long swords were decorated with a depiction of a
human head (SZAB, PETRES 1992, Pl. 71, 75:1; MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, Pl. XIX:1).
There is ample evidence for associating the zoomorphical motives with ideology of war in
Celtic art. A boar holds a very high esteem in Celtic beliefs, it appears as a symbol of courage and
war-fury. The same meaning have depictions of predatory birds. The boar tusks were usually
assumed to be a symbolic substitute of weapon. In well-equipped inhumation graves from
Kenovice, Chtillon-sur-Indre and Les Gobillons there were found pendants made of boar tusks,
occuring nearby the anthropomorphic hilted short swords (IM 1996, 119, Fig. 1:4, 5; PLEINER
1993, 51-53). The interesting, well preserved inhumation grave was recovered in Praha-Bubene
(WALDHAUSER 2001, 404). Archaeologists concluded, based on the location of the boar tusks, that
the warrior buried here most likely wore an unusual type of helmet, made of the head or possibly
just the skin of the boar with the tusks attached. Depiction of boar was used also as a military sign.
There are some evidences of boar-shaped figurines made of metal found almost in all regions
inhabited by the Celts (FILIP 1956, Fig. 91). These Celtic signa militaria are also depicted on the
Gaullic coins from the 1st c. B.C. (CASTELIN 1985, 34, Fig. 32; 42, Fig. 83) and their using was
mentioned by Caesar (De bello gallico VII.2; VII.88).
The astral punchmarks are closely related to the similar signs from the anthropomorphic
hilted short swords. These signs were made accordingly to one formula: engraving and sometimes
inlaying with gold vertical line flanked by the solar (circle, triskeles) and lunar (crescent) signs
(DCHELETTE 1927, Fig. 473, 572; IM 1989, Fig. 1). The astral signs bear the spearheads from
Bodroghalom (HELLEBRANDT 1999, 183, Fig. LXII:10) and Wangen (DRACK 1955, 230, Fig.
11:23, Fig. XLIII:3). The impressive astral motive was also cut on the wide, iron spearhead found in
the grave 520 in Pottenbrunn (BIRKHAN 1999, Fig. 740). A. P. Fitzpatrick attempted to prove that
swords with anthropomorphic hilts were used by druids in religious rituals, which, according to
him, is proven by the lunar symbolism of these depictions (FITZPATRICK 1996, 388-399). The
hypothesis that this particular category of weapon is connected with the ritual of lunar cycles is not
well proven, mainly due to the rare and vague sources concerning this sphere of religion.
Punchmarks on swords imported to Germanic peoples outside the La Tne culture territory
might have been perceived by them to have similar meaning, since the symbolism of these
depictions was deeply rooted in a common Indoeuropean tradition of warriors bands
Mnnerbnde (DUMZIL 1969; ELIADE 2002, 11-13). We may assume that these artifacts found
their way into regions inhabited by Germanic peoples as a result of wartime plundering. The
presence of punchmarks with a clear and important magic/symbolic meaning for their Celtic owners
discludes the possibility of trading in punchmarked swords.
The analysis of distribution of punchmarked swords presented in this article shows that it was
a pan-Celtic custom. J. M. De Navarro's theory, that punchmarked swords were made in Celtic
workshops situated on the area of modern Switzerland, seems unlikely, considering the variety of

P. DULBA

forms of the punchmarked swords (DE NAVARRO 1972, 312). The way of stamping punchmarks
was rather simple and could been made even by entrant blacksmith. This technique had been also
used during coins striking (KOSTIAL 1997, 17) and is well-know in all regions inhabited by the
ancient Celts.
All types of punchmarks, except the mixed type, were found in the almost all eastern and
western regions of La Tne culture. The custom of impressing punchmarks on blades of swords
firstly appeared in LT B3, but it was adapted only to antropomorphic hilted short swords. This
specific category of artifacts served rather as a kind of insignum. The anthropomorphic hilted
examples occur during the whole La Tne period (CLARK, HAWKES 1955): so far eight4
punchmarked specimens are known (FITZPATRICK 1996). The chronology of these artifacts is
stretching from the LT B to the end of the La Tne period.
Punchmarks stamped on the short swords were likely a formula for depictions on longer ones.
This source might have had an affect on the symbolic function of these punchmarks. In the LT C
phase punchmarks on the long swords were the most numerous, present on 97 from 110 specimens.
One example displays characteristics that are common to middle and late La Tne, and 7 items can
be dated to LT D. Three specimens are known only from the literature, so it cant be precisely
dated.
The three clusters of punchmarked swords finds may be marked out: Middle Rhine, Suisse
Plateau and Carpathian Basin. On the eastern part of La Tne culture the anthropomorphic type
prevails, while on the western part occurs great diversity of types. The mixed punchmarks were
found only in Port and thus they may be interpreted as a separate group. Interestingly it is lack of
grave finds from the territory inhabited by the Scordisci and Taurisci, where the burials wellequipped in weapons still occurred during LT D phase (MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, 46; WONIAK
1974, 137; BOI 1987, 876).
The total number of finds has been doubled since the time of W. Dracks publication (1955).
It should be expected that the number of specimens will increase in result of a conservation and
analysis of the large number of swords found in votive deposits in Gournay-sur-Aronde (circa 100
specimens) and Ribemont-sur-Ancre (BRUNAUX, MNIEL, RAPIN 1980; BRUNAUX, MNIEL,
POPLIN 1985; BRUNAUX 1996). In many cases the punchmarks were uncovered after many years
since founding. This fact shows how important it is to review the artifacts from the old discoveries,
which were often unprofessional. Proper conservation and X-ray pictures are sometimes the only
method of finding punchmarks on a thoroughly corroded blade and frequently covered with a metal
scabbard. It is beyond question that development of conservation technologies can generate studies
of Celtic punchmarks. Many shapes of punchmarks have analogies in Celtic art and refers to the
magico-religious symbolism. Manner of placing and individual attributes exclude their practical
functions.
The Catalogue of Celtic swords with punchmarks (Map 1); the key: GR grave; GR?
supposedly grave find; SF stray find; R river; DEP votive deposit in water (lake, river, spring,
etc.).
The La Tne culture territory:
1. Acy-Romance, dep. Ardennes, Picardie; SF; LAMBOT 1974, passim. 2. Augsburg, Kr. loco, Bayern; SF; DRACK 1955,
212, 231, Fig. 8,29; Pl. LX:29, LXIX:29. 3. Basadingen, Kt. Thurgau; GR; DRACK 1955, 227, Fig. 7.4, 9.4, Pl. LXII:4a4b, LXIII:4a-4b. 4. Bevaix, Kt. Neuchtel; GR; LEJARS 1994, 48, Fig. lower left. 5. Bttstein, Kt. Aargau, SF; DRACK
1955, 193-194, Fig. 1-2, 7:1a-c, 9,1, Pl. LX:1, LXII:1. 6. Chaussin, dep. Jura, Franche-Comt; SF; DCHELETTE 1927,
623, Fig. 462; DRACK 1955, 214, 227, Fig. 7:6, 9:6, 12:6, Pl. LXIX:6. 7. Corgnac-sur-lIsle, dep. Dordogne, Aquitaine;
DEP/GR?; BOUDET, CHEVILLOT, GOMEZ DE SOTO 1986, passim. 8. Courgenay, dep. Yonne, Bourgogne; GR; PARRUZOT
1955, passim. 9. Elsenfeld, Kr. Miltenberg, Bayern; SF; HEFNER, SCHWENDNER 1980. 10. Gourgy, dep. Yonne,

The ornamentation on the surface of anthropomorphic hilted sword from Prosnes, dated to LT A (RAPIN 2002) may be
ancestral to impressing of punchmarks. The astral (sun, crescent) and zoomorphic (couple of goats) signs were
engraved on surface of the blade and the resulting grooves were filled with gold.
The punchmark on the sword from reach grave in Chtillon-sur-Indre, dep. Indre (France), is mentioned only in old
publications and actually damaged by the corrosion (FITZPATRICK 1996, 393, Fig. 12).

Swords with Punchmarks

Bourgogne; GR; PELLET, DELOR 1980, 19, Fig. 8, 9. 11. Gustavsburg, Kr. Mainz, Rheinland-Pfalz; R; JAHN 1916, 116118, 222, Fig. 130:a; WEGNER 1976, 137, Pl. 69:2. 12. Heiligenstein, Kr. Speyer, Rheinland-Pfalz; SF; JAHN 1916, 116118, Fig. 130:b; DRACK 1955, 212, 231, Fig. 8:28, Pl. LX:28, LXIX:28. 13. Ilbesheim, Kr. Kirchheimbolanden,
Rheinland-Pfalz; GR; FISCHER 1967, 77-80, Fig. 8:1a, b. 14. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 228, Fig. 7:7,
9:7, Pl. LXV:7. 15. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 228, Fig. 7:9, 9:9, Pl. XLVII:9. 16. La Tne, Kt.
Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 228, Fig. 7.11, 10:11, Pl. LXIV:11. 17. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 228,
Fig. 7:12, 10:12, Pl. LXV.12. 18. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 228, Fig. 7:13, 9:13, Pl. LX:13, LXIV:13;
19. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 233, Fig. 8:49, 14:49, Pl. LXVI:49. 20. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP;
DRACK 1955, 229, Fig. 7:19, 11:19, Pl. LXV:19. 21. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 229, Fig. 7:20, 11:20,
Pl. LXV:20. 22. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 230, Fig. 7:22, 11:22, Pl. LXVIII:22. 23. La Tne, Kt.
Neuchtel?; DEP; DRACK 1955, 230, Fig. 8:24, Pl. LX:24, LXIX:24 a-b. 24. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955,
230, Fig. 8:25, 14:25, Pl. LXV:25. 25. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 231, Fig. 8:30, 12:30, Pl. LXV:30. 26.
La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 231, Fig. 8:31, 12:31, Pl. LXVI:31. 27. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP;
DRACK 1955, 231, Fig. 8:32, 12:32, Pl. LXVIII:32. 28. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 231, Fig. 8:33, 12:33,
Pl. LXVIII:33. 29. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 231, Fig. 8:34, 12:34, Pl. LXVIII:34. 30. La Tne, Kt.
Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 231-232, Fig. 8:35, 12:35, Pl. LXVI:35. 31. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955,
232, Fig. 8:36, 12:36, Pl. LXVI:36. 32. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 232, Fig. 8:37, 12:37, Pl. LXVI:37.
33. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 232, Fig. 8:38, 12:38, Pl. LXV:3. 34. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP;
DRACK 1955, 232, Fig. 8:39, 12:39, Pl. LXVIII:39. 35. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 231, Fig. 8:40,
12:40, Pl. LXV:40. 36. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 232, Fig. 8:41, 13:41, Pl. LXV:41. 37. La Tne, Kt.
Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 232, Fig. 8:42, 13:42, Pl. LXIV:42. 38. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 232233, Fig. 8:43, 13:43, Pl. LXVI:43. 39. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 233, Fig. 8:44, 13:44, Pl. LXIV:44.
40. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 233, Fig. 8:45, 13:45, Pl. LXIV:45. 41. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP;
DRACK 1955, 233, Fig. 8:47, 14:47, Pl. LXVI:47. 42. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 233, Fig. 8:48, 12:48,
Pl. LXVII:48. 43. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; MEGAW 1970, 122, Fig. 122. 44. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK
1955, 233, Fig. 8:50, 14:50, Pl. LXVIII:50. 45. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 234, Fig. 8:51, Pl.
LXVIII:51. 46. La Tne, Kt. Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 234, Fig. 8:52, 14:52, Pl. LXVI:52; 47. La Tne, Kt.
Neuchtel; DEP; DRACK 1955, 234, Fig. 8:53, 14:53, Pl. LXVII:53. 48. Lothringen, dep. Moselle, Lorraine; SF; DRACK
1955, 227, Fig. 7:5 a, b, 9:5, Pl. LXIX:5. 49. Magenta, Milano, Lombardia; GR(?); TIZZONI 1987, 70. 50. Magenta,
Milano, Lombardia, GR?; TIZZONI 1984, 95-96, Fig. 2:a. 51. Mandach, Kt. Aargau; GR; DRACK 1955, 227, Fig. 7:2 a, b,
9:2, Pl. LXII:2, LXIII:2 a-c. 52. Mariano al Brembo, Bergamo, Lombardia; SF; DE MARINIS 1977, Pl. 11:5; TIZZONI
1984, 104; 53. Neupotz, Kr. Germersheim, Rheinland-Pfalz; SF; SCHAAFF 1993, 59, 64, Fig. 1-3, Pl. 9. 54. Nosate,
Milano, Lombardia; GR?; TIZZONI 1984, 100, Fig. 2:a, 7. 55. Nosate, Milano, Lombardia; GR?; TIZZONI 1984, 101-102,
Fig. 4, 6a, 9. 56. Port bei Nidau, Kt. Bern; DEP; DRACK 1955, 229, Fig. 7:8, 10:8, Pl. LXVII:8. 57. Port bei Nidau, Kt.
Bern; DEP; DRACK 1955, 229, Fig. 7:14, 10:14, Pl. LXVII:14. 58. Port bei Nidau, Kt. Bern; DEP; DRACK 1955, 229, Fig.
7.15, 10.15, Pl. LXVII.15. 59. Port bei Nidau, Kt. Bern; DEP; DRACK 1955, 229, Fig. 7:16, 10:16, Pl. LXVII:16. 60.
Port bei Nidau, Kt. Bern; DEP; DRACK 1955, 229, 7:17, 14:17, Pl. LXVII:17. 61. Port bei Nidau, Kt. Bern; DEP; WYSS
1954, passim; DRACK 1955, 229, Fig. 7:18, 10:18, Pl. LX:18, LXVII:18. 62. Rmerberg, Kr. Germersheim, RheinlandPfalz; SF; ENGELS 1974, 71, Pl. 58:a, 1:a. 63. Tuttlingen, Kr. loco, Baden-Wrtemberg; SF; DRACK 1955, 212, 230, Fig.
8:27, Pl. LX:27, LXIX:27. 64. Wallertheim, Kr. Alzey, Rheinland-Pfalz; GR; PARE 2003 66-68, Fig. 4:1-3, 5:1. 65.
Wangen, Kt. Zrich; GR; DRACK 1955, 227. 66. Unknown site in south Germany?; SF; DRACK 1955, 212, 231, Fig.
8:28, Pl. LX:28, LXIX:28. 67. Unknown site in kanton Bern?; SF; DRACK 1955, 228, Fig. 7:10, Pl. LXI:10, LXVII:10.
68. Unknown site in Lombardia?; SF; TIZZONI 1984, 102, Fig. 5:a, b, 10. 69. Unknown site in Lombardia?; SF;
TIZZONI 1984, 102. 70. Aka, Kom. Komrom; GR?; HUNYADY 1942, Pl. XV:3. 71. Bartolovec, op. Varadin, Slavonija;
GR?; IMEK 1981, 27-28, Pl. V. 72. Czkberny, Kom. Fejr; SF; PETRES 1968, 35, Pl. III:4, Fig. 1:3. 73. Dobova, ob.
Breice, Dolenjsko; GR; GUTIN 1981, 225, Fig. 1:1, Pl. 46:1-3. 74. Gospoinci, Novi Sad (Baka), Vojvodina; GR?;
KNEEVI-JOVANOVI 2003, 289, Pl. II:1. 75. Gospoinci, Novi Sad (Baka), Vojvodina; GR?; KNEEVI-JOVANOVI
2003, 289, Pl. II:2. 76. Ika Loka, ob. Ig, Dolenjsko; SF; DIRJEC 1996, 40, Fig. 77. Kloz-Felstbrzsk, Kom. Fejr;
GR; PETRES 1968, 35, Pl. III:1-2, Fig. 3:1, 2. 78. Kupinovo, Peinci (Srem), Vojvodina; SF; MAJNARI-PANDI 1970,
29, 98, Pl. XVIII:1; 79. MetlikaPungart, ob. Metlika, Dolenjsko; GR; (RIBAR 1976, 323, Fig. VI:1-4; BOI 1999,
158, Fig. lower left. 80. Obre, Peinci (Srem), Vojvodina; GR?; KNEEVI-JOVANOVI 2003, 288, Pl. II:3. 81. Obre,
Peinci (Srem), Vojvodina; GR?; KNEEVI-JOVANOVI 2003, 288-289, Pl. II:4. 82. Odaci, Sombor (Baka), Vojvodina;
GR; ROEDIGER 1904, 350-352, Fig. 83. Odaci, Sombor (Baka), Vojvodina; GR; ROEDIGER 1904, 350-352, Fig. 84.
Ostrovo, Vrac (Banat), Vojvodina; GR?; HUNYADY 1942, 115, Pl. LXVI:6. 85. Prhovo, Srem, Vojvodina; SF;
MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, 40. 86. Progar, Zemun, Vojvodina; SF; TODOROVI 1968, 26, Pl. XXVIII:11. 87. Riica,
Sombor, Baka, Vojvodina; SF; TODOROVI 1965, 73, Pl. I:6; TODOROVI 1974, Fig. 64. 88. Skorba, ob. Maribor,
Pohorje; GR; PAHI 1966, Fig. 14. 89. Slatina v Rozni Dolini, ob. Celje, Dolenjsko; GR; PRIKMAJER 1991, 22, Fig. 8,
10, Pl. 8:50. 90. Slatinice, okr. Olomouc, Morava; GR; IM 1991, 127-128, Fig. 1. 91. Sotin, op. Osijek, Slavonija;
SF; MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, 29. 92. mihel, ob. Nanos, Notranjsko; DEP; HORVAT 2002, 134, Fig. 9, 10. 93.
Tahittfalu, Kom. Szkesfehrvr; R; SZAB, PETRES 1972, 61-62, Pl. XI:1. 94. Veliko Marevo, ob. Krko, Dolenjsko;
GR; GUTIN 1977, tab. 8:4. 95. Vojakovac, op. Krizevci, Slavonija; GR; MAJNARI-PANDI 1970, 49, 98, Pl. XVI:3.
96. Zvonimirovo, op.Virovitica, Slavonija; GR; TOMII 1997, 67, Fig. 45. 97. Unknown site (Srem?); SF; TODOROVI
1965, 73. 103. Himmelreich, Kr. Wattens, Tirol; SF; DE NAVARRO 1972, 181, Fig. 28. 105. Monte Sorantri, Carnia; SF;
RIGHI 2001, 144, Fig. 7:1. 106. Nantes, dep. Loire, Anjou; R; GINOUX 1994, Pl. X:1. 107. Oberigling, Kr. Landsberg,
Bayern; GR; KRMER 1985, 115, Fig. 52:7; Pl. III:1. 116. Llyn Cerrig Bach, Anglesey, Wales; DEP; SAVORY 1966. 117.
Isleham, Cambridgeshire, England; SF; STEAD et al. 1980. 118. West Row, Cambridgeshire, England; R; STEAD 1996,
66-67, Fig. 72

P. DULBA

Celtic imports from the Germanic territory:

98. Altranft, Kr. Mrkisch Oderland, Brandenburg; GR; LEWCZUK 1997, 43-44, 53, 82, Pl. I:5, 9.
99. Biaoliwie, pow. Wyrzysk, Greater Poland (Wielkopolska); R.; KOSTRZEWSKI 1919, 89-90,
Fig. 72. 100. Groromstedt, Kr. Apolda, Thringen; GR; PESCHEL 1964, passim. 101.
Inowrocaw-Mtwy, pow. Inowrocaw, Greater Poland (Wielkopolska); R.; KOSTRZEWSKI 1919,
89-90, Fig. 72. 102. Unknown site in Greater Poland (Wielkopolska)?; GR?; UCZKIEWICZ
1997, 186, 207, Fig. II:5. 104. Boroseti , Scnteia, jud. Iai, GR; BABE 1993, 186, Pl. 5.
Punchmarks and inlaid marks on anthropomorphic hilted short swords:
108. Lysice, okr. Blansko, Morava; GR; IM 1989, passim. 109. Mainz-Kastel, Kr. loco, Rheinland-Pfalz; R;
DCHELETTE 1927, 817, Fig. 473, 572. 110. Mirebeau-sur-Bze, dep. Cte dOr, Bourgogne; SF; BULARD 1980, 36-40,
Fig. 2, 6:4. 111. Mnchen-Allach, Kr. Mnchen, Bayern; SF; DANHEIMER 1975, 59-60, Pl. 14-15. 112. Nemilany, okr.
Olomouc, Morava; GR; IM 1996, 115, Fig. 2:1, 3. 113. St. Andr-de-Lidon, dep. Charente-Maritime, PoitouCharentes; R; BRUNAUX, LAMBOT 1987, Fig. 52:1. 114. Zalaegerszeg-Andrshida, Kom. Zala; SF; SZAB, PETRES 1992,
101, Pl. 76. 115. Unknown site in the vicinity of Lyon?, Rhne-Alpes; R.; BULARD 1980, 34-36, Fig. 1, 6:1.

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Swords with Punchmarks

Fig. 1. Celtic swords with punchmarks: A short, anthropomorphic hilted

specimens, B long specimens

P. DULBA

Fig. 2. Grave furnishing burial from Ilbesheim in Germany

after FISCHER 1967

Swords with Punchmarks

Fig. 3. Grave furnishing chariot-burial from Odaci in Serbia

after GUTIN 1984

P. DULBA

Fig. 4. Grave furnishing burial from Dobova in Slovenia

after GUTIN 1981

Swords with Punchmarks

Fig. 5. Grave furnishing burial from Skorba in Slovenia

after PAHI 1966; BOI 1987

P. DULBA

Fig. 6. Grave furnishing burial from Veliko Marevo in Slovenia

after GUTIN 1981

Swords with Punchmarks

Fig. 7. Zoomorphic punchmarks from Switzerland: A Port, B-C La Tne, D unknown

place in kanton Bern
after DRACK 1955; BRUNAUX, LAMBOT 1987

P. DULBA

Fig. 8. Punchmarked sword from Corgnac-sur-lIsle

after BOUDET, CHEVILLOT, GOMEZ DE SOTO 1986

Swords with Punchmarks

Fig. 9. Subtypes of anthropomorphic punchmarks