KOHA SUMMARY # 97

FRONT PAGE: ARE ALBANIANS GETTING BACK THEIR JOBS

Date: 27 March 1996

EDITORIAL

THE RED FRONT

By VETON SURROI

The Czech foreign minister made a lapsus linguae which at a latter stage appeared to be rather
logical. When he was supposed to mention Russia addressing other Eastern and Central
European foreign ministers gathered around the chief of the American diplomacy,
Christopher, he said "Soviet Union".

It might be said, of course, that for people who have been talking of Moscow as capital of
Soviet Union since their childhood, it is a bit difficult to introduce automatic change of
thought. But, it seems that this was influenced by the struggling inside Russia, which, as a
growing political force, has been bringing communists to the surface, the strongest pole of the
so called "red and brown" coalition of Russian communists and nationalists. This force,
before elections in Russia, managed to pass the declaration for annulment of decision for
dissolution of Soviet Union in the Lower House of the Russian Parliament.

Although a parliamentary decision does not have a large practical possibility to become a law
(this should be approved by Upper House, and president Yeltsin) yet it is not without
symbolic. On the other hand, it shows Russian communists' and nationalists' aims, who, used
to the greatness that a world divided in military blocs provided them, are dissatisfied with
situation when Russian power is to be measured with values of market economy and
democracy as its framework.

But, on the other side, such tendencies in Russia are more an aid that an obstacle to West.
Firstly, because they always remind the West, in their relations USA-Europe, that the East
cannot be forgotten as potential of crisis. Secondly, that they should approach this potential
by extending the concept of (United) Europe towards the East. And thirdly, that perhaps the
necessary step is the quicker expansion of NATO in this direction, as a non proclaimed blue
front. This was Christopher's message in Prague.

What can the region where we live profit from such an expected struggle? The Serbian
president once calculated (and made a wrong calculation, during the coup d'ètat against
Gorbachov) that communist and nationalist forces would win in Russia and had placed
himself at their disposal. It is not that important that he was wrong, but the fact that he had
counted on those forces is important. This time, he may not count on them openly, but he will

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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by all means make it known that somewhere deep in his heart, or his wife's heart, the image
of Kremlin as "centre of international proletariat", is hiding.

For the Albanian president, theoretical possibility that is learned in every elementary book on
geo-strategy that the Bay of Kotor may again become a repair port for vessels of the "Red
Front", may not have that much to do with reality, with the relation of forces existing today in
the world. But (apart from internal settling of accounts in the preelection campaign with the
threat of the "Red Front") it might have importance for the reaffirmation of the readiness of
his country, that the accelerated integration of NATO should include the sea-coast from Ulqin
down to Saranda.

Kosova, perceived thus, could only by an abundant imagination be assessed as the

demarkation line between two worlds.

SURVEY

LDK HAS NO COMPETITION

by "KOHA" SURVEY TEAM / Prishtina

In the last issue of "KOHA" we published the first part of the survey and results on dialogue,
possibilities for its initiation and the issue of status of Kosova.

Another block of this survey was the matter of Albanian political subjects in Kosova,
evaluation of their activities so far, their role in political process in solution of issue of
Kosova. There are often dilemmas in the public regarding a real political coordination
between Albanian political subjects and their political centres in Tirana, Prishtina and Shkup.

The public opinion thinks that there is a political coordination between these political centres,
but insufficiently (45.23 per cent). It is only 1.41 per cent of the interviewed who think that
there is maximal political coordination. 31.06 per cent of the interviewed think that there is a
political coordination between these centres within the frame the conditions for it, taking into
consideration that we are dealing with three states divided by international borders. Only 1.51
per cent gave no opinion. Those who thought that there was no political coordination
accounted for by 15.55 per cent. We asked those who thought that there was no political
coordination to state one of reasons for its non-existence in order to be able to evaluate their
opinion. Their answers were divided proportionally, so they did not favour any of reasons out
of which one might draw a more open conclusion. Those who thought that the reasons for
political non-coordination were due to the lack of unified strategy and clear national program,
accounted for by 4.95 per cent. Those who saw lack of political coordination between the
three centres as caused by the circumstances which made the coordination impossible,
accounted for by 4.24 per cent, whereas 5.30 per cent thought that Albanian political subjects
were not capable to do this. Only 1.06 per cent thought that reasons rely somewhere else.

The evaluation of the work that Albanian political subjects have done so far, led us to rather
interesting data. There were no majority opinions if they liked or did not like the work.
Opinions vary within certain limits of partial satisfaction. Thus, e.g., 18.02 per cent of the
surveyed were contented with the work so far, and 9.89 per cent were not content with it at

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all. Those who were partially happy with the work done by Albanian political subjects
represented the majority of the ones interviewed, 55.83 per cent. And 10.95 per cent of them
had no determined posture.

The largest political party in Kosova today is LDK, so it bears the largest amount of political
responsibility too. This was why we made the question regarding this political party. The
results of the interview showed that the evaluation of their work was positive. 31.10 per cent
of the interviewed stated that they liked the work done by this political party. So this number
differed from the decisive assessment about political subjects which was only 18.02 per cent,
whereas number of those who liked it partially dropped by about 10 per cent in relation
between political subjects in general and LDK. Thus, 45.94 per cent answered that they liked
LDK work partially. Number of those who did not like the work of LDK was 8.49 per cent
and 3.89 per cent were those who did not like its work at all. 10.25 per cent of people
interviewed have no posture as regarding the work of LDK.

The size of LDK, on the other hand, rises the issue of the role of other small parties in
Kosova which are in full political disproportion regarding importance and importance.
Therefore, the other question dealt with the role of these parties and assessment of opinion on
the role that they actually play in the political scene in Kosova. Most of people interviewed
thought that political parties in Kosova (except the LDK) had limited roles or no roles at all in
political scene in Kosova. 24.73 per cent of the interviewed thought that other political parties
had no role at all, and 48.41 per cent thought that they had restricted roles. Only 22.61 per
cent of people interviewed thought that other political parties had an important role, which, in
relation with those interviewed, was a relative minority. 3.89 per cent of the interviewed had
no posture in terms of role of other political parties.

Answers about the role of other political parties in relation with LDK at the same time
provided the answer about the coordination between LDK and other parties and also the
coordination among other political parties. If it is assumed that most of the interviewed who
thought that the role of the political parties was restricted are added to those that thought that
they had no role at all, then the results obtained were within the scope of acceptability. Thus
number of those who thought that other political parties had no role at all (24.73 per cent) was
close to the number of those stating that there was no coordinated policy in Kosova (22.61 per
cent). 45.23 per cent of people interviewed thought that there was a partial coordination
among political subjects in Kosova, which was close to the number who claimed the
restricted role of other political parties (48.41 per cent). Only 3.89 percent thought that there
was a full coordination of political work in Kosova. Those who thought that there was a
satisfactory political coordination accounted for by 13.78 per cent. The number of those who
belong to the category of "indecisive" regarding this issue accounts for by 14.13 per cent. If
we revert to the results in order to have a certain assessment, we come to conclusion that
there are no changes regarding assessment of policy exercised in the last five years here. Most
of people interviewed are fully or partially pleased with the work of these political subjects.
On the other side, the largest political party in Kosova is among undisputable political forces.
At least this can be concluded on grounds of results obtained from the survey run. Number of
those who did not like the work and activities of this party made up a minority, 12.38 per
cent. These results can even be refered to the political option declared by this party about
Kosova as an independent and sovereign state and the political forms which this political
party targets in solving the issue of Kosova, for which about 77 per cent of the interviewed
declared themselves in favor of. There is a new series of questions to be presented in the next

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issue regarding political potential in Kosova and how much they are used by political
institutions in Kosova.

ECONOMY

ALL AT WORK - NONE AT WORK

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

In 1990, an Albanian leader of an institution that had still remained untouched by Serbia,
made efforts to bring back the Albanian workers to work to the Bellaqevc Mines. He
developed contacts with Petar Kostic, the imposed manager of Electric Power Company of
Kosova, and drew a document which was supposed to be signed by each worker, where
neither "State of Serbia nor Republic of Kosova" were mentioned. The document contained
only the description of duties and commitments to be carried. This failed too, since Kostic did
not like it that neither Serbia, nor the forced management or special circumstances were
mentioned. Albanian workers never had the chance to even see the document so, taking into
consideration the circumstances then, it is not known if they would have accepted to sign it
either.

History revisits Bellaqevc. Job vacancies were advertised, meanshile the UITUK gave its
consent to the old workers to apply for the posts. A great confusion occurred, for the Serb
installed organs started to make a strange selection of people aiming at creating hostilities and
divisions among Albanians, but also to increase the price (bribe) for a job. This could be
qualified another failure since a very small number of people was employed. But, much noise
was caused last and this yea rabout the new employments within the Electric Power Plant
which, as it is known, fused all its subjectivity in the Electric Power System of Serbia.
Another thing happened. The rumor spread that Kaçusha Jashari was to be returned to her
post. She was presented in Serbian media as the former leader of communists in Kosova, not
to say that even if she were to return, she would go to former Road State Agency, now named
Fund for Highways. The papers she has in possession make it is obvious that any judge who
would want to act according to legal norms, would reach a verdict in her favour, since
procedural infringements are so serious and so transparent that it would be difficult to close
the eyes before them.

Something is also moving in "Ferronikel" in Gllogovc. Rumours are that former managers of
important departments in this metallurgy giant will be returned to work. A remarkable
number of doctors was returned in the health unit in Prishtina. Some of them won this right
on basis of decision passed by courts of justice and some were invited to come back, after
being declared "surplus work force" for years. However, the Municipal Court of Prishtina
offers no information regarding number of workers returned to work, at least not for the
territory it covers. It is true that some are in pay rolls and some others, although they have
effective decisions to be returned, have to wait at home since Serbian authorities are not
interested to implement their decisions.

Albanians are getting employed, aren't they? Regardless of this dilemma, it is sure that a
small number of them is getting jobs through advertisements to fill up vacancies. This means
that we are not dealing with re-employment, or the return of the dismissed. The Trade Union

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Branch of Energetics notifies that about 500 persons are expected to be employed through
public advertisements of the Electric Power Economy of Kosova, mainly Albanians which
will be distributed in the hardest jobs in mines. Sherif Fejzullahu and Bajram Gjonbalaj,
leaders of the branch, state that there have never been any invitations for collective return,
except for some individual contacts with personnel that had been fired. These individuals,
when asked to return to their jobs are put in rather delicate positions. This goes for those who
were left at work and who are offered a post of high responsibility and who are usually fired
if they turn down the offers.

- The posture in our branch is that partial returns are not acceptable. This is acceptable only
for those who gain the right to return through courts of justice, which means those who gain
the right to be covered the years of service and material compensation. Three doctors have
been returned in the Dispensary of Occupational Medicine, two engineers are returned in
other departments and as much company lawyers and some workers with different skills who
used to be in compulsory leave. There are cases when skilled personnel, who gained the right
to return through court of justice, are disputed by companies, or arbitration is requested or are
sent to Constitutional Court of Serbia.

Such arbitrations last for months, which means that all the authorities want is to delay the
problem. It is true that a number of Albanians has been employed on basis of public
advertisements to fill in vacancies. This employment was done at the time when 22 workers
were fired because they were late to work. Former workers are not allowed to apply for these
jobs unless they have collected their employment cards and signed a statement that they had
left their jobs on free will. This action conceals the political and material intentions of the
compulsory organs, i.e., they create a coverage for previous statements that "none had fired
Albanians", at the same time denying their right to material compensation. One should not
forget that in cases of these employments, high bribe is paid by Albanians since the others, as
the case is with colonisers are employed without any preconditions - stated Bajram Gjonbalaj.

There are no big changes in other branches either. There are not even advertisements to fill in
vacancies, except for "Trepça" where vacancies are constantly opened and employment is
done the very moment one applies. Bahri Shabani, president of Trade Union Branch of
Miners backs up the general posture of Trade Unions on the collective return. This branch has
no cases of returned workers, not even through court decisions. Miners are firm, and the truth
is that some workers who happened to be in different leaves are still employed because they
were never fired.

Rumours are that former Albanian policemen are to be returned. We learned in their trade
union branch that there is no move in this direction. Due to insubordination 3,500 workers of
Ministry of Internal Affairs were fired. It was not only this what they suffered, since 850
individuals were to be maltreated later and 183 members were tried in staged trials, and 43
families were evicted from their apartments. How can they return to their jobs after what they
have experienced - ask those who lead this trade union. But there is something in this field.
1,440 of people fired had lodged appeals to courts of justice in Kosova then, now occupied by
Serbs. It is not known how was it placed into public that about 900 policemen will be
employed, but they have no data in trade unions that anyone has accepted this, or that return
of a large contingent is expected. Return can be done only when the Parliament of Kosova
and other organs of state start to function, stated people in this branch of trade unions.

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In principle, doctors and all health workers agree with the general posture regarding return to
work. They have informed all subjects of Republic of Kosova with their postures. They say
that this question is closely connected to political solution for Kosova. Preconditions should
be created for eventual negotiations of the problems. The platform is clear: reinstallment of
the situation in the health institutions as it was until 8 July 1990, recognition of years of
service after that date, compensation of material damage caused to workers and return of
property robbed during this time. In any possible contacts, due to specifics of the branch, the
Trade Union branch of Medical Workers should be included.

- The installed organs in clinics of Faculty of Medicine have managed to find forms to
establish contacts with fired workers and see if any of them would accept to go back to work.
There are 21 doctors in specialisation in the Gynaecologic Clinic sent there by different
medical centres in Kosova. According to some information that we have, Dr. Ristic, head of
the clinic, had promised them that an advertisement for vacancies will be published soon. We
oppose such a thing because trainee specialists should return to where they were sent from.
There is also evidence that in case of an invitation for collective return to jobs, the whole
thing will be followed by a selection which is in the interest of Serb organs. Let us mention
that through contacts, which were usually carried through mediators, 19 nurses and medical
technicians were returned, and 11 others were returned through applications to open
invitations to fill in vacancies, six of them were doctors. There are cases, as it was with the
Health Unit in Prishtina when people declared as "labour surplus" were returned but
according to a criteria set up by Serb organs. As regarding the return on basis of complaints, a
perfidious game is played. This question depends on the mood of the executive organ, who in
most of cases is an individual, the head of the clinic. Some are returned some are not. Let us
mention that Dr. Xhavit Bicaj was returned, but they do not follow the same practice in the
cases of Dr. Sali Krasniqi and Dr. Skender Bacaj who have decisions reached in their favour
by courts of justice. This means that there is a selection made in these cases, and we have
been continuously opposing this. But it is important to state that by returning some of the
workers, Serb organs admit that they had acted out of any norm, either moral, legal or
political. Statements that they are doing this for the interest of Albanian patients is very
cynical because this is said by those who six years ago had no feeling towards these patients -
stated Xhafer Hyseni, president of Trade Union branch of Medical Workers.

It can be said that this problem is very clear and crystallised in terms of political and social
aspects, but there are still tendencies that lead towards the conclusion that reactions
sometimes are done on basis of individual assessments. Almost the whole problem lies in the
mood of the individual, i.e., how he reacts to such a "provocation".

Serbian rule has been playing on three cards: employment of Albanians through public
advertisements to fill in vacancies, return of workers on basis of decisions passed by their
courts of justice and re-employment through individual invitations. All three have been
targeted onto one task, the political one. Serbia has been making efforts to create a new reality
in Kosova, to have as much Albanians as possible participating, but only as an instrument of
its propaganda. It is counted that by increasing number of Albanian workers they will fill in
jobs for which they can not find hands and also to create a cover for their statements that
factories are open for Albanians but they refuse to be engaged.

Political and trade union subjects in Kosova are frozen only in the conclusion that return can
be only on collective basis. The logic of such a conclusion is very clear, although it aims
towards global an not partial solution of the question of Kosova. Therefore, looked upon from

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this point of view, present employments of any form are not acceptable, except for the ones
which are done on basis of court decisions, or those who are returned in their previous jobs
respectively.

MUCH ADO

Some answers given to journalists by Hajrullah Gorani show the posture of the leadership of
Union of Independent Trade Union of Kosova (UITUK) on (re)employment of Albanians:

* Is there any hesitation within UITUK regarding employment of Albanians?

GORANI: The statement that Albanians are employed or returned to jobs is a manipulation
which is bothering UITUK. Serbia aims to improve its image, to start conflicts among
Albanians and to manipulate with a part of people who are working and use them as their
tools.

* Have you had any contacts with representatives of Serbia on this issue?

GORANI: We have always said that we are for dialogue and that there is no subject which
UITUK is not ready to discuss. But how can we have a dialogue with occupying Serbian rule
which has behaved so aggressively towards UITUK. Our only contact with this regime was
through the police that has been maltreating and torturing us.

* What is the contingent of workers to be returned on collective basis?

GORANI: Collective return means return of those who were fired collectively, those who are
still on strikes and those who were fired individually but illegally and unjustly.

* Is it known on what forms were workers returned to work?

GORANI: We have no data on the number of people returned, but it is symbolical. It was
said that thousands of Albanian workers were returned in "Trepça", but in fact it was only 6
or 7 workers returned. All this is only a noise since number of those who are back in their
jobs is unimportant. They are using courts for propaganda that they are allegedly making up
their mistakes. But actions carried by courts of justice and other organs are directed from
above, from the centre of occupying rule.

* Still, Albanians are getting employed. What could this mean?

GORANI: This is all a certain scenario whose essence is to propagate, blackmail an collect
bribe and create divisions among people. We will oppose this strategy and take off masks
from collaborationists. In essence, all of this is only blackmail. Let us not forget that a
number of workers have been in compulsory leaves for a long time, so it may happen that
they get returned to their jobs. But in essence, I repeat, all this is done with the intention to
bring conflicts between Albanians. Our subjects will be determined in opposing this.

* How do you comment return through courts of justice?

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GORANI: Cases that are returned through courts of justice prove once more that the
dismissal of workers was illegal, and this is what we have been saying since the first day. But
those decisions must be looked upon from the other angle as well: organs of occupying
regime admit that they have acted out of every norm. There are cases when those who win the
cases are not admitted back to work. Serb installed staff cannot imagine that Albanian
workers will be returned to work, this goes even when we have to do with individual cases.

WE (DO NOT) DO THE WORK

"There are not many cases when Albanian workers have been sent back to their jobs by
Serbian courts", states Bajram Krasniqi, lawyer from Prishtina, who has been representing a
considerable number of cases. Out of all the cases that he has been representing, one was sent
back to his old job in agreement with the corecive leadership of "Feronikel", whereas another
case was won in court. But this individual has to sue his company in court to claim for
compensation of damages although he should be entitled to this on the basis of the court
decision as set in the Law, approved by Serbian Parliament, of course. Krasniqi has grounded
all his cases on two demands, firstly to annul decisions on dismissal and secondly to provide
material compensation for the period out of work. But the truth is that courts act on basis of
political interest and there is only a little justice that they respect.

- The ones sent back to work by courts of justice are immediately sent on paid leave by the
coercive managment. This means that they do not even want to talk about compensation of
material damages. I have mainly been protecting interests of employees of "Ferronikel". I
know that only 5 - 6 persons have been admitted back to work and only one of them received
his material compensation. The greatest anomaly is in the fact that cases have been sent for
settlement before courts in different towns in Serbia, regardless the fact that such courts exist
in Prishtina. There are cases when parties are not called by courts for very long time, or are
not taken into evaluation or claimants receive no reply on them at all, although five years
have passed since lodging of appeals, stated Bajram Krasniqi.

While we were in his office, we had the chance to witness the issues that the lawyer was
discussing. One of his clients withdrew his authorization for representation since according to
advice from president of Municipal Court of Prishtina, it would be better to engage a certain
lawyer, whose name was mentioned there. Bajram Krasniqi added that there is no certain
order regarding court proceedings, that some Albanian lawyers have created ties with judges,
and that a large scale corruption is involved. Lately, some judges working in such cases have
been changed so the president can have all cases under his control. At last, he stated, the
return of workers to their jobs is a political and not juridical matter.

IT IS A POLITICAL PROBLEM

Whether we should go back to our jobs or not, it is a clear matter, said Naip Zeka member of
Presidency of LDK. This is a political matter, since dismissal was done on political motives.

- Let us see what was the procedure of dismissal. Firstly coercive measures were applied, then
different transformations and robbing of economy of Kosova followed. What can one add to

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the statement that this was classical occupation. Since constitutional rights guaranteed by the
highest possible act of a people living in his space were denied.

KOHA: Still people are getting back to work?

ZEKA: Our posture has always been that jobs should be maintained through any forms. This
means also by using juridical means, regardless that they are in hands of the occupier. This
means that people complained, and gained the right to return to their jobs, which means
illegal actions taken against them were proved. No matter that this is proved through rare
individual cases, the symbolic is huge.

KOHA: Does this mean that getting jobs through public advertisements to fill in vacancies
will be acceptable?

ZEKA: This is another matter. Advertisements to fill in vacancies are published by those
people who dismissed Albanian workers. At the same time, no new jobs were created, but
jobs of Albanian workers who have been dismissed are taken. One day they will come back to
their jobs for sure. Therefore, such employment is unacceptable and we have been constantly
insisting on restitutio in integrum, i.e. to the times before the introduction of coercive
measures, i.e., the situation as it was before workers were fired.

KOHA: Whether we admit it or not, people are getting employed this way. Does this mean
that these individuals have been breaching political postures?

ZEKA: Your remark can be accepted, but individually looking, one should understand the
social situation of people. However it should be clear to all that the situation does not
improve by employing several hundred people, since more than 120,000 people are left out of
jobs. Such employment is not legitimate for us, especially when we are talking of those who
took the jobs of the fired people. Simultaneously, if we agreed to go back to work on basis of
public advertisements for vacancies, then what would we gain? Nothing but to give
legitimacy to an occupier's action taken more than six years ago by Serbia. This is the reason
why the problem is much deeper. It is based on global solution of issue of Kosova and not in
its solution in fragments. Serbia is undertaking these moves for its own interests and by no
means for interests of Albanians.

INTERVIEW

GEORGE SOROS, Philantropist

KOSOVA REMAINS A POWDER KEG

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI \ London

International philanthropist George Soros was born in Budapest, Hungary, in 1930. He

emigrated to Britain in 1947 and graduated from School of Economics, London, in 1952. In
1956 emigrated to USA. He founded the Foundation of Open Society in 1979; in 1984 he
founded Soros Foundation in Hungary and Soros Foundation for Soviet Union in 1987.

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Today he is financing a network of foundations operating within 25 countries in Central and
Eastern Europe, South Africa, Haiti, USA. These foundations render help in building
infrastructure and institutions of open society by supporting different activities in education,
culture and economy. George Soros is also founder of Central Universities in Budapest,
Prague and Warsaw. Founded in 1990, the mentioned universities offer post-graduate
programs in history, economy, political sciences, art, history and social sciences and serve as
centres of his educational initiatives for Eastern Europe. Soros is the sole owner of "Soros
Fund Management", a firm that serves as advisor-investor within the "Quantum Group of
Funds" company which was recognised to be the most successful investor in world
throughout 26 years of their existence. In addition to many articles published on political and
economic changes in Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union, Soros is author of the
following works: "The Alchemy of Finance", 1987; "Opening of the Soviet System", 1990,
and "Understanding Democracy", 1991. The recent book by Soros, "Soros of Soros: Staying
Ahead of the Curve" was published last year. George Soros is Honorary Doctor of Science in
New York School for Social Research, New York; in University of Oxford, 1980; University
of Economics in Budapest and Yale University, 1991. In 1995 University of Bologna, Italy,
awarded Soros highest award "Laurea Honoris" as acknowledgement of his efforts for
promotion of open societies throughout the globe.

KOHA: The close-down of Soros Foundation in Yugoslavia will probably be reflected in the
office in Prishtina, Kosova as well... How do you understand this step taken by authorities in
Belgrade and what are your next steps to continue with engagement of the foundation?

SOROS: I think that Milosevic is under a really heavy pressure since there have been many
protests from world media, "The Washington Post", "The New York Times", etc., regarding
the forceful close-down of the office of the Soros Foundation in Belgrade. Such thing will
really cause negative publicity, completely unnecessary for the Serbian authorities today.
Although, I have to say, Western European media reacted a little mild on all this... what will
we undertake? We are ready to wait several weeks. And, we do not think to accept any kind
of compromise regarding concept of the foundation. We will not accept any kind of
modification in the program of the foundation, because such a thing would be a real defeat.
We will be firm. We have addressed all complaints, claims and other legal documents to the
government in Belgrade. They have one month time to decide. Until 14 of April. Until then,
we will naturally continue our daily activities. I think that it is very important for us to remain
firm in all of this, because of our offices in Yugoslavia, but also because of the position of the
network of our offices in other countries. Since countries like Slovakia and Belarus are
seemingly waiting for the signal, if Yugoslavs manage to close down the "Soros" office
successfully, they will be next to do the same... There is no joking with them... The truth is, it
is much more important what will happen in Bosnia since free parliamentary elections are
expected to be celebrated in a extremely tense inter-ethnic situation. Of course, the foundation
is interested to found its own independent media, because as things stand, there are chances
for the "monist system" of the three political parties to dominate in the free elections which
aim to be held this year. And this would actually imply the final division of Bosnia - its
legitimacy through parliamentary elections there, to me unjust.

KOHA: Closing down of "Soros" practically means an end to the assistance to all
independent media and other "open society" associations in this FRY...

SOROS: I have constantly insisted in the West, with the international community - i.e., in the
conglomerate of Western European governments - to have other institutions engaged in

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supporting free media and open society in the Former Yugoslavia. This would decrease the
pressure that the "Soros" foundation is undergoing in Serbia and in the Former Yugoslavia.
Let us not forget that until now it was only "Soros" foundation that remained as an institution
that functioned during all this period, with more or less success, depending on the place and
time. But, it functioned until the end as a humanitarian oasis and supporter of open mind and
civil society. I hope that something like this will happen. Of course, I hope that such decision
made by the Serbian government will encourage other organisations so they get engaged in
the development of a civil society.

KOHA: About your engagement and that of your foundation in Macedonia. How do you see
actual flows there?

SOROS: Ethnic relations, as they are in Macedonia, concern me a lot, since I am inclined to
believe that Macedonia can survive only as an independent state, only if it respects and treats
equally all entities there. Also, I think that there is drastic inequality in treating Albanians
there; although I see that the Macedonian government has lately been taking rather serious
steps to emend such inequalities. But, such an engagement can not be successful in local level
which in fact represent the reality there. Success in local level represents real success...

KOHA: You think that local mood clearly proves real governmental postures, putting aside
political rhetoric? What is your opinion about the University of Tetova?

SOROS: I know that there is resistance on the local level in rendering equal treatment to
Albanians in Macedonia. In these terms, I address my concern to the government of
Macedonia to be engaged more strongly and firmly. I think that I have expressed this concern
up to the level of becoming dull. But, what I have said, was many times misunderstood.
Wherever I have stated that Albanians should have equal possibilities for education and
cultural development, I did not mean that I have supported University of Tetova. I have been
qualified many times in the press as supporter of Tetova initiative for the Albanian
University. Here, I would like to be clear towards the Albanian readers: I am not supporter of
such an initiative, because I do not think that the university was founded legally and I do not
think that it will help Albanians in their education. Especially, if they are offered equal
conditions in existing universities in Macedonia. I think that the University of Tetova was an
effort to create an Albanian parallel state structure - something quite similar with the parallel
system of Albanians in Kosova. I think that it would be destructive for Macedonia to have
such a structure inside: a state within a state...

KOHA:...which in Kosova, nevertheless, emerged as a survival necessity of Albanians.

SOROS:.... Absolutely. A line should be drawn here. The "separate" life of the Albanians in
Kosova is fully understandable because of state repression which you have been facing there.
But as for Macedonia, I still have the hopes that the state is not repressive, after all. And, I
still am convinced that the radicalisation of situation in Macedonia does not go in favour of
Albanians there.

KOHA: About the situation in Kosova today, especially after the formal closing of chapter on
Bosnia - what is Kosova's position in the post Dayton period?

SOROS: I might sound clichetised here since I have to repeat what I have been constantly
saying: Kosova is a powder keg. It may explode any time. I think that the situation is

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dangerous, since Albanians are fully oppressed, their rights are denied in the most cruel way
and I do not think that there will be peace and prosperity in Balkans unless the Albanian
national question takes the form of a long term solution, perhaps a final one.

INTERVIEW

MICHAEL IGNATIEFF - Canadian writer, historian and journalist

KOSOVA REPUBLIC WITH SERBIAN CULTURAL MONUMENTS

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Belgrade

Michael Ignatieff, is a Canadian writer, historian and journalist who lives in London. In
addition to his enviable academic career (he is author of two books on modern history), he
has worked for several prestigious media houses such as Channel Four, BBC, Observer etc.
He used to be columnist in New Yorker, The New York Time Book Review, Time Magazine
and many other well-known magazines. He is also author of several TV screenplays and
documentaries and also laureate of Heinemann Award of Royal Literary Society. At the
moment he is working the BBC TV serial on history of idea in the 20th century. His book and
stories have been translated in six world languages.

Ignatieff who claims to be an Euro-Western liberal speaks for "KOHA" without any reserve
whatsoever, even for the very sensitive issues such as "can Kosova become a Republic"!

We met him in Belgrade, in the meeting organised by the British "National Questions and
Borders", opened by Ignatieff's interesting lecture...

KOHA: Based on Western experience, you delivered a lecture "What is bad in being a
minority?" Do you think that experience in Balkans is something else?

IGNATIEFF: I think that it is impossible for any minority in any state in the Balkans to feel
any kind of security for their future under existing circumstances. Thus, it is not by accident
that minorities make efforts to create their ethnic states. Dynamics is running in the direction
of the logic of creating self-ruled communities, and this logic is based in the simple fact that
there is no civil trust in each-other necessary for creation of multi-ethnic states. Looking from
western point of view this is a shame. But it is also beyond imagination for western world that
more than 150 thousand people have been killed in this region...

In Kosova, for example, people absolutely have not trust in life alongside each other in the
state of Serbia under Serb rule. It looks inevitable that new solutions will be sought. The
problem is, what if you create your own state. In the conditions of rule of ethnic majority,
would you create possibilities for a democratic state, to respect human rights for all
population in Kosova? This is the question. What would you do if you created your own
state? These questions rise elsewhere. What conditions does Croatia offer after creation of
their own state, e.g., for the Serb minority under circumstances of rule by ethnical majority.
What kind of democracy can you have in Croatia, if you have an authoritarian rule there? This
is certainly not a good thing...

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KOHA: You mentioned Serbian hypersensitivity regarding cultural monuments and
mythology connected to Kosova. You also mentioned that, in case Kosova would become a
republic, Serbs would most probably leave it. Do you also think that in this case "there is
nothing bad in being a minority"?

IGNATIEFF: I think that someone can assume that a free Kosova, or a Kosova as republic,
will provide protection of heritage of Serbian people in this region. Someone might even
imagine a situation when this community would regulate the protection of all rights of
Serbian minority. But, I think that not even a single Serb would believe this. Why would they
believe it? I think that they would leave, not that I think of Albanians as liars, but simply
because there is no confidence between these two peoples! And when all are taken into
account - it is better to leave...

The problem is what happens afterwards. If you have a situation when your cultural
monuments and heritage are in another country, in a independent Republic of Kosova, Serbia
would always look at it through an extreme suspicion and hatred and chances for the
increment of tensions in the future would increase. This will be so unless people in Kosova
prove that they are serious in terms of these rights, unless they guarantee an access to Serbian
monuments at any time and treat them as treasury belonging to all, unless they demonstrate
before the world that approach towards them is free at any time and will not be used to create
conditions of instability in the future.

KOHA: But these monuments have been for a long time out of Serbian control and preserved
by Albanians for 500 years...

IGNATIEFF: All right, very good! I am saying that you should do this...

KOHA: You also mentioned the need for "a democratic pressure from inside", since "there is
not much hope for pressure from outside". What did you mean by this?

IGNATIEFF: I am quite sceptical and I think that the international public will show less and
less interest in this part of the world, regarding long term aspect. They want to close this crisis
and not have a third Balkan war, and they do not have any certain interests to make any
pressure on Serbian regime to do something.

After this, the only dynamics that I can see is that Serb individuals will be too tired ruling
through the problem of Kosova. So, a dynamics from inside would be introduced and Serbian
people would get tired of problem of Kosova and eliminate it in one or another way. Another
dynamic could be if problem of Kosova would become violent. Milosevic then might be
forced to seek for a solution. The third dynamics is the one run by democratic element in
Serbia, which in a way would depend on Kosova element. If this becomes internal-domestic
issue then it can be said that this is enough, we can not continue this way; stability of the state
is threatened unless we find a solution for Kosova! In other words, there are three elements of
internal pressure that can make Serbs come to a kind or agreement. I am not particularly
optimistic in this regard, but I still think that it is difficult to maintain a long term status-quo
position!

KOHA: Let us suppose that this "internal pressure" would have as outcome a "Rechtstadt"
("state of law") which you mentioned many times. Do you think that an outcome like the right
or self-determination for Albanians could be generated?

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IGNATIEFF: I think that this is not possible, if self-determination is to be understood until
the end, as an achievement of international subjectivity, as independence from Serbia. I think
that Serbs would not agree to this, no - unless a form of international pressure or guarantee
would be exercised over it I do not see this to be happening. But if it is thought of another
form of self-determination, a kind of sub-republic, which would bring a serious form of
autonomy, not like the one in '74, but something that would bring the Albanians the rights to
effective self-control, a self-rule of their society, then there are examples in the world. For
example, Quebec has effective self-determination as regarding regulation of crucial elements
of social, cultural, educational, political life...

KOHA: Including the right to self determination and referendum...

IGNATIEFF: Yes, but Quebec does not have full legal international right of its personality,
subjectivity etc. But, inside the federation, Quebec has a very large right of self rule, a power
equivalent to a national state but not with a seat in the OUN headquarters...

It is of great interest to mention in a certain situation for Kosova to have an effective form of
self rule, remaining without international legal subjectivity. Now, whether Serbs can live with
this, or whether Albanians can - this I do not know and its not for me to say it. But my advise
is to seek for sub-sovereign solutions because anything else may lead you to war. But, I will
repeat that it is not of me to tell you what you should do.

KOHA: "What is bad..." if Kosova is a Republic?

IGNATIEFF: Well, what can I say... I think that there is nothing bad, actually, for Kosova to
be a republic, if people there have their national and cultural identity and they want to have an
original independence and do not want to be observed by Albania because they want to be a
state in itself... then I think that there is such a right. But, I am still concerned with the matter
that the history of the region, of Kosova, cannot be overcome. This history is - not that Serbs
have historical intentions, but simply there is so much of their history there, whether you like
this or not, that it creates problems...

KOHA: There is also Albanian history in the region...

IGNATIEFF: Yes, by all means. But there is no doubt, it would be intellectually dishonest to
drop the fact that Serbian history has started there. You cannot respect your history unless you
respect history of the others... But if it were possible to find original guarantees in Republic of
Kosova to secure these monuments and possibility of access to them at any time, and
democratic rights to be firm for Serbs, then I see this problem more solvable...

If you have noticed, I see all problems like Croatia, Serbia, Kosova, the same and make no
differences. So, the matter is the same for all these communities, if they could create a
democracy for themselves...

KOHA: But do you think that the question of Serbian monuments is the only obstacle for
Serbia to allow Albanians the right to self-rule?

IGNATIEFF: No, this is not the only obstacle. They feel that Kosova is their historical
territory, that independence of Kosova would decrease the strength and prestige of Serbia.
Division of a part of Kosova would look good for Serbia only if rest of its whole would be

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threatened... if Albanians of Kosova "increased the price" somehow. But this would be
dangerous, like in the case of IRA who tried to "rise the price" after British occupation of
Northern Ireland. This cost much, 3000 people have been killed, London is under siege and
they are not even close to reach the task although 25 years have passed. If Albanians in
Kosova started thinking of terrorism, then they must carefully think about IRA. I think that
this does not give hopes. People think differently. Some think that terrorism has worked out
in case of PLO, IRA and Israelies, others say no! In fact states created by terrorism face the
risk of becoming terrorist themselves. But, let me come back to my concern, my dilemma -
so, not whether Kosova should become an independent country, but what kind of state would
be created, would it be democratic and free or not!

KOHA: Let us say a democratic state which respects integrating processes and
regionalization with space for Serbia and others...

IGNATIEFF: Yes, yes. But, I want to say this - if you create a state through process of
struggles with Serbia, you will always fear and be a poor country, a country which will need
aid, always surrounded by enemies, a state that will have another authoritarian regime...

MACEDONIA

WHO MENTIONED "REGION"?

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

The number of diplomatic activities in the little state, last week, was the least compatible with
its size and importance in Europe and "wider" (say: America...).

Foreign diplomats, caused a "crowd in front of the goal", last week. Like in a heap,
representatives from the west met in Macedonia, as if they had nothing else to do. The "gate
was opened" by the chief of the Italian diplomacy, Susanna Agnelli, who managed to talk to
the (old-new) minister Frckovski, meet with premier Crvenkovski and president Gligorov in
one day. Before and after her, Shkup was visited by the Speaker of the Norwegian Parliament
Christine Kole Grendell (whose visit drew a remarkable attention of the media here);
representatives of German Social-Democrats appeared in a strange party-parliamentary
function, simultaneously being members of the Bundestag who were simply treated as party
people, but also as a state delegation (as referred to after their meeting with representatives of
PDP in Parliament, "South African Negroes" were mentioned and all this was re-explained as
a real Rashominade, similar to the one following the visit of Elizabeth Rehn, special
rapporteur on human rights...).

German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Carl Dieter Spreiger also
travelled to Shkup. He was received by the head of the Macedonian state. Albright's visit,
whom we would call the second person of importance in the American State Department and
is supposed to open the American Embassy and promote the first ambassador to Macedonia,
Christopher Robert Hill, has also been announced.

The Minister of Defense, Handzinski, received the head of Turkish Air Forces, and the new
Minister of Foreign Affairs showed to be extremely active compared to his predecessor. He

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had no hindrances to promptly meet his Greek colleague, and then he left to Prague where he
announced visits to other countries. And this was done at the same time when, at last,
recognition by "the newest" Yugoslavia was expected and the visit of the Serbian President or
Foreign Minister Milutinovic would eventually follow...

In the statements published after meeting with the Italian minister and actual president of
European Union, Agnelli, issued by cabinet of president Gligorov, it was said that "no
imposed ideas for new insecure economic associations were acceptable for the Republic of
Macedonia, especially not in the spaces of former SFRY. This, not only that would be in
contradiction with vital and long term interests for a part of Balkan countries, but may
represent access to a new dangerous division in Balkans".

Agnelli found it reasonable to explain, in her press conference, what did she mean by the term
"regional": "When the European Union speaks of regional income, then it is referred to
finances in the former Yugoslav republics, including countries not involved in the conflict.
Here, first of all, it is thought of Macedonia and Albania. In this context, we think of the
peace process and the establishment of peace in the whole Balkan region. Of course, this is in
the interest of all countries interested."

After this, and the statement from the meeting between premier Crvenkovski and German
Minister for Economic Development, Spreiger, the conclusion could be that their meeting
was used for consultations on the situation in the region, on which occasion the Premier
stated: "We saw it reasonable to have a thorough approach, so the relations of all countries
are built up on basis of bilateral cooperation, without pressures or favours for any regional
approach".

The same day, the Parliamentary Commission for Foreign Affairs, headed by MP Ilina
Mitreva, had a meeting with the Social-Democratic MPs from the Bundestag where the agile
president of the Commission notified the guests in a clear and open way the position of the
president and premier regarding regional ties and, in addition to this, asked the guests to
explain once more what did they think about the meeting they held with the PPD
parliamentary group, when "negroes from South Africa" were mentioned.

The intensive diplomatic contacts focused during the past days, do not show in any way, that
they are linked to the imposition of someone's idea for regional ties of any form.

The question that rises by itself is why one side, in this case the Macedonian one, refuses by
all means something that none had made public so far, nor was suggested or (God forbid it)
imposed by anyone. If guests failed to mention something of the kind, then who and in what
form of community of states is forcing all of us into?

In this context, one may speculate with the messages to be brought by Albright who, during
her mini-journey to the Balkans, will spent some time in Macedonia. Officially she will open
the American Embassy and promote ambassador Chris Hill. The ambassador, although very
well aware of the circumstances in the region, has already been proclaimed "Albanian-
friendly" by the officials, although facts speak the contrary (that he is, above all, an expert of
the Balkans projects...).

In any case, the identical messages conveyed by the president, the premier and the chairman
of the parliamentary Commission could be considered also as a defending mechanism from

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imposed ideas for regional ties between parts of former Yugoslavia and Albania, as a possible
solution of the Serb and the Albanian questions. The problem in Kosova and the constantly
increasing Albanian population, for the West and for USA primarily, might be solved by
imposing closer ties between states in the region (Customs union, forms of stimulation for
economic cooperation, more open borders...) as a premature (imposed) form for (eventual)
entry to the European Union.

The warming up of the Macedonian public which lasted days and months, about the
recognition of Macedonia by its northern neighbour, reached its peak thanks to the official
announcements that the president of Serbia, Milosevic, will appear in Shkup this week, as
well as the announcement that during his stay, reciprocal recognition will be signed (which is
a contradiction in itself, because Milosevic can represent Serbia but not "FR Yugoslavia"). It
was proved, as so many times, that nothing would come out of this. Media, economists and
politicians kept announcing that Slobo was arriving tonight, tomorrow, that he was in Shkup
etc.

Milosevic, according to (unofficial) information from the Cabinet of President Gligorov, has
postponed his visit till next week. Well informed magazines have published the news that he
will, by all means, travel to Shkup, and that after this ministers Frckovski and Milutinovic
will, in Belgrade, sign agreements on the regulation of relations between the two countries.

"KOHA" found out that Slobo contacted Kiro at short notice, and simply told him that he
would like to travel to Shkup. Kiro, on the other hand, called for his Foreign Minister. Both
of them, elegantly, would allegedly wish not to please Milosevic's will, but he would not have
made such request unless he knew that the hosts would have no option but to receive the self-
invited guest. This is a fact that proves that the Macedonian president regularly contacts the
Serbian president (on the phone)... Milosevic's visit to Macedonia would ease-up European
pressure on Yugoslavia to recognise Macedonia, but on the other side, it leaves space for
speculation in regard to regional ties.

Regional ties between parts of the former SFRY and Albania is by all means a kind of
solution for the Serb issue (more close communications between Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia
with "mother" Serbia), but also an "alleviation" of the Albanian issue (closer communications
with "growing" Albanians, divided by neighbouring countries). Thus, Milosevic, after the
"decisive" Macedonian "NO" regarding regional ties does not need to come here, at least not
until the international factor settles Macedonia and convinces it that regardless of wishes, it
will have to accept the visualised solution for it...

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