Modern urban reform Buddhism in Thailand

Mark Speece
College of Business and Economics
American University of Kuwait
P.O.Box 3323, Safat 13034, Kuwait
email: mspeece@auk.edu.kw

presented at the
IAPR 2013 Congress
International Association for the Psychology of Religion
27-30 August 2013
Lausanne, Switzerland

Mark Speece is currently Associate Professor of Marketing at American University in

Kuwait. He taught at the Asian Institute of Technology in Bangkok for ten years, and has
been an adjunct at other Thai universities for 20 years, notably now, supervising PhD
students at Dhurakij Pundit University, Bangkok. He is also embedded in Thai culture
through his 20-year (and counting) marriage to a Thai. His PhD in Marketing is from
University of Washington (Seattle), and he also holds a Master of Arts in Buddhist Studies
from University of Sunderland (UK).

Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2535746

Modern urban reform Buddhism in Thailand

Abstract
Thailands success at pursuing development over the past century has fostered
economic growth, urbanization, and the rise of an educated urban middle
class. However, many middle class Thai feel that economic success has not
bred happiness, but rather, new and bigger problems. They hope for guidance
from Buddhism, but traditional Buddhism seems irrelevant, focused on the
traditional dichotomy between the Thai elite and the rural masses. Thus, a
number of urban middle class Buddhist reform movements have developed.
We examine four of the most prominent movements using Rawlinsons (2000)
four-quadrant taxonomy, which classifies religious traditions by the type of
psychology they address. The hot-cool dimension distinguishes whether
traditions stress an other beyond oneself, to which one must refer to attain
salvation (hot), or see salvation as essentially a matter of self-realization
(cool). Structured traditions follow some roadmap, with or without help from
an other. Unstructured traditions do not distinguish stages or a map, but aim
for realization that truth/God is present always, and one only needs to see it.
The reform movements have diverged to reoccupy all four quadrants.
Reform-from-within remains within official Thai Theravdas coolstructured framework, itself based on official reforms of the 1800s and early
1900s. Wat Dhammakya has re-integrating esoteric elements into a hotstructured form similar to Vajrayna in many respects. Santi Asoke diverged
along the other dimension, becoming a cool-unstructured form sharing many
characteristics with Zen, a Mahyna tradition. Kuan Im, the Chinese Kuan
Yin, was brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese. She is often associated with
Pure Land Buddhism, and offers salvation to her followers through her
compassion and grace, a hot-unstructured traditions.
Thailands success at pursuing development over the past century has fostered economic
growth, urbanization, and the rise of an educated urban middle class (e.g., Baker &
Phongpaichit 2005, Chapter 8). However, many middle class Thai have come to the view
that economic success has not bred happiness, but rather, new and bigger problems on many
fronts. They hope for guidance from Buddhism, but traditional Buddhism seems somewhat
irrelevant, focused on the traditional dichotomy between the Thai elite and the rural masses.
Middle class people are very different from the rural Thai villagers who had been the major
followers of traditional Thai Buddhism (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 396).
Chris Baker & Pasuk Phongpaichit (2005) talk about such things as the need to find new
ways to practice Buddhism when people are no longer embedded in their local communities,
greater sophistication of the increasingly educated populace, and the development of a
religious market place as consumer culture and modern communication methods became
increasingly prevalent. Traditional Buddhism has not addressed such issues; many middle
class Thai feel that the modern sagha (community of ordained monks) leadership has lost
touch with the modern world (e.g., Taylor 1999). Phra Payutto, a leading scholar-monk of
the reform-from-within current of Thai Buddhism, summarizes the problem well:

Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2535746

when the modernists began to be disillusioned and dissatisfied with modernization

[they] turned to find meaning and answers from [Buddhist] tradition. However, as the
traditionalists have long been far removed from the real world of changing values,
they cannot supply the answers or satisfy the need of the modernists (Payutto 2007,
p. 56).
Thus, a number of urban middle class Buddhist reform movements have developed over the
past few decades. Specifically, we examine four reform movements here. Three of them
have received considerable attention: Buddhadsa-type, Wat Dhammakya, and Santi Asoke;
Buddhadsa-type being used here as shorthand to represent a broader set of reform-fromwithin views than only those of Buddhadsa Bhikkhu. These three movements all make
serious attempts to communicate and to answer the spiritual needs of the Thai people,
particularly the urban middle class in the modern context (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 397). The
fourth movement is the following of Kuan Im Boddhisattva (Chinese Kuan Yin). Some
observers treat it as a spirit cult derived from traditional popular religion, but others are
beginning to examine it as an example of urban middle class reform Buddhism (e.g.,
Ganjanapan 2003; Roenjun & Speece 2011).
We examine these movements using Andrew Rawlinsons (2000) four-quadrant taxonomy,
which essentially classifies religious traditions by the type of psychology which they address.
Rawlinson uses two key dimensions, hot-cool, and structured-unstructured, to build his
quadrants. Hot-cool basically distinguishes whether traditions stress an other beyond
oneself, to which one must refer in some way to attain salvation (hot), or see salvation as
being essentially a matter of self-realization (cool). Structured traditions see some roadmap
that can be followed, with or without help from an other. Unstructured traditions do not
really distinguish stages or a map, but rather, aim for realization that truth/God is present
always, and one only needs to see it.
Early reform, state Buddhism, and the currents of modern reform
Three of the movements examined here derive to some extent from reform in the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. The Thammayut order, one of two official orders in Thai
Theravda now, was founded by King Mongkut during his time as a monk (1824-1851)
before ascending the throne. Mongkut aimed at returning to the teachings of the Buddha and
purifying Buddhism of superstition (e.g., Tambiah 1976; Keyes 1987, 1992). He also wanted
to upgrade practice; Thammayut monks were encouraged to attain some proficiency in
meditation and they were very austere in following the 227 precepts of the vinaya
(Payulpitack 1991, p. 23).
The palace also wanted institutionalized Buddhism to become one of the main supports for
the modern state. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, the sagha was gradually
brought under stronger state control. By the early 1900s, institutional Buddhism had become
an important cornerstone in the modern Thai nation-state (e.g., Tambiah 1973; Payulpitack
1991, Chapter 2; Swearer 1995 Chapter 3; Baker & Phongpaichit 2005).
Buddhism had always played a major role in community affairs, and reform simply pulled
common practice under the state umbrella so that it could be standardized and enlisted in
modernization. For example, when compulsory primary education was implemented in 1921,
much rural education was still handled by local temples. Thus monastic education under
these reforms included ensuring that monks could teach such things as standard Thai and

mathematics (Baker & Phongpaichit 2005; Gosling 1980, 1992; Payulpitack 1991, pp. 27 ff
& 39 ff).
In the early Cold War period, institutional Buddhism was also used to help speed up rural
development. The government viewed this particular effort as an aid in combating
communism, but many monks felt it also contributed to local well-being or teaching the
Dhamma (Dharma), or both (e.g., Tambiah 1976, Chapter 18; Gosling 1980, 1992).
The modern Forest Tradition evolved as more educated Thammayut monks dominated
clerical ranks in forest areas. Forest monks before then were regarded as being skilled in
magic but lax in observance of the vinaya, the detailed precepts about proper behavior for
ordained monastics. Thammayut monks followed much stricter practice, and also were more
diligent in meditation (e.g., Keyes 1987, 1992). Thus, the Dhammayut also brushed up the
traditional practice of forest dwelling monks and institutionalized the forest tradition
(Sivaraksa 2009, p. 54). Some Forest monks came to be regarded as among the most
accomplished meditation masters, as well as strict followers of vinaya (e.g., Swearer 1995, p.
131 ff; Keyes 1987, 1992).
Most observers view much of modern urban reform Buddhism as having evolved from these
trends; e.g.:
Significantly, [three of the movements] which seek to make Buddhism more relevant
to everyday life have been inspired by the tradition of forest monks. Indeed, it could
be said that current religious movements constitute a sort of revival of the forest monk
approach (Payulpitack 1991, p. 55).
Introducing Rawlinsons terminology, we can characterize these three derivations from
Forest traditions. Reform-from-within, represented by Buddhadsa Bhikkhu, Phra Payutto,
and a number of other well-known monks, aims to adapt official Theravda Buddhism to
modern times, and remains well within its cool-structured framework. The Wat
Dhammakya movement is a hot-structured form of Buddhism. It was built by several
charismatic monastic leaders, and probably enjoys the broadest support among the various
strains of reform Buddhism in Thailand. Some observers accuse Wat Dhammakya adopting
Mahyna and/or Vajrayna concepts and practices, but it seems more likely that the
movement has simply revived elements present in Theravda before the Thammayut reforms
of the nineteenth century. At any rate, Wat Dhammakya has managed to stay within the
official Thai Sagha.
Santi Asoke is a cool-unstructured strain of Buddhism, and was also founded by a
charismatic monk. Also often accused of being Mahyna, Santi Asoke does seem to share
many characteristics with Zen. Santi Asoke monks may not legally represent themselves as
Theravda in Thailand, although they are free to practice and to administer to the Santi Asoke
community. Some observers see expulsion from the Thai Sagha as having had more to do
with the uncompromising criticism of Sagha corruption than with doctrine. Kuan Im, the
fourth movement, does not derive from some variant of the Forest Tradition, but represents
an adaptation of traditional popular Buddhism to the modern urban middle class context.
Kuan Im is the Thai version of the Chinese Kuan Yin, the female manifestation of the
Bodhisattva Avalokitevara. She was brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese, but has extended
her popularity well beyond to include ethnic Thai. Kuan Yin is usually associated with Pure
Land Buddhism, which Rawlinson uses as an example of hot-unstructured traditions.

Rawlinsons taxonomy
For all of these movements, personal practice is an important part of making Buddhism more
relevant in the modern world. Two key innovations are that all four of these movements take
more rigorous ethics into middle class lay society, and they also usually stress meditation, not
restricting these things to the monastic community. Indeed, Swearer notes that meditation
among lay practitioners has played a key role in the revival of Buddhism in the Theravda
countries of Asia (1995, pp. 141 ff). Schober says that the religious crisis in the modern
nation state in Thailand and Burma centres on the relevance of lay ethics in increasingly
diversified social, political and religious contexts (Schober 1995, section on Buddhism,
colonialism ). She sees this focus on ethics as fostering receptivity to the Mahyna
elements noted above:
The enhanced weight attached to the ethics and conduct of Buddhist lay society
invokes certain Mahayana concepts and highlights the heterodox, pan-buddhist, and
ecumenical character of these new movements within a predominantly Theravada
Buddhist context (Schober 1995, section on Religious disenchantment )
Nevertheless, the approach to spirituality is markedly different across the four movements.
Suwanna Satha-Anand, for example, uses the Threefold Training (the three divisions of the
Eightfold Path) to summarize the directions three of the movements take, calling them the
sila group (Santi Asoke), the samadhi group (Dhammakaya) and the panya group
(Buddhadasa) (1990, p. 405). (Sla, samdhi, and pa are moral discipline, mental
discipline, and wisdom, respectively; Payutto 2007, p. 38 & passim; Harvey 2000, p. 37.) In
similar spirit, we might designate the Kuan Im phenomenon as the saddh (faith) group,
recalling Payuttos reminder that faith and spiritual strength serve as a primary step
toward further and more energetic practice of the teachings (Payutto 2007, p. 64).
As we note below, these designations are a convenient shorthand for different psychologies.
The four movements fit very well within Rawlinsons (1989, 1997, 2000) four-quadrant
taxonomy, which Schlamm calls perhaps the most sophisticated of all twentieth-century
taxonomical studies of mystical traditions (2007, p. 75). Rawlinson essentially classifies
religious traditions by the type of psychology which they address (Schlamm 2001, 2007), and
the four quadrants are equally valid, without hierarchical ordering. Although these four
statements [about the two dimensions which define the quadrants; Figure 1] concerning the
human condition are all related, they are based on quite different axioms. But they are all
true (Rawlinson 2000, p. 100). Whatever or not Schlamms glowing assessment holds for
other contexts, Rawlinsons schema is very useful for understanding the four Buddhist reform
trends in Thailand.
Rawlinson uses two key dimensions, hot-cool, and structured-unstructured, to build his four
quadrants. Hot-cool basically distinguishes whether traditions stress an other beyond
oneself, to which one must refer in some way to attain salvation (hot), or see salvation as
being essentially a matter of self-realization (cool). Structured traditions see some roadmap
that can be followed, with or without help from an other. Unstructured traditions do not
really distinguish stages or a map, but rather, aim for realization that truth/God is present
always, and one only needs to see it. Figure 1 summarizes the schema, using Rawlinsons
own language.
Rawlinson applies his schema much more broadly than just to Buddhism, of course, but he
does give examples of four main traditions in Buddhism which fit his four quadrants. He

characterizes Theravda as cool-structured, Vajrayna as hot-structured, Zen (a variant of

Mahyna) as cool-unstructured, and Pure Land (another variant of Mahyna) as hotunstructured. Although Thailand is primarily a Theravda environment, the four reform
movements discussed here diverge along the lines Rawlinson discusses. Indeed, some of the
criticisms in Thailand are that some of them are Vajrayna (Wat Dhammakya) or Zen (Santi
Asoke). Kuan Ims movement has never claimed to be Theravda, so has not attracted this
sort of criticism, but historically, Kuan Im has been closely associated with Pure Land
Buddhism, which Rawlinson characterizes as hot-unstructured (Rawlinson 1989, 1997,
2000).
Figure 1: Rawlinsons dimensions and four quadrants
hot
is that which is other than oneself; that which has its
own life. It is not something that one has access to as
of right. It is powerful and breathtaking, and is
associated with revelation and grace. It is very similar
to Otto's numinous.

structured
there is an inherent
order in the cosmos
and therefore in the
human condition.
There is something
to be discovered
and there is a way
of discovering it.
A map is required
to find the
destination.

hot structured
The cosmos is vast and
inhabited by innumerable
powerful beings; liberation
consists in finding one's
way through the labyrinth
with the appropriate
passwords.

hot unstructured
There is a divine power,
quite other than oneself,
which encloses us and is
the source of liberation.

cool structured
Liberation is within
oneself, but it must be
uncovered by disciplined
practice.

cool unstructured
One's own nature is
liberation; everything else
is illusion.

unstructured
there is no gap
between the starting
point and the
finishing point.
Method and goal are
identical. We are not
separate from
reality/truth/God and
so no map is
required. Everything
is available now and
always has been

cool
is the very essence of oneself; one need not go to
another to find it. Hence one does have access to it as of
right. It is quiet and still, and is associated with selfrealization.

source: Rawlinson 2000, p.100; also Rawlinson 1989, pp. 167, 172; Rawlinson 1997, pp. 98100.
Official institutional Theravda in Thailand is cool-structured in Rawlinsons taxonomy.
As noted above, this orthodox Theravda was consciously constructed during reforms
implemented by the Thai State in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The
Thammayut order reformed Thai Buddhism along modern rationalist lines, under the guise
of returning to the Buddhas original teachings, purified of superstition, mythology, and other

non-Buddhist elements (e.g., Tambiah 1973, 1976; Keyes 1987, 1992). According to
Schlamm (2001), it is a defining feature of these [cool] traditions to separate themselves
from the mythology of their surrounding cultures (p. 26). He notes that Theravada and Zen,
among other non-Buddhist religious traditions, demonstrate this.
Cho (2002) argues that such rationalist tendency is a (willful) misinterpretation of Theravda
fostered by the desire to conform to Western philosophical concepts. Certainly, Thailand was
under pressure from Western powers active in the Southeast Asia, and one of the objectives
of erecting a national sangha organization with its center in Bangkok was the elimination of
regional variants considered dangerous to orthodoxy in the interests of a national
standardization and homogenization (Tambiah 1976, p. 239). Certainly, also, there were
many other variants of Theravda present in Thailand and nearby areas, and the reforms
aimed mainly at absorbing other versions, rather than outright suppression (Keyes 1971).
This strategy worked very well, but has resulted now in a somewhat stagnant Buddhism that
many feel has not adapted well to modern conditions.
Cool-structured reform-from-within: Buddhadsa / Payutto and others
In Thai Theravda, religious authority is conferred mainly by two characteristics. Firstly, a
monk must be a renowned and capable scholar who is well versed in the Buddhist
scriptures. Secondly, he must demonstrate a conservative ascetic approach to Buddhist
practice (Jackson 2003, p. 65), which means, primarily, advanced meditation skills and strict
adherence to the vinaya. Leading monks in the reform-from-within movement certainly meet
these criteria, and offer some of the most innovative thinking about adapting Thai Theravda
to the modern world. However, the prominent role of Pli scholarship seems to keep the
currents of this movement firmly tied to mainstream cool-structured Thai Theravda.
The movement has had widespread influence, but has little formal structure for
implementation beyond the efforts of individual activists such as Sulak Sivaraksa, a
prominent lay proponent. It also lacks broad mass appeal:
One of the weaknesses of Buddhadasa's ideas seems to be the very fact of their
intellectual content. Therefore, it is not surprising to find that most of his followers
are limited to intellectuals and the most educated among the middle class (SathaAnand 1990, p. 400).
The late Buddhadsa Bhikkhu was one of the most prominent reformist monks, and became
one of Thai Buddhisms leading thinkers. He was deeply concerned with making Buddhism
more relevant to modern Thailand, and was very influential in bringing core Buddhist
concepts to bear on the problems of development and modern life, and helping to nurture a
corps of social activist monks (Parnwell & Seeger 2008, p. 94). Many in the conservative
Thai Sagha disagree with his interpretations, but Buddhadsa himself relied heavily on the
suttapiaka, (teachings of the Buddha) and viewed his teachings as simply a return to
fundamentals, similar to the reforms of King Mongkut and the Thammayut order (e.g.,
Jackson 2003, Chapters 2, 7). Many Thai scholars agree with this assessment (e.g.,
Puntarigvivat 2003).
Unlike Buddhadsa, who largely worked from outside the Sagha establishment, Phra
Payutto has been very successful within it, but became critical of it and evolved into an
articulate reformer from within Thai monastic education (King 2002, p. 277). Like
Buddhadsa, he has been very concerned that without reform, Buddhism may become

irrelevant. Payutto is often acknowledged as the finest Pali scholar in the Thai Sagha
(Swearer 1997, p. 30). For a large number of Thai Buddhists, especially middle-class
intellectuals and well-educated Buddhist monks, Phra Payutto has become the authoritative
voice in debates revolving on the interpretation, meaning and function of the Pli canon
(Seeger 2007, pp. 3-4).
Their interpretations are not generally far apart (e.g., Jackson 2003, pp. 90-91; 261).
Notably, they view paicca-samuppda (dependent origination, or conditioned arising)
similarly, as explaining the psychological process for the arising of suffering at any particular
moment, not the cycle of birth and rebirth. (Buddhadsa 2002; Payutto 1995). According to
Buddhadsa, grasping and attachment will give rise to becoming and birth the birth of the
self idea, I or mine, which will taste the fruit of suffering (Buddhadsa 2002, pp.
15-16; also Payutto 1995, beginning of Chapter 2).
Soteriology in cool-structured systems is based on clear awareness and nonentanglement
(Rawlinson 2000, p. 101). Buddhadsa talks about ability of everyone to achieve nibbna, if
one takes the trouble to develop the mind, clean out the defilements, and abandon the false
conception of a Self (e.g., 1996; also Jackson 2003, pp. 163 ff). Nibbana manifests when the
fires of defilement, attachment, selfishness, and dukkha are cooled. To be realized in this
life (Buddhadsa 1991, p. 61-62). Nirvana is the final goal of Buddhism. This goal can be
experienced here and now in this very life (Payutto 2007, p. 129). In Nibbana For
Everyone, Buddhadsa says that without this business of nibbana, Buddhism would be as
good as dead (1996, 3rd paragraph). He means, of course, that without personal relevance to
peoples lives in this world, Buddhism can become empty ritual.
The idea of attainable nirvana brings Buddhism closer to the general public and
encourages them to follow the ideals of Buddhist practices. It moves the sanghacentered practices down to a more individual and worldly level, such that even lay
people can and should start to live according to the Buddhist precepts and Buddhist
teachings (Heikkil-Horn 1997, p. 118)
Heikkil-Horn is actually talking about Santi Asokes view of nibbna here; in fact, all four
reform movements stress some version of nibbna achievable by lay people in the here-andnow. In the cool-structured reform-from-within version, liberation is within oneself, but it
must be uncovered by disciplined practice (Rawlinson 2000, p. 100). All that is required is
constant effort the practitioner starts on page one of the manual, so to speak, and works
his/her way through to the end (Rawlinson 2000, p. 102). Dhamma must be studied and
learned internally (Buddhadsa 1991, p. 13). Of course, reading books, discussion, and
listening to talks can explain the method and means of inner study (Buddhadsa 1991, p.
13). Many monks expert at meditation in cool-structured Thai Theravda, including
Buddhadsa, have written such manuals, mainly based directly on the Buddhas teachings in
the suttapiaka (e.g., Buddhadsa 1980).
Hot-structured Wat Dhammakya
As noted, the reform-from-within movement represented by Buddhadsa and Payutto lacks
structure and is quite diffuse. Wat Dhammakya and Santi Asoke both also aim to provide
more organizational structure to better foster implementation of Buddhist ideals
(Fuengfusakul 1993). In terms of Rawlinsons schema, both, as noted above, have roots in
Thailands cool-structured forest tradition, but have diverged in different ways. Rawlinson
notes the overlap in traditions which share a pole on one of the dimensions. Hot-structured

Wat Dhammakya shares much of the same structure with the official cool-structured Thai
Theravda. However, in it, the cosmos is vast and inhabited by innumerable powerful
beings; liberation consists in finding one's way through the labyrinth with the appropriate
passwords (Rawlinson 2000, p. 100). The teacher in hot-structured traditions can be
characterized as magician/knows the secret (2000, p. 103), and the teaching is never given
all at once, but only when necessary and then only in cryptic form (2000, p. 106).
The Wat Dhammakya movement was built by its charismatic leader Dhammachayo
Bhikkhu, aided by his lieutenant, Dattajeevo Bhikkhu. According to a nineteen-year veteran
monk who had reached very high level in the Wat Dhammakya hierarchy before leaving the
movement,
Unlike other Buddhist communities in Thailand where the teachings of the master
remain open to the public, Wat Phra Dhammakya is built upon rings of esoteric
teachings (Laohavanich 2012, p. 487). When the newcomer has gained sufficient
faith in the leadership of the wat, s/he will be introduced to a higher level of the
teaching of Vijj Dhammakya where the conventional knowledge of Buddhism
becomes almost insignificant (Laohavanich 2012, p. 488).
In Wat Dhammakyas mythology, not generally discussed with outsiders, the universe is
the battlefield between the Dhammakyas of the Light and Darkness (Laohavanich 2012, p.
495). Dhammachayo is rumored to have great psychic and meditative powers, which enable
him to lead the forces of light (e.g., Mackenzie 2007, 2008). Wat Dhammakya followers are
all part of this cosmic struggle, and final victory over the forces of darkness will lead to
collective enlightenment (Laohavanich 2012, p. 490). However, basic teachings are
somewhat more mundane. The movement attracts a broad-based middle-class constituency
augmented by notable support from the royal family and important military and government
figures (Swearer 1991, p. 656), including the new rich, largely ethnic Sino-Thai (Taylor
1999, p. 174; also Taylor 2008, p. 45). Generally,
although quite well educated, members of the Dhammakaya Temple are not
intellectuals. They seem to represent a segment of the emerging middle class that is
keen on achieving both worldly pleasure and peace of mind in religious form (SathaAnand 1990, p. 407).
Thus, Thammaki emphasizes that Nibbna is to be sought within the world, not through
withdrawal from the world (Keyes 1992, p. 336). It teaches
a simple, ethical message or ideology which bypasses both the mythic-cosmological
and the more complex philosophical aspects of the Theravada Buddhist tradition;
and a comprehensive teaching applicable to layperson and monk, conducive both to
moral well-being and the highest spiritual attainment (Swearer 1991, pp. 263-264).
Dhammakyas distinctive meditation method, a relatively simple visualization technique,
is easily taught to large groups of people (Swearer 1991, p. 660). With it, Dhammakya
offers members a simple formula for enlightenment available to everyone It is also
promoted to help success in material life, pointing out that regular practice leads to
improved memory and thinking ability, more success in business and studying
(Payulpitack 1991, p. 58).

Wat Dhammakya has been controversial, criticized for its excessive affluence (spiritual
consumerism), its aggressive methods of fund-raising, and its promotion of a method of
meditation which has traditionally been suspect within the Theravada tradition (Swearer
1991, p. 667). Merit-making has become a well-packaged and ready-made good which can
be easily acquired and consumed(Fuengfusakul 1993, p. 168). They create a novel
image of Buddhism that corresponds well with the grandness of capitalism, and the
concretization of Buddhist ideals also corresponds with the concrete sensual satisfactions of a
consumer society (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 407).
Nevertheless, Thammakaay has taken pains to present itself as a dynamic, "cutting-edge",
reformist movement which respects and accepts the existing order and rules of the game
(Fuengfusakul 1993, p. 176). It is quite skilled at marketing itself (Scott 2006), and the
authorities have shown themselves willing to tolerate Thammakaay's commercial innovations
and activities as long as it does not challenge the Sangha Order and the law (Fuengfusakul
1993, p. 178). Thus, Wat Dhammakya has become much more of a mass movement than
any of the other currents of reform Buddhism.
Cool-unstructured Santi Asoke
Santi Asoke was founded by Samana Bodhiraksa, who ordained in the Thammayut order in
1970, after college and a successful career. He came into conflict with the Sagha hierarchy,
disrobed and re-ordained in the Mahnikai order in 1973. Bodhiraksa assumed the title
Samana, a Pli term for renunciant, after dropping the more official Phra when further
conflict again led to his disrobing (Heikkil-Horn 1997, Chapter 2; Essen 2005, pp. 16-19;
Mackenzie 2007, Chapter 5). Bodhiraksa acknowledges Buddhadsas influence, but
criticizes the reform-from-within movement because it lacks organization to implement
teachings (e.g., Payulpitak 1991, p. 181; Essen 2005, p. 17; Mackenzie 2007, p. 10).
Santi Asoke vehemently condemns modern consumer capitalism, and presents an alternative
lifestyle in its collective communities (e.g., Heikkil-Horn 1997; Essen 2004, 2005). While
the Dhammakaya movement creates a new image of Buddhism to correspond to a secular
consumer society, the Santi Asoke group chooses an image of poverty and simplicity to
counter the strong currents of consumerism (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 407). Practice is heavily
oriented toward strict morality and mindfulness in its simple lifestyle.
Santi Asoke tends to appeal more to the less highly educated strata of the middle-class
(Jackson 1989, p. 166; also Heikkil-Horn 1997, Chapter 6). Ordinary lay members tend to
be individuals who have not benefited greatly from, or are not integrated very deeply into the
middle-class metropolitan consumer culture (Fuengfusakul 1993, p. 159). However, there is
far more sympathy toward Santi Asoke than actual willingness to join:
the fact that the Santi Asoke group has attracted quite a large number of supporters,
though not so many serious followers, seems to indicate the ambivalence of the Thai
urban middle class who, on the one hand, supports the antiestablishment stance of this
group, but perhaps finds it too demanding to lead a poor and simple life in a Buddhist
community (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 407).
Rawlinson characterizes cool-unstructured traditions as having a soteriology of know
thyselfand spiritual practice oriented toward just realize (2000, p. 101, 103), and Schlamm
(2001), as noted above, says cool traditions reject the mythologies which have accrued to

spiritual practice. This certainly describes Santi Asoke. The Asoka movement strives to
strip away the chaff and return to the fundamentals or essence of Buddhism, a moral and
religious transformation which does not rely upon, and rejects as superfluous, the usual
magical and merit-making rituals (Swearer 1991, p. 668).
Bodhiraksa assures his followers that nirvana can be reached in this life since it is a state of
mind. Nirvana is not something supernatural or otherworldy. To be enlightened means to be
peaceful and calm (Heikkil-Horn 1997, p. 118). Work serves as the primary method of
samdhi, achieving concentration through meditation (Essen 2004, p. 11).
A common understanding of nibbana in the Asoke communities is a mind free from
attachment and suffering. This may be achieved by lay members as well as monastics.
Intense focus (sati) on the task being carried out leads members to identify
defilements and attachments in their own minds (MacKenzie 2007, p. 184).
Several Srisa Asoke residents commented that the peace generated by meditating in
isolation is lost as soon as that person reenters the world. Asoke members thus
practice "open eye" meditation continuously as they work and interact with others
within their community (Essen 2004, pp. 11-12).
The concept of work as meditation is not entirely absent from Theravda (e.g., Buddhadsa
2007; also Borchert 2011 for a non-Thai Theravda context), but it is a common concept in
Chan/Zen. Zen has always tended to emphasize basic, ordinary and menial activities such
as sweeping floors and cutting wood, as suitable activities not just to provide an alternative to
seated meditation, but as forms of meditative action in their own right (Reader 1995, p.
230). Performing manual labor in the right manner in this way became a religious act in
itself in its expression of the nonduality of worldly labor and Buddhist meditation and thus
ultimately sasra and nirvana (Ornatowski 1996, p. 221).
Hot-unstructured Kuan Im
Kuan Im is the Thai version of the Chinese Kuan Yin Bodhisattva, the female manifestation
of the Bodhisattva Avalokitevara. She was brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese, but has
extended her popularity well beyond to include ethnic Thai. Kuan Yin is well known in most
East Asian Buddhist traditions (e.g., Tay 1976; Y 2001), and, as Avalokitevara, even more
widely, but is usually particularly associated with Pure Land Buddhism, which Rawlinson
uses as an example of hot-unstructured traditions. Historically, some of the most prominent
teachers in Pure Land were masters of other traditions who came to believe that their
traditions were too difficult to be useful to the average layperson.
According to Pure Land doctrine most practitioners in the Degenerate Age find
the self-power, self-help approach too difficult and arduous; therefore, in their Pure
Land teachings, the Buddhas and Sages compassionately emphasized the additional
element of other-power (Chih I & Tien Ju 1992, p. xiii).
A Pure Land is the abode of a Buddha, where devout practitioners can go by calling upon the
compassion and grace of a Buddha and/or associated bodhisattva. There are many, and all
the pure lands of the Buddhas are, in truth, equal (Chih I & Tien Ju 1992, p. 27; also Getz
2004; Gomez 2004b). However, most practitioners would find it confusing and difficult to
contemplate many, so the Buddha Amitbha came to be the particular Buddha to which most
Pure Land practitioners appealed (Chih I & Tien Ju 1992, p.; 26 ff).

Avalokitevara, the embodiment of compassion, is Amitbhas right hand man (or woman),
so to speak, who often implements salvation (Getz 2004; Gomez 2004a; Barber 2004). (In
much imagery, this is literal Avalokitevara is positioned directly to Amitbhas right.) In
Chinese Pure Land:
While residing in the Land of Eternal Stillness, because of Her boundless concern
and compassion, She also appears in all lands and realms. Standing beside Amitabha
Buddha, She also manifests Herself everywhere She accomplishes whatever deeds
are of benefit to sentient beings and takes whatever form is necessary to rescue them
and teach them the Dharma (Yin-Kuang 1993, p. 93).
Many practitioners believe that it is most appropriate to focus devotion on the compassionate
Kuan Yin, who (particularly relevant for Thai reform Buddhism), brings things into the hereand-now:
While Amit vows to take the sentient beings after death into a world where the
retribution of karma is no more effective, Kuan-yin caters to the human desire to rise
above our own karma even while in this life (Tay 147-148).
Kwan Im in Thailand is often discussed in terms of spirit cults, as a form of popular
Buddhism (e.g., Kitiarsa 2005). However, her growing popularity is better understood as part
of this modern urban reform Buddhism, rather than as a popular spirit cult (Ganjanapan
2003; Roenjun & Speece 2011). Kuan Im is solidly rooted in spiritual aspirations and a
desire for a more moral life. Compared to spirit cults in popular Buddhism, that of Kuan Im
is more organized, in the same way as the Buddhist reform movements [Ganjanapan
briefly discussed Wat Dammakaya and Santi Asoke] Kuan Im is more oriented
towards the reproduction of morality in a religious sense, given the belief in the
goddess is rooted in the bodhisattva concepts of Mahayana Buddhism. In this sense,
the cult also incorporates the religious ethos and morality of Mahayana Buddhism,
which enhances its position in the eyes of the urban middle class in comparison with
the traditional spirit cults (Ganjanapan 2003, p. 131).
Kuan Im reintegrates the other, and otherworldly influence on earthly affairs, which was
pushed out of official Thai Theravda (although it never disappeared from popular folk
Buddhism):
most of the recent reforms in Buddhism have put more emphasis on rationalism as
distinct from the magical elements which have always been an integral part of popular
Buddhism. This leads to the alienation of the new middle classes from Buddhism
because magic is considered an aspect of Buddhism which is associated very closely
with various social values, such as justice and honesty. The cult of Chao Mae Kuan
Im helps strengthen the unity between magic and Buddhist moral values,
especially kindness. In this sense, the cult, on one hand, helps in the construction of
middle-class values against the global values of materialism and consumerism and
establishes moral control over the spreading obsession with magic (Ganjanapan
2003, p. 134-135).

To the very limited extent that there has been much examination of Kuan Im as Buddhist
practice, rather than as a spirit cult, devotion to Kuan Im in Thailand seems very much
along the lines noted in discussion of Pure Land here. Key informants in Bangkok report
constant mindfulness of Kuan Im, which people believe helps them in their daily lives, both
in terms of their own state-of-mind, and because Kuan Im does intervene directly sometimes
(Roenjun & Speece 2011, 2013). Although not as prominent, the bodhisattva ideal is well
known in Theravda (e.g., Ratnayaka 1985), as is devotion to the Buddha (e.g., Crosby
2005), and the concept of salvific compassion represented by the ideal mother (e.g., Crosby
2008). This familiarity perhaps makes it relatively easy to translate Pure Land belief and
practice to Thailand.
Conclusion: Many Buddhisms for Psychographic segmentation Buddhist reform in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was very much directed by
the state, and pushed Thai Theravda into the cool-structured box. Of course, other
variations of Theravda were not eliminated, but they disappeared from official discourse and
teaching, since the Sagha was under State control. One can characterize the modern
movements as Buddhism responding to the various needs of the middle class, rather than
serving state interests. Phra Phaisan Visalo (a cool-structured reformist monk) says that
Uniform or standardized Buddhism is a thing of the past. Thai Buddhism is returning
to diversity again, perhaps to a greater degree than before the Prince Wachirayan
reform. In the past, uniform Buddhism was possible because of state and central
Sangha control. The trend in the above [discussion of some modern trends] is a sign
that Buddhism is becoming independent of the state and the Sangha hierarchy,
returning again to the hands of the people (Visalo 2005)
[end quote]
The people, of course, are not homogenous in terms of how they make religious belief
personally relevant, even if we restrict our discussion to the urban middle class. The various
forms of modern reform Buddhism in Thailand address different psychological profiles; this
is the diversity which Phra Visalo talks about. Returning to it refers to the fact that
historically Buddhism has developed a variety of traditions which accommodate various
psychological profiles. This diversity was largely present in Thailand before State-led reform
in the modern era boxed Buddhism into one particular form, and Thai Buddhism is escaping
the box again now that it is escaping the State.

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