City University London

THE BATTLE FOR INDEPENDENCE:

A CATALAN OR A SPANISH PROBLEM?

M Victoria Gomis Sanz

May, 2013

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for degree of Erasmus Mundus

Masters in Journalism, Media and Globalization:
Financial and Business Journalism

Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to acknowledge everybody that has contributed with advice and
ideas to create this thesis, especially to all my interviewees.

Also, a very special thanks to those people who have made these two years of the
Erasmus Mundus Master programme extraordinary, especially to my closest class mates
and to Rogel Jeal, professor at City University, for his unconditional help.

I am grateful to have such good friends who have helped me with this thesis. Special
thanks to Corina Poore, for helping me express my ideas in English.

I would also like to mention here my family, particularly my father, and my best friend,
July, for being with me at all times and for showing me both perspectives of this issue.
This thesis would not have been the same without your encouragement and our lively
discussions.

Finally, I could not have done this work without the help of Gonzalo Fernndez de
Crdoba Martos, economist at Malaga University. Endless thanks for your advice, long
conversations, and guidance in this project.

This thesis has been reviewed by Timothy Kehoe, economist at Minnesota University.
Thank you so much for your helpful comments and suggestions.

Any remaining errors are my responsibility.

Thank you all!

Muchas gracias a todos!
Moltes grcies a tots!
Mavi Gomis

Table of Contents
Introduction ............................................................................................................ 4
Part I - Project ................................................................................................... 5
The Battle for Independence: A Catalan or Spanish problem ...................... 6
Enough Reasons? .................................................................................. 7
We are a Nation, We decide ........................................................... 8
Money, Money, Money ..................................................................... 10
All about Solidarity ........................................................................... 11
From the Fiscal Agreement to the Right to Decide ........................... 12
Precedents? ........................................................................................ 14
The Catalonians VS The Spanish ...................................................... 16
Any Alternative? ............................................................................... 18
Speaking Out ..................................................................................... 20
Near Future ....................................................................................... 21
List of Interviews ............................................................................................... 24
Part II Dissertation ......................................................................................... 28
Introduction ....................................................................................... 29
Chapter 1: The Bias Problem................................................................. 30
Historical Interpretation ................................................. 30
The Half-Truth of the Fiscal Balances ........................... 33
Political Interests ............................................................ 35
Sociological Aspects ...................................................... 38
Chapter 2: The (crisis of the) Nation-State. A wider problem .......... 39
The Current Moment, Why Now? ................................. 42
International Framework. Examples .............................. 43
Scotland ........................................................ 43
Quebec ..........................................................44
Chapter 3: Final Remarks ..................................................................45
Bibliography ....................................................................................................... 48
End Notes ............................................................................................................ 54
Appendix 1: Political Parties. Explanation ......................................................56
Appendix 2: Journalist Article. Design ............................................................ 57

Introduction
I Part- The Project
The Catalan independence movement has growth exponentially recently. The reasons
are several and debatable, but there are clear circumstances that have helped its
development. The judgement of the Constitutional Court in 2010, limiting the Statute of
Autonomy of Catalonia of 2006, had an important social impact. The lack of response
from the government also fuelled the unrest. Since then, demonstrations have led
towards the demand for independence for Catalonia.

The political, sociocultural and economic conflict is now in a turning point where
polarization is extreme. For some, (unilateral) independence seems the only way to go.
For others, there are a few other alternatives. Anyway, negotiation is a prerequisite to
achieve the best and the less painful solution for all. This project is intended for anyone
who wants to have a better understanding of this situation and thinks that extreme
positions are not the only solution.
Word count: 5988
II Part- Dissertation
Nationalism inside an existing country usually has two sides to the same story. This
topic has several and contradictory interpretation of facts. This dissertation will analyse
four aspects of the Spanish reality to make a clearer and more complete picture of the
independence of Catalonia.

This sentiment has its foundation in a specific vision of Spanish history. Also, the
divergence on the economic issue depends on how they look in the glass. The project
will also address the problematic of the sociological aspects will be also explained. And
especially, it will assess the importance of the role of the politicians and the
interpretations of the events according to their vested interests.

Moreover, this dissertation will evaluate the role of the Nation-States in Europe in
connection with independence movements. A wider perspective will be included with
the examples of Scotland and Quebec.
Word count: 5991
4

PART I PROJECT
The Battle for Independence:
A Catalan or a Spanish Problem?

The battle for independence: a Catalan or a Spanish problem?

Catalonias early elections, the 25th of November, 2012, had a unique purpose: to
demand the support from the Catalan people for the Declaration of Sovereignty for
Catalonia. The independence parties won, but with a much smaller majority than
expected by the governing party of the Generalitat of Catalonia, Convergncia i Uni
(CiU).

The current economic crisis has intensified nationalist sentiment in Catalonia. Also, the
lack of a positive response from Central Government towards any alternative has in fact
increased tensions between Catalonia and the rest of Spain. Above all, the problems of
negotiations between these two, regarding fiscal agreements and the possibility of a
referendum for independence, has led to a situation of no return. To date, a unilateral
decision of independence for Catalonia seems to be the only way for Catalans to go.
Catalan elections and political parties

CiU: Convergncia i Uni. Right-wing party, leader of the Parliament of Catalonia, with the support of ERC.
ERC: Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya.. Catalan independent, left- wing party.
PSC: Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (Socialist Party in Catalonia). Left-wing party.
PPC : Partit Popular de Catalunya (Popular Party of Catalonia). Right-wing party.
ICV-EUiA: Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds- Esquerra Unida i Alternativa (Party for the Initiative for Catalonias GreensUnited Left and Alternative). Leftist and environmentalist electoral coalition.
C's:Ciutadans-Partit de la Ciutadana (Citizens of Catalonias party). It is a non-nationalist and constitutional party.
Others: CUP, Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (Candidacy of Popular Union). Left-wing party.

Enough Reasons?

Catalonia has always expressed a desire for autonomy that has never been resolved.
Jordi Turull, member of Parliament of CiU in Catalonia, emphasizes that the issue of
Catalan self-government was not properly stipulated in the Spanish Constitution of
1978. Although, the Spanish Constitution (CE) recognizes some territories as historic
nations, there is no clarity in the legal position which has created subsequent problems.

Not everybody in Catalonia holds the same ideas about autonomy. Jordi Caas,
spokesman of Ciutadans, explains that the CE does not specify that Catalonia is a
nation, but only a nationality inside Spain. Jordi Menendez, head of the office of the
former President of Catalonia, also says Spain itself has never been established as a
real Nation-State, just as Catalonia has never been officially a state.

But it seems that the arguments for independence of Catalonia are many and clear. The
economic, linguistic, cultural, social demographic, historical and geographical factors
made them deserve to be a state. Isaac Peraire, National Secretary of Strategy and
Electoral Analysis of ERC, explains it in this way, We want our own tools for
statehood to decide and manage our resources without having to ask permission to
defend our own language, culture or history. According to Mr. Peraire, their
secessionist claims are not against Spain itself.

Organizations such as the National Assembly of Catalonia and the cultural association
mnium also support the Catalan independence movement. Their main purpose is to
defend Catalonias unique culture, language and the desire of nationhood. As Muriel
Casals, president of mnium cultural, explains, The Catalan language and culture are
what moves us to support this sovereignty. There are also historical realities and
economic motivations that reinforce the request for Catalan independence.

These arguments could dismantle the idea of Spain as a country. Perhaps, the
description of what Spain itself is, is not no clear. Spain is a plural-national country
because it includes several nations in one. And this is not assumed, says Jaume Bosch,
MP of ICV-EUiA.

Anyway, as Mr. Caas, spokesman of Ciutadans, says Catalanss identity has not
undergone any modification, what has changed is a greater call for independence.
Catalans see independence as an exit of the economic crisis, or as Mr. Turull, MP of
CiU, says, We Catalans have our own exit. However, this argument can be a
distraction to avoid the economic and political problems Catalonia is going through.

Now, the issue of independence is the main debate in Catalonia. It is the solution to the
current economic and social situation, apart from responding to a historical right and
different sociocultural characteristics, explains Mr. Peraire, a senior party official of
ERC.

We are a nation, we decide

On the 10th of July, 2010 a demonstration demanding the independence of Catalonia
took place in Barcelona under the slogan som una naci, nosaltres decidim (we are a
nation, we decide). The appeal against the unconstitutionality of the new Statute of
Autonomy of Catalonia on the 28th of June, 2010, was a direct consequence to this
strike.

The people in Catalonia expressed their opposition to the many restrictions that were
included by the Constitutional Court on the reform of their Statute of Autonomy. These
limitations were interpreted by Catalans as a misunderstanding of the Spanish state in
relation to what was intended by the Statute, which was for more self-government,
while remaining within the Constitution, according to Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA.

This produced a clash of legitimacy between the Spanish and Catalan parliaments and
the Constitutional Judiciary. Jose M Benegas, MP of the Socialist National Party
(PSOE) in the Congreso de los Diputados of Spain, says, The Constitutional Court
cannot invalidate something that has been ratified by the Spanish and the Catalan
parliaments. This is why from Catalonia, politicians like Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, insist
that the Statute of Catalonia was a popular decision.

However, the Popular Party of Catalonia (PPC) maintains its position that this
judgement saved the constitutionality of the statute of autonomy of Catalonia of 2006.
8

Andrea Levy, deputy secretary of studies and programs of the PPC, emphasizes her
belief that this statute adequately responds now to the principles of our Constitution.

In any case, Catalan society was deeply affected by this verdict. Mr. Benegas, MP of the
PSOE, says that Catalan nationalism has always asked for more autonomy through the
statutes, but not for independence as such. He adds, The devaluation of the new
statute has generated many problems. Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA in Catalonia,
corroborates that, The big mistake of Spain was not to accept the reform of the Statute
of Autonomy of Catalonia.

Nevertheless, whether or not the reform of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was
constitutional, the lack of response from Central Government to Catalonia left a sense of
a broken constitutional agreement that led to the revolutionary strikes for independence
that followed.

But, the independent movement has also grown explosively due to a combination of
other factors. The demographic and sociological phenomenon, the change in attitude of
the Spanish right-wing National party PP, the failure to reform the Statute of Catalonia,
the problems of the financing system and the territorial solidarity, within the context of
the current economic crisis. This is the background in which the independence spirit
has expanded, as explains Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC.

Alex Garca. La Vanguardia newspaper. La Diada 11th of September, 2012

The feeling in Catalonia is that from 2010 until 2012, Central Government did not
respond to the demands for sovereignty. Therefore, all these claims took shape in a
collective demonstration organized by the National Assembly of Catalonia during the
National Day of Catalonia (11th of September, 2012) under the slogan Catalunya, nou
Estat d'Europa (Catalonia, new state of Europe). As Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, along with
Mr. Peraire, senior party official of ERC, agreed, the Spanish State has given Catalonia
no [other] alternative, but to call for independence.

Money, money, money

The financial system in Spain, or more specifically the redistribution of income between
the Comunidades Autnomas (Autonomous Communities), has provoked vexation in
Catalonia.

The arguments related to this issue are many and diverse. Fiscal balances are interpreted
depending on which factors are used to measure the deficit. The methods used include
different variables on which the deficit changes considerably, affecting or supporting the
side that suits Catalonia or the rest of Spain. Mr. Caas, spokesman of Ciutadans, states,
The discussion of funding is a technical debate about who does what, and how much it
costs. But the problem is that in Catalonia it has become a political debate.

It seems that the economic aspects remain the centre of the argument to defend the call
for independence. From CiUs perspective, the idea: I give more and I receive less is
an important reason, though not for everyone. Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, justifies Catalonia
s response to this problem by stating, A better fiscal agreement has been the last
attempt to see how the Spanish state would respond to this situation, but what they did
was to look the other away. This has caused a difficult relationship between Spain and
Catalonia, and Mr. Turull claims, It damages Catalonia from an economic point of
view.

The argument of the expolio fiscal (spoils tax) is convincing and has exacerbated the
nationalist sentiment in Catalonia. However, not everybody thinks that this economic
argument is well sustained. Andrea Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says that the
10

discourse about `Madrid stealing from us is hypocritical. Improvements in the

regional funding does not require a fiscal agreement as in the Basque Country, but a
sensible reform of the current model for Catalonia, she adds.

Suggestions that Catalonia will be better without Spain are common inaccuracies that
the government of Catalonia uses in times of economic crisis to support independence,
as the Socialist National party PSOE and the non-independent party of Catalonia
Ciutadans declare.

It is logical that territories with higher incomes contribute more to development than
others with less, says Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC. But the problem
is deeper, and he explains that it is true that Catalonia clearly contributes to the Spanish
financial system and that this contribution is a bit excessive. However, as he
rationalizes that, from that position, to then state that `Spain is stealing from us
[Catalonia], is a big step.

All about solidarity

During the massive demonstration on the National Day of Catalonia (la Diada, 11th of
Sept, 2012), The President of Catalonia interpreted this demonstration as a request for
independence, and it therefore broke the fiscal agreement that Catalonia and the Central
government of Spain had until that moment, explains Mr. Menendez, senior party
official of the PSC.

The independent party, ERC, supported CiU to develop the independence proposal and,
therefore, to forget about the fiscal pact. This political party believes that an
independent Catalonia is economically viable. The situation will probably not be the
same without the economic resources Catalonia must have. This is what Mr. Bosch, PM
of ICV-EUiA argues, If the conviction of the people is that Catalonia is not
economically viable, they would not ask for independence.

Mr. Caas, spokesman of Ciutadans, explains that people want hope, and the
independent parties are giving it to them, even if it is false. But the emotional, social,
economic and political effects that the decision of self-determination has on a society
11

cannot be justified because you do not like the financing system.

It seems that the Spanish financing system is not working well enough, and this problem
has become more visible in the context of the current economic crisis. Catalonia is
compared with Germany at this point, which is not willing to make a flexible
contribution to the economy of the Southern European countries, as Mr. Menendez,
senior party official of the PSC, says. He also emphasizes, Mr. Mas [President of the
Generalitat of Catalonia] bet everything to get the same economic agreement as the
Basque Country and Navarra; something that is unfair and it will continue being unfair,
apart from non-viable, if it was the case of Catalonia.

The same negotiations were discussed in the UK about the EU budget. Stephen Tindale,
associate fellow of the Centre of European Reform (CER), explains that the solidarity
argument, that it is the moral responsibility of richer members to help the poorer ones, is
very powerful politically [], but when people in the UK or wherever, are not as rich as
they were, the anger of giving more is pretty hard to carry.

Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, says We [Catalonia] want to be supportive but not at the
expense of our own decline. To second this argument, Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA,
says, Its true that the Spanish financial system is not fair for many Comunidades
Autnomas. They say that there are no mechanisms to improve the unequal distribution
of tax revenues.

The main claims are about What should be the contribution limit that would not drag
the economic development of the highest contributing territory? as Mr. Menendez,
senior party official (PSC), says. In this sense, Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE, believes
It is necessary to find a better fiscal agreement where funding is fairer to Catalonia.

From the fiscal agreement to the right to decide

The Catalan political parties in power, CiU and ERC, say that they have tried to
negotiate a better fiscal agreement with the Spanish State on several occasions over
time, and the last effort was the new State of Autonomy of Catalonia where the rights
remained very restricted.
12

As a consequence, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, concludes, We do not believe them any

more. No commitment of the Spanish State to Catalonia has ever been fulfilled. For
him, Nowadays there is no way back. What the Catalan people want now is to decide
their own future in a referendum.

However, other opinions say that the right to decide does not legally exist. As Mr.
Benegas, MP of the PSOE, says, This case is not recognized by the UN as a right for
self-determination, what only includes a colonial situation, apartheid or military
occupation. Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC and Mr. Caas, spokesman
of Ciutadans, also support this view, corroborating that the right to decide does not have
legal protection. Besides, the actual Spanish Constitution does not include this right.

Mr. Caas and Mr. Benegas explain that Mr. Rajoy, President of Spain, cannot accept
this referendum because it would go against the Spanish Constitution. They say that it is
the President himself who should instruct Mr. Mas, President of the Generalitat of
Catalonia, to propose a constitutional reform in the Congress of Deputies.

An expert in the field, Manuel S. de Diego, professor of information law at the

Complutense University of Madrid, explains, The request for sovereignty violates the
articles one and two of the Spanish Constitution as well as the eighth title, because
Catalonia has no jurisdiction to do so.

However, not all the political parties in Catalonia want to hold the referendum. Andrea
Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says, We are not in favour of doing experiments
challenging a union of more than five centuries, although, obviously, things could be
improved. Another important view comes from Mr. Menendez, senior party official of
the PSC, and Mr. Caas, spokesman of Ciutadans, who state that the referendum should
be expanded to all Spanish citizens, not only Catalonians.

It does not seem clear what all Catalans really want. Although, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU,
says that many people who are against the independence of Catalonia are still in favour
of a referendum. Political parties on Catalonia have disagreements between them, but
ERC, CiU, ICV-EUiA and PSC coincide on the need to have a referendum. We are
13

talking about democracy, assesses Mr. Turull.

Precedents?

Catalans who defend the referendum, advocate the principle of democracy. From a
democratic point of view, Scots can vote, and Catalans cannot. This is not
understandable for citizenship. You can look at historical explanations, but people do
not understand, says Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA. He also adds that democracy is well
established in Scotland, unlike in Spain.

By contrast, advocates of a united Spain are supported by the constitution. Legally

speaking, there are drawbacks of holding a referendum in Spain. Whereas the argument
of democracy establishes a strong reason, the main difference between Spain, Scotland
and Canada is the Constitution. In Scotland, there is no Constitution that says national
sovereignty belongs to the Scottish people as it is stipulated that Spain belongs to the
Spanish (1st Art. CE), as explained by Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC.

In this sense, Stphane Dion, MP of the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC), says that there
are many democracies that called themselves indivisible like France, Spain and Italy
[] In Canada we do not have the equivalent, Canada is divisible, but not by any
means. Canada does not recognize the right of secession in its Constitution. Secession
is not a [legal] right in Canada, it is a possibility that we can accept only in the
principles of a clear question, a clear support of secession and a negotiation accurately
done within the constitutional context. Mr. Dion also argues that there is a difference
between the right to ask and the right to have.

If independence happens in Quebec or Scotland, it will be because the people clearly

decided to secede and then the national government in Canada and in the UK will have
to accept negotiations, explains Mr. Dion, MP of the LPC.

Luis Moreno, political sociologist of the Institute of Public Goods and Policies of Spain
(CSIC), says that English culture is much more of a civic engagement, a willingness to
negotiate, compromise and to be more pragmatic. He adds, Scots are more rational
than Catalans, who are more emotional in their arguments. In this sense, Mr.
14

Menendez, senior party official of the PSC, points out, There has been a smarter
political attitude in the UK. They understood they had to deal with the problem, and that
is what they have done.

The same view is supported by Mr. de Diego, professor of information law at the
Complutense University of Madrid; In Scotland these issues are discussed openly, and
public opinion is taken into account, while in Spain the nationalist forces pose it as a
more personal story, taking it like an insult to the honour of the people.

Discussions and negotiations are fundamental to the processes of independence in every

country. Mr. Dion, MP of the LPC, makes an important point in relation to the
international framework, it will not be a unilateral secession done against the will of
the existing state. [...] In fact, international law was against the independence of
Catalonia and Quebec. Canada is a state and it is a nation in the United Nations (UN),
and Quebec is a province of Canada, but for the Quebecois it is a nation within
Canada.

There is another relevant aspect of the people asking for independence. Mr. Moreno,
political sociologist of the CSIC explains that only when there are a majority of Scots
who are declared `exclusively Scottish, there will be a legitimacy, a support for an
independent nation. This categorization of identity is also applicable to Catalonia.
Especially in this case, Mr. Moreno says that the perception of the people towards the
State is subjective and it depends on circumstances such as Spain winning the world
cup, or the judgement of the Constitutional Court regarding to the Statute of Autonomy
of Catalonia.

The Spanish football team won the world cup. 12th July, 2010. Madrid

15

Also, Mr Dion, MP of the LPC, explains, Most Quebecois want to stay Canadian. He
adds his own view saying that I am confident that we, Quebecois, will always decide
that to be Quebecois and Canadian is not a contradiction. It is something we are proud
to be. Now Catalonia and Scotland have to decide if they are proud of both conditions
and if they agree with Mr. Dion when he says to have different identities is great. It is
not something that subtracts, it is something that you add.

However, in relation with Spain, Mr. Dion says, It seems that the Catalonia separatist
movement has exploded recently and is linked to the collapse of the economy. Inside
this context, there is a huge problem with this turmoil, and people look for solutions. It
might not be wise, but it is for them to decide if separatism is the solution to the
economic difficulties Spain faces, states Mr. Dion, MP of the Liberal Party of Canada.

The Catalans VS the Spanish

The request for sovereignty in Catalonia would be unconstitutional; though not

everybody thinks so. The general view to solve this, and other problems Spain faces
today, will imply reforming the Spanish Constitution (CE). However, no one agrees on
how to tackle the problem.

The main issue of the CE of 1978 was the creation of the Estado de las Autonomas
(State of Autonomies), as ICV-EUiA, ERC and PSC point out. Experts in the field such
as Mr. de Diego, professor of information law at the Complutense University of Madrid,
explains, the configuration of the Autonomous Communities (CCAA) was made to
solve the Catalonia and Basque Country problems. However, the result was 17
Autonomous Communities that originated a more complex system.

Mr. Peraire, senior party official of ERC, states that Spain has to change its design and
reinvent itself. But this strategy will required the compromise of all political parties to
reform the financing system and the territorial structure of the Spanish State.

Nevertheless, not all agree on modifying the CE. Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE,
mentions I do not think there is a need to reform the Spanish Constitution. In the same
vein, Andrea Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says that the Spanish Constitution
16

is in a good shape. In despite of this, she would support constitutional reforms always
looking for the same consensus in which the Constitution was made, at least in its most
fundamental elements. Which nowadays seems impossible in Spain.

At this moment to open a discussion about the reform of the Spanish Constitution is
not a joke, says Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA. His plan implies a radical modification
of the fundamental principles of the CE that would include the first and second articles
which deal with the indivisible unity and sovereignty issues of the country as a whole.
He also wants to add the right of self-determination. Mr. Bosch contemplates this option
as his only possibility. However, as he well states, this is a disruptive and painful way
for many people, but otherwise, the sense of independence will continue to grow.

This extreme view would be unacceptable to many political parties and very difficult to
implement. This is why, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, says that if these reforms are rejected
there will be no benefit for Catalonia in reforming the Spanish Constitution. Therefore,
the two political parties in the government of Catalonia, CiU and ERC, say that, for
them, the alternative is the independence of Catalonia.

The situation in which Spain finds itself today is what Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA, has
called, an intermediate station towards independence. Mr Caas, spokesman of
Ciutadans, explains that it seems evident that something is going to happen, and we
must try to think of something that everyone wants. Political uncertainty, threat of
institutional crisis, social and political conflict are factors that are becoming visible in
Spain. Hence, the alternative cannot be to act as if nothing is happening, says Mr.
Menendez, senior party official of the PSC.

Others like Mr Turull, MP of CiU, say that there are supporters who defend the
Constitution saying that the referendum could be done within the constitutional
framework. Also, in the opinion of Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA, it is possible to have
a referendum without reforming the Constitution, though it may turn out to be a nonbinding referendum without legal effect.

This different interpretation of the Spanish Constitution creates a blockade between

Catalonia and the rest of Spain. In this sense, Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA proposes
17

that the state makes an offer to ameliorate this tension and help future negotiations. Mr.
Turull, MP of CiU, shares this view, If the Central Government permits a referendum
we would see an attitude from them that we do not know yet.

In these circumstances, there is a desire for a strong leader in Spain that could manage a
consensus. A democratic political statement must take place to inveigle those Spanish
who have lost hope that Spain is viable as a country, confess Mr. Caas, spokesman of
Ciutadans. He also explains, The Catalan problems are not different from the ones
suffered by the rest of Spain.

There are some agreements among political parties on this idea. Mr. Bosch, MP of ICVEUiA, says that Spain needs a leader who can explain that `not to let them vote is not
the solution, but to convince them. Also, Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the
PSC, says that a leader must show the Catalan people that `we want them within Spain
. The point he makes is that the Catalan problem is not a Catalan problem, but a
Spanish one.

This serious situation leads to the question of what model of society Spain is looking
for. Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says that Spain will no longer be Spain
without Catalonia.

Any alternative?

While some political parties in Catalonia only strive for independence, others have
taken different positions to this debate. The solution, according to Mr. Benegas, MP of
the PSOE, is the need for a truly honest dialogue to address the problems that exist,
such as the distribution of finance which could be an alternative to full independence,
acceptable to many.

Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC, says, The only way this conflict will
not develop into something irretrievable is to open negotiations about the fiscal
agreement that includes fairer funding and fairer distribution of territorial solidarity
with, above all, assurances of its compliance. The proposal of the PSC is to create a
real Federal State in Spain that will be recognized in the Spanish Constitution.
18

Mr. Menendezs aspiration is that Catalonia leads again the Spanish economy with
innovative policies and culture. His solution does not include the independence of
Catalonia, but a review in the Spanish Constitution to solve what it is not working
today.

Other political parties in Catalonia defend the unity of Spain through the respect for
the values and rules of liberal democracy, as Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the
PPC, states.

Also, another non-independent party in Catalonia, Ciutadans, plans an alternative not

only to Catalonia, but also throughout Spain. Mr Caas proposes, among others, a
reform of the Spanish Constitution, an economic reform, a modification of public
institutions and administrations of the State, and a reform of the architecture of the state
and the ethical behaviour of the people. All these, he ensures, would change the
paradigm of relations between Catalonia and the rest of Spain.

The problem of Spain is within Spain. Mr. Caas,

spokesman of Ciutadans, argues that after all these
changes, it will still be an independent movement, but
then we would see what arguments they have to
continue to maintain their independence position. He
says, I want to improve my country, which includes
Catalonia within Spain. The citizens are the key to
the subject of change and if they take responsibility
and compromise with public affairs then we can go
forward, he convincingly affirms.
Emblem of Ciutadans

19

Speaking out
There are many problems between Catalonia and the rest of Spain that are not
real. Political circles have exaggerated social and cultural issues, and they do
not correspond to what the majority of citizens think about them. Manuel S. de
Diego, professor of information law at the Complutense University of Madrid,
supports this view and adds that politicians do not adequately represent the
concerns of citizens.

The political discourse anti-Spain is a simple explanation to a very complex

problem, according to Jordi Caas, spokesman of Ciutadans. He explains how
the manipulations of this debate have succeeded because they build up an
apparently responsible and an identifiable enemy. This discourse sells and fits
the situation that Catalonia suffers from, he says.

This problem is accentuated when education is located in the centre of the

debate. Mr. Caas asserts that the educational system in Catalonia is very
subtle in the way that language, maps and the vision of history is taught. In his
opinion, education plays an important role here when, instead of saying `Spain
, they say `the Spanish state to remove the effectiveness to the concept of
unity. The polarization of them and us is visible here.

Nevertheless, Mr. Peraire, senior party official of ERC, says that we do not
want to use language as a political tool. Also, Muriel Casals, president of the
cultural association of Catalonia mnium, argues that Catalans consider rich
knowledge the use of two languages and we have great sympathy and affection
for both. The problem is that Spanish institutions have no respect for one of the
two, Catalan. Notwithstanding, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, says that there is a
mutual exhaustion between Catalonia and the rest of Spain on this issue.

20

Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE, explains that in 30 years of democracy there

has been no linguistics persecution in Catalonia. There is no real problem. The
cases reported are very specific, not general.

Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC also argues that the persecution
of the language is a fallacy. In this regard, Mrs. Casals, president of mnium,
says that the basic aim of our model is that the immersion model allows all
children to learn Castellano and Catalan to perfection.

What it is commonly agreed between ERC, PSC, Ciutadans and Mr. de Diego
is that Catalonia needs a truly political pluralism in the media and a clear
information campaign about what the real social issues are.

Near Future

The independence movement in Catalonia has grown exponentially. Independence is

raised by politicians to forget the real problems Catalonia has. They transform the
undeniable sense of economic grievance and transform it into a feeling of
independence, explains Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE.

In the current context of the economic crisis, the unsuccessful policies imposed by the
EU and the problems of Spain itself, have underpinned the demand for independence by
the nationalist movements. Mr. de Diego, professor of information law at the
Complutense University of Madrid, says, The independence of Catalonia is not what is
being debated, but talking about independence rather than talking about other things.
Also, Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the PPC, thinks that building a utopia is a way
out of reality, instead of facing the difficulties in the present.

However, if Spain continues as it is now, the independence parties in power in

Catalonia, CiU and ERC, say that they will go to the extreme with the sovereignty issue
in constituent elections with one unique purpose: the unilateral secession. This could
21

bring negative and unforeseen consequences to everybody.

Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the PPC, explains that a unilateral secession is
impossible and it is more characteristic of a fiction novel that a careful political
consideration. In the same way, Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC, says
that a referendum in Catalonia will be positive only if it is done by agreement with the
Spanish government.

Opinion polls show that the support of the Catalan people for independence is very
close, 50% of the population (La Vanguardia, 2012). In this respect, Mr. Bosch, MP of
the ICV-EUiA, explains that while there is a clear group in favour of independence,
there is also a clear group against it, and in the middle a large undecided group. The
majority of Catalan people agree with a referendum, however their decision about
independence will depend upon which model would be built after it. He refers to
questions such as Will Catalonia have a monarchy or a republic?, Will we have our
own military forces? Will we be a part of NATO or the EU? and so on.

In this regard, the possibility of a veto by one country is enough to block the admission
of a new member into the EU. Spain might not be likely to allow Scotland to become
part of the EU because of the problems that this would lead to with Catalonia and the
Basque Country. However the Spanish government may not be the only ones, because
the Belgium government could also oppose their access to the EU, according to Stephen
Tindale, associate fellow of the Centre of European Reform (CER).

There is also the argument that Catalonia would be economically in a better situation if
they were an independent state. However, if, and this is a big `if, Catalonia would be
allowed to join the EU, they will have to pay a fair amount of money to the Union and
they will not have access to the cohesion funds because they are not poor enough, and
they would not get much under the Common Agricultural Policy either, continues Mr.
Tindale.

Spanish citizens, and specially Catalans, must act conscientiously in weighing the
consequences of their decisions. Supposing that one day a referendum will be held,
there are conflicting issues to be clarified before the vote. The possibility that
22

independent states will not remain automatically part of the EU could well be a strong
argument against independence.

If secession occurred, this new state would not continue with the current Spanish State
nor would it inherit its international treaties, says Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the
PPC. She argues that independence is not a possibility, and she believes that there are
politicians who have decided to blow up democratic coexistence between Catalonia and
Spain, with the intention to build at any cost a mythical dream of a state of Catalonia.
Also, Javier Barraycoa, Vice Chancellor of the University CEU Abat Oliva, says that
Catalonia will only become independent not by the strength of the Spanish State, but
because of its weaknesses.

Mr. Caas, spokesman of Ciutadans, states that do not confuse the nationalist
separatists with all Catalans. He says that Spanish people need a clear understanding of
their country, which is complex and plural. He adds, We need to be able to give value
to the diversity of our country and build together a draft of hopes and dreams for all,
because nothing is lost and it is a matter of working for it.

Negotiations are a requirement. Everyone should take this problem seriously and think
rationally about the consequences it will have. The revision of the Constitution is on the
table, although it will be necessary to get a consensus on what to modify and how to do
so. Besides, some changes in the financing system, as well as in other areas, like to
clearly define the responsibilities and jurisdictions that every Autonomous Community
has, might soften the conflicts. In whatever manner, it is evident that Spain includes
multiple languages, cultures and nationalities (or nations) that need to be understood.

Nevertheless, there is one more thing to assess. Can independent states today govern at
all? Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE, adds a thoughtful argument; The EU makes the
independence approach much harder. Living in the EU where states are increasingly
given more autonomy, he adds that It is a mistake that a state wants to be independent
nowadays.

23

List of Interviews

Barraycoa, Dr. Javier

Doctor of Philosophy from the University of Barcelona. Vice
Chancellor for Research of the University CEU Abat Oliva in
Barcelona. He has published numerous essays on nationalism
and he wrote the book: Catalan Nationalism Hidden Stories.
Email interview on: 28th and 30th of January, and 1st, 4th, 5th, and
19th of February, 2013. (jbarrayc@uao.es)
URL: http://www.uaoceu.es/es/estudios/masteres/master-oficialen-estudios-humanisticos-y-sociales/responsables-docentes
* Picture downloaded from metapedia.org

Bel i Queralt, Dr. Germ

PhD in economics and professor of Economic Policy at
Barcelona University. He has also written many articles about
the financing system in Spain, especially discussing the Catalan
case.
Email interview. 11th of April, 2013
(gbel@ub.edu)
URL: http://www.germabel.cat/

Benegas, MP Mr. Jose M

Known as Txiki Benegas. Deputy for Biscay (Vizcaya,
Spain). Member of Parliament of the Socialist Party PSOE.
Bachelor of Laws. He has been a deputy in the Spanish
Congress of Deputies since 1977. In addition, he contributed to
the discussion of the project of the Spanish Constitution in 1978.
Face-to-face interview. 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.
URL: http://www.josemariabenegas.es/index.php

Bosch i Mestres, MP Mr. Jaume

Member of Parliament of Iniciativa per Catalunya VerdsEsquerra Unida i Alternativa (ICV-EUiA) in Catalonia.
Face-to-face interview: 4th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
URL: http://www.parlament.cat/web/composicio/diputats-fitxa?
p_codi=944

24

Caas, MP Mr. Jordi

Member of Parliament of Ciutadans (C's) in Catalonia. He is
also a party Spokesperson and secretary of political action of
C's.
Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
URL: http://www.ciudadanos-cs.org/

Casals Couturier, Mrs. Muriel

President of mnium cultural.
Email interview: 12th of April, 2013
(comunicacio@omnium.cat)
URL: http://www.omnium.cat/www/omnium/en/qui-som.html

Dion, Hon. Stphane

Member of Parliament for Saint-Laurent Cartierville for the
Liberal Party of Canada. In 2006, he was elected Leader of the
Liberal Party of Canada and became Leader of the Official
Opposition in the House of Commons. He was also Minister of
Intergovernmental Affairs between 1996 and 2003.
Telephone interview. 12th of March, 2013.
URL: http://stephanedion.liberal.ca/en/biography/
* Picture downloaded from the Parliament of Canada website

Levy, Mrs. Andrea

Studies and Programs Deputy Secretary of People's Party of
Catalonia (PPC).
Email interview: 14th of April, 2013.
(maria.miron.r@gmail.com)
URL: http://www.ppcatalunya.com

25

Menndez y Pablo, Mr. Jordi

Head of the office of former President of Catalonia Jose
Montilla. He was general manager for Corporate
Communications, General Manager of External Relations (20062008) and secretary general of the former President of Catalonia.
Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
URL: http://jordimenendez.wordpress.com/about/
http://www.socialistes.cat/

Moreno Fernndez, Dr. Luis

Research Professor at the Institute of Public Goods and Policies
(CSIC). Ph.D. in Social Sciences by the University of
Edinburgh: Catalonia and Scotland: The Path to Home Rule
(1988).
Face-to-face interview. 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.
URL: http://www.ipp.csic.es/en/personal/luis.moreno
*Picture downloaded from wikipedia/luismoreno register.

Peraire, Mr. Isaac

Secretary National Electoral Strategy and Analysis of Esquerra
Republicana of Catalonia (ERC). He was part of the Youth of
ERC, and was a member of its executive and governor in his
home-town of Llucanes Prats, Catalonia.
Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
URL: http://www.esquerra.cat/

Sanchez de Diego Fernandez de la Riva, Mr. Manuel

Secretary General of the Faculty of Information Sciences and
professor of Information Law in the Complutense University of
Madrid. He has also written several articles about Catalonia in
the El Imparcial newspaper.
Face-to-face interview. 21th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.
URL:http://pendientedemigracion.ucm.es/info/ccinf/congr25/ma
nuel.htm
http://www.elimparcial.es/opiniones_autor/113271.html

26

Tindale, Mr. Stephen

Associate fellow at the Centre for European Reform (CER). He
works mainly on energy and climate policy, but also on the EU
budget.
Face-to-face interview. 14th of February, 2013. London, UK.
URL: http://www.cer.org.uk/personnel/stephen-tindale
* Picture downloaded from the CER

Turull, MP Mr. Jordi

Member of Parliament of Convergncia i Uni (CiU) in
Catalonia.
Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
URL: http://www.jorditurull.cat/
http://www.ciu.cat/

End Notes
La Vanguardia newspaper (2012). En un eventual referndum, votaras por una
Catalunya independiente? (In an eventual referendum, would you vote for an
Independent Catalonia?). Opinion Poll, 11th, September.
Available at:
http://www.lavanguardia.com/participacion/encuestas/20120911/54349919698/referend
um-independencia-catalunya-votarias.html Accessed: 15 April, 2013

27

Part II
DISSERTATION
The post-sovereign world:
The half-truths and the (crisis of the) Nation-State

28

The post-sovereign world:

The half-truths and the (crisis of the) Nation-State
Introduction

Nationalisms have caused major concern in recent times. What are the reasons for that?
This is a relevant topic to study because independence movements could change the
concept of Nation and State and the relationship between them. In relation to the
journalistic article, this dissertation will argue that in order to understand the
independence movement in Catalonia, it is essential to analyse the self-interpretation of
historical, economical, political and socio-cultural aspects. Also, the dissertation will
assess whether the independence movements are related to the progressive loss of
autonomy of Nation-States in Europe.

Initially, it is important to know the Spanish history in order to obtain a complete and
objective view of the situation. Economic aspects are fundamental to independence, but
it is subject to interpretations. Independence is a fast moving political issue, constantly
changing with political parties developing new and different positions depending on the
circumstances. Researching these parties views, ideologies and strategies contribute to
understand better this issue. Sociological aspects, which are the bases of many
nationalisms, also compound the problematic. It is important to understand all the areas
and the different positions taken about Nationalism, to know who to believe.

The journalistic article suggested that the problem in Catalonia is best described as a
Spanish problem. However, what if the problem is also a prominent crisis of NationStates? This dissertation will also analyse why independent movements have grown
nowadays, with an special reference to Europe. There is also an important question
relating to the power of the European Union (EU), the European Commission and the
creation of the single currency. In the current moment of economic crisis, the weakness
of the European project has been revealed.

This second part will try to answer whether Nation-States have any mechanism to

29

defend themselves from the European economic and political union. Is the EU
democratic? Would independence make any difference?

This dissertation project will provide an overview of the Spanish situation and the
challenges faced by Nation-States. To fulfill this purpose, this article is divided into
three chapters. The first will describe the bias found in some areas of Spanish society
that make people support either independence or the unity of Spain. The second will
explain the dependency of the Nation-States in Europe and how this problematic is
addressed. The situation in Scotland and Quebec are included to have an international
perspective on the issue. The last chapter includes some final remarks and a personal
conclusion to these arguments.

Chapter one: The Bias Problem

a) Historical Interpretation

Historical facts in Spain related to Catalonia are usually distorted, mystified and
deformed according to vested interests. There are two interpretations of the course of
Spanish history: the vision from the centralists of Spain and the vision of the
nationalists of Catalonia. Therefore, the interpretation of history is an important
argument to understand nationalism in Catalonia today.

Has Catalonia ever been independent? There is no single answer. History is the result
of a complex equation which involves the great men, the feelings of the masses, the
economy, culture and geographical location1.

The end of the Spanish succession war in 1713 meant, for the Catalan nationalists, the
loss of the autonomy of Catalonia. The pretender to the throne, the French Felip D
Anjou, (later Philip V, King of Spain 2) abolished the Charters of Catalonia with the
Decreto de Nueva Planta (Decree of New Plant). On September 11 th, 1714 Barcelona
surrendered to the Bourbon forces. Today, this day is the National Day of Catalonia. In
effect, they commemorate a defeat.

30

Independence positions in Catalonia says that the succession war caused a setback in
the rights of Catalonians.3 On the other side, Javier Barraycoa4, Vice Chancellor of the
University CEU Abat Oliva in Barcelona, states, Catalonia did not lose, but gained
economic benefits. The elimination of internal tariffs and monetary system unification
made Catalonia enjoy one of its best historical periods. But today, the nationalists
view it as a secessionist war where it was a succession war, he concludes. It is obvious
how this argument changes depending on who is making it.

The crisis of the Spanish Empire at the end of the nineteenth century, when Cuba and
Philippines were lost, can be consider the period when Catalan political nationalism and
the idea of Catalonian Nation began (Barraycoa, 2011:40).

The Industrial Revolution movement was developing at this time. It is no coincidence

that the most industrialized areas in Spain are those asking for independence: Catalonia
and the Basque Country. The disparity between industrialism in Catalonia and the
poverty in rural Spain was an important cause, among others, of the rise of Catalan
nationalism (Moreno et al 1998: 67). Ernest Gellner supports that the uneven spread of
industrialization conjoined with cultural distinctions generate conflicting nationalism
(2006: XXVII5).

But, the history of Catalan nationalism is fraught with half-truths from both sides. This
is especially significant when talking about the great men of Catalanism. Prat de La
Riba founded, in 1901, the Lliga Regionalista (Regional League) what can be
considered the first great Catalan political party (Barraycoa, 2011:42). Mr. Barraycoa
insists that Prat de la Riba felt that Catalonia should lead Spain to rebuild its Empire 6.
However, De la Riba's ideas were quite disparate.

Another significant character was Francesc Maci, the first President of the modern
Generalitat of Catalonia. Despite the fact that Maci was in the Spanish army, he
became a great champion for the independence of Catalonia, as M. Roig Rosich (2006)
says in his book Francesc Maci. From Spanish Military to Catalan Independence 7
(cited in Barraycoa, 2011: 86).

Finally, it is also necessary to differentiate the concepts nation and state, and the
31

implications that these have in Spain. Today, the nineteenth century concept where
Nation is equivalent to State may not be accurate. Gellner explains that nationalism is
primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national units
should be congruent (2006:1). However, the boundaries of a state can fail to include
all the members of the appropriate nation (ibid). The state has emerged without the
help of the nation and some nations have certainly emerged without the blessing of their
own state (2006: 6).
Nowadays, the debate about what Spain is, is still ongoing. Juan Linz8 put it this way,
Spain today is a State for all Spaniards, a Nation-State for a large part of the
population, but only a state, not a nation for important minorities (Moreno and Colino,
2010: 293). For the Catalan Popular Party (PPC)9 and for the Socialist National Party
(PSOE)10, Spain is formed by nationalities and regions. However, the PSOE defines
Spain as a state, while the PPC defines it as a nation.

Should Catalonia be considered a nation within Spain or a nation without state? The
kingdom of Spain can be considered as a complex nation state (`nation of nations and
regions) [...], which includes minority nations (`stateless) (Moreno 2009: 119). For
the political party Ciutadans11, Catalonia is an Autonomous Community and a
nationality inside Spain, which is supported by the Spanish Constitution.

The idea of nation includes two concepts: two men are from the same nation if they
share the same culture, and if they recognize each other as a part the same nation
(Gellner, 2006: 6-7).

Map of Spain, Unity in

diversity, according to the
independence party ERC

32

Therefore, if Catalonia is not a recognized nation,

and if it has never been sovereign, but belonged to
the Pasos Catalans12 (Catalan countries), what is
the criteria in asking for independence?

*Pasos Catalans in Spain

b) The half-truths of the fiscal balances

The financing system is another argument that Catalan nationalists use to ask for
independence. States generate nationalist sentiments to respond to the threat of unrest
posed by high levels of economic inequality (Solt, 2011: 822). However, it has also a
double interpretation.

It is important to clarify. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), under which the

Autonomous Communities (CCAA) lose control of their savings banks (Cajas de
Ahorros), makes them simple autonomous administrative units with little selfgovernment. Spanish banks have become highly dependent on Eurosystem
refinancing (MoU July, 2012: 2). However, more recent information says that the new
legislation will finally allow the saving banks to maintain control of their banks and it
will leave the autonomous communities the ability to regulate many issues (Martinez,
2013).

There are at least three funding sources of the CCAA: economic growth, the control of
the saving banks from regional Parliaments and the budget. However, nowadays there is
no economic growth. In addition, regional Parliaments may lose control of their saving
banks. And finally, since the Generalitat of Catalonia has requested aid from the

33

Autonomic Liquidity Fund (Fondo de Liquidez Autonmico, FLA), they have no

financial autonomy. The autonomic regime collapses at the same time that the funding
sources do. Therefore, it is possible to draw a connection between the loss of the
sources of financing and the sovereign twist.

Spain has two different financing systems. Navarra and the Basque Country are part of
the rgimen foral (communities of chartered regime) where specific rights are
recognized, most notably, fiscal autonomy, and they only contribute to the solidarity
through a `quota. Unlike these two, the rest of the autonomous communities 13 are part
of the rgimen comn (communities of common regime) without fiscal autonomy.
Catalonia is part of this second group, but it is asking to belong to the first one. These
issues are subjected to the Organic Law of Regional Financing (LOFCA 3/2009).

Since 2009, a new LOFCA has been introduced in Spain for the `Common regime
group. ngel de la Fuente explains that the new regional finance law establishes a
complex model. The results will come from the interaction of numerous funds that are
distributed by many different criteria and initial restrictions are tending to preserve the
status quo (2012:10).

Methodological and information-gathering problems make evident the lack of clear

criteria to calculate the redistribution of the income of the Spanish State. What are the
fiscal balances? And how are they calculated? According to the Generalitat of
Catalonia,

The fiscal balance of a territory is obtained from the difference between

the costs incurred by the public sector in a central area and the volume of
tax revenues contributed by this territory. When the resources provided to
central public sector outweigh the costs that flow to their citizens, the sign
of the balance of fiscal flows in this territory are negative (fiscal deficit);
otherwise, there is a fiscal surplus (Montasell and Sanchez, 2012: 3).

However, this technical debate has become emotional and subject to interpretation. The
regional fiscal balances have been the technical manifestation of a continued political
discussion about the criteria that should govern the territorial distribution of the costs
34

and benefits of public action of the Central Government (FAES, Guerrero and Garca
2012:43).

Many argue that there is an unequal distribution of tax revenues, although it is not
accurate to talk about expolio fiscal (plundering tax). The general argument is that the
financing system should be modified to readdress territorial solidarity, as well as to
increase the fiscal responsibility of the State.

Germ Bel, professor of economic policy at Barcelona University, explains that to

reduce territorial solidarity the question is to decide who gets the transfers, why, how
many, who pays, why and how much14. Also, Luis Moreno, political sociologist of the
CSIC, explains, the problem is that the Autonomous Communities have autonomy in
spending, but none in the income.15

In a study, `The fiscal myth, by the Foundation for the Analysis and Social Studies
(FAES), is said that it would be desirable to promote a technical, open and orthodox
debate. Reasonable criteria would be set, which were not so contentious and
unaffordable from the technical point of view and for the public (FAES, Fernndez
2012:91).

De la Fuente states that the result of the new financing system has been very
unsatisfactory, leaving a level of inequality similar to the previous system. An
excellent opportunity has been missed to channel this problem that has been dragging
on since the creation of the autonomous state - which means we have to try again in the
very near future (2012:102).

c) Political Interests

In Catalonia, political parties have always had to rely on coalitions to govern.

Convergncia i Uni (CiU) is the main political party in power in the Generalitat of
Catalonia since 2010. The first two years of government, the right-wing Popular Party
of Catalonia (PPC) supported CiU in its decisions.

35

After the early elections on the 25th of November, 2012, the Independentist political
party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) replaced the PPC in support of the
government on the condition that the referendum on sovereignty would be put forward.
This had the right effect, because in the early elections, where Mr. Mas could have
been punished for his policy of cuts, he unilaterally raised, almost by surprise, the
project for the independence of Catalonia, explains Mr. Benegas, MP of the Socialist
National party PSOE16.

This action awoke partisan differences about the sovereignty proposal within the CiU.
The current democratic coalition of the Convergncia (CDC) and the Uni (UDC) of
Catalonia have never supported independence. However, the CiUs change of the
electoral program towards the position of independence has caused a breakdown inside
the coalition, as the UCD is not traditionally in favour of this proposal.

There is a political problem in Catalonia, according to Mrs. Levy (PPC). She finds that
the politicians of the CiU are not clear in their secessionist claims, and they change the
game for their own convenience according to the circumstances17. This change of
attitude in the CiU towards independence can be seen as a tool to hide all the social cuts
and economic problems.
Luis Moreno says the role of the political elites is very important in Catalonia18. He
also explains that politicians are more nationalistic and `identity exclusive than the
general population who do not question their dual identity19 to the same extent.

Both anti-Catalan and anti-Spanish speeches attract votes for the respective political
parties. There is a fragile balance that creates a tug-of-war situation, depending on how
the Constitutional Court judgement (2010)20 on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia
and the Spanish Constitution are interpreted.

The new Statute of Catalonia (2006) was voted in by less than 50% of the citizenship of
Catalonia. Although among the people who voted, the result was higher than 70% in
favour21. However, the right-wing People's party (PP) complained about the symbolic
aspects as the Catalan nations allusions, the preferred use of Catalan language, and
the judiciary and fiscal autonomy of Catalonia, among others (Castell, 2010). The
36

Constitutional Court ruling set up that the `unconstitutionality would only be partial
(Rodriguez, 2010: 22). Even though the judiciary effects were limited, the political
effects of this verdict have permeated on the Catalan society.

The Scottish writer, Stephen Maxwell, points out that the cause of the growing
independence movement in Catalonia is related to this judgement. Catalan support for
independence is increasing, following the decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court
in 2010 to strike out key provisions in a statute jointly ratified by the Spanish and
Catalan parliaments giving Catalonia important new powers (2012:123).

The same argument about unconstitutionality will be added to the referendum. The
Spanish Constitution specifies, National sovereignty belongs to the Spanish people
(Art 1.2 CE 1978). Also, another objection is based on the indissoluble unity of the
Spanish Nation (Art 2 CE).

The proposed modifications in the Constitution include the reform of the Statute of the
Autonomies (VIII title), the reform of the financing system and the implementation of a
real federal state that will legitimize the states and recognize their fiscal autonomy and
sovereignty. Apart from that, other issues such as a reform of the Senate and the
electoral system are fundamental to improving the situation (De Diego, 2010).

Nationalist political parties in Catalonia have been the hinge parties that break the bipartisanship in the National elections. Sometimes they supported the right wing party
PP, and at others, the left-wing party PSOE, depending on who offered more
jurisdictions (De Diego, 2010: 24). However, this situation changed since the PP
obtained absolute majority last 20th of November, 2011. So Spain is involved in a deep
political crisis on a background of institutional blockages. The solution, therefore, is
political, and not about legality (Montilla, 2012:12).

d) Sociological Aspects

The use of languages is also politicized. It is not a generalized problem, but politicians
use this tool to manipulate opinions. Catalonia has installed a linguistic immersion
37

model in schools where everything is taught in Catalan.

Catalan is the language of Catalonia. Catalan is the most important element of our
identity as a nation [...] the coexistence of two official languages in Catalonia should
not be a problem (Montilla, 2011:27-28). However, Mr. Caas, spokesman of
Ciutadans22, says, this method is not to protect Catalan, but to generate a vision that
Castellano23 is something foreign. It is interesting to note that about 45% of the
population of Catalonia has foreign parentage (CEO 2012:37).

There is a problem of Catalan culture acceptance, according to Muriel Casals, president

of mnium24, It is clear that if the state is expressed only in one language, Spanish, it
promotes only one of the cultures that exist in Spain, Spanish. The other languages and
historical cultures that exist in the state are ignored.
From the nationalist point of view, Mr. Peraire, senior official of ERC25, explains that it
is sad to look for a problem where there is none. The immersion model is successful,
and there have been no conflicts. The problems start when politicians try to gain
benefits from playing with social aspects. Mr. Peraire also says that the model must be
maintained and Catalan must be the vehicular language. We advocate the knowledge of
Spanish as well as other languages.

The Organic Law (6/2006) of the statute of Catalonia approved by the Congress of the
Deputies in 2006 states, Catalonias own language is Catalan. As such, Catalan is the
language of normal and preferential use [...] in the education system (LO 6/2006, Art
6.1). It is also said that, Catalan is the official language of Catalonia, together with
Castilian, the official language of the Spanish State (LO 2006, Art 6.2).

However, the judgement of the Constitutional Court in 2010 on the Statute of Catalonia
states that the Statutes of Autonomy have to establish the co-official role of other
Spanish languages as it is said in the Art. 3.2 of the Spanish Constitution (Rodriguez,
2010: 13), but not the preferential use of Catalan.

Websites that manipulate information and campaign for independence create social
conflict. For example, one headline reads: Denouncing the silent war [that] Spain is
38

waging against Catalonia26. Other websites include news under the headline Catalonia
towards Fascism27.

Some have damaged the coexistence between Catalans. Nevertheless, the coexistence
and understanding between Catalonia and Spain remains good (Montilla, 2011:29) .

Despite this, political opinion polls state that the main problems are: unemployment,
dissatisfaction with politics and the financing system of Catalonia. While, CataloniaSpain relations and education and culture are only in seventh and eighth place,
respectively. Also, Catalans identity crisis is located near the bottom of the list (CEO,
2012: 12).

Chapter Two: The (crisis of the) Nation-State. A Wider Problem.

a) The Current Situation, Why Now?

In a world of globalisation where, for example, the European Union has gained more
power, and Nation-States have lost the power of decision, how can one state be
independent when the rest are giving up their sovereignty to a higher institution that
includes all the States? Countries seem unable to decide. In Spain, the problem of
independence relates to the lack of decision that Autonomous Communities have.

John Breuilly writes that, Globalisation was related to one specific question concerning
nationalism: its presumed impact on the nation-state (Halikiopoulou and Vasilopoulou,
2011:6528). However, it seems unclear if this process would destroy the nation-state,
transform it or make no difference at all. Xavier Vidal says sorry to bring this news
from Europe: independence is impossible. Not because someone prevented it, but
because independence does not exist in a real Europe. There is no nation-state, nor
national sovereignty (El Pais, 2012).

Nowadays, Nation-States do not retain any of their large specific functions. They are not
only devoid of monetary policies, keeping borders and maintaining a true foreign policy,
but it goes further. It is supposed to undermine the very principle of national sovereignty
39

and limit the powers of the member States.

In this sense Europeans were embarked, in the second half of the twentieth century, to
try to build a Union that superseded national states. [...] By reducing the powers of the
nation state, it seemed logical to assume that it would also diminish the attractiveness of
being a separate state. [] Now it turns out that all this was just a beautiful dream
(lvarez, 2012).

Due to the economic crisis, the European Union has not responded adequately to the
circumstances. The single currency has generated inflation that countries cannot control.
Also, some European members have turned to protectionism. The European project is
not looking as successful as it did five years ago [] the fact that so many of the
products consumed in Europe come from outside Europe, has allowed people to work
against the whole concept of globalization, according to Stephen Tindale, associate
fellow at the Centre for European Reform (CER)29.

In this context, Nationalism has increased within Europe, especially in areas such as in
Scotland, Wales, Belgium, North of Italy and Spain. However, the relationship between
globalization and nationalism is quite complex. For example, an independent Scotland
and Catalonia would both like to remain members of the EU.

There is a widespread view that interdependence has made independence impossible

but it depends on what is meant by independence. If independence is understood as
self-sufficiency then no modern state is independent [] In this post-sovereign world,
the best option for communities seeking greater power of self-determination is to find a
constitutional status which allows for the maximum mobilization of the communitys
internal resources in support of its own development (Maxwell, 2012: 117-118).

Could Catalonia have more autonomy inside Europe that it already has? Nationalists are
seeking more autonomy, self-determination and independence in a panorama where the
opposite is actually happening. Catalonia wants to be independent of Spain, yet to
belong to a more centralized Union. Would this change anything?

Away from decades of sustained economic growth, the mechanisms governing the
40

Euro reveal their shortcomings.[...] Now we urgently need a new European Economic
Policy. Whosoever thinks that the solution is to aim for "our own autonomous way", its
probably wrong. The solution is more Europe (Montilla, 2011:16).

Current statements from the German Chancellor say that Euro members should give up
more power to the EU if they want to continue building this Union in order to avoid the
decline. Angela Merkel specify that Europe must have the last word (Vasagar and
Armitstead, 2013).

Europe must launch quick major changes. The most important conceptual change is the
understanding that no EU country, in this context of intense economic globalization can
solve its problems alone. This greater European fiscal and economic centralization must
be made on the basis of the largest possible transfers of sovereignty by all (Montilla,
2011:17).

However, how can this more integrated Europe be created with the existing institutions?
Stephen Tindale (CER) states that the House of Representatives in EEUU and the
European Parliament are democratic as they have been elected, but the people actually
running the chair at the European Commission are not 30 and, in his opinion, that is
what must change.

As the EC describe itself, the Commission's role is to ensure EU law is properly

applied by individuals, national authorities and other EU institutions (EC, 2012).
Therefore, the right of initiative to propose laws for adoption by the European
Parliament and the Council of the EU (EC, 2013) is assigned to a non-elected body.

In other words, the Nation-State becomes meaningless in one of its most fundamental
principles, the ability to make their own democratic decisions.

b) International Framework: The examples of Scotland and Quebec

Spain is therefore not alone in the situation of dealing with independence movements.
Scotland and Quebec can also be good examples on what to do or not to do. These three
41

situations might not be comparable, but it can help to have a vision of what happened
and could happen in other places and relate them to the Spanish situation.

Scotland
The United Kingdom is involved with three referendums. The most recent being (10 th 11th March, 2013), an overwhelming 'yes' vote in the Falkland Islands to remain British.
Next referendum in 2014 on Scottish independence is already being debated, as well as
the referendum in 2016 whether the UK should remain in the EU with its current
agreement.
On the 23th of April, 2013, the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the UK, George Osborne,
gave a speech in Glasgow about whether an independent Scotland would retain the
pound sterling. The pound we share works well. If it isn't broken, why should we fix
it? (BBC, 2013). In the event of a vote for independence, one of the most important
decisions facing Scotland would be how to arrange its currency and wider
macroeconomic framework (Treasury, 2013:5).

The Scottish analysis by the Treasury in the UK shows that the currency pact is not
clear, leaving four main currency options for an independent Scotland: to continue
using sterling with a formal agreement with the UK (a sterling currency union); to use
sterling unilaterally, with no formal agreement with the UK (sterlingisation); to join
the Euro; or else, to introduce a new Scottish currency (p.7). However, it adds that
these arrangements are less suitable economically to what they have now. So, Mr.
Osborne feels that now its up to the Scottish people to decide (BBC, 2013).

There is also the ongoing debate about North Sea Oil and how the dividing line should
be drawn between what is English and what is Scottish. This is a complex decision that
could benefit one or another position [unfairly] (Brocklehurst, 2013). This has
completely overturned the traditional economic argument used against Scottish
nationalism (Maxwell, 2012: 56).

Nevertheless, if Scotland fails to get independence, they may still gain more powers
with further devolution or devo plus, home rule and full fiscal autonomy (FFA)
42

(Maxwell, 2012: 83).

In Spain, Catalonia could experience the same situation with a new fiscal pact, but the
situation is a more complex because the regions already have several levels of
autonomy. For example, if Spain would grant more powers to the `historical
nationalities, then the Valencian Community could make the same request because of
`the Campss clause of safeguard or imitation, according to Luis Moreno (CSIC)31.

The referendum on whether the UK should stay in the EU could have adverse
consequences. Scotland wants to obtain its independence but to remain a member of the
EU. If Scotland votes to remain a part of the UK, Scotland might then be dragged out
of the EU by England voting to leave it, according to Stephen Tindale (CER32).

It may yet prove to be the double edged sword of Mr. Camerons strategy, because the
Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) might say, in Tindales point of view, We want to stay
in Europe, and our best chance to stay in, is to negotiate an independent Scotland place
in Europe rather than stay in the UK and possibly being taken out of Europe. In Spain,
however, there is no talk about leaving the EU. However, which currency would an
independent Catalonia have?

Quebec

A separate example, Quebec has already carried out two failed referendums, in 1980
and in 1995. These failures were mainly because in the first referendum, the separatist
government of Quebec claimed it had a right to secede unilaterally. Also, in both
referendums, the government of Quebec had asked a confusing question, designed to
artificially swell support for the Yes vote (Dion, 2012).

The years between the referendums have seen a constitutional turmoil in Canada. The
full autonomy of Canada from the British empire dates back 1867. Then, in 1982 there
was a process of Constitutional change. However, this amendment was never ratified by
Quebec33.

Also, attempts to reform the federal system in Canada, such as the Meech Lake Accord
43

(1987) or the Charlottetown (1992), got lost in a conflict of interests and derived to a
growth of the secessionist movement during the 1980s. These packages of proposed
amendments of the Constitution of Canada had, as a main motive, the recognition of
Quebec as a distinct society.

This led to the Citizens Forum on Canadas Future, or what it was informally called the
Spicer Commission34 in 1991. This specified that most Canadians have no
difficulties recognising Quebec differences in identity, the problem is what does it
means in relation to the Constitution, according to Stephane Dion, MP of the Liberal
Party of Canada (LPC)35.
After the second referendum, which obtained a very close result of 50% 36, Mr Dion sent
the three letters to the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC), from where the Clarity Act
of 1999 was created. The Courts opinion of August 20, 1998 confirmed that the
obligation to negotiate can be precipitated only by `a decision of a clear majority of the
population of Quebec on a clear question to pursue secession. It does not exist if the
expression of the democratic will is `itself fraught with ambiguities (Dion, 2012).

There are also two other important facts with relevance to the process of selfdetermination in Quebec. The recognition of the French language (Bill 101 of 1977)
which, according to Mr. Dion, helped to cool down a lot of fear that the Quebecois had
about the English language37. And the Quebecois nation-motion in 2006 where Quebec
was recognized as a nation, but within Canada.

The Quebec issue is clearly linked to an identity movement, due to the fact that there is
a Francophone province in an English continent (North America). Nationalists in
Catalonia and Quebec mainly support their right to the independence of their different
language. The Francophone people of Quebec represent about 80% of the population.
However, Andrea Levy (PPC) believes that Catalonia has a different reality. In Quebec,
Anglophones are entitled to receive instruction in English and French. Here [in
Catalonia], this would sound heretical38.

One last point is that, Spain is more centralized than Canada which is a very
decentralized federation. Mr. Dion adds that if they needed to give the province of
44

Quebec more powers, it is difficult to know what powers they would want to get 39. He
does not think that gaining more concessions would dampen the call for separatism.

Chapter Three: Final Remarks

The secession of a territory from an existing state is a complex problem. It is necessary
to have a complete view of the situation and to analyse every aspect of a particular
society. When history is studied, then one can assess if there are convincing arguments
for the sovereignty proposal.

The economic aspect has to be clear enough for the correct assumptions to be made on
fiscal balances. Also, there is the question of which jurisdictions correspond to each
territory. On the other hand, political interpretations must be reduced to a minimum.
Citizens cannot depend on political parties that change their point of view according to
specific circumstances. Also, vague interpretations of the Law and the Constitution
should be avoided. Above all, the sociological aspects such as language and culture
cannot be a pretext to play politics.

The main problem in Spain, therefore, is a lack of negotiation. Agreements should be

reached by consensus where every citizen could help decide the future of his territory.
Democracy remains a prerequisite in a modern society. Laws can change, but solutions
must be found considering all possibilities, as other countries have done.

In a wider framework, the request for more autonomy for some territories can be related
to the loss of power of the Nation-States in Europe. Nationalists seek more sovereignty
but European Union members are giving it up. Is separation really worth it when there
are no clear benefits for anyone? And moreover, what will the next step be, towards
more independence or more dependence?

Some voices are raised for a more integrated Europe, but at what cost? Is taking the
power of decision from Nation-States to create the United States of Europe by an
undemocratic process a good idea? Eliminating national identities to create a common
undemocratic union is not the solution to prevent conflicts.
45

Nationalisms are currently growing in Europe, but the contradiction is that

independence movements fight for more autonomy from their existing Nation-States,
and then they would like to join the same EU.

Instead of requesting independence from the Nation-States, the fight should be to regain
sovereignty within the existing state. This argument does not mean leaving the
European Union, but changing what is not working today.

As an example, the late British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, was a keen advocate
of European reform. However, she expressed the opinion in 1990 when calls came for a
more integrated EU. Yes the Commission does want to increase its power, yes it is a
non-elected body, [and her verdict was] No. No. No, (Kayee, 2010) to the European
Parliament, to the Commission and to the Council of Ministers.

This is an ongoing debate in Europe. Nowadays, Nigel Farage, leader of the UK

Independence Party (UKIP), has an interesting vision of the EU, emphasizing its
institutions and its non-democratic processes, and the total subjugation of the NationStates (Europarl, 2012).

Therefore, the idea of democracy is threatened inside the state and the EU. Further
analysis about this topic is necessary to respond questions such as; how can the EU
apply principles of democracy within the EU well enough, so that there is no need for
citizens to ask for independence for their territories? Or, what if Catalonia became
independent?, How would the Catalonia vs Spanish relationship be? Would their
economies improve or get worse? Would people be happier? And moreover, Would
independence solve the existing problems or create a new ones?

It could be argued that the historical, economical, sociological, and political

interpretations in Spain are excuses for the Catalan independence movement, which
calls for more self-determination (or as they call it, the right to decide). In turn, this
could be a consequence of the loss of autonomy in the Nation-States within Europe. It
has been necessary to grasp the truth of the arguments in the Catalonia independence
movement and to put these arguments into the wider context of the EU.
46

National identity is very important, but so is the role of the Nation-States. Spain could
create a real federation that recognizes these different nationalities and their
sovereignties. Moreover, the EU could, in turn, (re)create a Union where Nation-States
can cooperate between themselves whilst protecting the autonomy and power of
decision of their territories. This could remove the need for Catalonia and others, to
clamour for total independence.

47

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_piref73_2138150_73_2138147_2138147.next_page=/wc/verEmision&video=mms://co
ngresodiferido.congreso.es//leg10//10_000301_006/10_000301_006.wsx&canal=2&fec
haSeleccionada=26%20de%20Septiembre%20de
%202012&directo=no&origen=archivoAudiovisual&idOrgano=301&idSesion=6&idLe
52

gislaturaElegida=10 Accessed: 2 March, 2013.

Llona, Guillermo (2012). Qu cambiara si Espaa se convirtiera en un estado federal
(What would change if Spain became a federal state). ABC newspaper, 3 November
Available at: http://www.abc.es/20121105/espana/abci-federalismo-espana-cambios201211021409.html Accessed: 2 March, 2013.
Manso, Joaqun (2012). Condicionantes legales para un referendum (Legal conditions
for a referendum). El Mundo newspaper, 28 September. Available at:
http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2012/09/27/espana/1348774116.html Accessed: 5
March, 2013.
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Spain: the sovereigntist challenge). In: Conference in Cordoba, Spain. 29 November.
[pdf] pp. 1-15
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Last accessed: 3 March, 2013.
mnium cultural (2013). ElClauer.cat Claus sobre la independncia de Catalunya.
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Rios, Pere (2013). A Mas no le salen las cuentas (Mas cannot make the budget). El Pas
newspaper, 7 April. Available at:
http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/04/07/actualidad/1365361556_406407.html
Accessed: 8 April, 2013.
Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Catalua, el reparto del salchichn I (Catalonia,
sausage-sharing I). El Imparcial newspaper. 4 November. Available at:
http://www.elimparcial.es//cataluna-el-reparto-del-salchichon--113728.html Accessed: 5
March, 2013.
Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Catalua, el reparto del salchichn II (Catalonia,
sausage-sharing II). El Imparcial newspaper, 5 November. Available at:
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Accessed: 5 March, 2013.
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territorial integrity). El Imparcial newspaper,11 November. Available at:
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Accessed: 5 March, 2013.
Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Catalua, la opcin final (Catalonia, the final
option). El Imparcial newspaper,18 November. Available at:
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53

lo pide (A Catalan classroom should teach Castilian if a student asks for it). El Pas
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End Notes
1. Face-to-face interview with Manuel Sanchez de Diego, professor of information
law at the Complutense University of Madrid, on 20th of March, 2013. Madrid,
Spain.
2. Philip V was the first of the Bourbons, whose dynasty still reigns today.
3. Face-to-face interview with Isaac Peraire, Secretary National of Strategy and
Electoral Analysis of the independent party Esquerra Republicana of Catalonia
(ERC), on 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
4. Email interview with Javier Barraycoa, on 28th and 30th of January, and 1st, 4th,
5th, and 19th of February, 2013. He is also a well-known Catalan writer. He wrote
books as Catalan nationalism Hidden Stories (jbarrayc@uao.es).
5. Introduction by John Breuilly.
6. Email interview with Javier Barraycoa. Op.cit. See more in The Regional
League or the imperial essay of the Catalan nationalism (2005)
7. Original title: Francesc Maci. De militar Espanyol a independentista catal
(1907-1923).
8. Juan Jos Linz, Professor Emeritus of Political and Social Science at Yale
University, http://www.yale.edu/sociology/faculty/pages/linz/
9. Email interview with Andrea Levy, Deputy Secretary Studies and Programs of
People's Party of Catalonia (PPC) (maria.miron.r@gmail.com).
10. Face-to-face interview with Jos M Benegas, MP of the PSOE in the Congreso
de los Diputados of Spain (the lower house in the Spanish Parliament), on 20th of
March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.
11. Face-to-face interview with Jordi Caas, spokesman of the political party
Ciutadans (Cs) in Catalonia, on 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
12. It refers to the territories where the Catalan language is spoken: Catalonia,
Valencian Community, Balearic Islands, Aragon (for Western Strip) and Murcia
(for Carche) in Spain. Also, in France includes the Northern Catalonia in the
Pyrnes-Orientales department. Andorra. And in Italy includes Alghero
(Sardinia).
13. The Autonomous Community of Canary Islands and the cities of Ceuta and
Melilla have special characteristics here.
14. Email interview with Germ Bel, professor of Economic Policy at Barcelona
University, on 11th of April, 2013. He has also written many articles about the
financing system in Spain, especially mentioning the Catalonia case.
(gbel@ub.edu)
54

15. Face-to-face interview with Luis Moreno from the CSIC: Centre of Human and
Social Science (Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales), on 20 th of March,
2013. Madrid, Spain.
16. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Benegas. Op.cit.
17. Email interview with Mr. Levy (PPC). Op.cit.
18. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Moreno. Op.cit.
19. See more in Dual identity in Autonomous Catalonia, Moreno, L. and Arriba,
A. (1996). Or The Moreno Question in the Scottish Affairs (2006)
http://www.scottishaffairs.org/onlinepub/sa/moreno_sa54_winter06.html
20. The Constitutional Court sentence was published on the 28th of June, 2010, four
years later than when the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was approved
(2006) by the Parliament of Catalonia and by the Congress of Deputies of Spain.
21. Final vote on amendments to the Statute of Catalonia on 18th of June, 2006:
http://www.congreso.es/consti/elecciones/referendos/ref_cata_2006.htm
22. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Caas. Op.cit.
23. Official language of Spain. (Similar to the distinction British and English
language).
24. Email interview with Muriel Casals Couturier, President of mnium cultural, on
12th of April, 2013. mnium is a cultural association in Catalonia.
(comunicacio@omnium.cat).
25. Face-to-face interview with Isaac Peraire, National Secretary of Strategy and
Electoral Analysis of the independence political party Esquerra Republicana de
Catalunya (ERC), on 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.
26. Help Catalonia: http://www.helpcatalonia.cat/2012/12/francesc-macia-presidentof-catalan.html
27. La comunidad El Pais: http://lacomunidad.elpais.com/usuarios/zpmiente
28. Chapter 4 written by John Breuilly, professor of Nationalism and Ethnicity at the
London School of Economics.
29. Face-to-face interview with Stephen Tindale, associate fellow at the Centre for
European Reform (CER), on 14th of February, 2013. London, UK. He works
mainly on energy and climate policy, but also on the EU budge.
30. Ibid
31. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Moreno. Op.cit.
32. Face-to-face interview with Stephen Tindale (CER). Op.cit.
33. In 1774 Quebec Act, London officially recognised the rights of the French
Province (the most important were the French language and the Catholic
religion).
34. See more in: http://www.law.ualberta.ca/centres/ccs/keywords/?id=59
35. Telephone interview with Stphane Dion, MP of the Liberal Party of Canada
(LPC), on 12th of March, 2013.
36. Results referendum 1995. Canadahistory.com
http://www.canadahistory.com/sections/eras/moderncanada/1995_referendum.ht
m
37. Telephone interview with Stphane Dion (LPC). Op.cit.
38. Email interview with Mr. Levy (PPC). Op.cit.
39. Telephone interview with Stphane Dion (LPC). Op.cit.

55

Appendix 1: Political Parties Interviewed. Explanation.

Catalan
Convergncia i Uni (CiU): It is a bipartisan coalition of Catalan nationalists. It
consists of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia, liberal ideology and centre-right, and
Democratic Union of Catalonia, with a democrat ideology. It is currently the largest
political force in Catalonia and the ruling party in the Government (with the
parliamentary support of Republican Left of Catalonia)
URL: http://www.ciu.cat/
Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC): Independent left-wing party. It is also a
party with municipal tradition. They defend the independence for the Pasos Catalans
(Catalan Countries) that it refers to the territories where the Catalan language is spoken:
Catalonia, Valencian Community, Balearic Islands, Aragon (for Western Strip) and
Murcia (for Carche) in Spain. Also, in France, it includes the Northern Catalonia in the
Pyrnes-Orientales department. Andorra. And in Italy, it includes Alghero (Sardinia).
URL: http://www.esquerra.cat/index.php
Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) -Socialist Party in Catalonia-. Left-wing
party. It has a social democratic ideology, and dual identity (Catalan and national). It
supports federalism. It is associated with the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE),
but they are not the same political party. Includes two tendencies within it: a Catalan
and a more autonomous one.
URL: http://www.socialistes.cat/
Partit Popular de Catalunya (PPC) -Popular Party of Catalonia-. It is a right-wing
party. Conservative but it has taken a Catalan path in supporting "differential
autonomy". It is related to the Spanish national Popular Party. (It was against the Statute
of Autonomy of Catalonia in 2006).
URL: http://www.ppcatalunya.com/
Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds-Esquerra Unida i Alternativa (ICV-EUiA) -Initiative
for Catalonia Greens- They define themselves as democratic political formation,
Catalan, republican, left-wing, environmentalist, feminist and municipal coalition.
URL: http://www.iniciativa.cat/
Ciutadans-Partit de la Ciutadana (C's) -Citizens of Catalonias party-. It is declared as
a non-nationalist and constitutional party. Its a Spanish political party with
representation in the Parliament of Catalonia.
URL: http://www.ciudadanos-cs.org/

National
Partido Socialista Obrero Espaol (PSOE): -Spanish Socialist Workers Party-. It is a
Spanish political party, left-wing centre party and Social Democratic.
URL: http://www.psoe.es/ambito/actualidad/home.do#None
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Appendix 2: Journalist Article. Design.

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