Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

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Forest Policy and Economics

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/forpol

Indigenous agroforestry in a changing context: The case of the Erumanen ne Menuvu

in Southern Philippines
Neyrma M. Neyra-Cabatac a, Juan M. Pulhin b,, Daylinda B. Cabanilla b
a
b

Natural Science Department, College of Arts and Sciences, Southern Christian College, Midsayap, Cotabato 9410, Philippines
Department of Social Forestry and Forest Governance, College of Forestry and Natural Resources, University of the Philippines Los Baos, College, Laguna 4031, Philippines

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history:
Received 29 December 2010
Received in revised form 1 September 2011
Accepted 9 January 2012
Available online 13 February 2012
Keywords:
Indigenous agroforestry system
Swidden system
Manobo
Indigenous agroforestry practices

a b s t r a c t
Research on indigenous agroforestry, especially its role in enhancing food security among the indigenous
peoples confronted with degraded environments and market forces, is of paramount importance. Employing
qualitative research methods, this study documents the pengengewiran, a type of indigenous agroforestry
system practiced by the Erumanen ne Menuvu, an indigenous group in Southern Philippines. Based on existing form of classication, the study revealed that pengengewiran is an integral form of swidden system
which is also a type of agroforestry. Further analysis of the data showed that the Erumanens' adherence to
the customary practice of pengengewiran is inuenced by existing communal resources, social relations,
and high regard for deities. On the other hand, recent changes in their farming practices, including the shortening of fallow period and the incorporation of lowland rice into indigenous farming system, are attributed to
the changing ecological condition of the uplands and the socio-economic process upon which they are embedded. The paper contends that socio-economic and environmental factors trigger changes in indigenous
agroforestry practices and these dynamics have to be understood and better appreciated if just and effective
policies and programs on forest resource management are to be crafted.
2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
In the Philippines, the indigenous peoples are long known for their
swidden practice, which may be viewed as a form of agroforestry
(PCARRD, 2006; Cabanilla, 2006). As an indigenous agroforestry,
swidden system has strongly coupled ecological and social components. However, like any other forms of agroforestry system, it is subject to changes resulting from disturbances that are brought about by
ecological and socio-economic factors. Hence, research on indigenous
agroforestry, especially its role in enhancing food security among the
indigenous peoples who are amidst degraded environments and market forces, continues to be of central importance.
This study focuses on the case of the Erumanen ne Menuvu's agroforestry system. The Erumanens are among the major Menuvu (Manobo)
groups, one of the Indigenous Cultural Communities in Southern
Philippines. They inhabit the uplands of the municipalities of Libungan,
Alamada, Banisilan, Aleosan and Carmen in the province of Cotabato.
The subjects of this study were mainly the Erumanens of barangay
Palacat in Aleosan. They are known to practice pengengewiran, a type of
swidden system.
Swiddening, also referred to as shifting cultivation, is viewed by
mainstream society as destructive to the environment. In other
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: neyrma_rc111@yahoo.com (N.M. Neyra-Cabatac),
jpulhin@yahoo.com, jmpulhin@uplb.edu.ph (J.M. Pulhin).
1389-9341/$ see front matter 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.forpol.2012.01.007

words, environmental degradation has been associated with this subsistence strategy. Using the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) food
security criterion, the SCC-CEREA (2004) study found the Erumanens
to be food insecure. These views and ndings are in contrast to the claims
that agroforestry systems (that include swidden farming) enhance food
security since they exhibit important elements of sustainability that are
lacking in monoculture production systems.
This study addresses the following questions: a) What are the features of the indigenous agroforestry system of the Erumanen ne
Menuvu? b) What are their specic indigenous practices in relation
to agroforestry? and c) What factors have inuenced changes in
their indigenous agroforestry practices? The latter question stems
from larger issues related to the role of swidden farming in enhancing
food security, its current practice amidst degraded environment and
market forces, and its alleged destructive impact on the uplands.
These issues require analysis of the swidden farming system of the
Erumanens through time. Since agroforestry is a managed system,
this study asserts that the Erumanen's local knowledge, lived experience, and social memory are central to understanding their agroforestry practices.
This documentation of pengengewiran hopes to contribute to the
existing literature on indigenous agroforestry systems in Southeast
Asia. It also aims to better understand the indigenous peoples' way
of life which is necessary in crafting environmental management policies and programs that are still predominantly expert-based rather
than people-based.

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

2. Methodology

3. Results

Qualitative research, as a eld of inquiry crosscuts disciplines,

elds, and subject matters (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005:2). Although
denitions of qualitative research vary according to historical moments, Denzin and Lincoln (2005) offer a general denition of it:

3.1. Pengengewiran and its variants

Qualitative research is a situated activity that locates the observer

in the world. It consists of a set of interpretive, material practices
that make the world visible. These practices transform the world.
They turn them into a series of representations, including eld
notes, interviews, photographs, recordings, and memos to the
self. At this level, qualitative research involves an interpretive,
naturalistic approach to the world. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural setting, attempting to make
sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people
bring to them (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005:3).
This study, which centers on a group of indigenous peoples, utilizes qualitative research approach for a very important reason, that
is, their oral tradition. The Erumanens, like other indigenous groups
have an oral culture which means that information and knowledge
are conveyed to other generations through spoken words.
Furthermore, the use of qualitative methods gives the Erumanens
their own voice through the collection and communication of their
experiences which is an important way of making them visible and
enabling their version of reality, not an outsider's view, to be heard
(Hugo and Thomson, 1995:53). It also shows recognition not only of
their knowledge but also of them as knowledge-bearers. Hence, the
research methods used in the study were drawn mainly from the
qualitative research approach and consisted of the a) pre-data collection activities, b) data collection proper covering only one cropping
season, and c) post-data collection. Pre-data collection activities included asking permission from the community to conduct the study,
reviewing of secondary materials and identication of keyinformants.
The study was conducted in Barangay Palacat and areas adjacent
to the barangay such as Mt. Magariwang, the Kituved (Kitubod)
Range and along the Malitubog River where the Erumanen ne
Menuvu carry out their swidden activities. Palacat is the northernmost of the 19 barangays of the municipality of Aleosan, Cotabato
(Fig. 1). It is bounded by the municipality of Carmen in the east, the
municipality of Libungan in the north, Barangay Pentil in the west
and Barangay Lawili in the south. The choice of the study site is
based on the following considerations: 1) Palacat is ancestral home
to the Erumanen. 2) The issue of logging in the Kitubod range and
its nearby areas dened Palacat as the appropriate site for the study.
The change brought about by logging in the 1970s was a major reason
for selecting Palacat as study site. 3) Accessibility, security and availability of secondary data were also considered.
During the collection of data, the methods used were key informant and group interviews. The key informants included a tribal
healer who at the same time is the oldest member of the community,
a tribal leader, and four other community members identied as
knowledgeable about the forest environment and swidden farming.
For the group interviews, the main criterion for the pool of participants was their experience or time-span participation in swidden
farming. A criterion of at least 10-year involvement in swidden
farming was set. Other methods used included participant observation and eldwalks, both of which provided data on the Erumanens
agroforestry and cultural practices. These techniques were able to
elicit information not obtained in the interviews. The post-data
collection activities consisted of the presentation of the gathered
data and conrmation of the results by the community. The research
questions guided the analysis which was non-linear, iterative, and
reexive. The study was conducted from November 2006 to December 2007.

19

The primary forest (pualas or damakayu) and secondary forest

(lahunti and lati) are the sites for pengengewiran. These categories
are distinguished on the basis of the kinds of plants and animals. In
their accounts, the Erumanens characterize the pualas (primary forest) by the presence of climax vegetation described to have close canopy. It consists particularly of large-diameter trees such as the variety
of dipterocarps (tree species belonging to family Dipterocarpacea). In
addition are the various wild fruit-bearing trees. Lianas and vines are
also prevalent. Wild boar (Sus philippensis), deer (Cervus marianus),
and monkey are the common wild animals.
The Erumanens' description of lahunti is similar to a mature secondary forest. It is characterized by medium-sized to large trees similar to those found in primary forest. It also harbors numerous species
of vines. Openings in the canopy are common in this forest. The frequency of wild boar, monkey and wild chicken (Gallus gallus) is high.
Lati refers to a secondary forest in its early stage. Pioneer tree species are common such as Trema orientalis and Diplodiscus paniculatus.
Its characteristic animals are the bakbak (Limnonectes magnus) and
the wild chicken that frequently roam in it. Wild boars may be sighted
as harvest time comes close.
The pengengewiran practiced by the Erumanen ne Menuvu is of
three variants: a) kamet, b) saridsid and c) kuhu. While the manner of
cultivation is the same, the basis for the variation is the sites where
the farming system is done. The kamet is done in the primary forests
and mature secondary forest, while saridsid is done in the early secondary forest. Kuhu is done in secondary forest that had been harvested or
left to fallow (ebpedlatien). It consists of a very small patch, enough to
provide additional food while tending another kamet or saridsid.
The graphic presentation of succession showing the variants of
pengengewiran is shown in Fig. 2. Unlike the dominant worldview
where an old growth forest can never regain its original state, the
Erumanen's worldview considers a mature secondary forest (lahunti)
as capable of returning to its climax state if left untended for a very
long time. Fig. 2 shows that the Erumanen may till portions of pualas,
lahunti, and lati. Tilling requires them to burn the selected areas of the
forest. They call the burnt elds, pu'il. These elds, once planted with
agricultural crops become their gawang or swidden. After harvest,
they leave the elds to fallow. The fallow eld progresses to become
a damaribpes or grassland, then to lati and lahunti, and according to
their view, it may eventually mature to become a pualas.
The tilling of a portion of land is traditionally once or twice a year, and
generally comprises the rice season and the planting of legumes, corn,
sweet potato and. After which, the eld is left to fallow (ebpedlati'en).
Depending on the farmer (terevasuk), he may re-cultivate the fallowed
eld after at least ve cropping seasons. This temporal pattern of cultivation ensures replenishment of soil nutrients. The Erumanens claim that
soils get old (agkalukes ke tana) and when this happens their crops will
not grow well. Thus, it is necessary to leave the land to fallow.
3.2. Stages of pengengewiran
3.2.1. Site selection (ebpanara)
Choosing of a potential site for swidden is the task of the men. This
may be done by a group (edsavakuan) or by an individual (edsanga'taw). Topography, rather than distance, inuences personal preference for a eld. A very distant rolling eld, even if it is stony, is preferred over a near yet very steep (kalendahan) eld. However, nal
choice is generally based on their cultural beliefs.
The presence of the following bad omens prevents a terevasuk
(farmer) from choosing a certain eld: a) the presence of a tree
whose trunk is split and at some point joins together, b) presence of
insects particularly ants and termites on a stump, and c) a mound

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N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

Fig. 1. Location map of the study area.

formed in the shape of a casket, known to them as lavuntot. Tilling of

the land invites death in the family. For instance, if the split part of a
tree trunk is on eye level of the farmer, it means death of an adult. If
immediately above the base, tilling the land would mean death of a
child. The only way to avoid these is to look for another site.
When the site is favorable, the farmer performs marking (ed'aras
aras). He chooses the centermost part of the eld and in a counterclockwise direction slashes the vegetation to form a circle. If the cry of the
bird, alimuken (Phapitreron leucotis), breaks from the forest during the
marking or if his tool breaks, the eld must not be tilled. Any of these
happening before the marking is completely done is considered bad
omen. When none of these occur, he nishes his marking and utters a
prayer for protection and strength. The marking is usually done in a
day and may continue the next day if no suitable eld is sighted.
3.2.2. Slashing (egkakamet)
Slashing of brush, saplings and pole-size trees follows next. This is
done exclusively by men and accomplished through cooperative effort
(elayon) or paid labor (sukayan). At present, labor costs P60.00/day and
includes snacks and meals (breakfast and lunch). The implements used
for slashing include the machete and regaraw. The duration relies on
the number of people working and the size of the eld, which depends
on the amount of ben'ni (seeds) that will be sown. Ten people slashing
a eld for two cans of seeds can nish the job within a day. In slashing,
big trees are left and only the pole-sized trees and grasses are slashed.
These are then left on the eld to dry for about two weeks.
3.2.3. Felling (ebpiley)
Felling of big trees is usually done if the chosen eld is either in
mature secondary or primary forest. Big trees that are widely spaced

are not felled if they have very narrow canopy because their canopies
do not obstruct the sunlight from reaching their crops. Felling is done
only by men either solely or through cooperative effort. The implements used are agsa and wasay (ax). Felling could be done in less
than an hour. They determine rst where the tree could easily fall.
A deep cut is then made on the side where it should fall. After
which, another cut is made opposite and above the rst.
However, for trees with large buttress root (luyong), edrarasan
(putting of scaffold or frame for support) is done. The raras (scaffold)
is mainly made from saplings which are set against the luyong. The
farmer stands on the scaffold for support while cutting.
3.2.4. Cutting and chopping (Ebpana'ta)
Ebpana'ta or chopping is done only in early secondary forest and
never in mature secondary and primary forests. This is so because
only the pole-sized trees are cut and chopped. So, if a saridsid (a variant of pengengewiran in lati) is to be prepared, one cannot do away
with chopping. Men do the activity that lasts at most three days.
The implement used is the machete. The chopped plant debris are
gathered in a heap and left on the eld to dry for about two weeks.
3.2.5. Firing/burning (ebinsulan)
Firing is the most dangerous activity in pengengewiran, the purpose
of which is to facilitate the cleaning of the eld. Only men do the ring,
as it is a dangerous feat. Prior to ring, a reline (kaskasan) is made especially if there is an adjacent swidden. The ring may be accomplished
alone or by two to three individuals if the eld is too big.
A rite prior to ring is practiced. It allows one to determine if there
will be a good harvest or none. At present, it is no longer performed unless a farmer's investment is so big that he could not risk failing. The rite

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

necessitates the farmer to prepare a charcoal and a branch of red pepper

(Capsicum annuum) with fruit placed in a winnowing pan. The winnowing pan, which is believed to increase and direct the wind, is then carried as it hangs on a piece of rattan. In addition to this, the farmer
carries with him cotton, a small stick taken from a broom, and a fruit
of red pepper. He then walks from his hut to his eld. If along the way
the winnowing pan gets detached and falls to the ground inside up,
then he is assured of a good harvest. Upon reaching his eld, he wraps
the stick and the red pepper with the cotton.
He then burns it together with the dry plant debris which is consumed by re. Firing starts at the base of the slope. This is common
if the eld is small and the ring is performed by one person. On
the one hand, two persons may be required to do the ring in cases
where there is an adjacent swidden. In this condition, ring starts
on top of the slope right after the reline and is immediately followed
by another at the base.
In cases where the eld is so wide, edlimotan (encircling) is done.
Edlimotan requires three persons to do the ring, which starts at the
center of the eld followed by the ring of the top and the base of
the slope. Of the three identied ways of ring, the third is considered
the most dangerous. The person who does the ring in the middle
should be ready to risk his life. The edlimotan however is seldom applied because only small areas of the lati are tilled. For it to be
employed, an estimate of about three to ve hectares of land must
be burned for about three to ve sacks of seed. Firing is accomplished
in the middle of the day when the sun is very hot.
After a week, the pu'il (burnt eld) is cleared by gathering plant
debris that escaped burning. Women and children do the gathering.
They gather the remaining debris, pile them into heaps and the men
burn these again. They then leave the eld until the rain comes.
They leave the partially burned timber on the ground as these are
thought to prevent the erosion of soil. More often than not, burning
is the reason why swidden systems receive a lot of criticism from
the public. This is probably because large forest areas may be burned
by accident. Burning is actually used in conservation management. It
is the most common and cheapest option for creating early successional habitat (Sutherland, 2000:187). Fires result in increased regeneration of certain processes: a) the removal of the litter layer
that exposes the soil and increases light penetration; b) the release
of seeds stored in canopy; c) the breaking of the dormancy in some
species due to heat or smoke; and d) enhanced owering due to improved conditions caused by burning (Sutherland, 2000). The last two
processes lead to a ush in germination. In addition, burning the litter
likewise releases soil nutrients, making the soil more alkaline and
making the nutrients more available (Biswell 1989 in Sutherland,
2000).
By tradition, the Erumanen tend to establish their swidden together as a group. This collective way of establishing swidden elds in a
certain zone is known as bonggoy-bonggoy. In bonggoy-bonggoy, the
farmers build temporary fences over all the swidden elds in order
to ward off wild boar and monkeys that usually feed on their crops.
The practice of collective swiddening has been a strategy to lessen
their workload particularly in warding off wild animals. Today, they
no longer do the bonggoy-bonggoy because, as the population in the
area increases, the Erumanens settle in their own respective elds.
Furthermore, the plunder of their forest reduced animals making it
easier for them to drive away these animals.
3.2.6. Dibbling and sowing (ed'erek and ebubur)
The Erumanen wait for the bituen ne minariha (star) to appear, as it is
a sign that the rain would soon come and the rice season (kebpamubur)
begins. Minariha is among a group of stars. Its appearance is believed to
be a warning of the coming rain and prompts the people to prepare for
the sowing time. The quantity of seed to be sown is based on the fruiting
of the kapok (Ceiba pentandra) and makabaratot (Ziziphus talanai
(Blanco) Merr.) trees. Excessive owering and fruiting of these trees

21

indicates the need to sow more since it is held that one reaps more
than the usual. The excessive fruiting is thereby an assurance of a more
abundant harvest.
As soon as the rain comes, sowing begins and pangani-ngani is
performed. Pangani-ngani is a rice-planting ritual where offerings
are made to Kalayag, the rice deity. The offerings are made by setting
up a peruvonian on the centermost part of the eld. The peruvonian is
a small platform upon which the seeds in a woven basket are placed.
The four corners of the platform are planted with lemongrass and/or
ginger symbolizing resistance to drought since these plants are
known to withstand or tolerate heat. In one of the corners, a stick or
pole tied with a white cloth is xed on the ground. This signies
their honor for Kalayag.
On the dawn of the following day, the farmer goes into the eld
carrying with him an ogis ne ma'nok (white fowl) for the blood rite
(pangelesa). He then sets a salengket on the east portion of the peruvonian.
The salengket is a set of woven bamboo. One is placed with a betel nut, the
other with four linepet (rice contained in banana leaves) and an egg, and
the third is placed with a small container of water. Underneath the
salengket, dukot (Casuarina hirsuta) is burned to invite other deities. He
then starts the blood rite by saying a prayer, an appeal for Kalayag, and
kills the fowl. He drops a little of its blood into the seeds and throws it
to the ground. The fowl is keenly observed as it utters to death. He
then examines the position and direction of the dead fowl. An indicator
of a good harvest is when it dies carrying on its back the peruvonian.
The farmer then goes home for his breakfast. Then together with
those who will help in the dibbling and sowing, he walks off to his
eld. Upon reaching the eld the couple who owns the land will do
the initial planting. They plant around the peruvonian, with the
husband dibbling and the wife sowing.
The manner of planting requires the husband to bore a small hole
on the ground using the dibble. The wife tags along taking a few seeds
from her basket and drops them into the hole and covers it with soil
using her foot. Right after this, sowing of the rest of the seeds proceeds. The seeds are sown at a distance of about eight inches to one
foot starting from the top of the slope going down. Unlike corn
which is sown in a horizontal direction, rice is sown in a vertical
direction
The planting of rice demands a large workforce. For instance, in
sowing two cans of ben'ni, more or less 30 persons are needed to nish it in a day. Thus, to the present day, rice planting is still accomplished through elayon (reciprocity). The sowers get free meals
which include breakfast and lunch. After the rice is sown, tikap
(millet) and/or bantad (sorghum), and sesame may likewise be
sown next to the rice. Millet is sown by broadcast method. The farmer
then constructs a hut that towers over his eld. This is necessary for
him to better watch over his eld and easily keep an eye on wild animals that may attack it. He also makes a pasahadsar, a pole with suspended cut bamboo, which is used to drive away birds, particularly
the maya (ricebirds).

3.2.7. Weeding (ed'elamun and pedleneran)

Weeding is done by men, women and children and is usually accomplished in a day. The initial weeding, called ed'elamun, removes
the small weeds that grow with the rice or corn. After several
weeks, they do the pedleneran, the pulling or uprooting of grasses,
vines and mimosa that were not completely removed during the
ed'elamun.
By tradition, they do chanting around their eld prior to the weeding. The farmer or somebody who is knowledgeable of chanting may
do it while walking seven times around the eld. This is done at dawn
before the sun rises. The chant asks deities to protect those who will
do the weeding from the heat of the sun and for them not to get easily
tired and hungry. With the practice of patilangkas (chanting), it is believed that weeding will be speedy.

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N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

While waiting for the harvest time, the eld is tended by the farmer and the members of his household. In instances when tinangaw attacks the eld, they burn red pepper at its periphery. In burning, the
farmer takes into consideration the direction of the wind since its
smoke must hover over the eld. This is believed to drive away the
tinangaw.
3.2.8. Pre-harvest (Ebpepemanayk)
Before all the grains are harvested, the wife goes into the eld
alone to harvest some of the unripe and ripe grains. She harvests
around the eld enough to ll a ravan (a woven basket used for harvesting) and goes home. She prepares a pinipi by roasting the unripe
grains, while the ripe grains are threshed, dried, pound and cooked.
She mixes both the pinipi and the cooked rice and wraps it in banana
leaves. She then goes out to give these to all children in the hamlet. It
is held that children ought to have the rst taste of the rice. After this,
the wife decides when to do the nal harvesting of grains and informs
other women in the community who will join the harvesting. The decision on the exact date of the harvest depends on her estimate of the
ripening of all the grains.
3.2.9. Rice harvest (ad'ahani)
The nal harvesting of rice is done by women. It may last a day or
two at most, depending on the size of the eld. Only the owner can
harvest the rice sown around the peruvonian. She also selects and harvests the grains that will be stored as seed material for the next cropping season. The rest of the workforce reaps the other grains. The
share of those who joined the bayanihan (collective labor) may be
through edteray or ebpagunos. In edteray, sharing is based on the cluster of rice harvested and is practiced in inunum (by six), of which ve
clusters/bunch go to the owner while one goes to the harvester.
Ebpagunos, on the other hand, is the sharing of grains in six parts,
where ve parts go to the owner and one part is given to the harvester. The sharing may also be in ve parts. The harvested grains are
stored in a hut. As soon as the rice harvest is nished, millet and/or
sorghum and sesame are also reaped and stored in covered woven
baskets.
3.2.10. Harvest feast (edsawit)
Rice is indeed very important to the Erumanen, and the harvest
time is the merriest time of all (Garvan, 1928). As was observed by
Garvan (1928), the harvest time ends, in most cases, the long period
of abstinence from rice, and many times terminates a period of actual
hunger. This still holds true today for in the duration of this study,
people seldom eat rice. Maize has replaced rice as their staple. The
harvest feast is celebrated the day after the harvest, the hosts of
which are the owners of the harvested eld. The manner of celebrating requires the different households to boil a portion of the harvested grains in a glass of water. When the water has evaporated,
the grains are dried, pound and cooked. They then bring their share
to the household who just had a harvest and who also prepared the
same. There, they eat and celebrate the feast together. As soon as
everyone is able to harvest their grains, they set the day for the
Samayaan or the Rice Harvest Festival.
3.2.11. Rice harvest festival (samayaan)
The Samayaan or the rice harvest festival is most signicant to the
Erumanen. It is the time when they, as community are able to express
their gratitude to Kalayag, the rice deity. During the festival, a ritual is
performed that informs them of their condition as a tribe in the forthcoming year.
At dawn on the day of the festival, a high platform is prepared.
Two poles are xed on its side where white and yellow piece of
cloth are separately suspended. The white symbolizes peace and the
yellow symbolizes farming.

Apar, which is a mixture of betel nut, lime, buyo (Piper betle), and
tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum) is placed in the platform. The apar is offered to the deities that are believed to attend the festival. In addition
to the apar, popped rice and rice grain dyed with kalawag (turmeric)
are also placed on the platform. Under it, dukot (Canarium hirsutum)
is burned to invite Kalayag. Near the dukot, the pambabas, a mixture
of chopped balan-balan (Calanchoe pinnata) and sarimbangon (Justicia
gendarussa), is placed.
The salengket is also prepared for the deities. The salengket is a
woven bamboo or badtek. Three of these are prepared. One is placed
with apar, the other with four linepet (rice wrapped in banana leaves)
and the third is placed with water. This set of salengket is suspended
on a stake. Below, a dukot is burned to invite the deities. When the
samayaan is held in the morning, the salengket is positioned in the
east; however, if it is done in the afternoon it is placed in the west.
Before the ritual, the people sit on a woven bamboo used for drying grains, while the walian (tribal healer) calls on the salengket and
says a prayer for the deities. After which, the people rise and form
two lines for the ritual. Two groups participate in the ritual, the
edtehoy (chanter) composed of men and women who are capable of
chanting and are clad in white; and those in colored garbs called
the manugredtan or participants. The edtehoy followed by the
manugredtan are led by the walian, the baley te kukuman (langkat/
religious leader) and timuey (chieftain). The religious leader carries
a white cock, while the chieftain carries a red cock.
Before the ritual starts, the walian checks the tinapayan (fermented rice/rice wine) by smelling and tasting it. Then he leads the
group in the chanting as they walk around the platform. They do
this seven times or until the tribal leader is possessed by a spirit.
After which, he talks to the chieftain and the religious leader. The
cockght then begins, with the chieftain releasing the white cock
and the religious leader the red cock. Then a chanter throws two
raw eggs over the ghting cocks. According to their belief, if the
eggs are not broken it indicates that the tribe will never fall apart despite hardships that they may encounter in the coming year.
The popped rice and the yellow rice are also thrown over the
ghting cocks. Some of these are also saved for their swidden,
where these are thrown to drive away spirits that bring sickness. If
the white cock wins, it indicates that peace will reign in the next
year. However, if the white cock dies on its back, it means that
there will be several deaths the following year. The tribal leader interprets the meaning and discusses this with the chieftain. The white
cock is then killed; its blood is placed in the pambabas, where people
wash their hands. It is believed that washing in the pambabas washes
one's bad fate away.
As soon as this is over, the women and men begin the merrymaking,
dancing to the beat of a winnowing pan and stick or to musical instruments like the agong and kubing. After the dancing, a lunch of linepet
is served with chicken and goat meat for viand. Indeed, harvest time
is a time of bounty. After lunch, the activities continue. Several linepets
with chicken meat in it are placed on the dulang-dulang. Everyone competes to get a linepet. Each chicken part in the linepet carries with it a
meaning. For instance, if one gets a chicken leg it means that the person
will encounter hardships the following year; however, if one gets a
head, it means that he or she will receive many blessings.
In addition to this, each household prepares a savakan placed in
salengkat. It is later swapped with a neighbor's savakan. A savakan is
composed of four linepets and a whole roasted chicken. Each household closely watches their siringan's (neighbor) savakan and estimates the size of the roasted chicken. If assessed to be of the same
size as their roasted chicken, they agree to exchange their savakan.
After the samayaan, everyone goes home, hopeful of a better year.
Traditionally, pengengewiran or their indigenous agroforestry system is composed only of the three variants, the kamet, saridsid and
kuhu. However, the system has evolved to include the deduwanan in
the 1980s and besakan in the 1990s. The ways these are practiced

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

are based on the Erumanen's observations of the farming system of

the Christian settlers.
Deduwanan is an upland farming technology that necessitates the
use of a draft animal. Cattle and carabao are the draft animals used in
the locality, the latter being the more common. The onset of rains
marks the land preparation time for deduwanan which is done
using a dedu or plow. After which, they do harrowing to remove the
debris from the eld. Tudlingan (furrowing) follows. It is in these
tudling (furrows) where they drop the corn seeds, which they then
cover with soil using their foot. After about a month when the corn
seeds have germinated, they plow again using pakpakan (double
opener plow). This plowing moves the soil into the base portion of
the corn plant, thereby covering the weeds that have grown. They
then wait for the harvest. Depending on the variety, corn may reach
maturity from three to ve months. Harvesting is done through
hand picking. While men do the land preparation, the women frequently do the harvesting. Since rice is generally for consumption,
supplementary income is usually derived from selling corn produced
in deduwanan. However, the practice of deduwanan partly accounts
for the transition from a subsistence orientation to a cash-crop economy. As observed, deduwanan focuses on a single crop corn and is
highly dependent on inputs. Focus on monocropping, particularly on
cash crops plus the loss of other traditional or local varieties, are factors that would affect indigenous agroforestry practices.
Besakan is a lowland rice farming technology. Like swidden farming and deduwanan, the besakan is rainfed. The rains also mark the
land preparation. Land preparation starts with clearing of dikes,
slashing, and allowing the soil to be soaked in the water. Plowing
then follows. After about a week, they do the harrowing, then the
pagulong or paddling, and leveling. Sowing of seeds is commonly
done by broadcast method. Unlike swidden farming, weeding is not
a very laborious activity because a farmer just pulls the weeds spotted
in his paddy. Harvesting is done after about 4 to 5 months, depending
also on the rice variety sown.With this adopted technology, they are
able to do two rice croppings, one in the uplands and the other in
the valley.
3.3. Cropping patterns
Cropping patterns, both spatial and temporal, reveal the Erumanen's
strategy to ensure availability of food. There is primacy on the production of rice and corn compared to other crops in terms of the area and
the quantity planted, and the labor allocation. Varieties of the dominant
staple food crops could be of early or late maturing variety. Diversication through intercropping is common, which is a way of coping with
unexpected risks that may affect their pengengewiran. Among such are
long drought and pests.

23

3.3.2. Spatial crop patterns

Spatial crop patterns vary for rice-based, legume-based and cornbased elds. In a rice-based eld, millet (Setaria italica), sorghum
(Sorghum vulgare) and sesame (Sesame orientale) are planted alongside rice (Fig. 4). At present, only millet and sesame are cultivated
with rice. Millet is a drought-tolerant crop (www.cgiar.org). Sesame
is also a drought-tolerant crop owing in part to its extensive root system (Oplinger et al., 1990). Sesame is planted to control rice insect
pests since the plant has the ability to attract them. Together with
pigeon pea, they are referred to by the tribe as insect attractant. The
plants act as adhesives where insect pests stick to or are glued to,
preventing their attack on the rice crop. Sugarcane (Saccharum
ofcinarum), cassava and taro (Colocasia esculenta), are planted at the
periphery of the eld. These agricultural crops are all drought-resistant
species. Partial harvesting is also common with these crops. Piecemeal
harvesting allows maintenance of a food supply (Msikita et al., 2001).
Vegetables are cultivated in a certain portion of the eld usually near
their hut.
After the rice season, more often than not, legumes are cultivated.
Technically, legumes have nitrogen-xing bacteria that replenish the
soil with nitrates. To the Erumanens, legume enriches the soil, but, as
to how this happens, they have no explanation. Although there is no
equivalent Menuvu term for legume, they identied peanut, mungbean,
red bean, including the introduced ipil-ipil (Leucaena leucocephala) as
fertilizer. Planting of legumes is a part of their culture.
For the legume-based eld, sesame is also planted alongside it.
Fig. 5 shows the spatial crop pattern for a legume-based eld. The
legume could be a peanut and varieties of bean. They may add more
plants at the periphery, but usually, they maintain the cultivated
plants during the rice season.
Once the legumes are harvested, corn is planted. After it has
grown taller, about a foot in height, sweet potato is planted on one
side and opposite of it. Thus, as the corn grows, sweet potato also
spreads on the ground, creating a cover crop. Its cultivation also
allows for a high degree of provision in a food securing strategy due
to its exible time of harvest (Fleischer and Agne, 2001). Fig. 6
shows the spatial pattern of crops in a corn-based eld. Existing periphery crops are maintained. These complement the staples and
are harvested as needed. In good years, these crops may be harvested
only as snacks. However, tending of these is sustained all throughout
the year, as they become buffers in times of unexpected food scarcity.
Cropping patterns are dependent on the agronomic conditions of
the uplands. If a land has already been planted with rice, it must be
planted next with legumes to replace the used up nutrients. Household preferences and resources also determine what to be planted.
There are households that prefer peanut instead of other legumes, because these could be eaten as tilagad (snacks).
3.4. Socio-environmental history

3.3.1. Temporal crop patterns

Sequentially, rice varieties are cultivated rst, followed by legumes such as peanut (Arachis hypogaea) and/or mungbean (Vigna
radiata), red beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and pigeon pea (Cajanus
cajan). After harvest, corn interspersed with sweet potato is planted.
The area may again be tilled the next year, after which, cassava (Manihot esculenta) and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) are planted before
the area is left to fallow. If the new area to be cultivated is not so distant, a small patch in the fallowing land may be maintained with vegetables. This temporal cropping pattern is shown in Fig. 3.
The planting of sweet potato and cassava before leaving the land
to fallow prevents the growth of cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica).
The plants would also provide food for the wild boars, a means to
ward them off from their new eld. They may re-cultivate the land
after at least ve rice cropping seasons. Traditionally rice cultivation
is only once per year, thus they leave the land to fallow in at least
ve years.

Table 1 presents a synopsis of the events based on the accounts of

the Erumanen of Palacat. The synopsis was taken from their narratives that were organized into temporal sequence. The events provided the larger background to the changes in their agroforestry system.
Prior to the 1960s, the informants' claim that the largest land area
during was covered with old growth forest. The secondary forests
which were estimated to cover about 37% of the land were the
areas where the Menuvu carry out their swidden activities. They account for the immense forest areas to low human population and
high population of wild animals. The latter compelled them to till
the secondary forest. Swidden making in the old growth forest required a large work group of two to three households because of
the high density of wild animals that attacked their elds. By working
as group, they are able to fence their swidden to protect their crops
from these animals. Their traditional practice allowed the land to fallow for years. The damakaran or cogonal areas in those times were

24

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

Fig. 2. The succession stages of Pengengewiran based on the views of the Erumanen. (Note: The Erumanen view is in contrast to the dominant view that holds that once an old
growth forest is lost, it is gone forever.).

not tilled owing to the difculty of controlling the persistent rhizomatous plants.
The vastness of hunting grounds and the availability of land encouraged their relatives (suled) and other members of the tribe (lengesared)
to do swidden farming in the area. The increase of households in the
area resulted in the formation of a latid or hamlet. The mahindanaws arrived in the area three decades after the establishment of the latid. They
occupied the lowlands while the Menuvu dwelt in the uplands Even in
those days, the Erumanen were engaged in swidden farming customary
to their culture. It was the sole farming system that they knew of.

However, in the 1960s the entry of logging concessions in North Cotabato began. The Lumad residents reported that three logging concessions operated north, east, and south of Palacat. This report is
consistent with what is stated in the barangay development plan.
The operations provided work, roads, and transportation and
more importantly, opened the forest. The latter provided them new
elds and freed them from the dangers of felling large trees. Those
logging days were times of urar (abundance). The entry of the concessions in the area opened roads for the coming in of more people
Lumad, Moro, and Christians alike. These changed the condition of

Fig. 3. A diagram of the crop rotation or temporal cropping pattern as traditionally practiced by the Erumanen ne Menuvu.

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

25

Fig. 4. Spatial crop pattern of a rice-based eld.

the physical environment. In just a span of about a decade, an estimated 10% of the old growth forest was gone. The old growth forest
was reduced; the secondary forests decreased in area, the cogonal
areas increased and were tilled.
The Christian settlers introduced the tilling of cogonal areas using
plow and carabao to the Erumanen. This, they called deduwanan. In
the 1980s, they experienced drought due to El Nio events. The
logged-over forest failed to provide them food. Some held the loggers
responsible for their difculties; others attribute them to the inux of
migrants, which deterred them from leaving their old swidden for
fear that they will have nothing to return to.
In the 1990s, extensive swidden farming and illegal logging
resulted in the decrease of the lahunti and damakayu. This exploitation
resulted in a loss of much of the old growth forest. Some Erumanen
practiced deduwanan, where they cultivated yellow corn, while a number also developed their own besakan. In 2000s, the barangay forged
and strengthened their link with the different sectors of the local government unit and with private institutions from nearby municipalities.
This linkage brought projects, seminars, exposures and awareness programs to the community.
Analysis of the socialenvironmental history reveals emergent
stories of transformation. This transformation encompasses changes
in practices and views. The changes are attributed to both social and
environmental inuences. For instance, with the loss of the forests
and decline in the density of wild animals there is no longer a demand
to do swidden cultivation in groups. The decline in cultivable lands due
to the entry of other settlers also forced them to settle in Palacat and to
adopt introduced farming technologies, particularly deduwanan and
besakan. The adoption reveals exploitation or utilization of other areas
of their environment.

Fig. 5. Spatial crop pattern of a legume-based eld.

Fig. 6. The spatial crop pattern of a corn-based eld.

4. Discussion
A large number of indigenous peoples mainly rely on the forest for
their subsistence. Through time, they have evolved means to deal
with the ecology of the tropical forests and that is through swidden
system. It should be noted that the large percentage of nutrients in
a forest ecosystem is in its biomass (Odum, 1971). Hence by burning
felled trees and forest litter organic matter is released and can become available for crops. After which, the land must be abandoned
since crop productivity would easily decline due to high rainfall and
leaching. This practice is the most effective way for dealing with the
ecological conditions of tropical forests (Odum, 1971; Smith and
Smith, 1998; Cox and Atkins in Warner, 1991; Russel, 1986; Odum
and Barret, 2005).
Swiddening according to Conklin (1957) are of two major types:
a) partial system and b) integral system. The former involves permanent
eld cultivators with little knowledge of swidden techniques. These cultivators do swidden out of necessity. Integral system involves cultivators
who do temporary cultivation of a patch in a forest. These swiddeners replace the forest patch with regrowth and donot destroy the forest (FAO,
1978 in Warner, 1991). Integral swidden systems also do not incorporate
permanent-eld agricultural concepts of land use and ownership, which
are known in partial systems (Conklin, 1957).
On the basis of Conklin's (1957) classication of swidden systems,
pengengewiran is an integral type. Pengegnewiran customarily clears
portions of the forest. In addition, the system requires swiddeners
to allow the land to fallow. This entails movement, which is a coping
mechanism for environmental deterioration and/or depletion of
resources (Pulhin, 2001). The practice of moving into another site is
a response to the nutrient depletion of the soil, which they know
leads to low crop yields. For the Erumanens, free movement is therefore a pragmatic response to obtain sufcient food and to allow the
soil to rest. The custom of abandoning their land and tilling other suitable forest patch suggest the absence of the concept of individual land
ownership. This practice creates a mosaic of forest and fallow elds,
which is a landscape feature of swidden communities.
True to all integral systems, pengengewiran is also a rituallysanctioned system, which is seen in the cultural importance of rice,
the major crop in the agroforestry. Although planted only annually,
rice in the culture plays a central role. Its cultivation as presented in
Section 3.2 takes much of the work time and work force of the
Erumanens. Thus, despite their commonly dispersed households,
the Erumanens are not disafliating. Performance of rituals in their

26

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

Table 1
Timeline of events viewed by the Erumanen as signicant to the changes of their environment (Kedsambi te Ubpaan).
YEAR
Signicant events
(Rahon)
Social and environmental events
Prior to
1960

Formation of a latid
Establishment of a primary school

1960s

Entry of Mahindanaws
Operation of logging concessions

Opening of roads
1970s

ILAGA conict that resulted to temporary

abandonment of the place

Subsistence
system
Panganup
(Hunting)
Pamahanga
(Gathering)
Pengengewiran
(Farming)
Panganup
(Hunting)
Pamahanga
(Gathering)
Pengengewiran
(Farming)
Panganup
(Hunting)
Pamahanga
(Gathering)
Pengengewiran
(Farming)

Emigration of some Mahindanaws

1980s

Edandaw (drought/El Nio)

Entry of a logging concession
Entry of christian settlers
Introduction of deduwanan
Edandaw (drought) in 19821983 (El Nio Years),

Deduwanan was practiced

Introduction of Besakan
Introduction of yellow corn
Exploitation of resources (illegal logging and
poisoning of aquatic resources)
Creation of Palacat as a barangay of Aleosan

Panganup
(Hunting)a
Pamahanga
(Gathering)a
Pengengewiran
(Farming)
Deduwanan

Establishment of the elementary school

1990s

Conict between Christian and Moro settlers that

led to temporary abandonment of the place

Establishment of the barangay road

Panganup
(Hunting)a
Pamahanga
(Gathering)a
Pengengewiran
(Farming)
Deduwanan
Besakan

Reforestation of a portion of Kitubod range through

DENR
Edandaw (drought/El Nio) in 1997

2000s

Access to traders
Linkage with institutions both government and
private

Construction of the hanging bridge over the

Malitubog River

Panganup
(Hunting)a
Pamahanga
(Gathering)a
Pengengewiran
(Farming)
Deduwanan
Besakan

Establishment of water system

Electrication of Sitio 1 or Centro
a

Declining practice.

agroforestry system is an acknowledgment of the presence and the

need to please a deity.
Further examination of their agroforestry system revealed that the
Erumanen no longer observe some of their traditional practices.

Among these is their practice of bonggoy-bonggoy, or collective swiddening, and arat-arat, or transfer in search of another area to cultivate. The former was a strategy to lessen workload for fencing.
Fencing was then needed to drive off wild animals of the forest that
feed on their crops. The arat-arat is no longer practiced because
they already settled permanently in particular areas. Abandonment
of arat-arat resulted in shorter fallow (pedlatien) periods.
With regards to their cropping patterns, the basis lies obviously on
several ecological features such as soil, climate, and the kind of cultigens. However, another fundamental aspect is the social system,
which through time has determined when and where certain crops
are to be cultivated. From their traditional cropping patterns, there
are four important points that can be gleaned; rst, the cropping patterns ensure food availability relative to seasons; second, it ensures
diversity of edibles; third, it ensures enrichment of the soil; and
fourth, it spreads the risk of crop failure.
Results of the study also showed their preference for cultigens that
address the conditions of a rainfed agroecosystem. This was revealed in
their use of millet, sesame and sweet potato which, according to the
Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR);
Oplinger et al. (1990), and Fleischer and Agne, 2001 are droughttolerant crops.
Further analysis of the pengengewiran in the context of the past
and current events offers understanding of the ongoing changes or
transformation of the system. Like any other communities their socialenvironmental experiences have resulted to variations in their
farming system. These variations are necessary guarantee to survival.
Logging in the area paved entry and access to their communal
resources (Cabatac et al., 2009). In addition, increasing population,
land regulations, and market forces compel them to shorten fallow
periods, if not totally abandon the practice. Thus, their recent practice
of lowland rice farming in the valleys also suggests utilization of the
topographic and hydrological features of their environment. This
makes certain the availability of food. The adoption was initially not
a strategy to increase production but to ensure that there is food;
hence a form of adaptation to changing socio-economic and environmental context.
5. Conclusion
The examination of the pengengewiran revealed that it is an integral type of swidden farming. Pengengewiran as a system demonstrates the signicance of the following: communal resources, social
relationships, and high regard to deities. Integration of certain traditional practices may prove relevant in developing approaches that
would conserve natural resource and warrant food security.
This study revealed that the Erumanens still adhere to many of their
traditional agroforestry practices, but, like all social and ecological systems, change and dynamism are the norm rather than the exception
(Drimie and Zyl, 2005; Ericksen, 2008). And since the Erumanens are
not an isolated community, their practices are inuenced by social
and environmental changes.. Similar to the eld ndings of Ellen
(2000) on indigenous peoples, they are subject to market and governmental pressures It is in this context that their farming practice evolved
to include deduwanan and besakan.
The Erumanens' historical accounts also suggest a gradual trend
from subsistence to cash economy. The adoption of other technologies, while possibly aiding in ensuring food availability may possibly
result in the abandonment of the traditional subsistence system.
In the Philippines, swiddeners face difcult options from which
they have to choose from. For the government, swiddening is an illegitimate form of agriculture (Dressler and Pulhin, 2010). This view is
attributed to colonial forestry principles of maximizing timber yields
and laws for biodiversity conservation (Dressler and Pulhin, 2010).
The national forestry laws impose severe penalties to shifting cultivators. Hence in the Philippines, swiddening is a criminal offense, yet

N.M. Neyra-Cabatac et al. / Forest Policy and Economics 22 (2012) 1827

despite this, the government has not totally abolished the farming
practice. This is due to the increasing population which continues to
drive migrants to the uplands.
In Mindanao, agricultural expansion and intensication mainly focused on the foreign markets persist to be an important endeavor for
the government. This has displaced many of the indigenous groups
from their ancestral domains. Their displacement may estrange
them from their traditions. This has great implications since it is in
traditions that adaptive capacity is encapsulated. The implementation
of mechanisms in mitigating climate change coupled with potential
benets may reduce the practice of shifting cultivation. Climate
change exposes the indigenous peoples to unfamiliar risks which
may affect the customary management of their natural resources,
notwithstanding the fact that dynamism of the environment has always been part of their experience. REDD (Reduction of Emissions
from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) may present opportunities,
risks and challenges to indigenous peoples (Tebtebba Foundation,
2010a). The Philippines although not mandated by the UNFCC to reduce
gas emissions is the third among the ASEAN countries in the emission of
carbon from forests (Tebtebba, 2010b). As reported by Tebtebba
Foundation (2010b), the Philippines is considered not a REDD country
due to its low forest cover now estimated at 24%. It is however, a UNREDD observer country and has now crafted the National REDD Plus
Strategy which envisions taking advantage of the opportunities associated with forest carbon nancing. Stakeholders participation and a
clear-cut strategy that would protect the rights and livelihoods of
every Filipino particularly the forest-dependent communities like the
Erumanen ne Menuvu must be foremost if the implementation of
REDD is to be pushed in the country.
Traditionally, the swidden practice of the Erumanen results to a
mosaic of patches of forests and fallow elds. Gradually, monoculture
elds are being added to this landscape implying a continuing decrease of forest cover. The changed landscapes continue to create
negative images of them as a people, which, according to Thrupp
(1993) is actually a failure to realize that they are embedded in a larger socio-economic process.
Studies about integral swidden farming have proven that it is critical
to ecosystem management as well as to the way of life of the indigenous
peoples and yet, in South East Asia alone, according to Padoch et al.
(2007) no country failed to outlaw swidden farming. In crafting just
and effective policies and programs that would advance sustainable forest resources management, it is important to investigate and understand the dynamics between social, economic and environmental
factors.
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgment is due to the Erumanen ne Menuvu of Palacat,
Southern Christian College, Southeast Asian Regional Center for
Graduate Study and Research in Agriculture (SEARCA) and the United
Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia (UBCHEA). We also wish
to thank the reviewer for the insightful and valuable comments that
enhance the quality of the paper.
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