University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education

Girl Power: Young Women and the Waning of Patriarchy in Rural North China
Author(s): Yunxiang Yan
Source: Ethnology, Vol. 45, No. 2 (Spring, 2006), pp. 105-123
Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4617569 .
Accessed: 21/05/2013 01:05
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education is collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Ethnology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRL POWER: YOUNG WOMEN AND

THE WANING OF PATRIARCHY
IN RURAL NORTH CHINA'
Yunxiang Yan
University of California
Since the early 1950s, several generations of young women in rural north China
have responded to social changes brought about by state policies and practices,
gradually altering their position in the domestic sphere from statusless "outsiders"
to new players in family affairs. While favorable conditions in larger social settings
are necessary and important, equally important have been the agencies of young
women who took advantage of the new opportunities to challenge the patriarchal
order of family life. By focusing on individual young women, the previously
marginalized members of the family, this article identifies and provides a better
understanding of the most active driving force of family change from within.
(Young women, agency, family change, China)

Althoughthereare still many issues underdebateamong studentsof the Chinese

family, it is widely agreedthatthe decline of parentalauthorityandpower is the
most visible and significant change thathas occurredin the domestic spherein
rural China since 1949. Such a trend began in the heyday of socialist
transformationduring the 1950s (Yang 1959) and continued in both the
collective period (Parish and Whyte 1978) and the post-collective reform era
(Davis andHarrell1993; Bossen 2002). Thusfar,most studiessee the decline of
parentalpower and authorityas a result of a set of social changes occurringin
largersocial settings, such as the implementationof the new marriagelaw and
othergovernmentpolicies, the state-sponsoredattackon patrilinealideology and
kinship organization,and public ownershipthat disabledthe family as a unit of
production.The contributionof individualagency to the shifting power balance
across generationalline, especially the role played by young women, however,
has been by and large underplayed,if not completely ignored. To balance the
previousemphasison external,social causes, this articleexploresthe active role
played by young women to redefine intergenerationalpower relations in
particularand other dimensions of privatelife in general.
Throughoutthis article the term "young women" is used to refer to rural
women betweenthe ages of 15 to 24, or as definedby social terms,those who are
going throughthe transitionperiodfroma teenagedaughterto a young daughterin-law. For a ruralwoman, this is the most difficult and importantperiod in her
life, full of changes and challenges (Wolf 1972). In the areas where this study
was conducted, young women in this age group are referredto as guniang or
yatou, which may be translatedas "girls"in English. But guniangor yatou refer
ETHNOLOGYvol. 45 no.2, Spring 2006, pp. 105-123.
ETHNOLOGY,c/o Departmentof Anthropology,The Universityof Pittsburgh,PittsburghPA 15260 USA
CopyrightD 2007 The University of Pittsburgh.All rights reserved.

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

105

106

ETHNOLOGY

onlyto unmarried
youngwomen.Oncea youngwomanmarries,sheis no longer
a girl; but has been transformedinto a daughter-in-law
(xifu) and an adult
woman.
In a traditionalfamily,youngwomenwere marginaloutsiderswith only a
entered
temporary
position,as daughtersmarriedoutandnew daughters-in-law
the domesticgroupunderthe rulesof patrilinealexogamyandpatrilocalpostmaritalresidence.Thus,daughters
werecommonlyregardedasa drainon family
wealthandnew daughters-in-law
wereseenas a potentialthreatto the existing
order.
In
to
family
comparison their male siblings, girls were statusless,
powerless,and somewhatdangerous;theycouldacquirea properplacein the
domesticsphereonly by becomingmothers(Baker 1979; Freedman1966;
Watson1985, 1986;Wolf 1972;Bossen2002).
As a resultof theiranonymityin familylife, youngwomenhavedrawnlittle
scholarlyattentionthusfarand,admittedly,
theyalsoconstitutethemostdifficult
to
for
a
male
Male
informants
arethe usualsources
researcher.
age group study
whenconductingfieldwork.WhenI triedto reachfemaleinformants,I found
myself more often talking with older women, the supposedly more
andcertainlymorepowerfulwomanin ahousehold,typicallythe
knowledgeable
mother(ormother-in-law)
who managesthehouseholdbudget.However,from
the numerous complaints about their daughters,daughters-in-law,and
recollectionsof theirown life histories,andalso frommoreseriouscomplaints
by men aboutwomenin general,I cameto realizethatever since the 1950s
youngwomenhavebeenperhapsthemostactiveagentsin initiatingsignificant
relationsandpatternsof familylife.
changesin intergenerational
This articlewill demonstratethat,over a periodof five decades,several
generationsof young women have challengedpatriarchal
powerin termsof
mate-choice,marriagenegotiation,and family division, thus alteringthe
domesticsphere.Thesecondpartof thepresentstudyexploresthesocialcontext
inwhichtheseyoungwomenhavedevelopedtheiridentitiesandhaveprogressed
from voiceless dependentsto active agents in family life. The conclusion
discussesthe limitationsto girlpowerandexplainshow theselimitationsmay
also contributeto the emergenceof such a power.Datafor this articlewere
collectedfrom fieldworkin Xiajiavillage, Heilongjiangprovince,northeast
China,in 1989, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1997, 1998, and 1999, as partof a larger
of privatelife inthis
accountof thetransformation
project,beinganethnographic
ruralcommunityfrom 1949 to 1999(Yan2003), whereinthe rise of powerof
youngwomenis merelyone of themanyimportant
changesthatoccurredto the
domesticsphere.
Witha populationof 1,492in 1998,Xiajiavillagehadbeenfairlysuccessful
in collective farmingprior to the implementation
of the decollectivization
reformsin the early 1980s;todayit still remainsa farmingcommunity.The

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 107
heavyrelianceon farminghas been one of the majorobstaclesto economic
inthevillage,keepingtheaveragepercapitaincomeslightlybelow
development
the nationalaverageduringthe 1980sand 1990s.Butthe villagers'livelihood
hasbeencloselytiedto themarketthroughraisingcashcrops,householdsideline
businesses,labor migration,and the impactof the mass media and urban
consumerism.2
GIRLPOWERAND CHANGESIN PRIVATELIFE
Examiningthe majorchangesin the privatelives of Xiajiavillagersshows
thattherearemanyareasin whichyoungwomenhaveplayeda majorrole in
changingpre-existingpatternsof familylife, suchas establishingwife-centered
family networksafter marriage,alteringthe previous standardof kinship
distance,andcreatingnewritualsthatcelebratewomen'sreproductive
poweror
theimportance
of theirnatalfamilies(Yan1996:53-54and2001:234-36).Matechoice, marriagetransaction,and familydivision,however,are particularly
becauseyoungwomenchallengedpatriarchal
noteworthy,
powerin theseareas,
andtheireffortshavehadprofoundinfluenceon currentpatternsof familylife.
Mate-choice and Courtship

As notedby manyscholarsof contemporary

ruralChina,the autonomyof
ruralyouthin mate-choicehasbeensteadilyincreasingsincethe 1950s,although
the trendvariesa greatdealdependingon the regionandthe timeperiod(see,
e.g., Chan,Madsen,and Unger 1992 [1984]; Parishand Whyte 1978). But
scholarshavenot yet notedthatin ruralChina,youthautonomyin mate-choice
is reflectedmainlyin the increasingpowerof youngwomenas a resultof two
factors.First,the currentcustomsof courtshipand marriageproposalallow
youngwomento makethe finaldecisionregardingmate-choice;second,there
has been an artificialshortageof womenin ruralareas,whichhas put young
womenin a moreadvantageous
position.
In Xiajiavillage, as in manyothercommunitiesin the surrounding
area,
youthautonomyin mate-choiceemergedduringthe late 1950s,butit remained
limited by certain local customs and ritualprocedures.With inter-village
marriages,agreementfor a matchhadto be workedout in stages.Usually,it
startedwith initialinquiriesfromthe male's side aboutthe suitabilityof the
intendedyoung woman.Thentherewas a preliminarymeetingin whichthe
youngcouplewouldsee eachotherandtalkfora while.Whiletheinquiriesand
meetingswerearrangedbetweenthe parentsandthe go-between,the opinions
of the youngcouplewerean important
basisforthe nextmove. If theymadea
good impressionon one another,theirparentswouldseek furtherinformation

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

108

ETHNOLOGY

and negotiatethe marriagefinancesfor the proposedengagement.But even

thoughdaughtersnormallydid not formallyinitiatetheirchoices at an early
stage,theycouldveto proposedmateswhomtheydidnot like.
In cases of intra-villagemarriages,thingswere simpler,as the two young
people may have known one anotherfrom childhood.Interestinglyenough,
formsince the 1950s.During
villageendogamyappearsto be the preferential
recentdecades,one-fifthof Xiajiamen foundwives withintheirown village.
Someof the marriageswithinthevillagetookplaceaftera briefdatingperiod.
Theyoungwomen'spowerto vetoa marriage
proposalwas firstrecognized
afterthe implementation
of a new marriagelaw in the early1950s,whichwas
routinzied
as
gradually
partof local custom.A youngwomancan exerciseher
veto powermanytimes until she finds a suitablematchand she can use this
powerto changeslightlythe rulesof the game,suchas by defyingherparents'
will, or even selectinga husbandby herself.In general,securingthe daughter's
consentis a basicelementof anymarriage
proposaland,to myknowledge,since
the early 1970s all parentshave recognizeda daughter'srightto rejectan
undesirablesuitor.3A surveyin 1993 of 78 marriagessince the late 1980s
revealedno cases in whichthe bridehadbeen forcedinto a marriageby her
morethantwo-thirdsof these young
parentsor by anyoneelse. Furthermore,
womenhadpreviouslyrefusedmarriageproposalsat leastonce.
Naturally,parentsare reluctantto give up their power to managethe
as this is perhapsone of the mostefficient
marriagesof theyoungergeneration,
meansof controllingtheiradultchildren.Duringthe 1950s,eachtime a young
womantriedto use herveto powerto testthe waters,she inevitablyprovoked
suchactions
andgenerational
conflictsoccurred.Gradually,
parental
disapproval,
becameacceptedduringthe1960sand1970sandhavebeenconsideredthenorm
sincethe 1990s.The most commonsourceof conflictis whena youngwoman
wantsto marrysomeonewhomherparentsstronglyoppose.However,as shown
in the following three cases, parentalpower in this respecthas also been
declining.
In a 1961 case, the local CommunistPartysecretary'sdaughterinsistedon
marryinga youngman who was poorandaddictedto gambling.To stop this
romance,the parentstriedbothtoughandsoft methods,includingthe threatto
oust her from the family. The daughterwas determined,however,and as a
CommunistPartymember,she soughtsupportfromupper-levelgovernment
agencies.Eventuallyshe marriedthe man but paid a high price. Her father
refusedto see herfor the nexttwo decadesandforgaveheronly whenhe was
dyingin 1993.
A similarcase occurredin the early 1970s when a young womanfroma
cadre'sfamilyfell in love witha youngmanin herproductionteamandasked
her familyto approachhis family.But her familystronglyopposedthe idea

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 109
becausetheyoungman'sfamilyhada badclasslabel.Aftera longstruggle,she
finallymarriedthe man,butherhusbandwas not welcomedin herfamilyuntil
aftertheyhada child.
Inthe thirdcase, a strong-willedyoungwomanbecameengagedin 1990to
herboyfriendfromthe samevillage,despiteherparents'disapproval.
Afterthe
engagement,she frequentlystayedatherfiance'sparents'home;thetwo would
walktogetherarmin armon the villagestreets,just like a pairof urbanlovers.
Thiscausedmuchcriticismandgossipfromthe olderandmore conservative
villagers,especiallyolderwomen,butwaswelcomedandimitatedbytheirpeers.
In additionto the decision-making,
which is the most importantaspectin
mate-choice,anotherimportant
changein courtshipresultsfromyoungwomen's
pursuitof freedomandintimacy.The earlytrendof youthautonomyin matechoice developedinto a "romanticrevolutionof courtship"by the end of the
1990s(Yan2003:64-85),characterized
by threemajordevelopments.Thefirst
is an increaseof intimacyin courtshipand post-engagementinteractions,
sex. To a certainextent,preincludingthe increasingpopularityof premarital
maritalsex for engaged couples has become socially accepted, and has
for marriageto a
transformedthe post-engagement
time from a preparation
passionateanderoticperiodof romance.Second,contemporary
youngwomen
such as
more
attention
to
their
future
individual
characteristics,
pay
spouse's
physicalappearance,
respectandcaring,emotionalexpression,andcommunicationskills.Third,youngwomenof the 1990stendedto be moreopenandvocal
in expressingtheiremotions.In additionto conventionalwaysof caring,many
youngwomenexpecta directandpassionateexpressionof lovefromyoungmen.
Popcultureandmassmediaseemto be themostobviousanddirectinfluenceon
thedevelopmentof the languageof love andintimacy,whichbothenrichesand
altersthe discourseon an idealmateandthepracticeof mate-choice.Herethe
on whetherone is ableto
new emphasison communication
skills,particularly
worldof
speakfengliuhua(romantictalk)showsthattheimaginative/subjective
is
is
and
the
of
the
idealization
youth expanding,
partner emergingas an
important
partof mate-choice.
Thesethreemajorchangesare all relatedto the subjectivityconstruction
amongvillage youth,a developmentthatwas not documentedin Parishand
Whyte's1978 study.In comparisonto theirparentsandoldersiblings,Xiajia
youthof the 1990s preferredto controltheirown fate; they enjoyedmaking
decisions and had a strongsense of entitlementto claim their rights.It is
interestingthatduringboththe collectiveperiodandthe post-reformperiod,
villagewomenplayeda leadingrolein pursuingromanticlove andthe freedom
of mate-choice.In most cases of free choice thatoccurredin Xiajiavillage,
eitherby
young women were far more active than theirmale counterparts,
directlyconfrontingparentalauthorityor by using theirveto powerto resist

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

110

ETHNOLOGY

the
parentalinterference.
break-ups,
Similarly,in almostall casesof engagement
initiatorswerewomen.
MarriageNegotiation

An important
of familylife in ruralChinais that,despiteallthe
phenomenon
reformsmade by the state and despiteradicalchangesin the organizational
modesof productionandreproduction,
thepracticeof bridewealth-thatis, the
flow of gifts in cash and in kind from the groom's family to the bride's
hasbeenincreasinginthe
family-still continues.Infact,thecostof bridewealth
two
decades
in
both
the
and
wealthier
past
poorer areas of China. The
of this phenomenonincludethe persistenceof culturaltradition
interpretations
andthe needto compensateforthe loss of a femalelaborer,butmissingis the
roleplayedby youngpeople,especiallyyoungwomen.
My interviewswith older village women and a study of engagement
documentsreveal a processby which severalgenerationsof young women
transformed
theinstitutionof bridewealth.
in Xiajiavillageconsists
Bridewealth
of two parts:moneyand materialgoods (Yan 1996:176-209).Until recently,
monetarygifts were given by the groom'sparentsto the bride'sparents,and
materialgifts werepurchasedby andremainedwiththe groom'sparents,to be
placedin the new couple'sroom.Duringthe 1950sand 1960s,engagedyoung
marital
womenwerenotdirectlyinvolvedeitherin negotiatingor in purchasing
of the
gifts,buttheytriedto protecttheirinterestsby monitoringthepreparation
materialgiftspriorto the weddingdate.Theyadoptedmanystrategiesto detect
whetherthe groom'sfamilykeptto theirside of the bargain,suchas tryingto
pickoutthe itemsthemselvesor sendingsomeoneto checkthe giftsbeforethe
weddingday.If the groom'sfamilyspenttoo littleon the materialgoods,the
bridemightrefuseto attendthe wedding.
Thebride'srolebecamemoreactiveaftera localcustom,zhaodinghunxiang
(takingengagementphotos),emerged.Beginningin the early 1970s, engaged
in purchasing
materialgoodsfortheirownbetrothal.
youngwomenparticipated
The bride and groom went to a nearbycity (eitherthe county seat or the
provincialcapital,Ha'erbin)to buyclothesandotherpersonalitemson thegift
list. Theyalso satforanengagementpicturein a photostudio.Moreimportant,
most couplesspenta nightor two togetherat a hotel. The village office (the
production
brigadeduringthe 1970s)issuedthemanofficialletterwhichentitled
themto renta single roomin a hotel as a couple.Along with the customof
havinganengagementphoto,bridesgradually
beganto takecontrolof theactual
newcategoriesof materialgifts
purchaseof thematerialgoodsand,accordingly,
werecreatedandthe valueof thesegoodsincreased.

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER Ill
whichwas givendirectlyto
By the 1980s,the monetarygift in bridewealth,
the bride's parents,was insignificantin comparisonto the materialgifts
firstunderthesupervisionof thebrideandlaterentirelycontrolledby
purchased
the bride.Thatis, the bridetook over the majorpartof the bridewealthby
thesegoods.A moreradicalchangefollowed.
purchasing
In 1984a youngwomandemanded,forthe firsttimein thevillage,thather
betrothal
giftsbe convertedintoa lumpsumof cashgivento her.Ofthatamount
she spentonly a smallportionforherwedding.Thisbehaviorwas regardedby
manyas absurdandscandalousbecauseat thattimea bridecouldonly control
a smallpartof the bridewealthas trousseaumoneyspentduringthe shopping
trip.
The bridemadesuch a bold requestbecausethe groomhad fouryounger
brotherswaitingto be marriedandtheeconomicstatusof thegroom'sfamilywas
belowaverage.Althoughshe hadgrownup in a similarlypoorfamily,she was
confidentandforthright
Theyoungcouplegrewupinthesame
by localstandard.
thegroomwasalreadydependenton her
villageand,bythetimeof engagement,
to makedecisions.Thus,thegroom'sfamilycompliedwithherdemandsbecause
their son was afraid of losing her. Her parents initially protestedher
buttheybackeddown,knowingtheirdaughterhadalwaysbeen
aggressiveness,
determined.
This new and strange change of the bridewealth,ganzhe (converted
bridewealth),
occupiedthecenterof villagegossipforonlya shortwhilebecause
to be takenseriously.Butin
villagersregardedthis case as too unconventional
the followingyear, 1985,therewas a rumorthattherewouldbe no extraland
allocatedforhouseconstruction.
Thoseplanningmarriagesatthattimeworried
aboutnotbeingallocateda plot,so manygroomssuggestedthattheirbridesask
onlyfor cash as betrothalgifts,followingthe 1984ganzhemodelthatwas still
freshin theirminds.Thelargeamountof cashthata bridewouldreceivewasto
be usedby theyoungcoupleto purchaseconstruction
materials,afterwhichthe
ideawas welcomedby
office
would
This
allocate
a
land.
of
them
village
plot
parentson both sides becausethey too were worriedabout the proposed
government
policy.As a result,ganzhequicklybecamepopular,andthismodel
hasbeenfollowedby youngvillagerseversince.By the summerof 1997,most
villagerswith whomI spokeconsideredconvertedbridewealthto be a normal
practice,anda numberof morearticulateyouthhadresortedto the rhetoricof
individualism
to justifythis.
Sincethe emergenceof ganzhe,youngwomenhave shownunprecedented
enthusiasmto negotiatemaritalgiftswithpotentialin-laws.In a 1991case,for
example,the toughestnegotiatorat the engagementtablewas the prospective
bride.Sheinsistedon a ganzhegiftof 5,500yuanwhenthe groom'sfamilyhad
offered4,000 yuan.Ultimately,5,000yuanwas agreedto, plus 500 yuanto be

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

112

ETHNOLOGY

paidto the bridefor herservingcigarettesandwine at the wedding.Whenshe

returnedfromthe engagementceremonyshe hadpocketed3,000 yuanandshe
expectedto receivethe remaining2,500priorto thewedding.
In the 1990s it becamecommonfor engagedyoung women to possess
relativelylargeamountsof cash(severalthousandyuanormore).Myinformants
claimthatmorethanhalfthefamiliesin Xiajiavillagehaveto borrowmoneyin
orderto arrangetheirsons' marriagesand,ironically,morethanhalf of these
familiesborrowthe moneyfrombetrothedyoungwomen.
Themostsignificantimplicationof thischangein bridewealth
to ganzhehas
beenthetransformation
of a maritalgiftexchangedbetweentwo familiesintoa
new form of pre-morteminheritance.The convertedbridewealth,which is
controlledcompletelybythebride,plusthedowryshereceivesfromherparents,
is consideredby all partiesinvolvedas a conjugalfund.As this conjugalfund
constitutesa majorpartof theproperty
thata couplecanclaimwhentheydepart
fromthe groom'sparents'family,ruralyouthhavetriedto raisethe standard
amountsfor the bridewealthand dowry,resultingin a rapidescalationof
marriagecosts. Young women have played a key role in initiatingand
this important
institutionalizing
changein familylife.
Post-MaritalResidence and Family Division

Thetimingof familydivisionis anotherindicatorof howyoungwomenhave

changedfamilylife. Accordingto oldervillagers,priorto the 1949revolution
mostpeopletriedto delaythetimeof familydivisionas longas possible,usually
afterthe deathof the fatheror afterhis retirementas householdhead.By the
of the
1970s,thesociallyacceptedtimeof familydivisionwasafterthemarriage
husband'syoungerbrother--whichusuallyinvolvesthreeto five yearsof coresidenceof thenewlywedswiththe groom'sparents-or at leastafterthebirth
of a youngcouple'sfirstchild.In contrast,my 1991 surveyshowsthatnearly
one-thirdof the 36 newly marriedcouplesin Xiajiavillage since 1989 had
establishedtheirownhouseholdsbeforehavingchildren,andalmosthalfdidso
rightafterthe birthof theirfirstchild.Thetrendcontinued,andby 1994more
than40 percentof the 49 newlywedcouplesoverthe previousthreeyearshad
establishedan independent
householdpriorto thebirthof a child,andnearly80
percentof thefamilydivisionsoccurredpriorto theyoungerbrother'smarriage.
Theearliestfamilydivisionoccurredsevendaysaftertheweddingin 1991,and
by 1994thereweretwo couplesthatdidnot evenbotherto observethe custom
of patrilocalco-residence.Immediately
aftertheirweddingthey movedinto a
new houseandset up theirindependent
households.
As a resultof this rapidchangeto an earlierfamilydivision, a growing
numberof newlyestablishedconjugalfamiliesconsistsof youngcoupleswho

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 113
have yet to bearchildren.In 1994,twelve newlywedcoupleshad established
conjugalhouseholdsin this way, includingtwo youngmenwho werethe only
sonsin theirrespectivefamilies.Thiswouldhavebeenunthinkable
previously.
Thesefigurespoorlyreflectthe actualimpacton theparentsof earlyfamily
division or of an only son's departure.A concreteexamplemay be more
illuminating.Mr. Fanghas four sons. The eldest was namedGold (fin), the
secondwasnamedSilver(yin),thethirdFull(man),andtheyoungestStorehouse
(ku). Togethertheir namesmean a storehousefull of gold and silver. This
expressesthe most commonwish of all Chinesevillagers;thatis, to havesons
forsecurityin old age. InMr.Fang'scase,however,thingswentcontraryto his
will. Duringthe past decade,he and his wife had to financeall their sons'
marriages,which had become increasinglycostly. When the youngestson
becameengagedin 1990, the old couplethoughttheyhadreachedthe end of
their bridewealthobligations.They were soon disappointedbecause the
demandeda separatenew housepriorto
prospectiveyoungestdaughter-in-law
the marriageandan earlyfamilydivisionafterthe marriage.In less thantwo
monthsafterthe youngestson's wedding,Mr.Fangandhis wife were living
alonein theirold house,backto theirfinancialconditionwhenthey hadfirst
establishedtheirhouseholdmorethan30 yearsearlier.Whenwe discussedhis
familyhistory,Mr.Fangsaid,"Allthe goldandsilverhavebeentakenawayby
my sons.Whatis left is onlya shaky,emptystorehouse,guardedby an old man
andan old woman.It wasjust like a dream,a baddream."
As can be expected,older villagersblametheiryoung daughters-in-law
insteadof theirsonsfortherushto anearlyfamilydivision.Manyoldervillagers
who initiatedand
complainedthat it was alwaysthe youngdaughter-in-law
for a large
demands
from
the
actuallymanagedeverything,
early tough
bridewealth
to the requestfor an earlyfamilydivision.Theysaw theirmarried
sonsas too weakto standup fortheirownparents;instead,youngmenalways
followedthe ordersof theirwife.
Thishasalwaysbeenanissuein Chinesefamilypolitics.A newdaughter-inlaw has long beenviewedas a threatto familyorderby bothseniormalesand
older women, and especially by mothers-in-law.In an extended family,
are always blamed for causing conflict between married
daughters-in-law
which
would
lead to familydivision (Cohen 1976; and Freedman
brothers,
1966).The differencein the 1990sis thatyoungwomencan (anddo) initiate
earlyfamilydivisionwithoutresortingto anydeviousstrategies,suchas using
gossipandsly maneuvers.Inmanycases,engagedyoungwomenopenlydeclare
theirintentionto live independently
long beforethe weddingand they even
intoofferinghelp,suchasbyspecificallyrequesting
pressuretheirparents-in-law
a fullydecoratedandequipped(withmajorappliances)
newhouseaspartof their
bridewealth.
Sometimes,youngwomen'sinsistenceon anearlyfamilypartition

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

114

ETHNOLOGY

Inonecase,theparentsdidall theycould
appearsto be economicallyirrational.
to satisfythe demandsof the brideof theironly son, includingofferingthe
atthattimeandallowingtheyoungcoupleto keep
largestconvertedbridewealth
theirincomefor themselvesaftertheirmarriage.As the groom'sfatherwas a
well-respectedschool teacherand the motherhad made a small fortunein
developingbusinesses,manyvillagersexpectedtheyoungcoupleto staywiththe
husband'sparents.But the bridedemandedfamilydivisiononly threemonths
afterthewedding,withoutanyreasonotherthanthatshefeltit wasinconvenient
to live withherin-laws.
The most importantimplicationof early family division is the radical
reductionin thetimeof post-marital
co-residence.
As findingsfroma large-scale
ratherthana longsurveyshow,co-residencehas becomea ritualperformance
term domesticarrangement
in manyareasof ruralChina(Lavelyand Ren
1992:391).In Xiajiavillage,untilthe late 1980s,youngpeople'sdemandsfor
earlydivisionstill frequentlycausedfamilydisputes,as manyparentsregarded
earlyfamilydivisionas a sign of theirfailureto raisefilial sons andthusthey
opposedanyattemptto shortenthedurationof co-residence.Someparentseven
threatened
to endtheparent-child
if theirsoninsistedon movingout
relationship
too soon. Nowadays,however,parentshave begunto deal with the issue by
helping their marriedson move out. By the late 1980s and early 1990s,
ironically,prolongedco-residenceindicateda negativeimageof parentswhoare
unableto help theirmarriedson set up an independent
household(Potterand
Potter1990:219).
THEROADTOEMPOWERMENT
Therolethatyoungwomenplayin definingimportant
momentsintheirlives
to theirprevioussituationin the
representsa remarkable
changein comparison
traditional
Chinesefamily,wherebytheycouldnotevenhavea properpersonal
namefor themselves(Watson1986).However,the powerandagencyof rural
youngwomendid not surgeaheadovernightin the post-Maoera,buthas been
the result of a long and gradualdevelopment,beginningwith land reform,
developingoverthe collectiveperiod,andcontinuingin thepost-collectiveera.
In this long process,generationsof youngwomenrespondedto statepolices,
socialreforms,andnew economicopportunities
whichhelpedthemgainmore
from
control.
on
From
independence parental
early the stateadvocatedreforms
relatingto family life, includingfreedomof mate-choice,late marriages,
equalityin family
simplifiedweddingsandotherrituals,genderandgenerational
Thesepoliciesandreformshad
relations,andfreedomto divorceandremarry.4
a positiveinfluenceon improvingthesocialstatusof youngwomen.Oftheother
inpublic
externalempowering
factors,collectivefarming,women'sparticipation

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 115
activities,andbetterchancesforsocialmobilitythroughmarriageappearto have
beenquiteimportant.
Front-LineWomenin Collective Farming

collectivefarming
tourbanemployment,
Althoughit bearslittleresemblance
has expandedyoung women'spower.Since the 1950s, young women have
becomean importantpartof the laborforce.In Xiajiavillage,femalelaborers
weredividedintothreegroupsin accordance
withtheirage, maritalstatus,and
workingcapacity.Theunmarried
youngwomenandthe newlymarriedwomen
werecalledyixianfunu (front-linewomen),youngwomenwith smallchildren
werecallederxianfunu(second-linewomen),andthe restwerecalledsanxian
funu(third-linewomen).Onlytheyoungwomen,namely,thefront-linewomen,
in agricultural
participated
productionas full-timelaborers,partlybecausethey
wereyoung,energetic,andwithoutthe burdenof muchhouseholdchores,and
partlybecausecollectivesdid not needso manyfemalelaborerson a full-time
basis.Theothertwo groupsof womenweremobilizedto workonly duringthe
busiestseasons,suchas duringthespringplantingandtheautumnharvest.Since
decollectivization
in the early1980s,unmarried
youngwomenleavethevillage
in searchof jobs in the cities, while marriedwomen stay home and do the
in other
householdfarming.The sameis trueregardingwomen'sparticipation
work
as
such
and
duringthe
public activities,
voluntary
politicalmeetings
collectiveperiod.The social mobilizationof womenis thus morerelevantto
youngwomenratherthanto older,marriedwomen.
As the familyceasedto be a unitof productionduringthe collectiveera,
paternalleadershipin householdfarmingwas replacedby leadershipof village
cadres.Thus,youngstersspentmostof theirworkinghoursunderthesupervision
of peopleotherthantheirfathers.Unlesshewasa cadre,thefatherwouldoccupy
thesamestatusas his sonsanddaughters,
andtheyall hadto followinstructions
from the team leaders.The new orderin productionmanagementinevitably
undermined
paternalpowerandauthoritywithinthe family.As a result,there
was a growingsense of autonomyand demandsfor self-developmentamong
youngwomenin the village.
Moreover,the work-pointsystem in the collectives individualizedthe
contributions
madeby eachmemberof a householdto thefamilyeconomy,thus
a
consciousness
of individualidentityamongthe young.Underthe
fostering
was recordedin
accountingsystemof the collectives,one's dailycontribution
termsof work pointswhichwere thentransferred
into a cash value afterthe
harvest.Therecordsof workpointsweremadepublicby annuallypostingthem
onthewallsof theproduction
to
teamheadquarters.
Thata youth's contribution
thefamilywaspublicizedin a clearmannermadeanimportant
differenceto the

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

116

ETHNOLOGY

youth,especiallyto youngwomen,becausea fathercould no longerdenyor

understatethe contributionsmadeby othersto the family economy,as was
possibletraditionally.
Usually,a youngwomancouldearn1,800to 2,000 work
pointsperyear,while an averagemaleadultearned2,800 to 3,000 points(the
differencemainlyresultingfromthe local customthatwomenin Heilongjiang
provinceusuallydo notworkin thefieldsduringthelongwinters).Butit wasnot
uncommonthata capableyoungwomanearnedmoreworkpointsthana weak
malelaborer.
Duringtheentirecollectiveperiod,therewerealwayssomefamiliesinwhich
Thisoccurredforreasonssuchas
youngwomenwerethe majorbread-winners.
theseniormalemembersworkedoutsidethevillage,theboysweretoo youngto
as theybecame
work,ortherewereno malelaborersin a family.Consequently,
aware of their importanceto the family economy,young women became
increasinglyconsciousof their importance,and this awarenessled to their
increasingpursuitof autonomy.By the sametoken,theparentsfromboththeir
natalfamilyandtheirhusband'sfamilygraduallycededpatriarchal
powerover
theyoungwomen.Thisresultedin thechangesdescribedabove,in theincreased
autonomyandpowerof youngwomenin mate-choice,marriagenegotiation,and
familydivision.
Active Participants in Public Activities

Probablythemostdramaticchangeto haveoccurredto youngwomenin the

village duringthe collective periodis the opportunityto receive a formal
education.As Thorntonand Fricke (1987:755-58) have pointed out, the
expansionof formal schooling increasespeer connectionsoutside family
networks,andintroducesyouthto knowledgeandnew ideas,resultingin their
Thisis particularly
trueforruralyoungwomen.InXiajiavillage,
empowerment.
mostboysandgirlsgraduated
fromprimaryschoolduringthe 1960s.Thevillage
school addeda juniorhigh programin the late 1970sandopeneda preschool
classforchildrenagedfive to sevenin 1975.By 1985-86,75 percentof theboys
and48 percentof the girls in Xiajiahadcompletedjuniorhigh school,while
virtuallyall school-agechildrenwere enrolledandultimatelygraduatedfrom
primaryschool. Graduatesof seniorhigh schoolbecamecommonduringthe
sameperiod.Schoolenrollmentsdeclinedin the secondhalf of the 1980s,but
this mostly affected high school studentsbecause many chose to seek
employmentin thecitiesratherthancontinuetheirstudies.Inshort,mostvillage
teenagegirls spendat least six yearsin school,and also participatein social
activitieswithboys outsidethe home.It is noteworthythatthe better-educated
youngwomentendto be moreactivein mate-choice,marriagenegotiations,and
demandingearlyfamilydivision.In otherwords,the moreyearsthey spendin

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 117
school,theless likelytheywill becomethetraditional
typeof gooddaughters-inlaw.Thisis actuallya repeatedcommentmadebymanyoldervillagers.Itis also
thebettereducatedyoungwomenwho tendto enjoya moreintimateandequal
relationshipwith theirhusbandsin theirown conjugalfamilies,andthey are
morelikelyto be praisedas goodwives by theirhusbandsandpeers.
than
Duringthe collectiveperiod,youngwomenhad more opportunities
older women to participatein public activities.They constitutedthe core
membersof the Women'sAssociationandof the YouthLeague.Someyoung
womenwerealso recruitedintomoreselectivesmallorganizations,
suchas the
YouthScientificResearchTeamorthevillagetroupethatcombinedtraditional
withpoliticalpropaganda.
entertainment
Althoughfemalemembershadto quit
once theymarried,therewere alwayseightto ten youngwomenactivein the
performinggroup.The troupealso servedas a centerof popularculturefor
village youthand as a model for youngwomenin particular,before it was
replacedby televisionsets andmusiccassettesin thepost-collectiveera.
After decollectivizationin 1983, the Youth League, the Women's
Association,andothervillageorganizations
graduallystoppedfunctioning,and
activities
declined
In
organizedpublic
rapidly. the 1990sgovernment-sponsored
public activitiesended. Youngwomen, along with otherage groups,found
themselvesreturninghome and workingon family farmsindividually.The
of public activitiesno doubt
shrinkingpublic sphereand the disappearance
in publiclife.
constitutea drawbackforyoungwomenin termsof participation
However,othernew developmentssustainthe growthof girlpower.
The most importantdevelopmentin the post-collectiveera are the new
to workin the cities. The statebeganto loosen its banon ruralopportunities
urbanmigrationin 1981-82, whichallowedvillagersto seek employmentand
residencein citiesin 1985(Li 1993:110-11).Sincethen,millionsof
temporary
have
movedto citieseveryyear;by 1993,thenumberof ruralmigrants
villagers
to the cities was estimatedto exceed 100 million.Villageyouthof bothsexes
constitutethemainbodyof thisgreatwaveof internalmigration(Yan1994).In
Xiajia,81 youngpeopleworkedoutsidethe villageforat leastmorethanthree
monthsin 1991;in 1993 this figurehadincreasedto 142. Amongthe village
youthwho wentto workin the cities, slightlyless thanone-thirdwereyoung
women,forwhomurbanemployment
openeda newworld,seeinglife stylesthat
are unheardof in the village. Theyhave also been exposed to the ideas and
information
thatgrewrapidlyin thecitiesafterthe staterelaxedits tightcontrol
overpopularculture.In addition,mostyoungwomenwereableto savea large
portionof theirwagesfortheirdowries.Moreimportant,
alongwiththegradual
of livingstandards
in thevillage,thenew generationof youthhas
improvement
shiftedfromseekingtemporary
workin citiesandearningmoneyforbasicneeds
to exploringthe worldbeyondthevillageandexperiencinga differentlife. This

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

118

ETHNOLOGY

is particularlytrue for young women, as fewer of them still need to make

economiccontributions
to theirnatalfamiliesin the late 1990s.
important
A secondnew developmenthas beenthe emergenceof a youthculturein
villagesocietyandthe increasedinfluenceof one's peergroup.-By the 1990s,
ruralyouthhadtheirownculturaltastesandlife aspirations
quitedifferentfrom
thoseof theirparentsandoldersiblings.Accordingly,ruralyouthalsonowhave
theirown social space wherethey interactwith theirpeers and whereolder
andunwelcome,suchas thepool tablesanddance
villagersfeel uncomfortable
For
parties(Yan 1999).
example,two shopownersin Xiajiavillage beganto
in 1994,hopingto attractmore
sponsorregulardancepartiesin theircourtyards
customers.
Now
women
men
and
young
young
hangout therein the evenings,
andsuchactivitieshavesometimesledto courtship
andmarriage.
Althoughsome
do
were
could
to
the
dance
parents
nothingto stop
stronglyopposed
parties,they
the practicebecausethe villagepartysecretary,who is in his mid-thirties,was
alsoa frequentparticipant.
Otherformsof youthculturecontinuedto emergeand
thrive.Thelatestoneis a smallInternet
Barthatwasopenedinsidea villageshop
in the summerof 2006, in whichyoungmenandyoungwomenplaygamesand
chaton line with six computerstations.Two youngwomentold me thatthey
oftenchaton line withfriendstheymetwhentheyworkedin cities.
TheMobilityof YoungWomen,Courtship,and Marriage

Young rural women have enjoyed more advantagesthan their male

in courtshipandmarriagesincethe 1949revolution.This female
counterparts
superiorityis best illustratedin theirpowerto rejectmarriageproposalsandto
renegeon engagementagreements,whichacts arerarefor youngmen. It also
reflectsthe fact thatyoungwomenintroducedganzhewhichenabledthemto
takefull controlof marriagetransactions,
whileyoungmenhavenot achieved
anythingclose to this. Whilethe valueof youngwomenas laborersincreased
duringthe collectiveera(ParishandWhyte1978),this cannotexplainwhythey
havecontinuedto havethe edge overyoungmenafterdecollectivization.
Anothercontributing
factormaybe youngwomen'sgreatermobilityunder
the household registrationsystem. Since the late 1950s, the household
intoruralandurbanresidents,
systemdividedtheChinesepopulation
registration
butonly urbanresidentscouldenjoya varietyof statesocialwelfarebenefits.
The legal ban on rural-urbanmigrationconfined villagers to their own
communities,makingit impossiblefora villagerto achievethe higherstatusof
anurbanresident.Moreover,dueto theeconomicinequalitiesbetweenregions
andevenbetweenvillages,it was also extremelydifficultforvillagersto move
to betterregions.PotterandPotter(1990:306-07)notethatservingin thearmed
forces,becominga partycadre,obtaininga highereducation,or marryinga

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 119
workerwith an urbanregistrationstatuswere the few possible avenuesof
wererare
villagermobility.Theyalsopointoutthatthe firstthreeopportunities
andoverwhelmingly
availableonlyformales(PotterandPotter1990).Marriage,
on the otherhand,was a muchmorecommonandaccessibleopportunity
for
ruralyoungwomen,dueto patrilocalresidence.
Althoughtherewereno laws or regulationsagainsta husbandmovinginto
his wife's communityaftermarriage,it was womenwho customarilyrelocated
throughmarriage.By the sametoken,a localcommunityhadno rightto refuse
acceptingan in-marryingwoman, even if she was from a much poorer
community.Thismeantthata youngwomancouldchooseto betterherlife by
lookingfor a husbandfrom a more prosperousvillage. In fact, the general
economicconditionsof a potentialhusband'svillageconstitutedan important
concernformanyyoungwomenwhentheymadedecisionsregardingmarriage.
Once young women beganto marryout to betterplaces, young men in the
hadto lookforbridesfromvillagesthatwereeconomicallyworseoff
community
thantheirown.Inotherwords,youngwomencouldmoveup in thehierarchy
of
residentialcommunities(determined
firstbytherural-urban
dichotomyandthen
the
economic
conditions
of
each
by
settlement)by marryinginto better
communities,whilemenhadto takewomenfromthe lowerlevels of the same
hierarchy.As Xiajiavillageis a relativelybetteroff place,it only suffersfrom
losingwomento the nearbymarkettownandthe countyseat,while receiving
women from many other villages. Young women are also in a more
advantageous
positionthanyoungmenin marriage,fortheycanalwayschoose
to marryup, whileyoungmenhaveto workhardto avoidmarryingdown.
THELIMITATIONS
TOGIRLPOWER
Duringthe past five decades,severalgenerationsof young womenhave
exploitedsocialchangesbroughtaboutby statepoliciesandsocialistpractices
to altertheirpositionin the domesticspherefromstatuslessoutsidersto new
playersin familypolitics,an important
phenomenonthatI call the rise of girl
Favorable
social
the
rise of girlpowerincludemarriage
conditions
for
power.
law, family reforms,collective farming,formal education,and the social
mobilizationof women. However,equallyimportanthave been the young
womenwho took advantageof new opportunities
to challengethe patriarchal
orderof familylife. Manyyoungwomentook the initiativein courtshipand
dating,to explorethe previouslyforbiddenareaof premarital
intimacy.Young
womenhavebeenparticularly
activein negotiatingmaritalgifts,especiallyafter
theintroduction
thatallowsthemto
of thenewcustomof convertedbridewealth
now
most
of
bridewealth.
the
the
And,to a greatextent, daughter-in-law
pocket

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

120

ETHNOLOGY

determinesthe durationof post-marital

residenceandthepowerbalanceacross
lines in a stemfamily.
generational
An emphasison youngwomenin this studyby no meansindicatesthe lack
of agencyof ruralyoungmen. Youngwomenalonecouldnot have madeall
thesechanges,andas faras the shiftingpowerbalancebetweenthe seniorand
juniorgenerationsis concerned,thereis usuallya supportivefiancd/husband
behindeach powerfulyoung woman. In most cases of disputeor conflict
betweena youngwomanandherparents-in-law,
theyoungwomancancounton
herhusband'ssupport(Yan2003).Inmarriage
negations,it is alsocommonthat
a youngmanencourageshis girlfriend
to requesta higheramountof bridewealth
fromhis parents,or requestearlyfamilydivisionevenbeforetheirmarriage.In
this sense, girl power is merely a manifestationof youth power, which
constitutes,as I arguedpreviously(Yan1999,2003),one of the mostprofound
socialchangesin ruralChinasincethe 1949revolution.
Nevertheless,mostlydueto theirpreviousmarginality,
youngwomenhave
beenparticularly
receptiveto new familyidealsbasedon genderequality,and
moreactivein pursuingautonomyandindependence
inthedomesticspherethan
theirmale counterparts.
Theirrisingpowerhas also been more effectivein
challengingandchangingthe existingpatriarchal
hierarchy.
It shouldbe notedthatthe traditionalChinesefamilywas designedso that
most,if notall,dutiesandobligationsin everydaylife fell on theshouldersof the
andthus,for all pragmaticconcerns,herstatushadto be kept
daughter-in-law,
low andher agencycouldnot be awakened.This is why the developmentof
agencyandindividualityamongyoungwomencould give a fatalblow to the
enters
family.As a wittyvillagerputit, "Whenthe daughter-in-law
patriarchal
the familyhome, the father'spoweris knockeddown"(erxifuyi jin jiamen,
fuquanjiu bei dadao).

Thereare,however,two majorlimitationsto thefurtherdevelopmentof girl

power,bothof whichrelateto youngwomen'spreviousmarginalandtemporal
statusin privatelife. First,girl powergrowsout of the wider social context
wherebythe powerbalanceis shiftingfromthe seniorgenerationto thejunior
generationin thedomesticsphere,andit challengespatriarchal
powerinsteadof
androcentric
power.Becauseof this, girlpowerhas not broughtaboutradical
in
changes genderequality.Inall areas-mate-choice,marriagenegotiation,and
familydivision-girl powermainlyreflectsa youngwoman'sabilityto impose
or
herwill on herprospectiveor actualparents-in-law,
suchas withbridewealth
earlyfamilydivision.Youngwomenhavealteredthetraditional
expectationof
virtuousdaughters-in-law
andthe earlierunfairtreatmentof new daughters-inlaw.Intheirownnatalfamilies,however,youngwomenrarelychallengedtheir
parentsexceptin thematterofmate-choice,whichis justifiedby theireconomic
contributions
to theirnatalfamilies.Preciselybecausegirlpowermainlyposes

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 121
a threatonlyto prospectivein-laws,youngwomencaneasilypursuetheirgoals
withoutmuchresistancefromtheirownparentsor even fromtheirprospective
husbands.In otherwords,youngwomen's challengeto patriarchal
poweris
realizedwhenthey physicallymove fromtheirown natalfamiliesto those of
theirhusbandsand as they sociallytransformthemselvesfrom daughtersto
Inthissense,girlpoweris actuallythepowerof youngwomen
daughters-in-law.
as newdaughters-in-law,
andit is limitedto thecross-family,inter-generational
dimensionsof domesticlife.
Becauseit challengesonlythepatriarchal
powerof one'sin-laws,girlpower
has anotherlimitation,its temporality.
Onceyoungwomenachievetheirgoals
of acquiringa largerbridewealth,
keepingthepropertyundertheircontrol,and
their
own
householdsvia anearlyfamilydivision,they
establishing
independent
tendto becomeincreasinglyconservative.
theymergeintotheirroles
Gradually
as mothersandthenmothers-in-law
themselvesonce again,
andthustransform
andprotectors
of existingfamilyvaluesandpatriarchal
becomingthesupporters
This
traditional
is
power.
pattern capturedby the popularsaying,"duoniande
one
xifuaochengpo"(meaningthatafteryearsof sufferingas a daughter-in-law,
since
becomes
a
the
difference
an
However, important
finally
mother-in-law).
1980sis thatthepowerbalancehasirreversibly
shiftedto thejuniorgeneration,
andthenextgenerationof youngwomenis boundto be moreself-confidentand
powerfulin pursuingindividualinterestsandinitiatingchangesin familylife.
Being a mother-in-lawin the 1990softenmeansnothingmorethanbeingthe
to mother-in-law
targetof girlpower.Thus,thetransitionfromdaughter-in-law
alsorepresentsa changefromempowerment
to powerlessnessforan individual
youngwoman.Nevertheless,girlpoweras a socialphenomenonis still on the
rise.
NOTES
1. This article is based on fieldworksupportedby the Wenner-GrenFoundationfor
Research,anda 2003-04 Fellowshipfromthe AmericanCouncilof Learned
Anthropological
Societies.Mythanksto ProfessorLeonardPlotnicovandanonymous
reviewersfortheirvaluable
commentson the earlydraft.
2. Fordetailsaboutthe historyandcurrentstateof thecommunity,see Yan(1996,2003).
3. Thelastcase of an arrangedmarriageagainsta youngwoman'swishestookplacein 1971.
4. Foran accountof earlyexperiments,
see Ocko(1991)andYang(1965).
5. SeeYan(1999)forthegrowthof youthcultureintheruralcontextoverthepastfivedecades.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baker,H. 1979.ChineseFamilyandKinship.ColumbiaUniversityPress.
Bossen,L. 2002. ChineseWomenandRuralDevelopment:
Sixtyyearsof Changein LuVillage,
Yunnan.Rowman& LittlefieldPublishers,
Inc.

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

122

ETHNOLOGY

Chan,A., R. Madsen,andJ.Unger.1992[1984].ChenVillageunderMaoandDeng.University
of CaliforniaPress.
Cohen,M. L. 1976.HouseUnited,HouseDivided:TheChineseFamilyin Taiwan.Columbia
UniversityPress.
1992.FamilyManagement
RuralChina.China
andFamilyDivisionin Contemporary
- Quarterly130:357-77.
1999. North ChinaRuralFamilies:ChangesDuringthe CommunistEra. Etudes
Chionises 27(1-2):59-153.

Davis,D., and S. Harrell(eds.). 1993. ChineseFamiliesin the Post-MaoEra.Universityof

CaliforniaPress.
theFamily:Politics,Love,andDivorcein UrbanandRural
Diamant,N. 2000. Revolutionizing
China.Universityof CaliforniaPress.
M. 1966.ChineseLineageandSociety:FukienandKwangtung.
Athlone.
Freedman,
Johnson,K. A. 1983.Women,theFamily,andPeasantRevolutionin China.ChicagoUniversity
Press.
andEarlyMaritalCo-residencein RuralChina,
Lavely,W., andX. Ren. 1992. Patrilocality
1955-85.ChinaQuarterly130:378-91.
Li Q. 1993.DangdaiZhongguoshehuifencengyu liudong(SocialStratification
andMobilityin
China).Zhongguojingjichubanshe.
Contemporary
China.Universityof
Parish,W., andM. Whyte.1978. VillageandFamilyin Contemporary
Press.
Chicago
Ocko,J. K. 1991.Women,Property,andtheLawin thePeople'sRepublicof China.Marriage
andInequality
inChineseSociety,eds.R. WatsonandP. Ebrey,pp.313-46. University
of CaliforniaPress.
Potter,S. H., and J. M. Potter.1990. China'sPeasants:The Anthropologyof a Revolution.
Cambridge
UniversityPress.
andSocialistRevolutionin China.Universityof CaliforniaPress.
Stacey,J. 1983.Patriarchy
inRuralNorthChina.ChineseFamiliesinthe
Selden,M. 1993.FamilyStrategiesandStructures
Post-MaoEra,eds.D. DavisandS. Harrell,pp. 139-64.Universityof California
Press.
Thornton,A., andT. Fricke.1987. SocialChangeandthe Family:Comparative
Perspectives
fromthe West,China,andSouthAsia.SociologicalForum2(4):746-79.
Watson,R. 1985.InequalityamongBrothers,Class,andKinshipin SouthChina.Cambridge
UniversityPress.
1986.TheNamedandtheNameless:GenderandPersonin ChineseSociety.American
Ethnologist13(4):619-31.
Wolf,M. 1972.Womenandthe Familyin RuralTaiwan.StanfordUniversityPress.
de aiqinghe hunyin(LoveandMarriageamong
Xu,A. (ed.). 1997.Shijizhejiao Zhongguoren
Chineseat the Turnof the Century).Zhongguoshehuikexuechubanshe.
Structural
Yan, Y. 1994. Dislocation,Reposition,and Restratification:
Changesin Chinese
Society.ChinaReview,eds. M. BrosseauandL. C. Kin,pp. 15.1-24. The Chinese
UniversityPress.
1996. The Flow of Gifts:Reciprocityand Social Networksin a ChineseVillage.
StanfordUniversityPress.
1999. RuralYouth and Youth Culturein North China.Culture,Medicine,and
Psychiatry23:75-97.
2001. PracticingKinshipin RuralNorthChina.RelativeValues:ReconfiguringKinship
Studies, eds. S. McKinnonand S. Franklin,pp. 224-43. Duke University Press.
2003. PrivateLife Under Socialism:Love, Intimacy,and Family Change in aChinese
Village, 1949-1999. SanfordUniversityPress.

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GIRLPOWER 123
Revolution.MITPress.
Yang,C. K. 1959.TheChineseFamilyin theCommunist
1965.ChineseCommunistSociety:TheFamilyandthe Village.MITPress.

This content downloaded from 129.78.233.211 on Tue, 21 May 2013 01:05:05 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions