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S H O N KO F F
Mobilizing Science
to Revitalize
Early Childhood Policy
Effective early childhood programs clearly make a difference, but we can do better,
and there is a compelling need for innovation.
compromise physical and mental health. Evaluation science also is providing the means to differentiate effective early
childhood programs that should be scaled up from underperforming efforts that need to be either strengthened or discontinued. It is time for policymakers to strengthen efforts
to equalize opportunities for all young children by leveraging the science of child development and its underlying
neurobiology to create the framework for a new era of innovation in early childhood policy and practice.
Seeking new strategies
Exciting new discoveries at the intersection of the biological, behavioral, and social sciences can now explain how healthy
development happens, how it is derailed, and what society
can do to keep it on track. It is well established, for example, that the interaction of genetics and early experience
builds a foundation for all subsequent learning, behavior, and
health. That is to say, genes provide the blueprint for building brain architecture, but early experiences determine how
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circuitry of the developing brain. Young children offer frequent invitations to engage with adults, who are either
responsive or unresponsive to their needs. This serve and
return processwhat developmental researchers call contingent reciprocityis fundamental to the wiring of the
brain, especially in the early years.
Cognitive, emotional, and social capacities are inextricably intertwined, and learning, behavior, and physical
and mental health are highly interrelated over the life
course. It is impossible to address one domain without
affecting the others.
Although manageable levels of stress are normative
and growth-promoting, toxic stress in the early yearsfor
example, from severe poverty; serious parental mental health
impairment, such as maternal depression; child maltreatment;
and family violencecan damage developing brain architecture and lead to problems in learning and behavior as well
as to increased susceptibility to physical and mental illness.
As with other environmental hazards, treating the consequences
of toxic stress is less effective than addressing the conditions
that cause it.
Brain plasticity and the ability to change behavior
decrease over time. Consequently, getting it right early is less
costly to society and to individuals than trying to fix it later.
These core concepts constitute a rich return on decades
of public investment in scientific research. This evolving
knowledge base has informed the development, implementation, and evaluation of a multitude of intervention models aimed at improving early childhood development during the past 40 years. The theory of change that currently
drives most early interventions for children living in adverse
circumstances, which typically involve poverty, emphasizes
the provision of enriched learning opportunities for the
children and a combination of parenting education and
support services for their families, focused mostly on mothers. This model has been implemented successfully in a
number of flagship demonstration projects, such as the
Perry Preschool and Abecedarian projects, each of which has
confirmed that effective intervention can produce positive
effects on a range of outcomes. Documented benefits include
higher rates of high-school graduation and increased adult
incomes, as well as lower rates of special education referral, welfare dependence, and incarceration.
Persistent challenges, however, lie in the magnitude of the
effects that have been achieved, which typically falls within
the mild to moderate range, as well as in the marked variability in measured outcomes, which is associated largely with
inconsistent quality in program implementation. In order
to address these challenges effectively, early childhood pol-
E A R LY C H I L D H O O D P O L I C Y
stress, called positive or tolerable, in terms of the distinctive physiological disruptions it triggers in the face of adversity that is not buffered by protective relationships.
Positive stress is characterized by moderate, short-lived
increases in heart rate, blood pressure, and levels of stress
hormones, such as cortisol and inflammatory cytokines, in
response to everyday challenges such as dealing with frustration, meeting new people, and getting an immunization.
The essential characteristic of positive stress in young children is that it is an important aspect of healthy development
that is experienced in the context of stable, supportive relationships that facilitate positive adaptation.
Tolerable stress is a physiological state that could potentially disrupt brain architecture through, for example, cortisol-induced disruption of neural circuits or neuronal death
in the hippocampus. Causes of such stress include the death
or serious illness of a parent, family discord, homelessness,
a natural disaster, or an act of terrorism. The defining characteristic of tolerable stress is that protective relationships
help to facilitate adaptive coping that brings the bodys
stress-response systems back to baseline, thereby protecting the brain from potentially damaging effects, such as
those associated with post-traumatic stress disorder.
Toxic stress comprises recurrent or prolonged activation
(or both) of the bodys stress-response systems in the absence
of the buffering protection of stable adult support. Major risk
factors in early childhood include deep poverty, recurrent
maltreatment, chronic neglect, severe maternal depression, parental
substance abuse, and family violence. The defining characteristic of toxic stress is that it disrupts brain architecture and affects
multiple organ systems. It also leads to relatively lower thresholds for physiological responsiveness to threat that persist
throughout life, thereby increasing the risk for stress-related
chronic disease and cognitive impairment.
This simple taxonomy, proposed by the National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, differentiates normative life challenges that are growth-promoting from significant adversities that threaten long-term health and
development and therefore call for preventive intervention
before physiological disruptions occur. Within this taxonomy, programs that serve children whose well-being is compromised by the generic stresses of poverty have demonstrated
greater effectiveness than have programs for children whose
development is threatened further by additional risk factors,
such as child maltreatment, maternal depression, parental
substance abuse, family violence, or other complex problems
that few contemporary early care and education programs
have the specialized expertise needed to address effectively.
This gap can be seen when highly dedicated yet modestly
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E A R LY C H I L D H O O D P O L I C Y
T
he dilemma facing policymakers
is the debate about the relative
effectiveness of current programs that
vary markedly in the skills of their
staff and the quality of their
implementation. Overcoming that
variability is the most immediate
challenge. Continuing to invest in
programs that lack sufficient quality
is unwise and unproductive.
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tional, and Behavioral Disorders Among Young People, summarizes the extensive progress that has been made in the development and evaluation of a broad array of evidence-based
preventive services during the past decade and notes that
the data on benefit/cost analyses have been most positive
for interventions in the early childhood years.
Taken together, these priority areas reinforce the importance of early childhood policies that focus on both children
and parents, but they also highlight the extent to which
current interventions are often too limited. For example, families who must deal with the daily stresses of poverty and
maternal depression need more help than is typically provided by a parent education program that teaches them the
importance of reading to their children. Youngsters who
are struggling with anxiety and fear associated with exposure to violence need more than good learning experiences
during the hours they spend in a preschool program. Families burdened by significant adversity need help to achieve
greater economic security, coupled with access to structured programs, beyond current informal efforts, that focus
on the mental health needs of adults and children. Such
two-generational models of intervention must be implemented by personnel with sufficient expertise to deal with
the problems they are asked to address.
Finally, continuing debate in the world of early childhood policymaking raises important questions about the definition of early. Neuroscience tells us that infants and toddlers who experience toxic stress are at considerable risk for
disrupted neural circuitry during early sensitive periods of
brain development that cannot be rewired later. This would
suggest that later remediation for children who are burdened early on by the physiological effects of toxic stress will
be less effective than preventive intervention at an earlier
age. Other observers point toward the positive effects of
preschool education beginning at age four and argue that
missed learning opportunities during the infant and toddler
period can be remediated by enrichment in the later preschool years, thereby saving earlier program expenses.
Whether broad-based investments are made earlier or later,
the long-term societal costs associated with significant early
adversity underscore the potential benefits of beginning
interventions as early as possible for the most vulnerable young
children.
Reasons for optimism
Although serious challenges remain, public understanding
of the importance of the early years has grown considerably
during the past decade. This increasing awareness is grounded
in a greater appreciation of the extent to which early expe-
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rience influences brain architecture and constructs a foundation for all the learning and health that follow.
Science has been quite effective in answering the question
of why public funds should be invested in the healthy development of young children. In contrast, however, science has
been less conclusive in its answers to the how questions,
which are now primed to be addressed at a much more
focused and rigorous level. The challenge is straightforward
and clear: to move beyond the simple call for investing in the
earliest years and to seek greater guidance in targeting
resource allocation to increase the magnitude of return. A
2000 report from the Institute of Medicine and the National
Research Council, From Neurons to Neighborhoods: The Science of Early Childhood Development, articulated this challenge: Finally, there is a compelling need for more constructive dialogue between those who support massive public
investments in early childhood services and those who question their cost and ask whether they really make a difference.
Both perspectives have merit. Advocates of earlier and more
intervention have an obligation to measure their impacts
and costs. Skeptics, in turn, must acknowledge the massive
scientific evidence that early childhood development is influenced by the environments in which children live.
Pretending that the early years have little impact on later
life outcomes is no longer a credible position. Contending
that full funding of existing early childhood programs will
completely eliminate later school failure and criminal behavior is similarly indefensible. The concept of early intervention as a strategy for improving life outcomes for young
children is well grounded in the biological and social sciences, but the translation of that concept into highly effective programs that generate strong returns on investment needs
more work. For those who insist that the United States can
do better, current practice provides a good place to start.
If the nation is ready to support a true learning environment that makes it safe for policymakers, practitioners,
researchers, and families to ask tough questions, experiment with new ideas, learn from failure, and solve problems
together, then the benefits of a more prosperous, cohesive,
and just society surely lie ahead.
Recommended reading
Center on the Developing Child, A Science-Based Framework
for Early Childhood Policy: Using Evidence to Improve Outcomes in Learning, Behavior, and Health for Vulnerable
Children (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 2007)
(http://www.developingchild.net/pubs/persp/pdf/Policy_
Framework.pdf).
Committee on Prevention of Mental Disorders, Division
E A R LY C H I L D H O O D P O L I C Y
of Biobehavioral Sciences and Mental Disorders, Institute of Medicine, Reducing Risks for Mental Disorders:
Frontiers for Preventive Intervention, eds. P. Mrazek and
R. Haggerty (Washington, DC: National Academy Press,
1994).
J. Isaacs, Impacts of Early Childhood Programs (Washington,
DC: First Focus and the Brookings Institution, 2008).
L. A. Karoly, M. R. Kilburn, and J. S. Cannon, Early Childhood Interventions: Proven Results, Future Promise (Santa
Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2005).
E. Knudsen, J. Heckman, J. Cameron, and J. Shonkoff,
Economic, Neurobiological and Behavioral Perspectives
on Building Americas Future Workforce, Proceedings
of the National Academy of Sciences 103 (2006):
1015510162.
J. Middlebrooks and N. Audage, The Effects of Childhood Stress
on Health Across the Lifespan (Atlanta, GA: Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury
Prevention and Control, 2008).
Committee on Integrating the Science of Early Childhood Development; Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education; National Research Council and Institute of Medicine,
From Neurons to Neighborhoods: The Science of Early
Childhood Development, eds. J. Shonkoff and D. Phillips
(Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 2000).
Committee on Prevention of Mental Disorders and Substance
Abuse Among Children, Youth and Young Adults:
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