Chakravarti Uma Social Dimensions of Early Buddhism 249p PDF

This b o o k exam ines th e rela tio n sh ip of B uddhism to its locus, th e
expanding agrarian econom y of the G anga valley d uring the period

600-300 b c . It outlines the contours of the m ajor social and economic
groups that w ere the dram atic personae in this dynam ic process, espeXlAHl
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received the attention it deserves. The w ork explores the em ergence of

sharp differentiation betw een those in control of the means of produc
tio n , w h o d o m in a te d th e a g ra ria n scene, a n d th o se m a rg in a liz e d
groups w hose labour w as essential to the expanding econom y bu t w ho
rem ained vulnerable, being excluded from both economic and social
pow er. It also exam ines the changing political environm ent an d the
g ra d u a l co llap se o f th e gana-sanghas in the face o f th e ex p a n d in g
m onarchical form ations of the G anga valley.
B uddhism 's complex response to this changing economic, social and
p o litica l co n tex t is the central con cern o f th is b ook . It argu es that
Buddhism responded in a dialectical m anner to the economy, society,
and pow er, conceptualizing in a m ore hum ane, if not "radical', w ay the
direction in w hich a changing society could re-order social and political
relations.
Dr. Uma C hakravarti teaches H istory at M iranda H ouse, University of
D elhi. She h as h e ld a research fellow ship at the N e h ru M em orial
M useum and Library, New Delhi betw een 1990-94. She has published
several articles in the field of social history particularly on caste, labour
an d g en d er. A m o n g h e r forthcom ing p u b licatio n s is a book title d
Gender, Class and Nation: The Life and Times ofPandita Ramabai,
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of Early Buddhism
UMA CHAKRAVARTI
Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
ISBN 81-215-0749-9
This edition 1996
1996 Chakravarti, Uma
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored
in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,
without the written permission of the publisher.
Printed and published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,
Post Box 5715,54 Rani fhansi Road, New Delhi 110 055.
Contents
Abbreviations
Glossary
ix
xi
Acknowledgements
xiii
I. In trod u ction
II, The Political, Econom ic, Social, and

Religious Environment at the T im e o f
Buddha
S e c t io n
I:
he
P o l it ic a l B
a c k g r o u n d of
u d d h is m
M on archies, gana-sartghas and state

K hattiya dans and the gana-sahghas
form ation
S e c t i o n II: E c o n o m y
T im e o f B u d d h a
the
and
S o c ie t y
at
E xpansion o f agriculture - T h e second urbanization C ra ft p ro d u c tio n and trade - T he p attern o f

la n d h o ld in g E m ergen ce o f a stratified society
O ccupational groups and the process o f tribal
assim ilation - T he im portance o f kinship ties W om en in the B uddhist literature
S e c t i o n III: T h e R e l i g i o u s M i l i e u
Philosophical speculation in the sixth century
p
r > n n n c '1 i H
n n *
B .C .
P
*
householders - Santanas
and brdhmanas
- Brdhmana
*
+
* as a
n o rm ativ e term O th e r sects at the tim e o f the
B uddha - B uddhism and oth er sects - T h e sahgha T he bhikkhus and the laity - Dana versus yahha - The
laity*s influence on the sahgha - T h e new society and
th e p h en o m en o n o f renunciation
HI, T he Gahapati
C hanging
connotation
65
o f the term gahapati - T h e
d o m a in s o f p o w er, religion and e c o n o m y K hattiya ,

brdhmana and gahapati - T h e gahapati as an elem ent o f
the k in g 's sov ereig n ty - T h e gahapati as controller o f
p ro p e rty - T h e gahapati as tax payer - T h e gahapati as
vi
Contents
associated with agriculture - The brdhmana-gahapati Gahapatit setthi , and setthi-gahapati - Gahapati as em
ployer o f labour - Gahapati as a status term - The
gahapaiVs association with wealth The gahapatis as
extenders o f popular support to Buddhism - The
gahapatis special relationship w ith the sahgha G/ttjrirt/ih' and gdmant Gahapati. from householder to
agriculturist - The social organization o f the ganasahghas - Landholding in the gana-sahghas - Tension
w ithin the gana-sahghas - T w o types of sahghas Some
implications o f clan ownership o f land - Clan ow n

ership o f land, kkattiyas and the gana-sahghas - The
gahapati, the family, agriculture and the private control
o f land
IV. Social Stratification as Reflected in the

Buddhist Texts
94
The problem - Buddhism and caste - T w o schemes o f

categorization in the Buddhist texts - Terms o f
categorization - High and low strata in Buddhist
texts - Regional dimension o f stratification - The rela
tionship of kula, kantma, and sippd - Empirical rele
vance of vanna, ja ti , and kula The Buddhist view o f
stratification; the sahgha - Stratification outside the
sahgha Principles of stratification based on kula,
kamma and sippa - Evidence o f stratification from
/-> * _ _ i _
T i .
_____________________ _ _ _________________ ___ i
i __ h i _ _
a n t: m i p u i u d iit c u i m e gurtttytA.it m
______ i j i _
ajvava\aia
ist view o f stratification
V. The Social Background o f the Early

Buddhists
122
The problem The method The sahgha - Social ori

gins o f im portant bhikkhus Important hhikkhus o f
khattiya origin - The laity - The brdhmana component
o f the laity - Im portant gahapati supporters o f the
Buddha - O ther prominent supporters of the
Buddha Khattiya, brahmana, and gahapati; key figures
in the Buddhist texts - Wealthy supporters o f
Buddhism - The importance o f kinship ties in the
< \f
r i
f
n -
R i t / l f-----'
l V i l c m .
n i l1
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-A-----
--r t f
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social composition o f the early Buddhists *
VI. The King in Early Buddhism

General ideas on kingship - The origin of kingship in
150
Contents
vn
the B uddhist genesis m yth - Seven symbols of

sovereignty Despotic kingship at the time o f the
B uddha - Legitim ate exercise o f pow er - A rbitrary
exercise o f pow er N orm ative kingship: the cakkavatti
dhammiko dhammardja - The creation o f ju st social
order - T he king and the sahgha
VII. Conclusion: Early Buddhism in a

Historical Perspective
177
Appendices
A. Select List o f T erm s D epicting Various Strata

in Early B uddhist Literature
B. List o f Categories appearing in Early Brahm i
Inscriptions
182
191
C. T he Social B ackground o f the B hikkhus

and U pasakas
198
Bibliography
Index
221
231
Abbreviations
A .N .
B .O .D .
B .S .O .A .S .
D .B .
D .N .
D .P .P .N ,
G .S .
J .B .B .R .A .S .
J .B .R .S .
J .E .S .H .O .
J .R .A .S .
K .S .
Af.L.S.
Af.N.
P. T .S .
S .B .E ,
S .N .
A hguttam N ikd ya
Book o f Discipline
Bulletin o f the School o f Oriental and African Studies
Dialogues o f the Buddha
Dtgha N ikdya
Dictionary o f Pali Proper Names
Gradual Sayings
Journal o f the Bombay Branch o f the Royal Asiatic
Society
Journal o f the Bihar Research Society
Journal o f the Economic and Social History of the
Orient
Journal o f the Royal Asiatic Society
Kindred Sayings
Middle Length Sayings
Majjhima N ikdya
Pali T e x t Society
Sacred Books o f the East
Sam yutta N ikdya
N ote: T he system o f transliteration follow ed here is based on the Pali-English

D ictionary o f the Pali T ext Society. For the sake o f consistency m ost w ords appear
in their Pali variant.
abhtscka C on secration
anna titthiya B uddhist term for w andering groups other than their
ow n
aranna Forest
drama A private park given to the sahgha for the benefit o f the
bhikkhus
artya savaha Ideal disciple o f the Buddha
dvdsa D w elling place, residence
ayya putta A n aristocratic gentlem an, a w o rth y gentlem an
brahmadeya G rant o f land, u s u a l l y to brdhmanas , from t h e k in g s
dom ain
brahmaloka T he w orld o f the celestials, the highest w orld
cakkavatti E m peror, head o f the social w orld
dakkh in d Fee given to brdhmanas for the perform ance o f sacrifice:
also a gift o r a donation
dalidda P oor, needy
ddna G ift
ddsa A slave, one w ho is in servitude (masculine)
if<ici F em in in e o f above
gana-sahgha C lan oligarchy usually o f one or m ore khattiya clans,
republican territory; m ore precisely a political unit w here there

is co llectiv e con trol over land and collective exercise o f p ow er
ganana O n e w ho is skilled in counting
gandcariyo A teacher o f a group, one w ho has m any followers
g cra kkh d C attlekeepxng
htna Inferior, low
isi Seer
janapada Inhabited territory, a province, district or country
jatila O n e w h o w ears a jata or m atted hair, a type o f ascetic
kam m a W ork
kattt wi a ko.Yti O ne w h o w orks for a master, a labourer
hast A griculture
kula G o o d fam ily, collection o f agnates and cognates, clan
kulaputta A clansm an, a y o u n g man o f g o o d fam ily
lekha W riting
xii
G/osrary
mahanagara A scat o f governm ent, an im portant centre o f trade

titca Low, inferior, hum ble
nikdya C ollection o f suttas
. - .
y u r t t u
J l l U J
c:
X 1 V V
IL V X 4 1J
L/l
g t / V U
_:----
L/V U d V 1 V U I
paribbdjaka O n e w h o has renounced the status o f a householder, a
w andering religious m endicant

parha A n assem bly o f people
pdtim okkha Fortnightly assembly o f m onks, also texts containing
rules w hich are recited at the assembly
L Ja II
1+
samana A w anderer, a recluse

sastra A rm s, weapons
y'tMMJ* ^LALV
/f
sutta C hapter, division, dialogue, discourse

tathdgata An epithet o f arahant, he w ho has w on through to the tru th
thera A senior m onk
thtri A senior nun
titthiya A non-conform ist sect
#1/*^ l-UrrV.
ukkattha Exalted, high, prom inent
updsaka Lay follow er (masculine)
M>1*
rtf 'iUreu'A
*L
Ufcy W
V*
i-r
upasampadd H igher ordination, admission to the privileges o f
recognized bhifefefiwj
uposatha D ays preceding four stages o f the m o o n s w axin g and
w aning, utilized by the Buddhists for the recitation o f the

pdtim okkha
<
m W /i
r w r rw
- u
r 'A n n m
i rv '
i / ' t n in hv a^^ c
m m Forest, w ood, place o f pleasure or sport

vdnija M erchant, trader
v&ssit-vasa A place to spend the ramy season
y a itm A B rahm anic sacrifice
yajartidna A person on w hose behalf a sacrifice is perform ed
Acknowledgements
T o th e U n iv e rs ity G ran ts C o m m issio n for the g ran t o f a fellow ship
w h ic h en ab led m e to p u rsu e th e w o rk u n in te rru p te d ly fo r th ree
years; to P ro fe sso r D . D e v a h u ti, m y su p erv iso r, fo r ju s t th e rig h t
c o m b in a tio n o f e n c o u ra g e m e n t, en th u sia sm , and c a u tio n w h ic h
im p ro v e d the quality o f th e w o rk ; to th e late P ro fesso r
A .L . B ash am fo r en c o u ra g e m e n t before th e w o rk w as u n d erta k en
and after it w as co m p leted ; to P ro fesso r S. J. T a m b ia h fo r
c o m m e n tin g o n an earlier d raft o f th e w o rk ; to Jag d ish for locating
b o o k s in th e m aze o f th e C e n tra l L ibrary, D elhi U n iv ersity ; to
A n a n d D o ra s w a m i for editorial assistance; to Lola C h atterji for
h elp in g to p re p a re th e index; to m y parents fo r lau n ch in g m e in to a
career in n isto ry ; an d to A n a n d , U p a li, and S id d h arth a fo r b e a rin g
w ith th e p re o c c u p a tio n s and th e d em an d s o f research.
CHAPTER I
Introduction
T h e problem
T h e six th century
b .c
has left its mark on Indian h istory m ain ly
because it w itnessed an intense preoccupation w ith philosophical

speculation. A m o n g the various thinkers contributing to this uni
que phase w as th e R nddha, w h o m ore than any oth er historical per
sonage b o m in India has com pelled the attention o f the w orld.
C onsequently, there is no dearth o f w ritin g on the B uddha and on
B u d d h ism as a w hole. R ut w h ile an in tim ate con n ection h etw een
ideas and th e societies w hich give rise to them w ould be readily
conceded, there is a lacuna in historical w riting, especially in the
field o f social history dealing w ith the m ajor concerns o f the B ud
dha, the society in w hich he lived, and the connection betw een the
tw o.
T h e absence o f such a focus o f studvt is narticularlvf noticeable
because co n tem p o rary interest in B uddhism is in a large m easure
based o n its social appeal. W ithin India B uddhism has appeared as
an alternative to the hierarchical and inegalitarian ideology and
practice o f H in d u ism . In contrast B uddhism is view ed as a system
w hich w as m o re sym pathetic to oppressed groups and it has been
considered an economic, political, and social solution to the prob
lem o f caste oppression. B uddhism in other Asian countries has
also taken o n the character o f a socio-political m ovem ent in recent
tim e s.1 It has been described as a hum anistic ethic seeking full
em b o d im en t in a socio-political c o m m u n ity '.2 D espite this interest
in the social dim ensions o f B ud d h ism there is no full-length study
o f the society in w hich B uddhism had its genesis or the social
g ro u p s th a t constituted it. W hile it has becom e evident that early
B uddhist society w as rapidly changing and becom ing sharply
stratified3 th e fo rm in w hich that stratification w as expressing itself
L
1 Adele M . Fiske, B u d d h ism in India Today in H einrich D u m o u lin and Jo h n C .

M araldo (eds), Buddkism in India T oday , p. 142.
2 T re v o r L ing, T h e Buddha, p. 286.
3 See D .D . Kosam bi, A n Introduction to the Study o f Indian H istory, pp. 147-62; T he
Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
needs to be analysed. Further certain broad generalizations regard

ing the close association betw een B uddhism and specific social
g ro u p s4 have to be tested m ainly because the conclusions have no t
been founded on any rigorous analysis o f the sources available for
early B uddhist society. T here is therefore considerable scope for a
stu d y that intensively analyses the nature o f society in w hich
B uddhism originated and show s the relationship betw een the tw o.
T his w o rk is an attem pt in that direction.
The sources
O n e o f the m ajor problem s faced by a historian attem pting an

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o f the stratification o f the Pali texts. V ery few secondary w orks

sh o w any regard for the relationship betw een a particular text and
th e p r o b a b le p e r io d th a t it re p re s e n ts . T h is m a y h a v e b e e n b e c a u s e
traditionally B uddhist texts as a whole form ed the unit o f study, as

distinct from the Brahm anical texts. W hile this m ay have been a vifrtrtMe rtf' ct-llrKr m ite/ilf it Inc
Kaah fActirtnci klA
for the broad generalizations that followed from treating the
B uddhist texts as a hom ogeneous unit. T exts ranging from approx
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. a re o f te n c a p
suled by scholars into one category. In the initial stages o f historical

w ritin g such an approach may have been justified, but the trend has
c o n t i n u e d e v e n a f t e r t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f s p e c i a li s t s t u d i e s , i n c l u d i n g
th e stu d y o f social history. M ore than any other branch o f specialist

studies this area requires a proper tim e perspective for the accurate
a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c c a t e g o r i e s . T h u s F ic k , M e h t a , a n d
Bose all treat the evidence from the Vittaya and Sutta Pitakas and the
Jdtakas as reflecting the same society.5 T o some extent this confu
s io n w a s in e v ita b le , g iv e n th e in a d e q u a te s ta te o f k n o w le d g e o n th e
internal stratification o f the texts. A lthough the pace o f studies on

Culture and Civilization o f Ancient India in Historical Outline, pp. 100-4; R, S. Sharma,
Material Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India , pp. 106-10.
4 H , O ldenberg, Tfie Buddha: His lifet H is Doctrine, His Order, p. 17; T .W . R hys
D avids, T h e Dialogues o f the Buddha, p. 102; M. W eber, The Religion o f India, pp.
2 2 5 7 ; R . T h a p a r , H is to r y o f In d ia , V o l. 1, p . 6 8 ; R .S . S h a r m a , M a te ria l C u ltu r e a n d
Social Formations in Ancient India, p. 124.

5 R. Fick; The Social Organization o f North-East India in Buddha's Time', Ratilal
M ehta, Pre-Buddhist India ; A .N . Bose, The.Social and Rural Economy o f North-East
1ndia .
Introduction
the subject o f stratification o f the texts is far from satisfactory, some

progress has been made in recent years. We outline below the pre
sent know ledge on the stratification o f the Buddhist texts.
Rhys Davids, W internitz, and Law0 place the Vi nay a and the first
four N ikayas in approxim ately the same chronological stratum , and
treat them as having more or less reached their present shape before
the M auryan period, although they do so tor different reasons. This
dating has been arrived at on the basis o f the internal unity o f the
texts. Rhys Davids places the w orks mentioned above as having
been com piled approxim ately a hundred years after the Buddhas
death.7 An im portant factor in the pre-M aury an dating o f the
Vinaya and the first four N ikayas o f the Sutta Pi taka is the reference
to seven selected passages ot the Pali canon in the Bhabhra edict o f
Asoka, According to Rhys Davids, tw o o f the titles are ambiguous,
four others are from the four Nikayas, and the remaining one is
from the Sutta N ipata.3 Rhys Davids argues that the literature in
w hich the passages are found are older than the inscriptions them
selves. It has also been suggested that the fifth N ikdya o f the Sutta
Pitaka, w hich contains miscellaneous texts, does not appear to have
been recognized by schools other than the Theravdda and is there
fore likely to have been a later supplementary Nikdya.
M ore recent research has refined the w ork o f Rhys Davids, W internitz and Law but has confirmed the pre-M auryan dating o f the
bulk o f the Vinaya and Sw/fa Pitaka, Pande has devoted considerable
attention to the problem o f the stratification o f the Pali canon and
places the N ikayas o f the Sutta Pitaka , in particular, to a period
w hen the sects, at least in all im portant doctrinal matters, were still
one. Pande dates them before the convening o f the Third Council
in the third century B .C . Since the Vinaya does not mention the
T hird Council he suggests that it too had reached completion in the
first tw o centuries after Buddha. H owever, Pande also points out
that particular versions o f the Nikayas contain much editorial
retouching, addition, and expurgation. In addition,Pande has
, 9
6 T .W . Rhys Davids, Early History o f the Buddhists in E.J. Rapson (ed.), Cam
bridge History o f India , Vol. 1, p. 17); M W internitz, A , History o f Indian Literature,
V o l. II, p . 15; B .C . L a w , H isto ry o f PSH L iterature, V o l. I, p . 42.
7 T .W , Rhys David, op. cit., p. 171.

8 Ibid., pp. 171-2.
G .C . Pande, Studies in the Origin o f Buddhism, p. 7; N ,N . Wagle, Society at the
Time o f the Buddha, p. 2
attem pted to analyse the earlier and later strata w ithin the
N ik a y a s.10
Similarly, on the basis o f a study o f Pali metre, Warder has sug
gested that a com parison w ith the Prakrit inscriptions show s that
the Pali language is closest to the early records and may therefore be
regarded as having flourished in, and probably before, the Mau
ry an period. According to him , T he canonical texts have the
appearance o f standing close to a living language rather than that o f
an artificial production in a dead language like their com m entaries,
and w o u ld therefore seem to belong to a period w hen the language
flou rish ed .11
F ollow in g Pande and Warder, Wagle has accepted the major por
tions o f the S u tta P ita k a and V in a y a P ita k a as prc-Asokan. l ie treats
the first four N ikayas and the Vinaya material as being a reliable
guide to conditions betw een 500-300 b.c. In addition, W agle has
accepted the S u t t a N i p a t a , a text listed in the K k u d d a k a N i k d y a , as
b elon gin g to the earliest stratum o f Buddhist literature12 on the
basis o f a study o f the Sutta Nipata by Jayawickrame.
Jayawickram c remarks, T he social conditions reflected in the Sutta
N ipata regarding people and castes, countries and tow ns, hrahmanas
and sacrifices are no different from those in the Nikayas'
The
identification o f one o f the passages o f the Asokan inscription w ith
the Sutta Nipata m ay be cited as an additional reason to include the
Sutta N ipata am ong the earliest strata o f Buddhist literature.
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by Pande, Warder, W agle and Jayawickrame, The main sources for

the present analysis are the Vinaya Pitaka; the first four N ikayas o f
the Sutta Pitaka, i.e., the Dtgha N tkdya, Majjhima N ikaya, Samyutta
N ik d y a , and the Ahguttara N ikdya\ and the Sutta Nipdta. We have
also occasionally used the Jdtakas, the commentaries on the Pali
canon; and the later chronicles, but this is done w ith the utm ost
caution and each instance o f their use is specifically pointed out.
T h e factor o f internal unity is the major d u e to the dating o f the
tu v fc
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for understanding social categories generally.

10 G .C . Pande, Studies in the Origins o f Buddhism, pp. 1216.
11 A .K . W arder, Pali Metre, p. 5.
12 N .N . Wagle, Soriefy at the Time o f the Buddha, p. 3.
13 N .A . jayaw ickram e, Analysis o f the Sutta Nipdta, cited in N .N . Wagte, Soiiety at
the Tim e of the Buddha, nn. 23.
Introduction
W hen w e first began this study w e examined in considerable

detail the parallel sources available in the Brahmanical and Jaina
traditions. U nfortunately w e have been unable to use this material
exhaustively because the focus o f our work, as it developed, re*
quired a degree o f specificity w hich led us to concentrate on the
Buddhist literature. We have how ever attempted to draw parallels
or contrasts w ith the Brahmanical and Jaina sources wherever
possible. We have also used the earliest body o f inscriptions avail
able although they belong to the period 200 B.C. to 200 A.D. This
material has been used t o substantiate the c o n c l u s i o n s o n s o c ia l s tr a
tification derived from the early Pali literature. The regional spread
o f the texts takes account mainly o f eastern U .P ., Bihar and central
I n d ia , w hile the i n s c r i p t i o n s w e r e f o u n d s c a t t e r e d o v e r c e n t r a l a n d
western India.
K e y te rm s in th e B u d d h is t sources
T he progress made in the field o f textual studies has been particu

larly relevant for our analysis o f the Buddhist texts. It has helped us
_ 1 _^ _
_ ________
i_ _ i _
____________ ->
._______
isuiaie
som e or urc 1is.cy ^terms
w_ _ _iu
m appear
nr 1rjuirumsi literature
and to analyse their significance as fundamental concepts in Buddh
ism. M any o f these terms were part o f a floating vocabulary
_________________
^ 1 1 ..I _________________
._________________________________
tuiiiiJiuii
lu an
me icnîuua traurtrous
ui me 3JA.ru eeutur y d. e.
H ow ever the unique feature o f the period is the particular use o f
certain term s w hich a specific religious tradition adopted in the lan
g u a g e o f its d i s c o u r s e . A f e w e x a m p le s w i l l r e i t e r a te o u r point h e r e .
T he Buddhist and Jaina literature use a variety o f terms to denote
a spiritually elevated person, such as: arahant, tathdgata, brahmana,
m a h d v tr a and ttr th a h k a r a , am ong others. O f these a ra h a n t and
tathdgata becam e identified w ith Buddhist discourse, and jina and
mahdutra w ith the Jain a.
t
T h e t e r m b r d h m a n a w a s u s e d b y b o t h s y s te m s as r e p r e s e n t i n g a
spiritually elevated person. The word brdhmana occasionally

appeared in this sense in Brahmanical literature, but m ost often it
r e p r e s e n t e d j u s t a s o c ia l c a t e g o r y . In B u d d h i s t a n d J a in a l i t e r a t u r e
the term appears in both senses. Each system had clearly invested
the terms w ith their o w n special connotation.
T he use o f the t e r m ttr th a h k a r a is e v e n m o r e i n t e r e s t i n g . Its lite r a l
m eaning is Tord-maker, or one w h o helps to bridge a ford. In the
process o f its adoption the w ord came to be particularly associated
w i t h the J a i n a s , w h o used if i n its lit e r a l s e n s e f o r a g r e a t m a n , b u t
._
especially for the leaders o f the Jainas. The Buddhists, on the other
hand, derived the term titthiya from it, probably because o f its clear
i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w ith t h e J a i n a s , a n d u s e d the t e r m t o d e s c r i b e a rival
body o f teachers and their sects w ho were also opposed to the
Brahm anical system, like the Buddhists ^thinkers. H ow ever the
iif-K-i
u v c v VtWJ-jl
u iv u i
ôvtt v av fAa iJc u
*1 a
ir ct j. j.w jr
v i.
11 c*r\ n 1-h.i
teachings. The Buddhists therefore used the term anna titthiya to in

dicate sects other than their ow n, w hich suggests that they consi
d e r e d t h e m s e l v e s t o b e titthiyas a l o n g w i t h t h e o t h e r s , but a ls o re
garded themselves as distinct from the other sects at the same tim e.
Since ahha titthiyas w ere clearly rivals o f Buddhists, the latter m an
aged t o c o n v e y b o t h t h e i r i d e n t i t y a n d t h e i r s e p a r a t i o n from t h e
other sects through the use o f the term titthiya.
Similarly, the w ords drya and cakkavatti already existed in sixth
c e n t u r y b . c . v o c a b u l a r y , b u t the B u d d h i s t s gave b o t h t e r m s a sp e ~
cial colour. A rya always represented a value and referred to noble
virtues, rather than to race. The ideal disciple, f o r example, was
called a n ariyasdvaka. T h e w o r d cakkavatti w h i c h , a l o n g w ith other
term s such as samrdt and sdrvabhauma , denoted a universal ruler o r a
king w ho established his sovereignty to the physical limits o f India,
becam e a key concept in B u d d h i s m . T h e term c a k k a v a tti w a s
popularized by Buddhists, and it ultim ately became the m ost w ide
ly used w ord for a param ount sovereign in the Indian tradition.
T he t e r m s gahapati a n d setfin, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e n o t a b l e for
another phenom enon: the need for the vocabulary o f the sixth cen
tu ry B .C . to adapt itself to contem porary requirements. In both
c a s e s t h e i r r n n n o t a r i n n c h a n g e d ; from b e i n g w o r d s w h i c h h a d
originally been devoid o f any econom ic implications they came to
represent clear econom ic categories. T he new socio-econom ic
s i t u a t i o n required specific terms t o denote the em erging econom ic
categories. C oining new w ords is a conscious process w hich was
less likely to occur in a gradually developing situation. A daptation
o f w ords on the other hand could imperceptibly and naturally
occur, transform ing the original meaning o f w ords in the course o f
tim e. This developm ent is an indication not only o f the needs o f a
eiven societv but reflects also the orocess bv which the term s acquired their new meaning, and reveals the relationship betw een the
old connotation and the new one.
w
*
,
CHAPTER
II
The Political, Economic, Social, and

Religious Environment at the Time
of the Buddha
S e c t i o n I: T h e P o l it ic a l B a c k g r o u n d
of
B u d d h is m
Monarchies, gana-sahghas and state formation
The political system at the time o f the Buddha was characterized by

the existence o f tw o distinct forms o f government: monarchical
kingdom s and republican territories (gana-sahghas). Sixteen such
political units are mentioned in Buddhist and Jaina literature. The
Ahguttara N ikaya depicts the country as being divided into 'solasa
mahajanapada\l and a variant o f this appears in the Bhagaoati Sutra
o f the Jainas,2 although the Jaina evidence has been described as a
later version and therefore a depiction o f later times.3 The geo
graphical location o f these units is itself interesting w ith the monar
chical kingdom s occupying the Ganga-Yamuna valley and the
gana-sahghas being located closer to the foothills o f the Himalaya.
The largest o f the gana-sahghas was the Vajjian confederacy4 which
controlled the whole o f the area north o f the river Ganga and east o f
the river Gandak. The origin o f these distinct republican units has
been explained as a reaction against the grow ing power o f the
monarchies in the later Vedic period and the divinity beginning to
be attributed to the king. The republican tradition o f the earlier
Rg Vedic period m ay not have subm itted to this change, and a sec
tion o f the people probably m oved away eastwards in order to pre
serve their political system. This became manifest in the republican
1 A .N ., HI, pp. 349-50, 353, 357; A .N ., 1, p. 197. T he sixteen kingdom s are
Atiga, M agadha, KasF. Kosala, Vajji. Mails, Ceri, Vamsa. Kuru. Pahcala.
M achchha, Surasena, Assaka, Avanti, Gandhara, and Kamboja.
2 H .C . Ray Choudhari, Political History o f Ancient India, p. 85,
3 Ibid., p. 86.
* The exact composition o f the Vajjian confederacy u a matter o f controversy
although there is general consensus regarding its status as a confederacy.
institutions that flourished during the period o f the Buddha and

w ould account for Megasthenes view that some o f the republics
had been ruled by kings in the past.5
O f the monarchies listed among the solasa mahdjanapada, four
appear to have been more important than the others.6 These were
M a g a d h a , Kosala, Vamsa, and Avanti, and th re e o f them occupied
contiguous territory in the Ganga-Yamuna valley. All four were in
conflict with each other, and this conflict forms the main feature o f
t h e p o litic a l h is to r y o f th e p c r iu d . T h e r e w a s a ls o c o n flic t between
the monarchies and the gana-sahghas. The picture that emerges from
the Buddhist and Jaina literature is one o f expanding horizons and
p o litic a l c o n s o lid a tio n , th e b e g in n in g s o f a p ro c e s s w h ic h e n d e d
w ith the establishment o f the Mauryan empire.7 This process o f

political consolidation and expansion led to the need for an efficient
a d m i n i s t r a t iv e s y s te m , t h r o u g h w h ic h p o litic a l c o n tr o l c o u ld b e
effectively exercised. Apart from the increasing references to amatyas,

the period marks the beginnings o f a vast bureaucracy. Bimbisara,
.tut
l _ 1. :
m ____ 11_ _ is
_ ucpuvLcu
j : __ i as
_ _ '_____.. i.i
- i
__
ol iviagauua,
asscinuiiug on n a n gumiKUS
ui
village superintendents and issuing instructions to them.8 H e also
kept track o f the states resources, including the timber in the
r * . ___* _____________________________
t^ i
i--^
1UIW1V3, dllUÛil yjAl* ULLdMUU LUlÛltU1 111VUT$iJtfCflWj iÛ4iliyd}
LkJI Ul"
croaching upon it.9 Bimbisara appears to have been the first known
king in India to realize the value o f an efficient bureaucracy. In the
light o f th is u n d e r s ta n d in g it is n o t s u r p r is in g th a t M e g a s th c n e s
identified the overseers and councillors as a distinct social group.10
T hey were obviously a large enough category to make their sepa____
t 1V9VllM'
iivuvvaui,
In this movement towards expansion and consolidation the

keynote was politics unhampered by moral restraint. This is exem
plified b y Ajatasattu, w h o e lim in a te d his f a th e r 11 in o r d e r t o gain
politic?! control of the embryonic Magadhan empire, after which
he embarked upon a career o f aggressive expansionism. According
fv v
n uRi wtt m
n iv
f w jw w
jw f u n d ,
v lu u u a u iid
u iu
iiic
u i
iu a
G.i.h
L d U i^ l
5J.P. Sharma, Ancient Indian Republics, p. 239.

6 T.W . Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 1-2.
7 A c c o r d in g to N.R.. Ray the d e v e lo p m e n ts in the Ganga b a sin during the p e rio d
between 600 B .C . and 320 b . c . represent the long and arduous process o f state
formation (N.R. Ray, Technology and Social Change in Early Indian History,
Puratattva, Vol. VIII, 1975-6, p. 136). See also R. Thapar, From Lineage to State.
s Mahdvagga, p. 199
s Farajika, p p . M - 4 .
10 R.C. Majumdar, Classical Accounts o f India, p. 226.
11 Mahdvagga, p p . 290-1; D .N .. I, p . 75.
Environment at the Time o f the Buddha
Pasenadi, the king o f Kosala.12 It is significant that marriage

alliances w ere an aid to the expansion o f the kingdom , but kinship
ties w ere no barrier to war and political expansion. Ajatasattu carried on a long battle13 w ith King Pasenadi o f Kosala, w ho was his
u ncle,14 and destroyed the Vajjians even though a Vajjian princess
w as one o f his fathers queens.
The pattern o f expansion indicates the compulsions o f economic

and strategic factors. Kasi, one o f the sixteen mahdjanapadas, seems
to have already lost its independence at the time o f the Buddha,
since it features am ong the dominions o f Pasenadi.15 Subsequently,
possession over Kasi was the bone o f contention between Kosala
and M agadha. Kasi was a flourishing city famed for its luxury
items, particularly fine cloth, and therefore im portant for its re
venue. It was also famed for its maids. (garlands), gandha (perfume),
vilepana (lotion), and candana (sandal w ood).16 Its strategic location
on the Ganga would have added to its significance. The conflict be
tw een M agadha under Ajatasattu and the Vajjians can be traced to
similar compulsions o f physical control over a port located on the
Ganga over which both territories laid their claim.17 A long and
protracted, but planned,18 w ar was fought by Ajatasattu before the
Vajjians could be subjugated.19 Earlier, Bimbisara had already
annexed Anga where he had granted lands to a brdhmana.20 Further,
M agadha appears as a joint territory along w ith Anga in the Digha
N ikd ya .21 The annexation o f Anga had enabled Bimbisara to gain
control over its wealthy river port o f Campa, which is listed as one
o f the six great cities o f north-eastern India.22 Later Pali sources say
it was famed for its flourishing trade with Suvannabhumi.23 The
12 T ke Jdtakas , tr. by H .T . Francis, Vol. HI, pp. 95-6.
13 S .N ., I, p. 82,
14 According to one version Pasenadi was Ajatasattus maternal uncle (Jataka, ed.
by V. Fausboll, Vol. HI, p. 121),
15 T he Anguttara Nikdya says, as far as the Kasl-Kosalans extend, as fai ^ the rule
o f Pasenadi the Kosalan raja extends, therein Pasenadi the KosaVan raja is reckoned
u
cn
v'
f*
a' nw->
j- I
iv
i j ,twr
n
16 A IN , II, p. 358.
17 A.L. Basham, Ajatasattu's War w ith the Lichchhavis, S/wdiei in Indian History
and Culture, p. 73.
10 This is evident trom the references to the fortification of Pataiigama in the
Digha N ikdya (D .N ., II, p. 70).
19 A.L. Basham. Ajatasattu's W ar w ith the Lichchhavis*, Sfudiei in Ancient History
and Culture , p. 75.
20 D .N ., II, p. 152.
21 D .N ., 1, p. 97.
& D .N .. II, p. 113.
23 G .P, Malala-Sekhara Dictionary o f Pali Proper Names, Vol. I, p. 856,
10
location o f all these places indicates the value o f complete control

over the Ganga river system, which was heightened in an era w hen
river transport was certainly cheaper and easier than transport by
land.24
T he conflict between the monarchical kingdom s and the ganasahghas had an additional dimension in that the gana-sahghas were
fighting w ith their backs to the wall, in order to preserve their dis
tinct political and socio-economic structure. Buddhist and Jaina
literature indicates their gradual decline in the face o f the aggres
sively expansionist policies o f the kingdoms o f Kosala and
M agadha. The process probably began w ith the acceptance o f over
lordship o f a m onarchy by the gana-sahghas as the first stage o f its
loss o f independence. This appears to have occurred in the case o f
the Bhaggas c f Sumsumaragiri, in whose territory Bodhi rdjakumdra o f Vamsa had already built a palace at the time o f the
B uddha.25 T he kingdom o f Kosala which had possibly exercised
overall sovereignty over many o f the gana-sahghas in its vicinity be
gan a campaign under Vidudabha for tighter control, as indicated
by his som ew hat w anton attack upon the Sakyas.26
T here are indications that the gana-sahghas were conscious o f the
im plications o f the expansionist policies o f the kingdom s _ D eter
m ined to preserve their ow n way o f life and constitution, which
they saw being seriously threatened, they formed a confederation
o f gana-sahghas to resist the imperialist ambitions o f the new rulers
o f Kosala and M agadha.27 According to Basham, the attack on the
Sakyans by Vidudabha probably had the effect o f rousing the suspi
cion and hostility o f other tribal republican tributary units ofK osak , including the Mallas, w ho were incensed at the destruction o f
the Sakyans. U nw illing to accept Kosalas tightening control, they
took advantage o f V idudabhas death to throw off their allegiance
and allied themselves to the Vajjians, who were by far the largest
and stro n g est gana-sahgha in the region.28 It is likely that the refer24 See also A.L. Basham, Ajatasattus War with the Lichchhavis, Studies in Indian
History and Culture, p. 77.
25 M .N ., II, p 318; D .P .P .N . , Vol. II, p. 316.
2cJdtaka, tr. by H .T . Francis, Vol. IV, p. 96. Also see A.L. Basham, A jitasattus
W ar w ith the Lichchhavis, Stuiies in Indian History and Culture, p. 76
27 H .C . Raychoudhari, Political History o f Ancient India, p. 188.
28 A.L. Basham, Ajatasattus War with the Lichchhavis*, Studies in Ancient History
and Culture , pp. 76-7.
11
Environment at the Time of the Buddha
cnce in Jaina literature to the eighteen gana-rdjds o f K2si and
Kosala29 joining the Vajjian confederation against Ajatasattu

resulted from a com mon recognition by the gana-sahghas o f the
dangers they faced, especially from the expanding monarchical
kingdoms.
Although there is considerable controversy on the nature and ex
tent o f the democratic content within th e gana-sahghas,30 there is no
doubt that they represented a political system distinct from that o f
the monarchical kingdom s.31 The Avaddna Pataka speaks o f mer
chants from N orthern India, who, when visiting a southern king
dom, were asked by a king, who is the king there? The merchants
replied, Some countries are under ganas and some are under kings
(ktchid desd ganddhmdh: kechid mj-ddhmd iti).77 Jayaswal holds that
this statem ent shows royal rule to be opposed to gana rule,33 and
Bhandarkar suggests that the political rule of one is being con
trasted widi that u f the m any.34 Similarly, in the Acdrahgu Sutra,
Jaina monks and nuns were prohibited from visiting an ardya
(country w ithout a king), a juva raya (country with a young king),
a do rujjci (government by 'two rulers), and a gana-raya (where the
gana or multitude is the ruling authority).35 From a passage in the
Majjhima N ikdya it is clear that these distinct political units were
a_________
u v c i c j g___i i ______
u u u ic s a i t i t t m e n____________
s u v c ic ig_______________
u e y is
1
i : _ _
j.1
* ._ J
_ :j _
w il ii
m a t u i Jtn_ c.
kings o f Kosala and Magadha.36 This distinct form o f government

came to be referred to by the terms gana and sahgha in the sixth cen
tury b .c .37 Some scholars seek to distinguish between thcûmt and
29 Kalpa Sutra, tr. by Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, p. 266;
Niraydvalika SmIm, ed. by A,S. Gopani and V.J. Choksi, p. 19.
30 A considerable body o f literature exists on the political structure o f the
gana-sahghas, in spite o f which controversy persists. Those who have written on the
subject include K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity; A.S. Altekar, State and Government in
A n c ie n t India; D .R . B h a n d a r k a r , A n c ie n t H istary o f India; a n d J .P . S h a rm a , A ncient
Indian Republics,
31 We are concentrating here on a review o f the political system o f the gana-sahghas
to the exclusion o f the monarchical kingdoms which will feature in the chapter on
Kingship (Chapter VI).
32 Avaddna Pataka, ed. by J.S. Speyer, Vol. II, p. 103.
33 K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, p. 26.
34 D .R . Bhandarkar, Ancient History o f India, p. 147.
35 Acardhga SutraT tr. by Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, 1973,
p. 138,
36 M .N ., I, p. 284.
3 7 ji
t t
r ., J : . . .
rttj/wt/f
n/ ,
12
sahgha,38 but the terms are used synonym ously in the Majjhima
N ikdya, and in the Astadhydyt o f Panini,39 as well as in the Sanskrit
v-
A rt
A
.
Z t t 'f u ml+t+ /Tw
C*4 i
L^nf r l ' Wl
A IfoV A l1Hlin
r
H J
l^ lV V A M i
O-L g M - V W
fll
O ( fU <=i
V**-V*V V&AV
term s gana and sahgha were used in the same sense to denote a form
o f governm ent where pow er was vested in a group o f people, as
opposed to m onarchy where pow er was vested i n one person.41 W e
have used the term jointly to denote a form o f governm ent in

w hich sovereign pow er was vested in a collectivity rather than in
the individual.
K hattiya clans and the gana-sanghas

T he m ost striking feature o f the gana-sahghas was their associa
tion w ith the khattiyas. From a statistical analysis o f the early
B uddhists,42 it appears that the majority o f the identifiable khattiyas
in early B uddhist texts are located in the gana-sahghas', only a few re
ferences occur to khattiyas as members o f the raja kulas in the
m onarchical kingdom s. T he Arthasdstra also refers to an association
betw een khattiyas and the Lichchhavis and Vajjis, referring to them
as having equal rank and position w ith the great ksatriyas o f north
ern India, i.e. the Madras in the west, the Kuru-Paricatas in the cen
tral region, and the Mallas in the east.43 Varma has hinted at the
possibility o f a connection between the ksatriyas and the republican
fo rm o f governm ent.44 The khattiyas in the gana-sanghas are alm ost
invariably referred to by their respective clan names, such as Lichchhavi, Sakya, Malla, etc., but there is no doubt about their status
as khattiyas. In the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta various clans come for
w ard and dem and a share o f the Buddhas ashes on the ground chat
they w ere khattiyas like the Buddha. It is significant that all the khat
tiya claimants except Ajatasattu were associated w ith the ganasahghas.45 N um erous other instances can be cited. For example, the
B uddha is referred to as a high-born khattiya in the Sutta N ipata,46
K .P . j a y a s w a l , H in d u P o lity , p . 24.
39 Astddhydyi ofPpnini, ed. and tr. by S.C. Vasu, Vol. I, p. 513.

40 J.P . Sharma, Republics in Ancient India, p. lOn.
41 A.S. Altekar, State and Government in Ancient India, pp. 109-10.
42 See C hapter V below and Appendix C for details.
43 Arthasdstra ofKauiilya, ed. by R .P. Kangle, Vol. 1, p. 244.
44 V .P. Varma, Hindu Political Thought and its Metaphysical Foundations, p. 31.
45 D JV , H, pp. 1 2 6 - 7 .
46 Sutta Nipata, Kkuddaka Nikdya, Vol. I, pp. 68-9,
13
and Trisala, sister o f the Lichchhavi leader o f Vesali., is called ksatriyam, and her husband Siddhartha o f the Natrikas is also described
as a ksatriya in the Katpa Sutra.47
We may draw attention to the tact that the territories o f the ganasangha were actually know n by the clans that occupied them. Signi
ficantly, the use o f the clan name was a prerogative only o f the
khattiyas and it was never used for other inhabitants of the ganasahgha , such as the artisans and the brdhmanas, whose occasional
presence is noticed there. Thus Upali the barber is not called a
Sakyan40 although he lived in Sakyan territory. N or is Cunda the
kammaraputta (son o f a metal-smith worker) referred to as a Malla.49
Similarly, the brdhmanas o f Khomadussa in the Sakyan territory are
not referred to as members o f the Sakyan clan.50 It has also been
argued that collective pow er in these territories was vested in the
khattiya clan composing the gana-sahgha, and that they had
sovereignty over other social groups inhabiting the territory o f the
gana-sahgha.51 Sovereignty therefore extended over the territory
and not merely over the members o f the clan.52
The prerogative o f the use o f the clan name only to the khattiyas
is related to the right to exercise power, which the non-khattiyas did
not possess. O n the basis o f a reference in Panini, Agrawala has
suggested that not all members o f the sahgha were entitled to exer
cise political pow er, which was the privilege only o f the governing
class. H e says: Tt appears that the descendants o f the pioneer ksat
riyas w ho had settled on the land and founded the janapada treated
political sovereignty as their privilege which they transmitted in
47 Katpa Sutra, Jaina Sutras, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, S.B.E. Vol. XXII, p. 226.
M ore instances o f khattiyas are recorded in Chapter V.
48 Cullavagga, p. 281.
49 D . N . , II, pp. 9 8 - 9 .
50 S .N ., I, p. 183. T he brdhmanas o f Khomadussa seem to have had definite identi

ty o f their ow n since they had their own santhdgara or assembly hall in which they
met. This suggests that they did not participate in the deliberations o f the Sakyan
assembly. T he existence o f the santhdgara was itself a special feature o f the ganasahghas. It is a technical term which never appears in the context o f the monarchies.
All the santhdgdras were located in the capitals of the territories of the respective clans
IT \T/ n liv c riavid ft
\ T
T
-_
p
'
D R
'
I. ft 113n_i_ It m a v also h s tin ted fbar u n lik e rhc S ak van s

1
...
the brdhmanas o f Khomadussa were antagonistic to the Buddha. They addressed the
Buddha as murtdaka and satnamka to indicate their disapproval of him (S .N ., I, p. 183).
51 K.P. jayasw al, HfWn Polity, p. 394.
D .R . Bhandarkar, Ancient H istory o f India, p. 161.
14
their families from generation to generation*.53 While it is probable

that only descendants o f the pioneer khattiyas wielded pow er, all
khattiyas in a gana-sahgha were related to each other and believed
themselves to be descended from a com m on ancestor.5* All w ould
therefore be descendants o f the pioneer khattiyas , This is very evi
dent from Buddha's references to his Sakyan kinsmen w ho appear
to be very closely connected to each other in a netw
ork o f rela*
tionships. D rekm eier has pointed out that the lineage principle was
the basis o f the political system in tribal organizations (or the ganasahghas ), and chat territory generally corresponded to kinship ties,55
He elucidates his argum ent w ith the example o f certain societies
such as the N u ert Tallensi and Logoli in m odern Africa w here
kinship ties play an im portant role in political organization,
although political relations are not necessarily coterm inous w ith
kinship organization. We endorse this view as an im portant charac
teristic o f the gana~sahghas. In the light o f the discussion outlined
here, it appears that all khattiya clan members were associated w ith
the collective exercise o f pow er although the exact m ethod may be
unclear to us.
In this connection a passage in the Bhaddasdla Jataka is notew or
thy. It depicts the existence o f a specially protected tank at Vesali
w hich w as used for the a b h ise k a (consecration) u f the families o f the
gana-rdja. T he passage which reads vesali nagare gana raja kuldnang
abhiseka mahgala pokkharam 56 has been understood as describing the
consecration o f the ra ja k a la s u f the g a n a (g a n a sy a raja k u ta ) , but
A dhir C hakravarti argues that it should be understood as ganardja sya kuldnang o r families o f the g a m raja
According to him , this
also explains a passage in the L a lita V is Lara which states that every
Lichchhavi regards him self as a rdjd in the Vajjian republic,58 In our
opinion all Lichchhavi families o f the Vajjian gana-sahgha partici
pated in the a b h is e k a cerem ony because all Lichchhavi families
, 5 7
53 V .S. Agrawala, India as known to Pdnini, p. 428.

54 D .N ., I, p. 51', see also A.S. Altekar, State and Government in Ancient India , p.
136.
55 C harles D rekm eier, Kingship and Community in Early India, p. 93n.
56 Jataka, ed. by V. Fausboll, p. 148.
57 A dhir C hakravarti, T he Federal Experim ent in India', Journal o f Ancient Indian
History, VoL XI, 1977-8, p. 34.
^ Ekaika eva mdnvate aham rdjd ahum rajeti (Lalita Vistara, ed. by Lefmann, Vol. I,
15
Environm ent at the T im e o f the Buddha
w o u ld be equally entitled to participate in the collective exercise o f

pow er.
T h e suggestion that pow er was wielded only by the khattiya clan
m em bers is suonorted bv the evidence o f the Jdtakas. In a disnute
betw een the ddsa-kammakaras o f the Sakyan and Koliyan clans, the
ddsa-kammakaras go back and report to their respective masters,
w h o then deliberate on the problem . There are no indications that
the ddsa-kammakaras participated in the deliberations.59 Jay as w al de
duces from his reading o f the sources that the slaves and w orkm en
w h o w ere inhabitants o f gana-sahghas w ere categories to w h o m
citizenship or political participation did not apply.60 The political
structure o f the gana-sahghas was also related to their social struc
ture. but this is an aspect w hich w ill be discussed in greater detail in
C h ap ter III. W hat should be noted here is the fact that the social
organization o f the gana-sahghas was comparatively simplew ith a
preponderantly khattiya population, and a m arginal non~khattiya
p o p u latio n com posed prim arily o f brdhmanas, artisans and the ddsakammakaras. O f the three non-khattiya categories in the ganasahghas , the ddsa-kammakaras w ere num erically m ore significant
since they represented the base o f the w orking population in the
gana-sahghas .
It m ay thus be argued that, at least in the B uddhist literature, the
khattiyas actually exercise pow er, either as m em bers o f the ganasahghas w here they wield collective pow er, or by association as
m em bers o f the raja kulas in the monarchical kingdom s. In this
context w e m ay draw attention to a passage in the Ambattha Sutta
w here it appears that all khattiyas w ere entitled to receiving the con
secration o f the abhiseka cerem ony w hich was norm ally associated
w ith the actual sanction to rule (khattiya khattiyabhisekana
abhisiheheyyang ).61 This association conform s to the original m ean
ing o f ksatriya as derived from ksatra, which Keith translated as
sovereignty, and w hich H ocart renders as the Rom an im perium .62
H o cart has pointed out that the tradition o f describing the ksatriya
as a w arrio r is based upon later texts and that the prim itive m eaning
is connected w ith kingship, or, in other w ords, w ith pow er.63 V arA
**
59 T h e Jatakas, ed. by V. Fausboll, Vol. II, p. 413.

fwf} A
j;._
7 T1 T __________ * 1
mwwJ, * A
tf
AttUiUUl|J
IU TIV.r
, J<ljrd0YVl
*T
a ÎlV4V^vltv rW
*. &LVV
P olity>p. 98; see also J.P . Shanna, Republics in Ancient India, p. 112).
61 D.N., I. p. 85.
62 A .M . H ocart, Caste, p. 37.
63 Ibid., p. 3.4.
4-
WAM f
16
ma treats Keiths translation o f sovereignty as acceptable if it is used

in the general sense o f power,64 and this is exactly the way in which
the khattiya is represented in the Buddhist texts. This feature o f thv
khattiyas was also noticed by Fick who, in many scattered refer
ences, implied that the khattiyas were associated with the actual ex
ercise o f power.65
T he m ost significant political phenom enon, to which the Bud
dha w as a witness, was the gradual decline o f the gana-sahghas, and
the corresponding rise o f territorial units led by the kingdom s o f
Kosala and M agadha. Both features played a crudal role in the de
velopm ent o f Buddhist political thought and o f the Buddhist sah
gha. W hereas in the past the shift had been from monarchies to
gana-sahghas, in the sixth century B.C. a shift was taking place in the
reverse direction. Ling has suggested that the grow th o f
individualism 66 was responsible for the decline o f the gana-sahghas,
b u t there were other socio-economic forces which explain their col
lapse and we m ust now turn to an analysis o f these forces.
S e c t i o n II: E c o n o m y
and
S o c ie t y
at the
T im e
of t h e
B uddha
Expansion o f agriculture
A striking feature o f the econom ic and social system o f the period

is the trem endous expansion o f the economy. In m any ways
the period provided the basis for the kind o f economic develop
m ent that occurred over the next 500 years. It was characterized by
im p o rtan t agrarian changes which, in turn, influenced the social
and political forces o f the time. There is considerable evidence o f
agriculture having now firm ly become the pivot o f the economy.
T he clearing o f the land and its preparation for cultivation had been
facilitated by the increasing availability and use o f iron, a fact
attested by num erous archaeological/excavations and their historic
al analyses. A great deal o f attention has been focused on the them e
since K osam bi67 argued that the large-scale clearing o f forests in the
64 V.P. Varma, Hindu Political Thought and its Metaphysical Foundations, p. 49.
65 R. Fick, The Social and Economic Organisation o f North-East India in Buddha's
TV*w*, pp 7981 ,
66 T , Ling, The Buddha , p. 62.
67 D .D . Kosam bi, Ancient Kosala and M agadha,
Vol. XX VII,
1952, pp. 180-213; and T he Beginning o f the Iron Age in India, J.E,S,H > O ., Vol.
V I , pt. Ill, 1 9 6 3 , pp. 3 0 9 - 1 8 .
E nvironm ent at the Tim e o f the Buddha
17
G angetic v a lley could n o t Have been undertaken w ith out the use o f
iro n .68 T he point has been restated since then by other scholars and
w e need m erely sum m arize the findings o f archaeologists and
historians o n this them e.
Early recognition o f the relationship betw een iron and the begin
nings o f a n e w civilization was suggested by Y .D . Sharm a.69 Later
i t..................
w a ...s rn o' i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e a r c h a e o l o gu i c a l e v i d e n c e f o r i r o n xn r e -
dates th e em ergence o f N o rth ern Black Polished w are (hereafter

N B P ware) pottery in the Ganga V alley,70 and that N B P w are itself
is a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e second urbanization in India. N B P w are is
also characteristic o f the age o f the Buddha. Sharm a says: In upper
India a n u m b er o f w idely distributed sites o f this period are m arked
bv t h e occurrence o f a hiehlv individual shinv ware, often black,
k n o w n to archaeologists as N B P ware*. Its duration is roughly de
fined betw een 500 and 300 B.C. (although som e archaeologists now
tend to push the date back by a couple o f centuries), and Sharm a
points o u t th at the Ganges plain w as the centre o f its dispersal. H e
also suggests that, broadly speaking, it was co-eval w ith the sup
rem acy o f M aead h a.71
E xpansion in agricultural produce is similarly related to the en
hanced use o f iron im plem ents, including ploughshares, the sickle,
M N .R . Ray ('T echnology and Social C hange in Early Indian H isto ry ', PurHttatva,
Vol. VIII, 1975-6, p. 133) has questioned the conclusion that large scale clearing o f
the G angetic valley could not have taken place w ithout the use o f iron. H e argues
against the assum ption that the introduction o f iron technology and iron im plem ents
in the G anga-Y am una valley, before 320 B.C., w ere o f such a scale as to induce the
sort o f social changes w hich are held to have been triggered o ff by the technological
changes associated w ith the use o f iron (R.S. Sharm a, 'M aterial Milieu o f the Birth
o f B u d d h ism , paper presented at the 29th International C ongress o f O rientalists,
Paris, 162 2 July 1973). A ccording to Ray, archaeological evidence available to date
does n o t indicate any large scale clearance o f the jungles through the use o f iron tech
nology. H e argues that iron technology was neither qualitatively nor quantitatively
diversified en o u g h to bring about significant social changes. Earlier U .K . C hakrabarti had p ointed ou t that iron was responsible for stabilizing agriculture rather than
initiating it. A ccording to him , it was the basic technological elem ent only from the
sixth century B.C. onw ards and not before (D .K . Chakrabarti. 'B eginning o f Iron
and Social C hange in India, Indian Studies Past and Present, Vol. XIV , no. 4, 1973,
pp. 3 3 6 -8 ).
69 Y .D , Sharm a, E xploration o f Historical Sites, Ancient India , Vol. IX , 1956,
pp. 1 1 8 -9 .
70 V .D . M isra, Some Aspects o f Indian Archaeology, p. 85.

71 Y .D , Sharm a, 'E xploration o f Historical Sites', Ancient India, Vol. IX, 1956, p
119.
18
hoe and chopper, which are supported by archaeological

evidence.72 A survey o f references relating to iron in early Indian
literature has revealed beyond dispute the association o f iron with
the com m on people and thus with agriculture in the Gangetic Val
ley by about 700 B .C .73 Further, it is suggested that there is a case
for putting the beginnings o f the use o f iron in the Indo-Gangetic
divide to about 800 B .C .74 Buddhist texts also allude to the use o f
the iron plough for cultivation. The Kastbhdradvdja Sutta o f the S u i
ta N ipata gives the analogy o f a ploughshare which having become
heated during the day, hisses and smokes when plunged into
water.75 The analogy is repeated in the M ahdvagga76 Its use indi
cates a widespread familiarity with the iron plough and suggests
that it was regularly employed in agriculture by the time o f the
Buddha.
T h e extension o f agriculture in the middle Ganga plains is re
flected in a variety o f w ays in B uddhist literature. A large range o f
crops has been tabulated by G .S.P. M isra, w ho has also collected
inform ation on the classification o f land, the im plem ents used, and
the cycle o f operations on the basis o f references in the Vinaya
Pitaka? 7 T he frequent use o f agricultural similes78 reinforces the
im portance o f agriculture in society. M any o f the vinaya rules
them selves relate to crops, and the institution o f the vassd-v&sa o r
the rain retreat was perm itted by the Buddha w hen people com
plained against the dam age caused to the new crops by the bhikkhu*s
incessant touring in the rainy season.79 A lthough cattle keeping did
n o t decrease very radically, it clearly became a subsidiary and ancil
lary occupation o f agriculture. A passage in the Samyutta N ikdya re
flects the Buddhas recognition o f the im portance o f agriculture. In
a conversation betw een a deva (deity) and the Buddha, the dev a up
holds the traditional view and rem arks on the significance o f cattle.
72 S.P. Gupta, T w o U rbanizations in India, Puratattva, Vol. VII, 1974, p. 55.
73 D .K , C hakrabarti, 'Iron in Early Indian Literature, J.R . A. S., 1979, no. I, p.
24.
74 Ibid,
75 Sutta N ipata , Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol. I, p. 282.
76 Makdvagga, p 241.
77 G .S .P. M isra, T h e A jie o fth e Vinaya, pp. 243-50.
7f> M .N ., 1, p. 200; A .N ., I, pp. 213, 222, 224; S .N ., II, pp. 77, 284, 370. See also
J.W . de Jong, T he Background o f Early B uddhism , Journal o f Indian Buddhist Stu
dies, Vol. X II, 1964, p. 39.
79
p .
4 A A
IT T -
19
In his reply, the Buddha favours agriculture as against pastoralism,

and in this he was clearly reflecting the new values o f the period.80
Consequently, the possession o f fields become an extremely valu
able asset and is frequently reflected in the Buddhist texts.81
The extension o f agriculture in the mid Ganga plains was pri
m arily a rice phenom enon since the area was eminently suited to
rice cultivation, particularly because o f the year-long supply o f wa
ter from the river Ganga. The m ethod o f paddy transplantation was
probably learnt during this period.82 The increase in rice cultivation
and the decline in cattle rearing resulted in major dietary changes.
O n the basis o f population research Ling suggests that there is a defi
nite relationship between rice growing areas and a higher fertility
rate, since the consumption o f rice gruel allows children to be
w eaned earlier, thus enabling the mother to conceive again,83 The
B uddhist literature suggests that the increase in population is a sign
o f developm ent and prosperity. The narratives speak o f teeming
cities w ith people jostling each other and of numerous settlements
in the countryside, all o f which are an index of a flourishing and
prosperous kingdom ,84 The kingdom of Magadha is described as
consisting o f 80,000 g d m a s but of course the significant point is that
the econom y could support the population even as it expanded.85
T he p en od also witnessed the second urbanization o f India.
Archaeological evidence confirms the existence o f a number o f his
torical sites in the central Gangetic basin associated w ith the
B uddhist tradition, and it is notable that m ost o f them also disclose
the presence o f N B P ware.86 Som e excavations have been identified
as places referred to in Buddhist literature such asjetavana at Savatthi (Sahet-M aheth) and the Ghositarama at K osam bi.67 Other
excavations in Raja Vishal Ka Garh (Basarh) in Muzzafarpur and
Piprawa have been identified as the Vesali and Kapilavatthu o f
80 S .N I, p. 8.
81 M .N ., II, 136; A .N ., IV, p. 208. See also Acdrdnga Sutra, Jaina Sutras, tr. by
H erm ann Jacobi, S.B .E., Vol. XXII, p. 19.
82 R.S. Sharma, Sudras in Ancient India, p. 95.
83 T rev o r Ling, The Buddha, p. 50.
84 D .N ., II, p. 130; G . S., Ill, p. 158.
85 Mahdvagga , p. 199.
86 V---------I----)---- P
h arm a F.vnlfirafirtn
rtf H icfrtriral Sires.
A n r b n t India V nl I X
------------------------------'
I
----------------------- - - ,
IQSft fn
142. It has been suggested that Buddha's alms bowl, seen by Fa-hien and described
by him, was probably o f NBP ware (M .D .N. Sahi, Stratigraphical Position o f the
N B P ware in the Upper Ganga Basin and its Date, Puratattva, Vol. VI, 1974, p. 93).
37 I b i d ., p . 145.
20
B uddhist literature. The mahdparinibbdna Sutta m entions six

mahdnagaras w hich were populated by many w ealthy people. These
w ere C am pa, Rajagaha, Savatthi, Saketa, KosambI and Kasi.
A nanda considers these mahdnagaras w orthy o f being the scene o f
the B uddha's parinibbdnaf9 Similarly* Buddhist literature frequent
ly m entions the existence o f well fortified tow ns w ith city gates and
wise w ardens to watch over the entry and exit points.90 T here was
considerable contact between these urban centres, and people are often
described as visiting others dries on various kinds o f business.91
T here are examples o f people travelling for professional reasons
too. T he physicianJivaka w ent from Rajagaha to Taxila to train for
his vocation.92 O n his w ay back he was able to sustain him self by
curing patients Living in the urban centres along the highw ay.03 He
was also especially sent for by princes and other w ealthy urban
dwellers in the large cities once he had established his reputation as
a great physician.
T he second urbanization
T h e expansion o f agriculture and, consequently, o f the econom y

as a w hole was a major factor in the new phenom enon o f urbaniza
tion. Cities cannot exist w ithout some form o f agricultural surplus,
and it has been pointed out that there was some degree o f m ove
m ent in foodgrains along w ith other items o f trade94 during this
period. In fact, the emergence o f m oney itself has been related to
the exchange or barter o f agricultural produce. According to Joshi,
the term for currency in early India, kdrshdpana or kahdpana , is de
rived from the verbal roots krish (to cultivate) and pan (to exchange,
barter or bargain).95
T he em ergence o f a m ore complex economy w ith a greater de
gree o f specialization and the appearance o f metallic m oney in the
form o f punch-m arked coins also contributed to the expansion o f
trade. T he beginnings o f the corporate organization o f trade are
evident in the use o f terms such as sangha, gana, seni and puga.96
68 Ibid., p. 146.
89 D .N ., 11, p. 113.
90 A .N ., III, pp. 234-5; G .S ., I, p. 64; K .S., V, p. 139.
91 Pacittiya. p. 136.
92Mahdvagga . p. 287.
93 Ibid., p. 288.
94 S.P. G upta, T w o U rbanizations in India, Purdttatva, Vol. VII, 1974, p. 55*
95 M .C . Joshi, Early Historical U rban G row th in India: Some O bservations,
Purattatva, Vol. V il, 1974, p. 91n.
56 Pdctttiya, p. 302.
Environment at the Tim e o f the Buddha
21
Trade routes were established and were called vanippathas,97 and

caravan traffic made its appearance.98 A num ber o f market towns
grew up along the trade routes forming linking points. Joshi has
pointed to a verse in the Sutta Nipata which enumerates a num ber
o f m arket tow ns on the trade route connecting Assaka w ith
M agadha.99 A num ber o f similar trade routes connected the major
trading centres, such as the route to the south from Rajagaha,100
w hich in turn gave a decided fillip to urbanization.101 Joshi has
argued that urbanization began w ith the adoption o f monetary ex
change, and this was part o f an economic phenomenon which
transform ed the barter-based econom y o f a vast rural area and link
ed it w ith the exchange structure o f those days,102 While the im
portance o f economic and social factors, such as an agricultural
base, increased im portance o f trade, grow th o f a merchant and arti
san class, etc., are conceded as obvious features o f any urban scene,
C hakrabarti has argued that the spark that set off the process o f ear
ly historical urban grow th in cities such as Rajagaha, Varanasi,
K osam bi and Ujjayini was the factor o f political power. He argues
that the socio-economic factor could be effectively integrated w ith
in one social complex and given a centralized direction only under
the aegis o f a consolidated power structure.103 This reasoning re
ceives support from the examples o f urbanization in the ganasahghas . We have earlier m entioned the six makdnagaras o f Buddhist
literature significantly all six cities were in monarchical king
dom s. A lthough Vesali otherwise appears to be an im portant city it
does not feature in the list. Perhaps it was not as large a trading cen
tre as the six other cities. This would add support to our point that
the gana-sahghas had a simpler social organization than the m onar97 Mahavagga, p. 244.
98 Parajika> p. 294.
99 M .C . Joshi, Early Historical U rban G row th in India: Some O bservations',
Purdttava , Vol. VII, 1974, p. 90; Swffd Nipata, Khuddaka Nikdya, 1, p. 419.
100 Pddttiya , pp. 113, 176.
101 W hile the beginnings o f trade made a definite appearance in our period it was
to reach great heights and have its full impact only in the following era. O u r period
reflects w hat could be term ed the take-ofT stage for trade and commerce. This is
consistent w ith the notion that an expansion in agricultural output has to precede an
cxpdiuiui) in Uadc and to m m c n c .
102 M .C , Joshi, Early Historical U rban G row th in India: Some O bservations,
Purdttatva , Vol. VII, 1974, pp. 90-1.
103 D .K , Chakrabarti, Some Theoretical Aspects o f Early U rban G row th, Furdttatva, Vol. VII, 1974, p. 88.
22
did n o t p r o d u c e a w id e r a n g e o f g o o d s . B u t a
m ore im portant reason for none o f the cities o f the gana-sahghas
being listed as a mahdnagara was that the gana-sahghas were suffering
c h ic s , a n d t h a t t h e y
f r o m p r o b l e m s o f i n t e r n a l c o lla p s e . I n c o n tr a s t , t h e m o n a r c h i e s
w ere m arked by a period o f political consolidation w hich probably

provided a boost to the process o f urbanization.
O f t h e s i x m a h a n a g a ra s w h i c h w e r e m a j o r p o l it i c a l a n d c o m m e r
cial centres, the m ost im portant appear to have been Savatthi and
Rajagaha. In the lifetime o f the Buddha, Savatthi probably had an
e d g e o v e r R a ja g a h a , a n d it w a s t h e r e t h a t t h e B u d d h a s p e n t a l a r g e
part o f his teaching career. However, by the time he died, Rajagaha

seems to have grow n in importance because it was here that the
A rp j B u d d K i s t
o u n c i l \ v i s Hwld.
Craft production and trade

O t h e r c o n c o m i t a n t s o f a n e x p a n d i n g e c o n o m y a ls o b e g a n t o m a k e
an appearance, and some o f these features were used as similes by

the Buddha. They include trade, interest and debts.104 There are
s e v e r a l r e f e r e n c e s i n t h e t e x t s t o m e t a l l u r g y , 105 t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f
perm anent structures,106 and a very wide range o f goods. Textiles,

b o th silk and cotton,107 leather w o rk ,108 fine p o ttery,109 ivory
w o r k , 110 a n d w o o d w o r k 111 a ll f i g u r e i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e . T h i s
in
th e
production o f material goods was reflected
in the num erous rules about the permitted articles o f possession
f o r t h e b h ih k h u s t h a t a ls o m a d e t h e i r a p p e a r a n c e i n the
tex ts.112 A natural outcom e o f this growing complexity o f the eco
nom y was expressed in the degree o f specialization which became
a p p a r e n t d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d . T h e S a m a n n a p h a la S u tta o f the D ig h a
N ikdya lists a num ber o f occupations that were com m only
pursued.113 There are 25 such occupations listed by the king, and
t h e s e i n c l u d e a w i d e r a n g e o f s p e c ia liz e d skills.
Types o f settlement
A p a r t f r o m n e w l y d e v e l o p e d l a r g e u r b a n c e n tr e s , t h e r e w e r e v a 104 A N ., II, p. 86; A N ., I, p. 107; A N ., Ill, pp. 65-7.
105 Cullavagga, p. 225; A N ., II, p. 286.
10,1 Cullavagga, pp. 239-49.
107 Parajika, p. 321.
108 Mahavagga, pp. 204-49.
109 Parajika, p. 348.
uo PSdttiya, p. 221.
111 M.N., II, p. 371.
m CuWavaosa, pp. 195ff.
U3 D .N ., 1, p. 52.
23
liHvironment ( the Time of the Buddha
M u i other settlement* such ai the gdma, nigama and nagara.

According to Wagle,114 although the gdma is treated as being
equivalent to a village, in practice it was merely the smallest unit o f
M ttkmcnt and could imply a ward, a hamlet, or even a temporary
settlement. A nigama represented a settlement which was between a
gim a and nagara and represented a large and more complex unit
then the gdma. The nagara was a town which was frequently a forti
fied settlement and apart from the mahdnagarasy was the largest unit
of lettlcm ent in a janapada. Between each o f these settlements, each
Of which was a unit o f social recognition and constantly growing as
I result o f the expanding econom y, lay the forest areas into which
the bhikkhus frequently retreated for solitude* The Vinaya definition
o f the aranna states that, leaving aside the gdma and the outskirts o f
the gdma, the surrounding land was aranna.115 Many o f the towns
mentioned in the texts had a mahdvana in the vicinity, but w ith the
expansion o f the cultivated area the forests were gradually diminilhing, making way for new settlements.
T h e pattern o f landholding
The expansion o f agriculture brings us to an extremely significant

aspect o f the economy: the pattern o f landholding. The problem o f
ownership o f land continues to be one o f the unresolved con
troversies o f ancient India. However there are certain observations
which have struck us during the course o f our study, but in making
them w e shall restrict ourselves to the question o f landholding.116
Individual holdings had definitely appeared by the time o f the Bud
dha, and m ost o f the land was being farmed in this manner, at least
in the monarchical kingdoms, as is evident from the Agganna Sutta
in w hich kingship originates w ith the emergence o f separate fields.
According to it the violation o f rights to ownership o f the fields
leads to the need for a king. The idea o f separate fields is reiterated
in a parable which derides the folly o f a man w ho neglects his ow n
fields but thinks o f weeding his neighbour's.118 The Milindapanha
gives us at least one method by which the rights over land origin
114 N.N. Wagle, Sodety at the Time of the Buddha, pp. 13-37.
115 Pardjika. p. 62.

116J- Jolly has pointed to the distinction between ownership and possession in the
law of property (J. Jolly, Hindu Law and Custom, p. 196).
117 D.N., IU, pp. 72-3.
1 1 ft
f i..!.#
* T"?
___________ _j " * r
if. T
I? _
tr_ 1
It
t m t f i i u ru i A w ru i ix i/ m r m / v f iv i/ rm i i w w f v u i . t , p . i /
24
ated. It says that, w hen a man clears the land o f its forest and pre
pares it for cultivation he establishes rights over it: yathd . . . koci
puriso uanam sodhetud bhumim mharati tassa sd bhumi tijano voharati na
cesa b h u m i ten a p a u a tita tam bh u m im kdranam k a tv d bh u m i sd m ik o ndm a
hoti>u9 (It is as when a man clears away the jungle and sets free a
piece ofland and the people say that is his land\ N ot that the land
is m ade by him . It is because he has brought the land into use that
he is called the owner o f the land. *120) This statement represents a

very important principle in relation to private property and associ
ates it w ith that o f labour. It suggests that a person becom es entitled
to the land primarily because he has put labour into it.121 While a
considerable amount ofland was in the possession o f peasant prop

rietors, w h ich according to Mrs R hys Davids represented the bulk
o f the holdings,122 the king also appears to have been in direct con
trol o f som e o f it. This probably consisted o f all the wastelands,
forests and m in es.123 From this category oflan d the kings o f Kosala
and Magadha began to grant brahmadeya lands to the brahmanas124
which make their appearance in the Pali canon. Such a view is sup
ported b y Radhakrkhna C houdhary, w h o argues that h rah am adeya
lands were granted out o f the royal domain or the crown lands, and
these had nothing to do with the lands held by cultivators.125 It
m ay he noted that all the b ra h m a d eya lands m entioned in the Pali
texts were granted by Pasenadi and Bimbisara. The fact that these
lands were a distinct category carrying a special connotation is evi
dent from a stock passage in the Pali canon describing hrahamadeya
lands as follows: 'tena kho patta samayena brahmano pokkarasddi ukkattang ajjhavasati sattussadang, satinakatthodakang, sadhannangt rajabhoo a nOo ./ ranna in asen din a kosalen a din n anaa rdîadavan o h ra h m a d evva
tta
*.126
i
o
(At that time there dwelt at Ukkattha the brdhmam Pokkharasadi, a

spot teeming with life, with much grassland and woodland and
119 Milinda panha ed. by V. Trenckner, p. 219.
120 A. N . Bose, The Social and Rural Economy of North East India, Vol. I, p. 15.
121 Jayamal Rai, The Rural-Urban Economy and Social Changes in Ancient India, p.
15.
122 C .A .F . Rhys Davids, Economic Conditions according to Early Buddhist
Literature in E.J. Rapson (ed.), Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 176.
123 A .S. Altekar, State and Government in Ancient India, p. 275.
124 D .N ., I, p.,109; D .N ., I, p. 96; Af.N., H, p. 427; D ,N ., I, p. 76,
125 Radhakrishna Choudhary, Ownership o f Land in Ancient India,
Vol. LIII, p. 32.
126 D ,N ., I, p . 76
25
co m , o n a royal dom ain, granted him by King rasenadi o f Kosaia as

a ro y a l gift, w ith pow er over it as if he were king.)127 The co m
m e n ta ry to the Majjhima N ikdya explains brahmadeya as setthadeya,
th e b e st gift; an d adds th a t once given the gift could not be taken
b ack ag a in . 128
T he im plication o f the statement raja bhogang is not completely
clear. It has been suggested that the lands were rent free and that the
grantee was entitled to full usufructuary rights on it, rather than
carrying adm inistrative and political rights with the grant.129 Rhys
D avids suggests that the lands were tax free, being a grant o f the
kings half share as tax, although he believes that the brahmadeya
carried w ith it judicial and executive rights too. He further suggests
that the grant would c o v e r only the kings rights, and that the right
o f the peasants to the other half and to the use o f the com m on
w asteland w ould remain w ith them .130 It should be noted that
b r a h m a d e y a lands in the Pali c a n o n a i e a lw a y s l o c a te d in a brdhm anct
gdma. In addition to the single brahmadeya holder, such as the
brdhmanas Pokkharasadi, Sonadanda, or Canki, there are a large
num ber o f b ru h m a ria -g a h a p a iis w h o a ls o c o n s t i t u t e the b r d h m a n a
gdma. This point is discussed in greater detail in the following chap
ter.
A n o t h e r c o n t r o v e r s i a l p o i n t r e la te d to th e q u e s t i o n o f l a n d h o l d
ing and land ow nership is that o f the transfer, sale and gift o f land.
A nathapindikas purchase ofjetavana from the prince Jeta Kumara
id w e l l k n o w n , a l t h o u g h n o t entirely* fre e o f c o n t r o v e r s y . It s h o u l d
be noted that the transfer ofjetavana represents orchard land or

w oodland, and not agricultural land, o f which type o f transfer we
do n o t f i n d a s in g le i n s t a n c e in e a r ly Palri l it e r a t u r e . S im ila r ly ,
although num erous gifts o f l a n d were m a d e to the sahgha, each con
sisted o f the gift o f a vana or orchard land.131 Even though this may
m
a a h rtdviuai
i a I lviljl
s-mn 4- 7laitvAj
am
am
4a
^ 4141 *177
iiw k n *j-i kL/vvii
iii 4 rt k a k k f iSpivScniCu
partiaiiy
cleared, or even uncleared land on the outskirts o f urban centres132
like Savatthi, Rajagaha, Saketa, K osam bl133 and other smaller set13? D U . , V ol. I, p. 1U8.
13t> JW.L.5., II, p- 3b4n,
129 D .B ., I, p. 3G8n.
130 Ibid.
131 T he Vinaya defines an drama f the usual term for the gift o f land to the sangha as
a flow er garden (pupphardtno), or orchard (phaiardmo). See Horner (B .O .D ., II,
p. 2n; Pdrdjika, p. 61). The Ahguttara Nikdya bans the sahgha from the possession o f
agricultural land (A . N , , IV, p. 266).
132 S. D u tt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries o f lndiat p. 59.
26
Social Dimensions of Early Buddhism
dements, which were meant to be used as units o f settlements for

residential purposes for the bhikkhtt-sahgha. We believe that this in
dicates that the sale or gift o f agricultural land had not yet appeared
in society. Even the land gifted by the king to brdhmanas as
brahmadeya is likely to have been uncleared or partially cleared land
which was part o f the royal lands. This is suggested by the descrip
tion o f much wood, grass and insects inhabiting the grassland
which does not give the impression of already cleared agricultural
land. The presence o f large numbers of brahmatta-gahapatis in these
brdhmana-gdmas could imply that the land was prepared for cultiva
tion through the initiative o f the former.
Emergence of a stratified society
The grow ing complexity o f the economy as it expanded was

naturally expressed through the emergence o f a more stratified
society. While most of the land may have been in the hands o f
peasant proprietors, some large units ofland had also come into ex
istence, The most striking example is that o f the brahmana
Kasibharadvaja o f the village o f Ekanala, who is described as using
500 ploughs.135 While the figure 500 need not be taken too serious
ly. the fact that it represented a large holding should be noted. In
contrast to this, the period also marks the beginning o f hired labour
on a fairly large scale. Pali texts frequently mention dasas, kammakaras. and porisas,136 who appear to be employed within households
as well as working the land. It is pertinent that the words uetan and
vaitanika appear for the first time in Paninfs Astadhyayi^37 and this
characterizes the emergence o f wage labour. It can be argued that
these terms began to occur in this period only because large agri
cultural holdings did not exist in the past, whereas they had begun
to appear at the time o f the Buddha. O f the three categories ofddsa,
kammakctra, and portscf, the dasas may actually have been better off
since they were integrated into the family that owned them .138
virgm nature ot these lands is suggested by the names themselves. For example,
Veluvana is a bamboo grove.
134 There is no indication o f the ritual injunction against the brdhmanas' participa
tion in agriculture in the Buddhist texts The hrak*n<t*%/i Kasibharadvaja, for instance,
is directly involved in managing agricultural operations on his land (Sutta-Nipata,
Khuddaka Nikdya, Vol. I, p. 281).
135 Ibid., p. 281
136 Pdcittiya, p.. 108; S.N., 1, p. 94.
137 S .C . Vasu, AiiacJhydyi vfPHrtini, Vol. 1, p. 83 1
138 D .N . Chanana, Slavery in Ancient India, I960, pp. 58, 162,
27
T he term dalidda139 also annears freauentlv in the Pali texts to denote extrem ely poor people w ho led miserable and deprived exist
ences, and were needy, w ithout enough to eat or drink, w ithout
even a covering for the back.140 In contrast, there were people w ho
lived very com fortably or even luxuriously, possessing gold, sil
ver, grain, a carriage, and a beautiful house141 w ith servants to
w ork for th em .142 Bose has pointed to the pronounced social con
trast between classes expressed through the familiar Pali phrases
mahdbhoga kula and dalidda hula, sadhana and adhana; sugata and
duggata.143 The texts also reflect a pragmatic recognition o f the
pow er o f wealth. The Ahguttara Nikaya mentions a poor man w ho
w ould have to go to jail for non-paym ent o f debt, whereas a person
o f w ealth could escape the same fate.144
T he sharp differentiation between the tw o categories created the
beginnings o f social tension. The Vinaya Pitaka refers to the ddsakammakaras o f the Sakyans attacking their masters womenfolk as
an act o f revenge when the w om en were alone in the w oods.145
T he recognition o f exploitation had also emerged. The Majjhima
N ikaya relates a very significant incident146 o f a ddsi called Kali, and
her mistress, a gahapatm called.Vaidehi, who was reputed to be
even tem pered and gentle. Kali, however, attributed her mistress
supposed even tem per to the fact that her ow n exemplary be
haviour gave the mistress no cause for anger. Kali was meek, sub
missive and hard-w orking normally, but she decided to test her
m istress real tem per by rising late and ignoring her calls three
m ornings in succession. This was too much for the mistress whose
tem per cracked up under the strain o f the incident and she physical
ly assaulted the ddsi. The whole incident is narrated as a sarcastic
com m ent on the behaviour o f the rich mistress. While the dasas
were sometimes treated reasonably well, the normal food for the
ddsa-kammakaras was broken rice and sour gruel.147 The ddsaJ
A *
139 See Pacittiya, p. 108 for a dalidda kammakara, and Cullavagga, p. 254 for a dalid
da tunavdya. Also see M .N ., 11, p. 89; A . N ,, III, p. 84.
140 M .N ., III, p. 240; M .L .S . Ill, p. 215.
141 M .N ., HI, p, 248.
143 A .N . Bose, The Social and Rural Economy of North-East India, Vol. II, p. 270.
144 A M I 0^0
145 Significantly this is also one o f the first written records o f wom en being the
obvious targets in the case o f antagonism between two social groups (Pacittiya, p.
Af.N., 1, pp. 167H.
A .N ., 1, p. 134.
28
kammakara-porisa , or those w ho laboured for others, formed the
low est econom ic strata in society. Evidently, even in an era o f ex

panding agriculture, there was not enough land to go round for
everyone. Further as the economy became m ore complex the
availability o f land and the ability to provide labour were n o t
enough to begin agriculture. A certain m inim um o f capital in the
form o f bullocks for ploughing ana the basic requirements o f farm
ing had made their appearance so that those w ithout the means to
raise this capital had to sell their labour in order to survive.
A nother i n t e r e s t i n g facet f r o m t h e e a r ly r a i i t e x t s is th e id e a t h a t
there was only a fixed surplus available in any household, which
placed che samana-brdhmana in a relationship o f opposition to the
d d s a - k a m m a k a r a . T h e S a r n y u tta N i k d y a in d ic a te s t h a t th e s h a r e g i f t e d
to the samana-brdhmanas as alms could have gone instead to the ddsakammakaras. A setthi-gahapati o f Savatthi is described as giving alms
t o s a m a n a -b r d h m a n a s b u t s u b s e q u e n t l y r e g r e t t i n g h is a c t io n and
arguing that he should have given it to the dasa-kammakaras
instead.148 This opposition between the samana-brdhmana on the
o n e h a n d a n d th e d a s a -k a m m a k a r a s o n the o t h e r , in r e l a t i o n t o the
gahapati, is alsb noticeable in the Sigaloudda Sutta . The samanabrdhmana is placed at the zenith (uparimadisa) and the ddsa-kammakara
is p l a c e d a t t h e n a d i r (Jietth itn d d isa ) i n a s t r u c t u r e o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s in
w hich the gahapati is the nodal p o in t.149 This appears to im ply an

opposition based on the principle that the dasa-kammakaras provided
1 A. I a A 11 *
AM j J
id L / v u i. a u u
v n v i^ v y
I a rt J
A ^
*A J
t m
i/ a ^ v v i t n v ^ f t v u u v u v
A A l TAÂ v M
j y jl^ ih
AM
A f
an u u i
society. In contrast, the samana-brdhmana w ithdrew from labour

and econom ic activity as also from society and lived off the labour
a n d e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y o f o t h e r s . S in c e th e s a m a n a -b r d h m a n a w a s
outside society, although supported by it, he was placed at the

zenith. The ddsa-kammakara was an integral part o f the econom y
(I11U
C r t / 'l o f l T
UUV1VV J j
ifo
i r a n r
J
_ IrU V v L
1 i ia
A
+> I
\ l t a r*
1U U iJ U U V J V lli
A
V V
V
tn a
lir
l l l i l a 1 11 jr
h ti
i 1 r> In
m ii o u g ii
his effort that the surplus was generated but since he had no control
over it he was placed at the bottom or nadir. The placement o f the
fîTf\ rrrA im o
V
^ i
1e
myîrahTTa
1-1, o
VI T V V A
- V11W
Kori/- im Iiiac r ,C I-Un circfnm ite a i f u

f
WL
V1JV
*V
has been generally assumed that Indias econom y in the sixth cen
tury B.C. was producing enough surplus150 to feed a substantial sec,4H S .N ., I, p. 91.
149 D .N ., III, pp. 147-8,
150 It should how ever be noted that the existence o f surplus all the time cannot be
taken for granted. Occasional shortages o f food arc mentioned (see S.N ., HI, p. 286
and A .N ., II, p. .120). Also die l/iti/iya speaks o f fonrl being the product o f hard
labour (Cullavagga) p. 223).
Environment at the Tim e o j the Buddha
29
tion o f the people w ho had w ithdraw n from economic activity.

E ven so, Buddhist texts reveal that this became possible only at the
expense o f the dasa-kammakaras, or those who provided their labour
to produce the surplus. The surplus itself was relative since it could
have been redistributed am ong the ddsa-kammakaras themselves.
Occupational groups and the pro tea u f tribal assimilation
T h e proliferation o f the num ber o f occupational groups w hich re

sulted from the expansion o f the econom y was probably one way
in w hich m any tribal groups were being assimilated into society.
We shall deal w ith the problem o f social stratification as reflected in
B uddhist literature in C hapter 111 where we shall consider the term s
vanna and jdti. H ow ever here w e shall discuss briefly the Brahm a
nical theory o f vamasamkara . The theory, which features in the
D harma-Sutra literature151 com posed roughly during the period o f
Buddhist literature that we are analysing, depicts a process o f social
adaptation. Since the Brahmanical system o f stratification was a
hierarchical or linear order, every new group or occupation had to
be fitted into the scheme o f the social order in relation to the total
system . This empirical reality o f assimilation had to be given a con
ceptual form ulation which was provided by the vamasamkara
theory. T he process by which this assimilation took place has been
suggested by N .K . Bose152 on the basis o f similar tribal assimila
tion in nineteenth century India. He has argued that, w ith the gra
dual expansion o f organized society and the consequent lack o f
space available to the tribals, their econom y could no longer effec
tively support them . This resulted in the tribal group beginning to
specialize in a particular occupation like basket-weaving or hunt
ing, and then joining the larger productive system o f the Hindus.
T hey w ere then absorbed into Hindu social organization at the
lo w er end153 and became a distinct C3tste. This was done as far as
possible by guaranteeing a m onopoly in a particular occupation to
151 Vdsista Dharmasittra, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, tr, by George Buhlcr, S.B .E.,
Vol. X IV , p. 94; Baudhdyana Dharmasutra, ibid., pp. 197-8. Sec V .N . jh a for a de
tailed analysis o f the theory o f the vamasamkara (Vam asam kara in the D harm asutras: T heory ana Practice', J . B . S . H , 0 . r Voi, XIII, Pt. Ill, 1970, pp. 273-86.)
152 N .K . Bose, Culture and Society, p. 207.
153 It is evident from the Agganna Sutta o f the Dtgka Nikdya that the sudtjas w ho
were the low est vanrtd o f the social system were tribal groups living mainly by hunt
ing and fishing (D .N ., III, p. 74).
30
each caste w ithin a given region.154 The process o f absorbing tribals

at the low er level o f the hierarchy was made possible because H in
du society gave them a m inim um economic security w hich could
n o t be attained under the tribal system, particularly after the tribes
had been affected by encroachm ent on the m ore fertile portions o f
their lands.155 They then became not only a part o f the larger eco
nom ic unit but alsu part o f the larger cultural unit rep resen ted by
the caste system . This process o f tribal absorption was conceptual
ized in the theory o f varnasamkara.
T h e importance o f kinship ties
T he process o f political and economic expansion could have

affected kinship ties adversely, breaking them dow n in the em erg
ing social system o f the sixth century B.C. H ow ever, in reality the
kinship structure adapted itself to the changing situation and be
cam e one o f the principles o f caste (jati) organization. The expand
ing econom y had created a new dem and for specialization and a
proliferation o f occupations, bu t this developm ent was tied to the
kinship factor since specific occupations became the m onopoly o f
certain categories in society. T he em ergence o f hereditary spe
cialization m eant that one was born not only into a family (kula)
b u t also into an occupation w hich was the hereditary preserve of
that ku la . This has led one historian to suggest that B uddhist socie
ty was kinship-based rather than caste-based.156 There is little
doubt about the im portance o f kinship ties in this period when it
appears to have played a greater role than in later tim es.157 T he
B uddha him self recognized the strength o f kinship bonds and tre
ated them as a valid reason for providing exceptions to a large num
ber o f vinaya rules, B hikkhus were allowed to m aintain contacts
w ith m em bers o f their fam ilies,158 visiting them even in the vassdvdsa, if necessary, w hen travel was norm ally forbidden. Similarly,
bhikkhus w ho w ere strictly prohibited from w atching arm y parades
or visiting the battlefront were allowed to m eet kinsfolk w ho were
seriously ill or dying on the battle front. Further w om en were per
m itted to enter the sahgha only after w om en o f the Buddha's kingroup had repeatedly pleaded w ith him , and through the subse
154 N .K . Bose, Culture and Society , p. 209.
l3:> Ibid., p. 210.
156 N ,N . Wagle, Society at the Time o f the Buddha^ pp. 157-8.
157 Thirl , p 1 5 7
158 M ahavagge. p. 154.
31
quent intervention o f another kinsman, Ananda, in their favour J 59

The loss o f kin is described as the greatest loss that could affect a
m an and was rated m uch higher than the loss o f w ealth.160 The cut
ting o ff o f ties w ith kinsmen was the greatest sorrow to be faced by
a family which was being renounced by the imminent bhikkhu.
Even the Buddha recognized this fact o f family life when he ruled
that various categories o f people had to obtain permission from
their kinsm en before being ordained into the sahgha. In addition,
the Buddha realized that since kinship ties were so strong in the
w ider society, the sahgha m ust provide alternative ties to the bhik
khus to substitute for the lost ones. This probably explains the use
o f kinship term inology to characterize the new fraternity o f the
bhikkhus. Every bhikkhu who joined the sahgha now had a new rela
tionship w ith the founder as well as with other bhikkhus. All were
referred to as the Sdkyaputta samanas, as distinct from other samanas
and paribdjjakas> w ho did not share the same bond as sons o f the
Buddha. Their new bond tied them in a relationship o f brother
hood am ong themselves. Significantly only the Buddhists display
ed this feature which appears to have been a Buddhist innovation in
the samana w orld. Sects like the Ajivikas or Jainas did not develop
similar attitudes to kin groups. It is possible that the influence o f
kinship bonds on the Buddhist sahgha can be attributed to the stron
ger basis o f kinship in the gana-sahghas o f which the Buddha had
been a m em ber before he renounced the world.
Women in the Buddhist literature
Patriarchal values in relation to w o m e n are also reflected in early
Buddhist literature. Such an assertion may appear to be a contradic
tion since the period as a whole is supposed to have been characte

rized by a h ig h er status for w o m e n than in the past161 for dissident
sects allowed women to join their respective sects. The samana cul
ture no doubt recognized that regardless o f caste, class, or sex,
evcrvone had the DOtential for salvation. B ut. anart from conceding
this principle the attitude o f society was generally against women.
T he narrative describing the entry of bhikkhunis into the sahgha
illustrates this bias. The Buddha did not w ant hhikkhums in the
sahgha. If permission was finally (and grudgingly) granted it was enJ
'
159 Ciillavagga, p. 374.

160 A .N ., II, p. 401.
161 1.15. H orner, Women Under Primitive Buddhism, p. 2.
J.
32
tireJy because Ananda made the Buddha concede that w om en were

as capable o f salvation as m en,162 which in itself was a recognized
principle o f the samana culture. In fact, in the entire early Buddhist
literature only Ananda seems to have genuinely believed in the
principles o f equality between men and w om en, and he systemati
cally cham pioned their cause.163 After Buddhas death the sahgha
even criticized him for espousing the cause o f w om en on tw o occa
sions: first for pleading M ahapajapati G otam f s case on the question
o f the entry o f w om en into the sahgha\ and second, for his gesture
o f sym pathy to the weeping Malla w om en w ho wanted a glimpse
o f the B uddhas last rem ains.164 This was treated as defiling the
B uddhas sacred body. W hatever A nandas com patriots m ay have
thought, A nandas gesture was born out o f his genuine hum anity
w hich recognized w om en as equal human beings. Ananda in fact
appears to be the only figure in Buddhist literature who was con
cerned about the evidently unequal relationship between men and
w om en. O n one occasion he sought an explanation from the Bud
dha as to w hy w om en did not sit in court, or conduct business.165
A nanda obviously felt that they should have been participating in
all such activities.
A part from A nandas espousal o f their cause, the general tone o f
Buddhist literature is antagonistic to wom en. Once they were
grudgingly adm itted into the sahgha they were firmly (and unfairly)
placed under the authority o f bhikkhus . This was one o f the pre
conditions that Mahapajapati G otam rhad to accept before w om en
were permitted into the sahgha.166 Subsequendy, this grand old lady
seems to have resented a particularly offensive rule which dem an
ded that no m atter how old or senior a bhikkkum was, she m ust rise
and salute even the junior-m ost bhikkhu.*67 GotamI made a valiant
attem pt to have the rule rescinded, and again it was Ananda w ho
pleaded on her behalf. However, the Buddha was firm in his refus
al. He argued that since the anna titthiyas dicl not grant this privilege
to w om en the Buddhists could not perm it such a concession.168
lh2 C ullavagga, p. 374.
163 f.B. H om er, Women Under Primitive Buddhism, pp. 295ff.
165 A .N ., II, p. 87.
Cullavagga, pp. 374-77.
167 T his is particularly offensive in a society where age and seniority is norm ally
respected irrespective o f sex.
1fjtl fJuilavagga, p. 3/y. Incidentally the argum ent indicates how far Buddhism was
33
There is both dignity and pathos in this episode with the aged but
spirited Gotami being denied her justifiable rights by the Buddha,
w hom she had nurtured as her own son and it speaks volumes for
the discrimination against women.
Considerable distrust o f women is displayed in the Buddhist
texts. They are likened to black snakes, treated as evil smelling and
adulterous; they are accused ot ensnanng m e n /1" and are labelled as
secretive and not open;170 they are full o f passion, easily angered,
stupid and envious and have no place in public assemblies. They are
incapable o f carrying out any business or earning a living by any
profession because they are uncontrolled, envious, greedy and
stupid.171 A wide range o f restrictions were placed on bhikkhunis,
w ho were even required to offer their alms to the monks if they ran
into them .172 N o similar obligation was placed on bhikkhus, In
som e cases the bhikkhunis receive severer punishments than bhik
khus for similar offences.173
A w o m an s existence is described as centring round men, adorn
m ent, her son, and being w ithout a rival.174 W om en were expected
ideally to be like slaves and be obedient to their husbands.175 They
w ere under the control o f various bodies like the king, the sahgha,
the seni (guild) or puga (company). W omen w ho led their lives as
daughters, wives, and m others were therefore quite clearly sub
jected to the authority o f men and this attitude was projected even
into the asocial w orld o f the sahgha as we have noted above.
H ow ever, there were occasional glimpses o f greater understanding
o f the position o f w om en in relation to men. A m ong her five spe
cial disadvantages, three w ere biological but tw o others refer to a
w om an having tu leave her relatives at a tender age and going to
her husbands hom e, and having to wait upon men all her life {paricariyatn upeti).176 U nfortunately, such insights are few and the overwilling to go in its view o f change. W hile they may have been m ore progressive than
the brahmanas, the Buddhists certainly did not w ant to deviate from the norm s estab
lished by the w ider samana culture. N o innovation was considered apart from the
general traditions o f the samaras.
169 A . N . , H, p. 498; G .S ., III, p. 191.
170 A . N . , I. p. 263; G.S., I, p. 261
t7t A .N ., II, p. 87; G .S ., II, p. 93.
172 Cultavagga, p, 388,
173 I.B. H orner, Book o f Discipline, Vol. Ill, p. xxxix,
174 A .N ., II, p. 76.
175 A . N . , III, pp. 224, 361-7.
176 S . N . , III, p p . 2 1 2
13.
34
w h e lm in g tone; o f the B u d d h ist te x ts m erely reflected the e x istin g

a ttitu d e to w om en. According to th e Buddha, it is inconceivable
that a w om an can be either a talhagata or a cakkavatti}71 In other
w o r d s , th e y c o u ld n o t b e heads o f the social or the asocial w o r ld .
D espite the general discrimination against w om en, which is re

flected m ost sharply in their low er status vis-a-vis the bhikkhu w ith4&
A v1IV
A J V l/iC I l
TT V 4 1S4
Wi.
o ?sTi>i srl-4
V11V wivtl^l W j
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T
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mMin
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.
U1V4 J V
w *v
in noticeable num bers. M ore w om en came into it from the ganasahghas draw n probably by kinship ties with other entrants, but
m a n y a lso ca m e in ord er to escape w h a t m a y be term ed the m isery
o f the pestle and m ortar. This becomes very clear from the senti
m ents expressed in the Thertgdthd.u s The fact that a w om an had to
w a it o n a m an all her life, s o m e tim e s w ith o u t the slig h test re c o g n i
tion, was resented by som e w om en for w hom the sahgha repre

sented a m easure o f freedom. O thers seem to have turned to it for
su cc o u r in tim e s o f d istress. In fact, the basic ten ets o f B u d d h ism :
that the w orld is transitory and full o f sorrow , clearly struck a m ore
responsive chord in w om en w ho, by their very nature, felt deeply

th e p ain o f illn ess and o f death. T h is is b ea u tifu lly illu strated in th e
story o f Kisa Gotanri, w ho lost all her loved ones in a succession o f

tragedies and finally lost her only child. Wild w ith grief and desper
a tely se e k in g h er c h ild s rev iv a l she turned to the B u d d h a , w ho
b ro u g h t hom e to her the inevitability o f death.179
O n e o f the features o f the period is the fact that the courtesan did
n o t su ffer fr o m so c ia l o stra cism or a lo w status. The Buddha
accepted A m bapalis invitation to a meal and received the gift o f the
Am bavana from h er.18C> N evertheless, the m ost valued principle for
a w o m a n rem a in ed that in w h ic h she was the d u tifu l w ife and
m other, a matriarch w h o ruled over her vast fam ily consisting o f
num erous children and grandchildren, as exem plified in the person
o f V isak h a M igaram ata.181 It is sig n ifica n t that Visakha w ith her
m other im age, supporting the sahgha from outside and leading a lay
existence, is the m ost im portant w om an in the Pali texts and not
M ah ap ajap ati GotamT w h o had ren ou n ced the w orld in search o f li
beration.
177 A . N . , I, p. 29.
178 C. A,F. Rhys Davids, Psalms of the Sisters, pp. 15, 25,
179 T he Theriâthd contains some verses depicting her agony (JJii(m.s of the Sisters,
pp. 108-11).
180 D .N ., H, p. 78.
181 Visakha M igaram ata was considered auspicious for these very qualities.
35
Environm ent at the T im e o f the Buddha
It m ay be argued that the early Buddhist want o f sym pathy for

w o m en is not a unique phenom enon, but rather one that was typic
al o f m onastic sentim ent all over the w o rld .182 It is also typical o f
the sixth century b . c . social environment, not withstanding the
presence o f an exceptional progressive like Ananda. Like-minded
men and w om en must have existed along with Ananda, but not in
sufficient numbers to nave made any real impact on the discrimina
tion against w om en.
W e have depicted in the sections above a broad outline o f the
political, econom ic and social environment o f early Buddhism. The
process o f political consolidation, the expansion o f the econom y in
general and o f agriculture in particular, was a crucial factor o f socic*
ty at the time. The importance o f agriculture was reflected also in
the appearance o f new social and econom ic categories associated
w ith this phenom enon. Wc focus more sharply upon the problems
o f econ om y and society in the follow ing chapters. But, before
doing so it is necessary to turn to an important and vital aspect o f
the environm ent o f the sixth century B .C ., the religious milieu o f
13uddlnsm.
S e c tio n
III:
T h e R e lig io u s M ilie u
Philosophical speculation in the sixth century b . c .
The religious milieu in which Buddhism was founded was disting1 1_

_
_
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_
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luauou uy mo pu u iilo i anuii u i
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u n iq u e feature o f the period, unm atched in later years for its sheer
dim ensions, w h ich spanned a w ide range o f ideas from annihila
tion! sm {ucchedvada) to ctcrnalism (sdstmti/dda), and f r o m the fatal
ism o f the Ajivikas to the m aterialism o f the C arvakas. T h e B u d d h
ist texts m ake frequent references to other sects iahha titthiyas) and
m i
u f u f t r r t u j u i u
ijtw iti*
tît . l
kJi iuw js t g r t u
________________
i y i r z u y u
... A
ûîi dutia.
1S3
Jaina sources also corro b o rate the existence o f n u m ero u s sects, 184
O f these, special status has been given to six co n tem p o rary non_
_
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l;i ________l_______i_
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cates the em inence and influence w hich early B uddhist tradition

182 A.K. C oo mar aswam y, Buddha and the Gospel of Buddhism, p. 154.
1S3 D.JV., I, p. 34.
184 Sutrakritdhga, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S .B .E ., Vol. XIV, pp 315*
19.
lSS A .L . B a sh a m , l l i s t o t y and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 10.
36
a ttr ib u ted to th ese s ix d issid en t teach ers. 186 S ig n ifica n tly , there is a
Carious reference to the same six sects and their leaders in the M ilindapanha, a Pali text attributed to the first century b .c .,187 w hich
liiigut luuiCaiC tiic conunuiiig im portance oi tuc uissiucni tiauuicn
even into later years.
^
^ ^
^ i
Th o samisna tyctditi&n
India had been familiar w ith hermits, thinkers, and philosophical

speculation generally from very early times but, as Rhys Davids
has argued, the intellectual m ovem ent before the rise o f Buddhism
(as it has com e dow n to us) was largely a lay m ovem ent, not a
priestly o n e.188 W hat distinguished the period in which Buddhism
arose was the appearance o t th e paribbdjaka or the samana. The char
acteristic feature o f the paribbdjakas was their state o f houseless
ness. In Pali texts they are described as going forth from the hom e
into homelessness (agdrasmd andgdriyum). They w andered from one
place to another w ith the chief object o f meeting distinguished
teachers and philosophers, and entering into discussions w ith them.
D u tt has treated the parivrdjaka tradition as the seed-bed which gave
rise to all the w andering groups, w hatever their sects, denom ina
tions and ideals may have been.
T h e roots o f the parivrdjaka tradition itself have been traced to
pre-A ryan times. Scattered evidence from the Indus Valley civiliza
tion and Vedic texts has been pieced together by scholars to argue
that the ascetic tradition was derived from the pre-Aryans. The
Kesi Sukta o f the Rg Veda189 indicates the awe which the figure o f
the m uni evoked in the Rg Vedic mind, and indicates that the figure
o t the m uni was alien to Rg Vedic culture. It is also argued that asce
ticism was directly opposed to the entire Weltanschauung o f the Rg
Veda.190 Similarly, D utt has suggested the possible connection bet
w een sramanism and the imperfectly Aryanized communities o f
the east.191 A ccording to Kalupahana, although the ascetic tradition
o f the non-A ryans was relegated to the background by the m ore
186 D .N ., 1, pp. 4 1 -4 .
187 Milindapanha, tr. by l.B. H orner, Questions o f King Milinda, Vol. I, p. 6.
188 -p ^
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 69.
189 % Veda, X , 136.
190 G, C. Pande, Studies in the Origins o f Buddhism, p. 258.
191 S. D utt, Early Buddhist Monachism, p. 56. See also D .R . Bhandarkar, Some
Aspects o f Ancient Indian Culture, p. 53.
37
m undane A ryan tradition, it could not be completely wiped out.

A fter rem aining dorm ant for a while it seems to have re-em erged
w ith fresh vigour and vitality at the time o f the Buddha. Kalupahana observes that the history o f Indian philosophy m ay be described
as a story o f the struggle for supremacy between these tw o
:raditions.192 It seems fairly clear that the sixth century B.C. was
heir to a tradition w hich existed from the earliest Hm.es and became
a unique feature o f Indian civilization; one that has even survived
into contem porary times.
W hat united the parihbdjakas was their opposition to the estab
lished tradition o f the brdhmanas based on the cultus o f the sacrifice,
i^hich was central to their ideology. They were also opposed to the
claims o f the brdhmanas to pre-eminence in society. It was in regard
to these tw o features that dissent was expressed m ost sharply by the
various non-conform ist sects. At the time o f the Buddha the
brdhmanas were strongly identified w ith the ritual o f sacrifice, and
this w as a m ajor area o f disagreem ent between them and the
titthiyas. By the m edieval period the brdhmanas did not have
a hom ogeneous set o f beliefs w ith which they could be identi
fied. N evertheless, non-conform ist groups o f the future, such as
the Lingayats, continued to express their dissent to the brdhmana's claim to pre-eminence. In the sixth century B.C.
the parihbdjakas were both anti-Vedic and anti-Brahmanic in
their attitude,193 opposed in particular to the brdhmanas claim
to a special know ledge o f the revealed teaching hereditary in
their caste.194 The Pali canon bears ample testim ony to both
these features. The samana shunned all tokens o f Vedic culture such
as the sacred thread (upavtta) or the symbolic tuft o f hair on the
head (sikha), and he did not perform yagna . T he rituals relating to
renunciation make this quite clear. T he renouncer was to stretch his
lim bs symbolically over the sacred utensils, thereby signifying his
renunciation o f them . H e was to throw the w ooden utensils into
fire, the earthen into water, and give the metal ones to his
teacher.196 T he Mahavagga gives a similar account o f the symbolic
D av id J. Kalupahana, Buddhist Philosophy; A Historical Analysts., pp. 34.
1Q? B .fv i. B a ru a , rre-DHHrnuf inman l Jniiosvpny, p . loV ,
194 A .K . W arder, 4O n the Relationship between Buddhism and other C ontem

porary System s, B .S .O .A .S ., Vol. XVHI, 1956, p. 51.
195 3, D u tt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries of India, p. 38.
190 Paul Deussen, The Philosophy o f the Upattishads, p. 376,
38
gesture made by the jatila U ruvela Kassapa and his followers, w ho

shaved their heads and threw away their m atted hair along w ith
their im plem ents o f fire w orship into the nearby river, before they
approached the Buddha for ordination (upasampada).m
Renouncers and householders
T he samana or the paribbajaka broke especially those rules that ap

plied to the householder {gahattha). U nlike the Upanishadic seers,
w ho often retreated into the woods accompanied by their wives,
the samanas or paribbdjakas renounced their homes, cutting off all
ties w ith their kinsmen, and lived by collecting alms from the peo
ple. T he gahaitha and paribbdjakas were thcrcfurc polar opposites.
T he samanas advocated lifelong renunciation since they believed in
a com plete division between the social and asocial w orlds. B uddh
ist tcALs clearly re veal a complete separation o f the social and asocial
w orlds. The w orld o f the householder (gihi) and the w orld of the
bhikkhu were clearly demarcated and irrevocably opposed to each
other.
The opposition between the social and asocial w orlds is
strikingly dem onstrated in the Mahduagga , where the Buddha
appears in the im age o f a destroyer and wrecker o f homes in the
eyes o f the M agadhan people.199 This opposition forms a constant
and unifying them e o f the Buddhist texts in general, and o f the Pdtim okkka rules o f the Vinaya Pi taka in particular. The Pdtimokkha was
a list o f 227 rules o f conduct to be observed by the bhikkhu. A sec
tion o f the Pdtimokkha called the Sekhiya Dhamma200 consists o f 75
rules o f etiquette which were to be observed by bkikkkusr and
alm ost all deal w ith the bhikkltus7 interaction w ith the laity. The
opposition between the bhikkhu and the gihi is repeatedly stated in
this section o f the rules, and, interestingly, the laity themselves ex
pected the separation to be maintained. Their criticism o f the bhik khus is frequently stated thus: 'H ow can these recluses, sons o f the
Sakyans, dress w ith their inner robe hanging dow n . . . [or] sit
d o w n lolling about , . . [or] laugh a great laugh . . . ju st like
p. 33.
198 T his is best dem onstrated w ith the example o f the mahdporisa. The mahdporisa
has tw o clear alternatives: either to live the life o f a householder and become a cakkavatti thus heading the social w orld; or to renounce the world and become a tatkdgata
thus heading the asocial w orld.
197 M a h a va g g a ,
1Q9 M a h d va g g a , p . 4 1 ,
700 P a iittiy a , p p . 2 4 5 - 7 8 .
39
Environment at. the Time o f the Buddha
householders w h o enjoy the pleasures o f the senses?201 The division

b etw een the social and the asocial w orld and the opposition be
tw een bhikkhu and gihl, som etim es explicitly stated and at other
tim es latent, runs like a thread through the Buddhist texts. It is a
central feature o f Buddhist id eology w hich should be borne in
m ind, since it helps explain m any apparent contradictions in
B u d d h ism .202
Samanas and brahm anas

It is clear that the samanas or paribhdjakas were opposed to the no
tion o f progress by stages or the theory o f dsramas which became a
c e n t r a l f e a t u r e o f H i n d u dharma, A w e l l - d r a w n c o n t r a s t is m a d e b e
tw een the dsrama ideal o f Brahm anism advocated by the father, and
the renunciation ideal espoused by the son, in the famous pitdputra
samvdda i n t h e &dnti Part/a o f t h e M a h a b h a r a t a . 203 W h il e con
troversy on the question o f the dsrama theory pre-dating the rise o f
B uddhism may be irrelevant here, certain points related to the term
sramana ( S a n s k r i t f o r P a l i santana) n e e d t o b e n o t e d . T h e w o r d f i r s t
appears in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad204 and is used for one en
gaged in a religious endeavour but significantly, i n the later Upanij
411U
.-ti * l_____i.L ^ ~z
L ilt i^srutf_____
rrtu m
ifu jy w n t i t u i l u jru m u u i l u i_ y im u a i i i v u u vi.:_
n,
the term is conspicuous by its absence. After the Buddha, it came to

be m onopolized by Buddhists and Jainas and was used as a generic
term for t h e titth iy a s . Similarly, t h e t e r m s a tttiy a s in f o r a r c n o u n c e r
became denominational in usage, confined only to the Brahmanical
and semi-Brahmanical tradition, but never used by Buddhists and
k : ___ 205 ta'L
_________^
1,
i a m
jAiiiao*
. lid*.l jurnurm
j s a w vuviiiavivw
û
evident from num erous references in Pali literature. Buddhist

m onks w ere looked upon w ith disfavour by brdhmanas and criti
c i z e d for h a v i n g r e n o u n c e d s o c ia l lif e a n d d u t ie s p r e m a t u r e l y : t h e
B uddha him self was once abused for this by a brdhmana househol
der at Rajagaha.206 Brahm anical literature in the form o f the Upani 301 Seyyathdpigiki kamabkogino (Pacittiya, p. 245; B .O .D ., III, p. 120).
202 See C hapters III, IV and V.
203 Mahabharata, ed. by V.S. Sukhtankar and S.K. Belvalkar, Vol. 15, pp. 961-9,
See also D .R . Bhandarkar, Some Aspects o f Ancient Indian Culture , p. 54.
204 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, tr. by F. M ax Muller, S.B .E., Vol. XVI, p. 169.
205 S. D u tt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries o f India, p. 42.
206 S .N ., I, p. 161. See also Haripada Chakraborty, Asceticism in Indian Culture, p.
216.
40
Social D im ensions o f Early Buddhism
sads and D hannasdtras frequently refer to the grihastha dsrama as the

best d sra m a 207 It is significant that in the Pali canon even M ara, the
evil one, takes the Form o f a brdhmana w hen he advocates to the
D ..JJL .
JJ U U U U d
j.1__ ___________ __ __ _ r ..................... Jl_____ l 2 0 8

LU^ g i v i n g
UJJ U 1 JU r/fU ftU liU U U .
T i.__ l____________ _
L d t V l H\J W V V U ,
~
IkJ.1V
brdhmana cam e to cham pion som e o f the values o f an ascetic and,
according to T am biah, this created a paradoxical situation in w hich

brdhmanas b e c a m e t h e r e p o s i t o r y o f i m p o r t a n t sannydsin v a l u e s
w hile rem aining in the w o rld .209 A t the tim e o f the B uddha h o w ev
er, the brdhmana w as seen as a householder by the brdhmanas th em V V O
iin tVV
ir aV Jl. 11
A J
n
Im
t rtfVi nt-cJ
j
k/ J
1 'h
n -td
H V
rwr*trn - w
j u
Jl t I ' l V H j '
g x
t w j
V iw a x
ance o f this in a statem ent o f the brdhmana Vassakara, an im p o rtan t

official o f M agadha. V assakara declared that the brdhmanas pro
claim ed a m an to be great if he possessed four qualities, one o f w hich
w as skill in the business o f being a householder.210 Sim ilarly, the
brdhmana Subha, w h o w as o n a business visit to Savatthi, tells the
B ud d h a th at the brdhmanas believed that only the householder could
accom plish the rig h t path and n o t the recluse (gahattho dradhako hoti ,
na pabbaja dradhako holt) 211 T he people sim ilarly see the term s
gahattha and brdhmana as interchangeable categories.212 It has been
held th at th e ro o t o f the contradiction o f renunciation as a social
p h e n o m e n o n w as the negation o f th e social function o f grihastha b y
the re n o u n c e r.213 In this co n tex t the references to U d d alak as tw o
sons are w o rth noting; Svetaketu w h o becam e an ascetic and
N achiketas w h o w as a su pporter o f Vedic religious rites and duties
as a h o u seh o ld er .214 C l early the tw o em body opposing principles
an d are sy m b o lic o f the new developm ents in the religious m ilieu o f
th e tim e. T h e Mahdbhdrata also refers to som e brdhmanas w h o , tak in g to asceticism im m ediately after brahmacarya, w ere denounced
b y In d ra and m ade to m a rry .215 T here are also references in the
207 S. D u tt, Early Monastic Buddhism, pp. 5 7 -8 ; Chandogya Upanishad 8.15; Gauta
ma Dharmasiitra , tr. by F. M ax M uller, S .B .E ., Vol. II, p. 193; Vdsisktha Dharmasutra, tr. by G eorge B uhler, S .B .E ., Vol. X IV , p. 44.
20 S . N ., I, pp. 11617; For a sim ilar idea in ja in a literature see Sutrakritdnga , tr.
by F. M ax M uller. S .B .E ., Vol. X L V . p. 265.

209 S.J. T am biah, Buddhism and the Spirit Cults o f N orth-East Thailand , p. 64.
210 A.JV., II, p. 38.
2,1 M .N., II, p. 469.
212 Mahavagga, p. 43.
213 R. T h a p a r, R enunciation: T h e M aking o f a C o u n te r C u ltu re? in Ancient Indi
an Social H istory, p. 80.
214 G .S . G h u ry e , Indian Sadhus , p. 34.
215 H . C h a k ra b o rty , Asceticism irt Indian Culture , p. 52.
41
A tharva Veda and the Aitereya Brdhmana216 to Indra killing yatis

(another term for ascetics), which suggests that sannyasa or renuncia
tion was originally only the theory o f dissidents who revolted

against the ritualism o f the orthodox hrdhmanas. It is o f some sig
nificance that Buddhism provides the earliest references to the de
bate on the utility o f renunciation- In the Samahhaphala Sutta o f the
D lgha N ikdya217 king Ajatasattu is depicted as having approached
the leaders o f the six dissident sects, who were the Buddhas con
temporaries, with the same question: What is the fruit, visible in
this very world, o f the life o f a recluse? There is no indication o f
the same question being put to any brdhmana. It is reasonably clear
from the evidence available to us that the dissident sects were the
first to advocate lifelong asceticism as the path to salvation. It is also
in Pali literature that the compound expression samana-brdhmana be
came a current one, denoting the two opposing systems o f the
samanas and the hrdhmanas. S i g n i f i c a n t l y the grammarian Patahjali uses the example o f sramana-brdhmana to illustrate an antagonis
tic com pound (samahdra dvanda) and remarks that the opposition o f
the tw o was eternal (yesham cha virodhah sdsvatikah). like that o f the
snake and the m ongoose,219 The tw o categories were so important
at the time o f the Buddha that the period as a whole has been char
acterized by Barua as the Age o f the Sramanas and the
Brahmanas.220
The opposition between the hrdhmanas on the one hand, and the
samanas as typified by the Buddhist bhikkhu on the other, is a con
stant feature o f the Pali texts. There are numerous derogatory refer
ences to the hrdhmanas , w ho are depicted in a variety o f negative
situations. Their vices include pride, deceit, avarice, and even
crimes such as matricide and patricide, beside milder human fail
ings such as gluttony. In the Vessantara Jdtaka the well-known clas
sic o f the Buddhist tradition, which relates the deeds o f a prince
m
216 Ibid., pp. 10-11, 52; Atharva Veda, II, 3; Aitereya Brdhmana, VII, 2 8 .1.
217 D .N ., I, p.45; D .B ., I, p. 6.
Z1S T h e expression also occurs in the Jaina texts (Stitrakritahga tr. by H erm ann
Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E ., pp. 237, 241, 245, 287, 339), and in the Asokan inscrip
tions (E. H ultzsch, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarium , Vol. I, pp. 4, 5, 14, 15, 18,), and
in G reek w ritings (R .C . M ajum dar. Classical Accounts o f India, pp. 42548).
2)<* The Vyakamm Mahdbhdsya of Patahjali, ed. by F. Kielhorn, Vol. I, pp. 474,
476.
220 B ,M . Barua, Pre-Buddhist Indian Philosophy, p. 191.
42
w ho practised perfect generosity (and w hose legend is one o f the

m ost popular in the entire Buddhist world), the villain o f the narra
tive is an old and greedy brdhmana. This crotchety brdhmana is m ar
ried to a young beautiful w om an w ho exhorts him to get ail kinds
o f im possible things for her. Since the old brahmana dotes on his
wife, he is w illing to do anything for her, regardless ofethical con
siderations. H e even asks for the gift o f Vessantaras young children
to slave for his spoilt w ife.221 The actual basis o f the opposition was
the fact that brdhmanas lived like other householders, acquiring
w ealth and possessions, and led a thoroughly m undane existence.
T hey w ere an integral part o f the social w orld w hich, according
to the Buddhists was an obstruction to the higher life*.222 This opposi
tion is explicitly stated in the Chavaka Jdtaka wliich gives an ampli
fied version o f a story leading to one o f the vinaya rules, namely,
that the bhikkhu should not occupy a seat which is low er than that
o f a person being taught the uliainm a.32^ Both versions exhort the
brahmana to go forth* and become a paribbdjaka , and this focuses
on the root o f the opposition between the bhikkhu and the brdhmana :
the condition o f honiclessncss.
C om m enting on th e ja ta k a version, A lsdorf points to the antibrahm anical tenor o f the verse w hich represents the brahmana as a
glutton w ho violates the sacred prescription that a teacher m ust n o t
sit on a low er seat than his pupil in the case o f a king w ho provides
excellent food and an easy life.224 The brdhmana actually states his
m
4.1__ . i r
1 /:
.
c î_ .
___
jsuaiLivMi
mus. i Ldi, _jjuic iajuu
.
ui uic iui-ai. ûdiJLky
nvt
w ith m eat sauce. Therefore, I do not practice that dhamma practiced
by the rishis.225 According to the Buddhists, this greed for mate
rial possessions and com forts was the root cause o f the brahmana*s
fall from the values and norm s expected o f him. In a graphic de
scription in the Sutta Nipata, the ritual o f the sacrifice was itself re
lated to the brdhmanas1drive for wealth. A group o f w ealthy but de
crepit and old brdhmanas o f Kosala came to see the Buddha and in
quired o f him w hether brdhmanas o f the day were engaged in the
221 T h e Jdtakas, ed, by V. Fausboll, Vol. VI, pp. 479-547.
222 D .N ., I, pp. 2089. See also Uttarddkyayana, Jaina Sutras, tr. by H erm ann
Jacobi, S.B E., Vol. XLV, p. 52.
223 T he Jdtakas, ed. by V. Fausboll, Vol. Ill, pp. 27-30; Pdcittiya, pp. 275-6.
224 L. A lsdorf, The Im pious Brahm an and the Pious Candala in L. Cousins et al.
(eds.), Buddhist Studies i H onouro/L B . Homer, pp. 913.
225
i*}
43
Environm ent at the Tim e o f the Buddha
brdkmana-dhamma o f ancient brdhmanas. This gave the Buddha an
o p p o rtu n ity to vent his grievances on the faults o f contem porary

brdhmanas . A ccording to h im ,226 the brdhmanas o f old w ere self
restrained and penitent, having abandoned the objects o f the five
senses. T h ey ow ned no cattle, gold, or corn: bur they had instead
the best treasure, w hich was m editation. They collected as alms
w h at w as prepared for them and placed as food at the door, and
they w ere revered by the people for their austerity. If householders
they w ere m oderate in their bodily desires, but the best w ere com
pletely chaste. T hey collected rice, butter, and oil from the people
ju stly and perform ed sacrifices w ith them , but they did not kill
cow s. Subsequently, how ever, there was a change am ong the
brdhmanas , and this was attributed to theit w itnessing the prosperity
o f kings. T h e brdhmanas began to covet the wealth and beauty that
they saw around them , and this led them to advocate sacrifices such
as assamedha, purisamedha , and vdjapeya to the king O kkaka. The
king then offered these sacrifices and gave the brdhmanas w ealth,
including cows, beds, garm ents, adorned w om en, w ell-m ade char
iots d raw n by w ell-bred horses, and beautiful places filled w ith
c o rn .227 T h e entire narrative suggests that the brdhmanas w ere un
able to resist the increasingly materialistic orientation o f society.
T h is resulted in a transform ation o f the simple sacrificial ritual into
an elaborate and cruel one involving the slaughter o f num erous
anim als as a means to gaining great wealth and possessions for
them selves. T he brdhmanas thus earned their im age in B uddhist
literature as exploiters.
T he brdhmanas *firm entrenchm ent in the social w orld is very evi
dent from the Pali texts. T hey were a well-settled category o f peo
ple w h o lived in villages, som etim es cultivating large tracts ofland.
T here is no evidence o f a taboo on the brdhmanas participation in
agriculture. In fact, the picture o f the brdhmana that em erges from
the Pali texts is one in v hich m ost brdhmanas w ere firm ly entren
ched in agriculture.228 T here is no indication o f their living on
226 Swffii N ip d ta , Khuddaka N ika ya , Vol. I, pp. 311 - 14,
227 Ibid., p. 313.
228 See, for example, the Kasibhdradvdja Sutta o f the Sutfd Nipdta (Khuddaka Nikaya,
\V
T jil
u n
Ij f
frH
3 Q 1 /\ b u
C n
i nui u 1af*ii
b u
1j p 1 1 \h lm-îq.1
nvi
ij
aiii
J i v a L im /i -l*
u tu
4-t ki i-iu4-t lni nv hn u

n^j
n v
l v -f-
^ t w wvvv
ing diligence (appamato) since he has to look after Ks wife and children, support his
parents and w o rk people and perform services for his kith and km and his guests
(M .N ., 11 p. 450; A IL ,S ., II, p. 373).
44
alms. O nly a few brahmanas appear to have been pursuing the task
o f teaching other young brahmanas, but even many o f these were
w ell provided for. They were the major recipients o f the
brahmadeya lands in Kosala and Magadha and sometimes possessed
additional property away from their homes. JanussonT is a good ex
ample o f the wealthy brdhmana. Pali texts mention his possessing a
white chariot with silver fittings and white trappings drawn by
four pure white mares. He drove about in this chariot dressed in
white garments, a turban and sandals. His chariot was considered
the finest in all Savatthi,229
U nlike the paribbdjakas w ho w andered around m eeting other
thinkers and having discussions w ith them , the hrdhmanas rem ained
in their o w n settlem ents, except w hen they travelled in connection
w ith their w ork, w hich was in the nature o f business. If bhikkhus or
the Buddha met some o f these brahmanas it was because the bhikkhus
toured from one place to another. In contrast to those o f the samanasi the discussions o f the brahmanas hardly ever centred on philo
sophical questions.230 The stock questions that the brahmanas took
up w ith the B uddha related to the pre-em inence o f the brahmanas as
a social group w ho deserved the best gifts because o f their know
Occasionally they sought an explanation
ledge o f the Vedas
from the B uddha for his allegedly not respecting aged and w ellestablished hrdhmanas.232 They also censured the B uddha for advo
cating a path for the bhikkhus w hich w ould yield gain, if any, for
one individual only, whereas the system o f sacrifice advocated and
perfo rm ed by th em b ro u g h t m erit to many people.233
*
, 231
B rahm ana as a normative term

H ow ever,* not all the references to the brahmanas
in the B uddhist
t
texts are negative. W hile there are num erous attacks on them for
m aking unw arranted claims to social pre-em inence and their sys
tem o f sacrifice w hich involved the slaughter o f animals, there are
also frequent positive references to them as possessors o f spiritual229 S .N ., IV, p. 6.
230 S .N ., II, pp. 18-19, 21, S .N ., HI, pp. 204, 223; M .N ., I, p p . 291, 126; M .N .,
II, p. 173.
231 D .N ., I, p. 80; Af.JV., II, p. 404; A .N I, p. 153.
232 The Vinaya Pitaka opens w ith a passage o f this kind {Parajtka, p. 3), See also
A .N .. I f pp. 24, 487.
233 A . A /., I, p . 155.
45
____
l vtnn*_____
__ _1*1
_ i_ _
_ 1_______
!_
ny, rr,i
n i t t-viiiipvjuuu
surfHArtu-uiurirrtuTH*,
wiuui
wc
udvc caiucj.
show n to represent tw o distinct and opposing categories, also posses
ses a unity in relation to the ordinary mass o f people to w hom they
arc jo in tly opposed. T he term appears in this sense not only in the
Pali canon but also in jaina literature, in MegasthenesIndka, and in the
A iokan inscriptions. It refers to a respected group w ho were posses_______,1 __________
____J ________ _
: . i ___ l
avi9 v~ ic lMiuwitugv
4iiuJ tnîii
nidi uiauiiguiaiiû
ui^m uvui mt
com m on people. T he Buddhist texts often refer to the laity's critic
ism o f any m oral lapses on the part o f the bhikkhus which according
to th e m is unlike the behaviour expected from a samana or a brdhma
na. T h e Pdrdjika, for exam ple, states that some bhikkhus suggested
suicide to a lay follow er whose wife complained that the Sakyaputtas w ere shameless and im m oral. She says: There is no rccluseship
am ong these, no brahm inhood am ong these , . . fallen from recluseship are these, fallen from brahm inhood are these. The people
around w ere also angry and said: These have departed from
b rah m in h o o d '.234 There are num erous other examples o f this kind
in the texts and in all these situations the w ider society is show n to
treat brdhmanas and samanas ideally as possessors o f spiritual m erit
for w h o m the norm s are different from those for ordinary people.
T h a t the brdhmanas represented the traditional and established relir * <r v i r r
g i w u j v a v v -^ v x J i nn m
t f u v i v v jr
tv (u
xvw
^ i u ^ v u t* -i u* t o m j r vV nJiv t vhv
f
l/ wv
also by the dissident sects. The titthiyas could not ignore the brdhma
nas potential for a higher life, nor could they fail to notice the im
age o f the brdhmanas in the existing Indian mind. This accounts for
their special status in the Pali and Jaina texts. Both use the same
metaphor to express this idea. The God Sakka (tndra) comes in
both traditions in the form o f a brdhmana to bless the respective
sects in the presence o f a wide audience.235
Significantly while the Buddha refused to accept that the brdhma
nas had any inherent qualities that w ere superior to others he did
not reject the term brdhmana as a conceptual category. The Buddha
used it instead in the sense o f an ideal value to represent acquired
spiritual m erit w hich was open to evetyone. It appears in the same
sense in the Jaina literature too.236 The Buddha even used the term
Parajtka , p. 89; B . O . D . , V o l. I, p. 125.
235. Mahavagga, p. 37; Vttarddhyayana, tr, by H erm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E.,
Vol. X L V , p. 40.
236 Uttarddhyayarta, tr. by H erm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E., pp. 138-9.
46
Social Dimensions o f Early Buddkism
as a n e p im e t, fo r n im seit a n a a w n o ie section o f the Dhammapada~

c o n tain s a c o m p ila tio n o f verses in w h ich th e te rm is used to de
scrib e a p e rso n w h o has acquired a sp iritual status. It appears so m e
tim e s as a s y n o n y m fo r arahant> o r a p erso n w h o has achieved th e
g o al o f th e h ig h e r life. In th is ideal sense th ere w as n o c o n tra d ic tio n
b e tw e e n th e brdhmana an d th e samana, as b o th w o u ld th en be p a rt o f
a sim ila r tra d itio n o f people striv in g to attain salvation th ro u g h
th e ir o w n effo rt.
O ther sects at the time o f the Buddha
T h e B u d d h ists q u ite n atu ra lly had a sense o f id e n tity w ith the anna
titthiyas as th e y w ere p a rt o f th e w id e r paribbajaka c u ltu re in w h ic h
th e B u d d h is ts h ad m an y o f th eir ro o ts. T h e M afjhima N ika ya 238
p o in ts to th e sim ilarities b e tw e e n th e B u d d h ists a n d th e paribbdja ka sf w h ic h in d icates th a t it w as so m etim es difficult to tell th e d if
feren ce bcLween th e tw o , ev en th ro u g h th e discerning eyes o f o th e r
parihbdjakas. T h e w o rd bhikkhu, w h ich w as a d o p te d b y th e B u d d h
ists, m eans receiver o f alm s.239 T his aspect o f the bhikkhus* existence
b e c a m e th e basic featu re b y w h ich a recluse w as defined. T h e Dtgha
N ika ya treats th e samana as o n e w h o lived o n fo o d p ro v id e d by
o th e rs .240 H o w e v e r th e bhikkhu was d istin g u ish ed fro m th e o rd in
ary b e g g a r b y th e sacram ental character o f his b eg g in g , w hich w as
n o t m e re ly a m eans o f subsistence b u t the o u tw a rd to k e n o f an in
n e r state o f a p erso n w h o h ad ren o u n ced th e w o r ld .243 M en o f this
c o m m u n ity w e re reco g n ized b y their b eg g in g b o w ls, the visible
s y m b o l o f th e m e n d ic a n t's calling. T h e samana o r th e paribbajaka
w as re c o g n iz e d as so m eo n e w h o had released h im s e lf fro m social
tics an d e c o n o m ic tasks in o rd e r to p u rsu e certain goals. T h e w id e r
so ciety , b y an d large, en d o rse d these goals, a lth o u g h th e p h e
n o m e n o n o f re n u n ciatio n d id have its critics. In th e Kasibhdradvaja
___ 1 _ am e. umu
________________
__r ..c
LC.'i.
owlit* riu i tAemipjit,
ccmiimiujc
m e ml
uic- urttKKrm
is q____
u cstio n e d , sig n ifican tly e n o u g h b y a brdhmana. T h e brdhmana
K asibharadvaja, w h o o w n ed a large tract o f land and was personally
:____u1iv tui II* IV3 IlIdllAgCUIClll,
.. pUJlULCUiy
.
n_. _LM
_IV
uA .LU
i. C
. UUUU1W
t > i 11. IU WULfc.
1
iliv
a n d su stain h im self, in stead o f b eg g in g . H e says, *1 p lo u g h an d I
237 Dhctnmapada , Khuddaka N ikaya, Vo]. 1, pp. 53-7,
M . N . , I, p . 11 7 .
239 S . D u t t , Buddhist M onks and Monasteries in India, p . 3 6 .

240 D . N
I, p . 7.
241 S. D u tt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries in India, p. '16.
47
s o w and then I eat. Y ou also plough and so w and then eat. {akang
kho samana, kassdmi cha vapdmi cha; kasitva cha, vappitva cha bhutijd m i; tvang p i, samana, kassasu cha vappassu cha; kasitva cha vappitva
rL uu
b f t w
l / i v m r
r y
r v ^ (
242
A M W J
*iT ^ T " * m
V 4 w
U A t f V
*U
V A V
IT
A A A y j A
m o n k h ad to face in his daily alms round.243 Nevertheless the in

stitu tio n o f the renouncer was already well established in the sixth
century B.C. T his is evident from the narrative describing the Bud
d h a s first sortee outside the cloisters o f the palace. Three o f the dis
tu rb in g sights that he encounters are: a sick man, an old m an, and
the corpse o f a dead m an. Finally he com es across a renouncer and
this is a pointer to the w ay out o f the cycle o f misery. The fourth
sign indicates that the act o f renunciation by the Buddha was neith
er origin al n o r w ith o u t precedent . H e had before him w h en he left
th e w o rld the exam ple o f the w orld forsaker and m endicant.244
Som e o f these paribbdjakas w andered alone, others had small
bands o f fo llo w ers, blit they seem ed to share an active in volvem en t
in the tradition o f debate. Some w ere still groping while others had
w o rk ed o u t a broad philosophy, but all tried to com prehend each
o th e r s thinking. T h e Buddha h im self w ent through various stages
o f association w ith other thinkers, tw o o f w hom he publicly ack

n ow ledged as having helped him to arrive upon final
en lig h ten m
en t.245 T he usual coreerina
hf'+ween
various r n-----------------a rih h /ii/ib /if
j- - - o
- --------r ------------
----------
w o u ld be to inquire about the particular dhamma and the teacher
(sattha) th at they followed. T he dhamma was the inner sign o f the
alm sm ans calling, ju st as the begging bow l was its outer
sy m b o l.246
T he tradition o f debate was greatly facilitated by the existence o f
debatingc halls (kutdodr/isdla\
and
r orrhards wherp
rhp
v
o
sneeial- rnarks
----------- o
-------------------------------------------------- ----------samanas could stay in the course o f their travels. T he Pali texts give
num erous instances o f discussions in these m eeting places.247 The
M aiihim a N ika va m entions oarihhaiakas collecting in a w anderers
park for the period o f the rains. This generated a discussion on the
em inence o f each sect. All the paribbdjakas referred to their respec
tive leaders (gandcariyo) as bhagava , which w as also used for the
J
-f-
(j
242 Sutta N ipata , K huddaka N ikaya, Vol. I, p, 281.

243 Sutrakritartga, tr. by H erm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S .B .E ., Vol. XLV, p. 263.
5. Dutt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries in India, p. 36.
245 M. N . , I, pp. 213-15.
246 S. Dutt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries in India , p. 46.
247 M .N ., 11, pp. 173, 224; Af.JV., I. pp. 126, 291; A . N .. II. p. 32.
48
B u d d h a b y h i s f o l l o w e r s . 248 T h e f r e q u e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i n c o m m o n
m eeting ground not only encouraged a m ovem ent o f ideas from

one group to another but probably enabled the fostering o f the
b a s i c c u l t u r e w h i c h a ll t h e g r o u p s s e e m t o h a v e s h a r e d .
T h e samana tradition as a w hole was also affected in varying de

grees by asceticism, w hich appears to have been a vital aspect o f
their culture. T his is m ost s t r i k i n g in the c a s e o f the C a r v a k a s o r the
Lokayatas, and even the Ajivikas w hose philosophies should logi
cally have discounted the need for asceticism. B oth sects have been
ditionalists and the Experientialists.249 The Rationalists derived
their know ledge from reasoning and speculation w ithout any
__ ____________ ______ t
___________________________________
i_
rejected idealist metaphysics and treated the physical w orld as the

only reality. T he physical w orld functioned according to a set pat
tern w hich they called inherent nature ( s v a b h a to ) ,^ H um an life
w as com pletely determ ined by this physical law, and psychic law
was nothing but a by-product o f the four great material elements
( m a h a b h iita s ) , earth, w ater, fire, and air, and hence could not exert
any influence on the physical personality or the outside w orld. D is
course on m orality was meaningless since the destruction o f the
physical personality m eant that m an was com pletely cut o ff and
annihilated after death. There was no after-life and no karma w hich
affirm ed continuity o f action in the form o f consequences. The
O arvaka leader is depicted as telling king Ajatasattu, T here is no
such thing as alms or sacrifice or offering. There is neither fruit n o r
result o f good or evil deeds. There is no such thing as father nor
m other. . . there are in this w orld no s a m a n a s or b r d h m a n a s w ho
have reached the highest point. A hum an being is built o f four ele
m ents. W hen he dies the earth in him relapses to the earth, the fluid
to w ater, the heat to fire, and w ind to air, and his faculties pass into
space. It is a doctrine o f fools, this talk o f gifts. Fools and wise alike
are cut o ff and annihilated on the dissolution o f the body.251 The
Ajivikas represented another form o f natural determ inism , b u t they
com bined m aterialism w ith a theory o f natural evolution. T he
A jivikas believed in continuity and survival, bu t this took the form
* * A f.N ., II, p. 224.
249 K .N . Jayatilleke, Early Buddhist Theory o f Knowledge, p. 101,
250 D ,J. Kalupahana, Buddhist Philosophy: A Historical Analysis, p. 32.
49
o f evolutionary transm igration w ith a predeterm ined end. A ccord'

ing to Basham , the Ajivikas represent a thorough recognition o f the
orderliness o f nature in the principle o f niyati (impersonal cosmic
principle) w hich was the only determ ining factor in the universe.252
T he principle o f predetermination meant that human effort was in
effectual. In the DTgha N ikdya, their philosophy is depicted as one
w here Existence is measured as w ith a bushel, w ith its jo y and sor
row , and its appointed end. It can neither be lessened or increased,
n o r is there any excess or deficiency o f it. Just as a ball o f thread
w ill, w hen throw n, unw ind to its full length, so fool and wise alike
w ill take their course and m ake an end o f pain.253 Despite their
avow ed rejection o f spiritual phenom ena, adherents o f the tw o
schools have been included am ong the sects subscribing to the re
nunciation tradition, and this has been one o f the puzzles o f Indian
philosophy. We suggest that their inclusion indicates their adher
ence to the broad samana culture which was vital for any group
w anting to propagate its philosophy. It was only in samana254 cul
ture that the m endicant philosophers were mobile, m et others like
them selves and participated in philosophical debates. In the sixth
century B .C . this was the only w ay in which a philosophy could be
propagated. It was not so m uch asceticism that was im portant, but,
rather, the w andering tradition; and since asceticism was an integral
part o f the w andering tradition it became an aspect o f the culture o f
any philosophical group.
Buddhism and other sects
T he com m on tradition o f the paribbajaka in which Buddhism was

em bedded had considerable influence in shaping and conditioning
B uddhism , and in settling the ethos and character upon w hich its
ow n system o f vinaya was gradually built.255 The central ritual o f
the bhikkhu was the fortnightly assembly o f m onks called the Pdti
m okkha , and was introduced into B uddhism following the custom
o f the Jainas w ho gathered together on uposatha days (first and fif
teenth days o f the m onth).256 The Jainas assembled and discussed
252 A.L. Basham, History and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 6.
253 J-, , ixT
I
T .J i J
|*r T
jr J
~ \
S J
E?
T _pr, If' l
A^
254 T he m ain features o f the samana culture apart from asceticism were antiV edism and the negation o f the grihastha status.
255 S. D utt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries o f India, p. 24,
290 Mahdvagga, p. 105.
50
the dhamma whereas the Buddhists transform ed it into an occasion

at w hich the vinaya rules w ere repeated. Similarly, the custom o f
observing a retreat during the rains {vassd-vdsa) t w hereby bhikkhus
suspended their incessant tours during the period o f the rains, grew
out o f sim ilar rules follow ed by other w andering groups. T he
Mahdvagga gives a very interesting account o f the Buddha sanction
ing the vassd-vdsa for bhikkhus . The narration refers to the people
being annoyed by the bhikkhus1 wanderings during the rains w hich
resulted in injury to the new crops being grow n. T hey criticized the
bhikkhus , saying, H ow can these Sdkyaputta samanas walk on tour
during the rains? Shall it be that those members o f other sects . . .
cling to and prepare a rains residence, shall it be that these birds
having m ade nests in tree tops, cling to and prepare a rainsresidence, w hile these Sdkyaputta samanas w alk on tour during the
cold w eather, the hot w eather and the rains, . . ,?258 The implica
tion is that all the other w andering groups, even birds, observed the
rain-retreat and so should the Buddhists. There is clear evidence o f
the custom being observed by other w andering groups. The Jainas
called it pajjusana and even brdhmana sannydsis w ere required to be o f
fixed residence (dhruvasila ) during the period,259
Like the relationship o f Buddhists w ith brahmanas, their rela
tionship w ith the ahha titthiyas was tw ofold. While they shared a
com m on anti-Vedic and anti-Brahm anic culture which gave them a
sense o f unity, the bhikkhu was also opposed to the anna-titthiyas in a
variety o f w ays. In fact there is evidence that the Buddha lound the
rival ascetic leaders and their monastic orders m ore subtle and
dangerous opponents than the champions o f the ancient faith.260
T h e opposition to them was based essentially on doctrinal differ
ences, but also flow ed to some extent from their position on the
question o f asceticism.261 The Buddha was distinguished from
m ost o f his rivals by his dissenting attitude tow ards self-m ortification, in w hich the others saw the path to deliverance. It is evi
d en t that the paribbdjakas w ere disturbed by his disparagem ent o f
extrem e asceticism ju st as brahmanas w ere bothered by the Bud
257 Ib id , p. 144,
258 r n r> i v n 1 RH
260 A .N ., I, pp. 3 3 -5 .
261 T h e problem o f asceticism was actually in a way p a n o f the doctrinal differ
ences w ith the anm Uuhiyas.
51
dhas annarent lack o f respect for their seniority, and w isdom . In

th e Kassapasihandda Sutta o f the Dtgha N ik a y a , the acelaka (a type
o f ascetic) Kassapa asks if the Buddha disparaged all penance and all
ascetics w h o lived a hard life.262 T he B uddha had to explain that he
did n o t disapprove o f all penances, but only o f the m ore extrem e
practices o f the samanas . H e stated his position on the subject o f
asceticism thus: M onks, these tw o extremes should not be fol
low ed by one w ho has gone forth as a w anderer. . . devotion to the
pleasures o f the senses [which] is unw orthy and unprofitable: and
d ev o tio n to self m ortification w hich is painful, unw orthy and
u n p ro fitab le.263
H ow ever, the B uddhas m oderation on the subject o f self m orti
fication m ade bhikkhus the object o f num erous attacks by the anna
titthiyas , w ho dismissed them contem ptuously as *mundagahapati\
literally shaven householders, thereby denying their samana
statu s.264 O n one occasion the Ajivikas sarcastically rem arked that
bhikkhus w ho w ere carrying sunshades looked like treasury officials
(g a m mahdmatta) and that they w ere not true bhikkhus (bhikkhu na
b h ikkh u ).265 Basham points out that Buddhists w ere particularly
vulnerable as accusations o f laxity in discipline were likely to affect
th e sim ple layfolk in w hose eyes the sanctity o f a religious order
w as estim ated by the severity o f its discipline and w ho bestow ed
alms accordingly.266
T h e idea that greater asceticism has m ore im pact on the people
was used by Devadatta in his manoeuvres to split the sahgha, and
gain the bhikkhusr support. This was his last move to capture the
leadership o f the B uddhist sahgha , after having failed in a series o f
o th er attem pts w hich included an attack on the life o f the Buddha.
Finally, he approached the Buddha w ith a proposal that the sahgha
should advocate stricter rules for its bhikkhus , w hich included
com pulsory forest dwelling; begging for alms and not accepting in
vitations to meals; clothing themselves in cast-off rags and no t
accepting the gift o f robes; living under trees, and abstaining from
eating fish. W hen the B uddha rejected the suggestion that these
should be the m inim um essential conditions for bhikkhus , D evadat
ta and his follow ing seceded from the sahgha. The significant points
in this account are that D evadatta carried a section o f the bhikkhus
-J.
m.
262 D .N ., I, 138.
263 K .S ., V, p. 356; S .N ., IV, p. 360.
264 Pacittiya, p. 128.
266 A.L. Basham , History and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 137.
52
Soda! Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
w ith him and that he had planned his strategy thus because he knew
he w ould receive support. Subsequently, the departing bhikkhus
had to be w on back by loyal followers o f the Buddha. Som e lay
people w ere also carried away by D evadattas stand and accused the
B uddha o f living in lu xury.267 There are instances o f kings expect
ing certain m inim um standards o f asceticism from the religious
sects. Thus U dena expressed disapproval o f Anandas accept
ance o f a gift o f five hundred robes.268 Similarly in the M ajjhim a
N ikd ya the king censures some samana-brdhmanas for not upholding
the ascetic tradition and tor enjoying the pleasures o f the senses
instead.269
T here w ere o f course very im portant doctrinal and metaphysical
differences betw een various sects too. D erogatory statem ents about
the respective philosophies o f the Buddhists and the Jainas w ere
com m on, and occasionally it appears that the criticisms consciously
or unconsciously m isrepresented philosophical positions.270 T here
was an undercurrent o f tension am ong the sects for they com peted
not only for grow th and advancement but also in receiving alms
from the laity. The leaders o f the sects attem pted to prevent any
erosion in their ranks as this meant loss o f prestige. Nevertheless,
there was considerable m ovem ent from one sect to another so that
sects w axed and waned or coalesced and remained constantly in a
fluctuating state in the com m unity.271 H ow ever even in this cross
m ovem ent the paribbdjakas seem to have evolved certain norm s. It
w as thus considered ethical for a person leaving one sect to join
another, to do so only after inform ing his original gandcariya. Sariputta and M oggallana w ere originally followers o f Sanjaya B elatthiputta bu t later joined the Buddhist sahgha and they represent the
best exam ples o f this tradition. Sanjaya sought to prevent this
m ove by offering to share the leadership o f the group w ith them
b u t Sariputta and M oggallana declined the offer.372 A similar
obligation was placed upon the leader o f a sect w hen he decided to
jo in another religious sect. W hen the jatila U ruvela Kassapa in
form ed his followers o f his im pending action he gave them the op267 Cullat-agga, pp. 297-9.
26S Ibid., p. 413.
269 M .N .. II, p. 367.
270
N , H, p. 177; 2 \ N . , Ill, p. 287; Sdtratcritdnga, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, Jaina
Sutras , S .B .E ., Vol. X IV , p. 411.
271 S. D titt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries in India, p. 49.
372 Mahavagga, pp. 401.
53
tion o f d e c id in g w h e th e r to rem ain j at Has o r j o in th e B u d d h ist

sahgha.273
T h e w idest doctrinal differences that the Buddhists exhibited

h i r h r n l o r c p r t uT
rp rp ri t h
- D ô X
r p m r r l t
o <-b
P **J*
Al117lVoC
**
T llP
Aftguttara N ikd ya condem ns M akkhali Gosala as one w ho has per
verted views and leads people astray, causing discom fort and sor
ro w to m ankind.274 Basham argues that M akkhali Gosala rather
than M ahavira em erges as the B uddhas chief opponent and
rival.275 This appears som ew hat strange in an era when there was
such a w ide range o f doctrines to oppose, and the Ajivikas by com
parison seem to have advocated a philosophy that was hardly
aggressive. B ut in spite o f their seeming mildness the Ajivikas
f o r m ed a f a i r l v/ fn n In n l a r s e r f- -w- h i c h s u r v- i-v--e---d -i n t o m------e d i e...
v a-l t.im e s
T he B uddhists evidently grasped the fact that a fatalistic philosophy

could have great appeal in a fast-changing w orld. Since Buddhists
w ere ardent advocates o f the doctrine o f ransalitv and the tiow er o f
hu m an effort in determ ining the future o f individuals, they particu
larly singled ou t the Ajivikas for an attack on philosophical
g ro u n d s.276 T he philosophy o f fatalism rould also have a dangerous
appeal. O ne o f the six thinkers, Purana Kassapa, whose teachings
becam e m erged in Ajivika th o u g h t,277 believed that neither selfm astery, n o r control o f the senses, nor speaking the truth, nor
alm s-giving w ould result in an increase in m erit. Similarly, no guilt
w ould ensue from crimes such as m urder, dacoity or adultery, or
the oDoression o f others. The Divha N ikava contains an account o f
die pow erful language in which these ideas were expressed:
M.
LJ
T o h im w h o a c ts
o r causes a n o th e r to act, to h im w h o m u tila te s o r
o r d e r s a n o th e r lu m u tila te , to h im w h o p u n ish e s o r cau ses a n o th e r to p u n
ish , to h im w h o c au ses g r ie f o r to r m e n t, , . . to h im w h o causes o th e rs to
tr e m b le , to h im w h o k ills a liv in g c re a tu re , w h o b re a k s in to h o u se s, w h o
r n m m i t s d a c o ity , o r ro b b e ry , o r h ig h w a y r o b b e ry , o r a d u lte ry , o r w h o
s p e a k s lies; to h im th u s a c tin g th e re is n o g u ilt. I f a d iscu s w ith a sh a rp e d g e
lik e a r a z o r s h o u ld m a k e alt th e liv in g c re a tu re s o n th e e a rth o n e h e a p , o n e
m a s s o f flesh , th e re w o u ld b e n o g u ilt th e n c e re s u ltin g , n o in cre ase o f g u ilt
w o u l d e n su e . W e re h e to g o a lo n g th e so u th b a n k o f th e G a n g a s trik in g
a n d s la y in g , m u tila tin g a n d h a v in g m e n m u tila te d , o p p re s s in g a n d h a v in g
273 Mahuvugga, p. 33.
714 A .l V., I, p. 34.
275 A.L. Basham, History and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 55.
27f> d .N 1, pp. 34, 367.
277 A .L, Basham , History and Doctrine o f the A jivikas , p. 24.
54
m e n o p p r e s s e d , th e r e w o u ld b e n o g u ilt th e n c e r e s u ltin g , n o in c re a s e o f
guilt w o u ld ensue.278
In the light o f these extrem e views, the rationale o f the B uddhist

condem nation o f the Ajlvikas becom es evident. In contrast, th e ja tilas w ere given a special place in the B uddhist system because their
doctrines w ere m ore acceptable to Buddhists. T he ja tila s are de
scribed as being k a m m a vd d in and kiriya vd d in (doctrines o f action) in
the B uddhist literature.279
A lth o u g h B uddhism was influenced by the paribhdjaka culture, it
separated itself from the parent com m unity gradually by its ow n
m odifications. D u tt states that the milieu o f the w andering alms
m en w as the starting point from w hich B uddhism 's evolution
com m enced; it subsequently w ent through several stages and
varieties o f being before becom ing established as a full-fledged
and au to n o m o u s sahgha280 T he creation o f a m onastic order w ith
w eil-defined rules o f g u v e in a n c e se em s to have e m e r g e d for the
first tim e in the sixth century B.C. Earlier the paribhdjaka culture had
consisted largely o f single or small bands o f w anderers w ho w ere
lo o s e ly h e ld logcL licr a ru u u d tlieir g u n d ta r iy a s . W a rd ci has a rg u ed
that there is no p ro o f that organized schools based on an agreed

canon o f doctrine and discipline, existed before the tim e o f the
jn u u. u1 u. 11n a , iv ic fiid v iia. a. n1 u iv iar^K iian ur ' u. s. ar il a. . r r c_ a_ 1i _i u_ s u g g e s t s -m1 . a_ t^
t
M akkhali Gosala united all the freelance ascetics w ho thus far ack
now ledged no single authority and com piled a canon for th e m .281
T h e e v o lu t io n o f th e sahgha b e c a m e in e v ita b le g iv e n th e B u d d h a s
decision that the new doctrine should receive the w idest possible
audience.282 B h ikkh u s w ere exhorted to go forth w ith his message,
to u r in g c o n sta n tly in o rd er to reach the dhamma to th e p e o p le . B y
their raison d } etre the B uddhists had to function differently, and

isolation fro m society could not be the object o f m onastic life.283
N a g a s c n a m a k e s th is q u ite clear to M ilin d a in th e M ilin d a p a n h a f^4
278 D .B ., I, pp. 6 9 -7 0 ; D . N . , I, p, 46.
279 M ahavaova. tr 76: B .O .D ., IV. d. 89.
281 A .K . W arder, O n the Relationship betw een B uddhism and other C o n tem
p o rary System s, B .S .O .A .S ., Vol. XVIII (1956), p. 44.
is ilcpitacd
being a diflicuh one which luuV sum c hau l th in k
ing on the part o f the B uddha to arrive upon {Mahdvags>at p. 6).
283 S. D u tt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, p. 26.
284 Milittdapahha, ed. by V. T renckner, p. 212,
-
'
55
H e argues that though m onks could have lived in the forest, it was
necessary for them to live in monasteries for only then w ould they
be easily accessible to the people. There was also a recognition that
bhikkhus ow ed a debt to society in return to r the essentials o f life
provided to them by the people. This debt could be discharged
only th ro u g h the teaching o f the dhamma to them. The idea was
actually m ade explicit in the bhikkhunt Kundala Kesis statement: *1
am living on the alms o f the people but I owe no debt for I preach
the dhamma to the people in retu rn .285
T h e sahgha
T he B uddhists are unique in that they alone have left a detailed

account o f their rules in the form o f the Vinaya Pitaka. B uddhism is
the earliest surviving religion to have organized itself and to have
created a confederate institution in the process. The use o f the term
sahgha for the federal organization o f bhikkhus and the analogy w ith
the Lichchhavis, w hich the Buddha used for the bhikkhu-sangha,286
has been noticed by scholars287 w ho argue that the political system
o f the gana-sahghas was the m odel for the bhikkhu-sahgha . T o some
extent this feature may have been shared by all the titthiya sects
w hose leaders w ere called sahghino , ganino , gandcariyo . H ow ever the
B uddhas organizing ability enabled this system to be translated
into one w hich could w ork for an expanding group like the B uddh
ists. T he Vinaya Pitaka bears testim ony to the wide range o f rules
em bracing all aspects o f a b h ikkhus existence. The Vinaya Pitaka co
vered tw o vital aspects o f the bhikkhus life: (1) his relationship w ith
m em bers o f the confraternity, and (2) his interaction w ith the lay
public outside the sahgha^ w ith w h o m he came into contact in the
course o f his daily alm s-round. The Vinaya Pitaka was given a uni
que status in B uddhism , After the death o f the Buddha, when the
sahgha attem pted to com pile a canon, it was the Vinaya which was
enum erated and codified first and took precedence over the Sutta
Pitaka
H orner states that the com m entary to the Vinaya Pitaka
refers to it as ayu, the life or vitality o f Buddhist dispensation, and
this accounts for its being chanted first.289
285
286
287
288
Paratnattha Dtpani, ed. F. M tillsr, Vol. V, pp. 1012.

D .N ., II, pp. 6 1 -2 .
See, for exam ple, K .P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, p. 86,
Cutlavagga, p. 408.
B .O .D ., V, p. xvi.
56
The soiid foundation on which the sangha's developm ent was

based in its early stages is one o f the m ajor reasons for the popular
ity o f B uddhism . Even outsiders, like brahmanas and King
Pasenadi,2 were impressed by the great concord that existed in the
sahgha. This atm osphere was fostered by the federal structure o f the
sahgha and the elim ination o f leadership tussles. While it was clear
that the B uddha was the undisputed leader o f the sahgha during his
lifetime, there was to be no question o f nom inating a successor af
ter his death.291 Instead, the vinaya was to be the only guide o f the
sahgha.292 H ow successfully the system w orked im mediately after
the death o f the Buddha, w hen the leadership issue was likely to
have been m ost live, is dem onstrated in the sahghas censure o f
A nanda. D espite A nandas seniority and closeness to the Buddha
and apart from his w ide popularity w ith the laity, he was censured
for various faults. A nands hum ble acceptance o f the sahghas in
d ic tm e n t is rem arkab le p articu larly a s he did n o t con sid er him self at
fault. H ow ever, never for a m om ent did Ananda dispute the au
th o rity o f the sahgha to censure h im .293
in addition to the vinaya rules w liich gu ided the m oral and ctiiic-
al behaviour o f the bhikkhus, the grow ing sahgha necessitated the

developm ent o f norm s regarding the m inim um material needs o f
th e sahgha. In itia lly bhikkhu.'* liv e d b y th e stricter rules w h ic h they
shared w ith the w ider samana culture. But, as the sahgha expanded
the institution o f the vassd-vdsa became the basis for developing
p e r m a n e n t resid en tial se ttle m e n ts for bhikkhus. A sso c ia te d w ith this
developm ent was the acceptance by the sahgha ofland, which came
into the exclusive possession and control o f the B uddhist sahgha.
F ro m th e e v id e n c e availab le in th e Pali canon it appears that in
pre-B uddhist days there w ere com m on areas o f residence for all
samanas , either in open parks294 or in com m on halls. These w ere
p r o v id e d b y m em b e rs o f th e ro y a l fa m ily , as, for e x a m p le , th e Ekasala park donated by queen M allika,295 or by the resident com m un
ity as a w hole as in the case o f tjie Lichcchavis and the Vesaliyan
ku td g d m sd la .
290 M .N ., II, p. 368; S .N ., 1. p . 73.
291 This cannot be traced to the lack o f existing talent. There were at the time o f
B uddha's nibbdna a num ber o f senior m onks like Upali, Maha Kassapa, and Ananda,
w h o could very well have stepped into the B uddhas place.
292 D . N , II, p. 118.
293 CMavagga, p. 411.
294 D .N ., I, p. 150.
295 *t
M w,_a I r r 1 196
II
rn-1
171
r r f
57
T he first gift o f property exclusively to the sahgha was made by a

king. This introduced a ne w feature in the development o f religious
organizations, for other individual sects were thus far given dramas
w here they could reside or use as halting places from time to time.
The Mahavagga gives the following account:
S ittin g n e a r h im th e M a g a d h a n K in g S eniya B im b isa ra th o u g h t: W h ere
m a y 1 fin d a place fo r th e B lessed O n e to live in, n o t to o far fro m th e to w n
a n d n o t to o n e a r, su ita b le fo r g o in g an d c o m in g , easily accessible fo r p e o
ple [ w h o w a n t to see h im ], by d a y n o t to o c ro w d e d , at n ig h t n o t to o e x
p o s e d to m u c h n o ise. . . clean o t th e sm ell o f p e o p le , h id d e n fro m m en ,
well fitte d fo r re tire d life?
A n d th e M a g a d h a K in g S eniya B im b isa ra th o u g h t T h e re is V elu v an a,
m y p le a su re g a rd e n , w h ic h is n o t to o far fro m th e to w n and n o t to o
n e a r. . . . W h a t i f ! w e re to m a k e a n o ffe rin g o f th e V e lu v an a p lea su re g a rd e n to th e fra te rn ity o f bhikkhus w ith th e v e n erab le B u d d h a at its h e a d .296
T he B uddha accepted the Veluvana drama as the first gift o f proper

ty to the sahgha. That this was a new phenom enon for the samana
culture is indicated by the Buddhas statement to the sahgha, im
m ediately after receiving the gift: I allow you Bhikkhus, to receive
the donation o f an drama .,297
T he probable precedent for this development could have been
the tradition o f gifting brahmadeya iands to brdhmanas by the kings
o f Kosala and M agadha. H ow ever, there were very im portant dif
ferences betw een the gift o f brahmadeya lands to brdhmanas, and the
ddna o f dramas to the Buddhists. The brahmadeya lands were granted
to individual brdhmanas, w ho then used them for agricultural pur
poses. Sometimes he used the income from these lands to perform
large sacrifices.29 This income was the personal property o f the in
dividual brahmadeya holders. The ddna to the Buddhists on the other
hand was always made to the sahgha as a collectivity. The recurrent
form ula w hen a gift to the Buddhists was being made was that it
w as a gift dedicated (patitthapeti) o r established to the sahgha o f the
four quarters (catudissa sahgha)209 o f the present and the future. It
was used entirely for residential purposes, and, according to D utt,
it was m aintained by the original donor.300
296 Mahavagga, p. 38; B .O .D ., IV , p. 51.
297 Ibid.
398 D .N ., 1, p. 109.
299 T he Vinaya defines vauhu or property as consisting o f an drama or a vihdra .
B oth served as residences for the bhikkhus {Pdrdjika, p. 60),
300 S. D u t t , B u d d h ist M o n k s and M onasteries o f India, p . 58.
58
T he gift o f an drama was followed by the special sanctioning o f

the institution o f the vihdra , which the Cullavagga reports. Viharas
w ere perm anent structures, distinct from the tem porary rain shel
ters (avdsas) which the samanas had probably erected themselves in
the com m on parks in the past. The Vinaya account o f the various
objects that the Buddha is reported to have sanctioned301 gives a
graphic account o f the developm ent o f the sahgha from the original
position, w here all that bhikkhus collected from the people was
alm s-food. For the rest, they either depended on nature o r on cast
o ff objects from the people. Their robes, for example, were origi
nally pieced together from rags collected by the bhikkhus.22
1'he bhikkhus and the laity
T he grow ing needs o f the bhikkhu sahgha naturally resulted in the

e sta b lish m e n t o f p erm a n en t ties b e tw e e n the sahgha and the la ity .
So long as bhikkhus toured incessantly no continuing relationship be
tw een the sahgha and the people was likely to emerge. The original
relationshin
evicted
in
hasir âift- of
alms
in evrhano-e
for
----
r had
. .
. . the
- o
w hich the bhikkhu taught dhamma to the giver and then m oved on.
W ith the developm ent o f perm anent residences or viharas a constant
relationship w a s h n ilt up b etw een bhikkhus and so m e sectio n s o f the
people w ho became updsakas and upasikds, supporting the sahgha for
its m inim um needs and accepting the B uddhas basic teachings at
the same tim e.
The transform ation o f the sahgha from an association o f erem itic
al bhikkhus to a settled monastic organization made ddna one o f the
central concepts o f Buddhism , particularly in relation to the lay
supporters o f the religion. Dana was described as the m ost im por
tant means available to the layman o f accumulating m erit.303 The
relationship between ddna and puhha for the layman is stated in the
Cullavagga by the setthi o f Rajagaha, w ho had sixty dwelling places
built in a day: Lord, I had these sixty dwelling-places built be
cause I need merit, because I need heaven (*ete me, bhante, satthi
vihdra punityathikena saggathikena karapita).3iH Further on, the Bud
dha states that am ong all gifts the ddna o f a vihdra is considered the
chief gift to the sahoha (vihdra danane sahehassa aw ane buddhena
vannitang)
T he Mahdvagga observes that the people were over
U
1
-
t_J
. 3 0 5
301 Cullavagga pp. 239, 282. 336.

302 A .N ., II, p. 29.
3tJ3 A . N . , II, p.
Cullavagga, p f 240305 Ibid.
-t
_
*
59
E n viro n m en t at the T im e o f the Buddha
joyed w hen h rst perm itted to gilt robes to bhikkhus. They ran about
happily saying now we will give ddna, now we will gain p u h h y a d 306
STha the Lichchhavi general once asked the Buddha if the visible re
sults o f ddna could be dem onstrated. The Buddha affirmed that this
could be done and proceeded to enumerate the concrete results of
ddna, w hich include fame, confidence, and rebirth in heaven after
death.307 Similarly the Buddha tells a mahamatta (great official) that
a gift o f food results in m uch merit accruing to the giver and en
sures heaven for h im .308 Suppavasa, the Koliyan updsikd w ho once
gave food to the Buddha, was told that the person w ho gave food
gave life, beauty, happiness and strength but in doing so one also
becam e a receiver o f the same benefits.309 The best path open to the
householder {gihT samici patipada) was to provide the sahgha w ith
essentials. The Buddha tells Anathapindika: Gahapati, possessed o f
four things, the arxyasdvaka enters the householders path o f duty, a
path which brings good repute and leads to the heaven world . . .
the arxyasdvaka waits upon the sahgha w ith the offer o f a robe, almsfood, lodgings, and medicines for use in sickness,310 The ideal
ariyasdvaka was one w ho believed in the dhamma and gave ddna to
Various items arc listed as objects o f ddna They in
the sahgha
clude food, drink, robes, vehicles, wreaths, perfumes, bedding,
dwellings, and lights.312 The giver surpasses the non-giver in five
ways: in lifespan, beauty, happiness, honour, and fame, and the
god Sakka (Indra) him self exhorts the yajamdna to give ddna to the
sa h g h a .M 2 D d n a also ensures rebirth in a higher status, whereas the
effect o f non-giving meant dow nw ard mobility in the next life.314
In a rare early B uddhist use o f the w ord canddla the term is used to
describe a person w ho looks for a gift-w orthy person outside
the sahgha and offers service there.315
. 311
D ana versus yanha

In giving prim ary im portance to ddna as a means o f gaining m erit
the B uddha was shifting the focus away from yahha. It m ust
how ever be made clear that the Buddha did not completely substi300 Mahavagga, p. 298.
Mahavagga. p. 239.
307 A N . , H, pp. 3 0 4 - 5 .
300 A .N .. 11. p. 66.
310 G .S ., II, p. 73; A N ., II, p. 68.

3,1 A . N . , IV, p. 47.
3,2 A M , II, p. 217.
313 A N . , II, pp .2 99 -3 (X ); G . S , III, p. 24.
311
mi1
IT
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60
tfkAww mrH a.v i y H iiim f
m rvirarl
/f/iH/i fft
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v w wwfnt
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lvi
the laym an and edged yahna to the periphery. A stock passage in

the Pali canon indicates this very clearly: those w ho did not believe
in ddna o r yanna, n o r th e results o f a ctio n , are criticized fo r their
barren and perverse philosophy.316 Sacrifice was n o t com pletely
elim inated, only animal sacrifice was rejected, bu t yahna was now
W
fn
lria Uo kJcVn^/'r
v ti/I
niLrJ i r ^4-1*
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for the w elfare o f the fam ily is redefined as a perpetual ddna.317 T he

Kutadanta Sutta makes this very explicit. W hen the brdhmana K utad an ta w is h e d to p erfo rm a large yanna h e con st ilted th e B u d d h 3l o n
the subject. T he Buddha told him the story o f K ing M ahavijita

w h o had w ished to perform a great animal sacrifice but was per
su a d ed by h is w ise p u ro h ita to d istrib u te g ifts in stead . A fter the g ifts
had been distributed to all the deserving, the king perform ed a sac
rifice w hich did not include the massacre o f animals. T he sacrifice
w a s e n tir e ly v o lu n ta r y w ith o n ly th o se w h o w ish e d to w o r k h elp
ing in its organization. The sacrifice was perform ed using only

ghee, oil, butter, milk, and honey. The Buddha identifies him self
w ith th e w is e chaplain o f th e past and tells K fitadanta that, b etter
than perfo rm in g sacrifices, is the giving o f perpetual gifts to vir

tuous recluses. Even better is to put up vihdras for the sahgha, and at
the top o f the scale c o m e s the o b ser v a n c e o f the pahr.astlas,31^
w hich, o f course, relates to the cultivation o f the m ind and there
fore to the m oral uplift o f the individual rather than the m eans o f
g a in in g m e r it
W hile the principle o f ddna was exhorted in general the Buddhists

also m ade it clear that the m axim um m erit w ould accrue w hen the
d o n o r m ade a gift to a w orthw hile donee. The Buddha did no t
advocate the term ination o f gifts to other religious sects even
th o u g h he was unfairly accused o f this occasionally.319 N everthe
less. he did indicate that his ow n sahgha
was the best recinient
of
U
A
ddna and often described the Buddhist sahgha as the peerless field o f
m e rit.1320 T he description o f Sihas acceptance o f B uddhism is a
good exam ple o f the B uddhas position on ddna , Siha, a Lichchhavi,
w as originally a follow er o f th ejain as but, on expressing his desire
to sw itch allegiance to B uddhism he was asked to continue giving
3tft M -N ., III, pp. 84, 115, 135.
317 A . N . , II, p. 44.
318 D .N ., I, pp. 115fF.
3,y A . N ., I, p. 148.
320 M .N ., II, p. 402; A .N ., II, p. 195.
61
a lm s to th e J a in a s.321 T h is m a y h a v e b een a result o f th e B u d d h a s
recognition o f the general need for support through aims, in the

samana w ay o f life. Given this, it m ight have seemed unethical to
.-u
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sects, m erely because the teachings o f one particular sect were m ore
appealing to a lay follower.
It m ig h t b e o f s o m e sig n ifica n ce to p o in t o u t that th e yanna
appears to have been specially associated w ith brahmanas and kings

in the Pali canon.322 It is only they w ho are depicted as m aking
f TV
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J. ^
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brdhmana Sundarika Bharadvaja the categories o f people w ho m ade

oblations to the G ods were isis, brahmanas, and khattiyas 323 The
o K cxan
(* WV11WW
rVt&
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rrst
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been an ideal sacrificerhe was eminent, wealthy, and learned (see

C h ap ter III). In this context it m ight also be useful to point out that
a c c o r d in g to th e P ali ca n o n th e sy ste m o f sacrifice, esp e cia lly th e
large anim al sacrifice, did not have the support o f the com m on peo
ple, T he dasa-kammakaras w ho w ere required to help in m aking the
n r i K ji i " i * i A n e
'l r r ,
M
iA-m?
jw4 w
( = c rV' t * i o c
V iA r n r r
WV
-fr#!
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H V
/ IV
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UAV
pushed around, w ith tears on their faces, and hectored about by

blow s in the process.324 T he im portance given to ddna on the other
h a n d b r o u g h t th e la r g e m a jo rity o f th e p eo p le in to th e o rb it o f rcli
gious experience. Everyone from the king and the gahapati dow n
w ards, including the m ore hum ble sections,325 could m ake a small
gift to the sangha b y feeding a fe w o f the bhikkhus. Ddna th ereb y re
placed dakkhind (daksina) as the m ajor link between the religious
categories on the one hand and the people on the other.
In th e sh ift o f fo cu s a w a y fro m yanna, ddna n ev er ca m e to o c c u p y
the central role o f yahha in the Brahmannical system, how ever.
Yahha had been the core o f the Brahm annical religion, so vital in its
p o te n c y th at a lm o st e v e r y th in g in clu d in g , tjie sea so n s, creation ,
and the w orld itself were founded on the sacrifice. D dnat on the
o th e r hand despite its trem endous significance for the layman, was
323 A.1V., HI, p. 298; B .O .D ., IV, p. 323.
322 M .N ., I, p, 114; A .N ., U, p. 221.
333 Sutta N ipata , Kkuctdaka N ikd ya , Vol. 1, p. 335.
324 S .N ., L, p. y4; A .N ., U, p. 221.
325 T here is an exam ple o f a poor kammakara w ho took an advance on his wages
from his m aster in o rd er to feed som e bhikkhus (Pdcittiya, p. 108). T he typical alms
giver how ever is the gahapati.
62
only a means o f gaining m erit available to people leading a lay life.

A nathapindika, w ho was famous for his generous ddna to the
sahgha , was once asked not to be satisfied w ith ddna alone but to
undertake further training.320 By itself ddna w ould not achieve even
as m uch as the observance o f the five silas by the upasakat and it was
certainly not a means to the ultim ate goal o f nibbdna .
T h e laity}s influence on the sahgha
T he relationship betw een the bhikkhu-sahgha and the laity, through

the m edium o f ddna , brought the laity m ore sharply into focus in
the B uddhist w orld. Since the laity provided for the sahgha , they
w ere an im portant constituent o f Buddhist society and often exer
cised their influence upon the sahgha. M any instances o f this shall be
given in C hapter V but here attention should be draw n to the fact
that the renouncer could not really function above and beyond the
conventional law s as held by T hapar,327 O n the other hand, the
conduct o f the bhikkhu was ultim ately shaped and m oulded by the
very society he had opted out of. This is clear from the m any rules
laid dow n for bhikkhus that had emanated from criticism by the lai
ty. Som etim es the laity asserted itself in relation to the sahgha , as
indicated by the upasaka U denas com plaint that his request to
establish a vihdra for the sahgha during the vassd-vdsa should not
have been turned dow n, since he was a benefactor, a builder, and
supporter o f the sahgha. His com plaint led to a relaxation o f the ori
ginal rules.328
A notable feature o f the relationship between the sahgha and the
laity was the bhikkhus lack o f control over his lay-followers. If
there was occasion for discord between the tw o the only way open
to the bhikkhu to express disapproval was to turn his alm s-bowl up
side dow n in a sym bolic refusal o f the proferred alm s,329 thereby
depriving the lay-follow er o f merit. The relationship between bhik
khu and laym an could easily become tenuous (as seems to have hap
pened after a while in India) in a situation where the bhikkhus and
updsakas w ere not firm ly bound together, apart from their rela
tionship through ddna. This was bound to make a difference once
326 A . N ., II, p. 452.
327 R. T hapar, Renunciation: The M aking o f a C ounter C ulture, Ancient Indian
Social History, p. 89.
Mahavuggu, |j. 145.
Clutlavagga, p. 214.
63
m onasteries becam e firm lv established through the natronase o f

selected sections o f society, reducing the need for the daily alm sro u n d . T h e laym an w ould n o t then norm ally m eet the bhikkhus u n
less specifically seeking them out by inviting them to his hom e for
special meals. T here w ere no com m on rituals at w hich the bhikkhus
and th e upasakas could m eet. T he m ajor B uddhist rituals like the
ndtim okkha cerem ony w ere exclusively for bhikkhus, so that the lai
ty rem ained only very loosely tied to the sahgha . There w ere also
large areas o f an updsaka's life upon w hich B uddhism does no t seem
to have had an im pact, at least in the Indian situation. For example,
th e dom estic rituals based on the life cycle or samskdras continued to
be perfo rm ed according to the existing tradition, probably because
they w ere already deep-rooted and B uddhism did not attem pt to
substitute different rituals. This led U dayanacarya to rem ark that
there was no sect in India w hich had given up the perform ance o f
dom estic rituals: T here does no t exist a religious system , the fol
low ers o f w hich do n o t perform the Vedic rites beginning w ith the
garbhadhdna and ending w ith the funeral rites, even though they re
gard th em as satnvrita , that is, having but a relative or tentative
tr u th .330
A lthough B uddhism did n o t seem to take any stand on the issue
o f dom estic rituals, it endorsed some other traditions such as the
uposatha w hich acquired a significant place in Buddhism . All the
cakkavattis are depicted as observing it as a prelude to the appear
ance o f the dhammacakka (wheel o f dhamma) in the sky.331 The
A hguttara N ika ya approves o f its observance by laym en.332 The up osatha was also significant for the ahha titthiya's.333 It was on the up
osatha day that the ritual o f the pdtim okkha was held for the bhikkhu
sahgha. Uposatha appears to have been one o f the popular existing
traditions w hich B uddhism adopted. In addition, the Buddhists ex
hibited a certain sym pathy w ith the popular cult o f venerating
caityas o r the local shrines a particularly marked feature o f worship
in the gana-sahghas. T h e Lichchhavis had seven such spots ju st out
side Vesali, o f w hich B uddha spoke adm iringly.334 O ne o f the
seven conditions that he outlined for the prosperity o f the LichJ
In'
330 R .G . B handarkar, A Peep into the Early H istory o f India,

V ol. X X , 1897 1899, p. 363.
331 D .N ., II, p. 132; D . N . y III, p. 48
332 A . N . , I, p. 197; A .N ., Hi, p. 355; A .N ., IV, pp. 164-7.
334 D .N ., II, p . 92.
A .S .,
Soc/d/ Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
64
4
- 1 -
-1
'
' l i t
ennavis was tneir continued veneration ot cany as in tne region.

This tradition appears to have been especially associated w ith the
gana-sahghas which the Buddha adopted.
The new society and the phenomenon o f renunciation
Before concluding our review, o f the main features o f the religious

w orld o f the sixth century b.c., we must attem pt to account for the
large-scale appearance o f the phenom enon o f renunciation. The
first part o f this chapter has indicated the m ajor changes that the
p e r i o d e x p e r i e n c e d in the s y s t e m u f p r o d u c t i o n , the g r o w t h o f
cities and the emergence o f considerable prosperity all around. The
com paratively simple com m unal existence o f the past had given
w a y tu a m o r e c o m p l e x e c o n o m i c a n d s o c ia l c i d e r . T h e e a r ly
Buddhists, as also other samanas, w ho witnessed these changes
w ere em phatic that salvation was possible only for those w ho re
n o u n c e d t h e h o u s e h o l d e r staL us a n d th e s o c ia l w o r l d . T h e i r o p p o s i
tion to the brdhmana (whose prim ary function they considered to be

religious) was precisely because the brdhmanas as a group had not
d o n e s o . I n f a c t t h e r e is a m p l e e v id e n c e in e a r ly P a li t e x t s t o s h o w
that Buddhists thought the brdhmanas had deviated from the ideal o f
the seers o f old by falling prey to the increasingly materialistic ten
d e n c i e s o f s o c i e t y t o w e a l t h , la n d , p o s s e s s io n , h o n o u r , a n d f a m e .
It has been suggested that Buddhism had a dialectical relationship

w ith the new system o f production and the new society em erging
1
1 lL
J
1
1
i.l_
H i
L l i t
5 I A I I 1
L U
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i y
D .L ..)
U ^ i i l U l l d l i d U U g
l l l U U d l l ^ U U d i y
U U U i
tU l
opposition to and unity w ith it.336 The Buddhists can be said to

have a similar relationship w ith the religious society o f the time,
b e t w e e n t h e e x i s t i n g B r a h m a n i c a l t r a d i t i o n a n d the o p p o s i n g saniana culture. The structure o f significant categories in the religious
ethos o f B uddhism were the brdhmanas, the samanas and the bhik j rA
,n H
U llU
/J
U A
-1M
J -U .L 'u I
4*4
1 / V t V Y ^ U
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1* 11 C U C
L IU V ^
^** jT
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IU V
y j T TM A
* A
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religious system o f the age o f the Buddha,
335 Ibid,, p. 60.

336 D .D . Kosam bi, The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India, p. 100; D .P.
f ---- ^ - j 7
/ aL>s3\ja
-"tjt-i r - -----
CHAPTER III
The Gahapati
C han g in g connotation o f the term gahapati
T h e te rm gahapati is o f crucial significance to the u n d erstan d in g o f

so ciety at the tim e o f the B uddha. A lth o u g h it appears frequently in
B u d d h ist literatu re, it does so in a variety o f situations and does n o t
aDDcar to have a fixed o r constant meaning. This has led to confusion in the term 's interpretation. Like som e other term s appearing
in B u d d h ist literature, the w o rd gahapati is given a special co n n o ta
tio n by B u d d h ists, even th o u g h it had been in existence fro m very
early tim es. This in itself is an im portant reason for analysing the
te rm . In an a tte m p t to unravel the to tal m eaning o f gahapati , w e
shall exam ine the w ide range o f possibilities that the w ord denotes
in early B u d d h ist lite ra tu re .1 W e shall bear in m ind the co n tex t o f
th e tim es, w ith o u t w h ich the full im plications o f the term can n o t be
u n d e rsto o d .
G a h a p a ti is the Pall equivalent o f the Sanskrit w o rd grihapati
(g rih a + p a ti ). G rih ap ati appears fro m the E g Veda2 on w ard s and is
u sed fo r th e h o u seh o ld er as m aster o f the h o u se.3 Sim ilarly, the
m istress o f the house is called grihapatm . Later, the w o rd features
in P a n in i's A sta d h yd yt in the sense o f m aster o f the house, a
h o u s e h o ld e r.4 W hile early B u d d h ist texts occasionally use the w o rd
in th is sense, m ore o ften this co n n o tatio n is o v ersh ad o w ed by o th e r
im p licatio n s o f the te rm . T h e ho u seh o ld er aspect o f gahapati is su p J-
1 W e h av e already p o in ted to the value o f textual studies in o u r analysis o f th e

te rm gahapati in the In tro d u ctio n . It was possible to u n d erstan d the term o n ly b y
ta k in g the en tire passage in w hich it occurred as sem antically relevant. T h e precise
m ea n in g o f the w o rd could th e n be elucidated concretely by m eans o f verbal de
scription, resulting in a contextual definition o f the term (see T . Izutzu, The Structure
ofB th ica l Term s in the Koran: A Study in Semantics, p. 33).
2 R g Veda, x i, 53, 2; A tharva Veda, x iv , 1, 51; x ix , 31, 13; Satapatha Brdhmana, iv,
6, 8, 5; vin, 6, 1, 11; quoted in M acdonell and Keith, Vedic Index o f Names and Sub
jects, p. 231,
3 Ib id ., p. 231.
4 Panixii, AstddhydyT, ?d, and tr, by S.C . Vasu, Vol. I, pp. 8334,
66
ported by the old com m entary o f the Pdtimokkha which was in

corporated in the Vinaya texts, where the term is explained as, he
w ho lives in a house.5 While the term gahapati in the sense o f
householder or one w ho lives in ^ house or possesses a house is
equivalent to other words implying the samesuch as gihi , gahattha
and ajjhavasati these terms do not imply the range o f characteris
tics that gahapati carries w ith it. Clearly, therefore, there is a dis
tinction between gahapati and the other terms and this indicates that
the definition o(gahapati as householder is insufficient.
T he domains o f power, religion and economy
A m ore comprehensive explanation o f gahapati is given at another

point in the Vinaya texts which states that except a king or one who
is in the service of a king, and the brdhmana, he who remains is a
gahapati It is immediately apparent that this explanation o fgahapa
ti has a w ider application than the preceding one o f the gahapati as
householder. This wider definition is extremely significant in de
term ining the full implications o f the term and is the most inclusive
definition that has been given in the Pali texts. It reflects a division
o f society by the Buddhists into three categories: the khattiya, the
brdhmana , and the gahapati*, and this scheme itself implies a concep
tual categorization o f society into the domain o f power, repre
sented by the king and his officials or the khattiyas; the domain o f
religion, represented by the brdhmana; and the domain o f the eco
nom y, represented by the gahapati.7 This implicit division is made
m ore explicit in the Ahguttara N ikdya , which states the aims o f the
three categories: khattiya , brdhmana, and gahapati. While all three
groups have wealth and wisdom as a com m on part of their quest,
other factors reiterate the division o f power, religion, and the eco, 6
s gahapati nama yv kw i agarang ajjhavasati (Piirdjika, pp.
307, 312, D .O .D . , II, pp. 47,
55).
6 gahapati ko ndmo\ thapetva rdjanang rdjabhogang, hrahmanang auaseso gahapati ko
ndmo {Pdrafika , p. 319).
7 T he definition o f the gahapati cited above also gives us a definition o f the other
tw o categories: o f the king and his officials, and the brahmanas. According to this de
finition the king is one w ho rules, the kings officials arc those w ho are in the em
ploym ent o f the Ifing, and the brahmanas are those who are horn as brahmanas (rdjandtna yu koci rajjang karati\ rdjabhoggang nama yo koci rahiio bhattauetandhdro', brdhmano
nama jdtiyo brdhmano, Pardjika, p. 319). It is interesting to note that while the domain
o f pow er is represented by people w ho are actually wielding power, the domain o f
religion is represented by peopie w ho are born as brahmanas.
The Gahapati
n
n m ;v. TIip
--------------- r
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flip..............
UUattiw/i
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nncro fnr nrixjrpr
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67
territory w ith dom inion as his ideal; the brahmana wants mantras and
yahha and has brakmaloka as his ideal; and th? gahapati w ants Jkamma
(w ork) and sippa (craft), and has the c o m p le tio n o f w o r k (or the
fruit o f w ork) as his ideal.8
Khattiya, brahmana and gahapati
T his categorization is an extrem ely frequent occurrence in early
Pali literature and is unique to the Buddhists. This them e will be
e x a m in e d in detail elsew here*i h ere w e shall restrict o u. rselv
es to an
. .
exam ination o f the use o f this scheme o f classification in a variety o f

situations. Early Pali literature frequently refers to a division o f the
w orld into various constituents, and the m ost com m on scheme is
one in w hich there is m ention o f khattiya, brdhmana, gahapati, and
samana,9 T here is here an im plicit division o f the w orld into the
social and asocial, w ith the khattiya, brdhmana, and gahapati repre
senting categories in the social w orld, and the samana or recluse rep
resenting the asocial w orld. W ithin the social w orld the trium virate
o f the khattiya , brdhmanar and gahapati signify a division o f their
functions in the fields o f pow er, religion, and econom y. The
trium virate o f pow er, religion, and econom y is sometimes stri
kingly apparent, as, for instance, in the description o f the Buddhas
beginnings as preacher o f a new philosophy. Soon after the Buddha
m ade his first converts, Bimbisara, the king o f M agadha, w ho fea
tures very prom inently in Buddhist literature, is depicted as
approaching the B uddha surrounded by twelve m yriad brdhmanas
and gahapatis o f M agadha. Later m any o f the brdhmanas and gahapatis along w ith the king arc said to have become lay followers o f the
Buddha, so that the Buddha then had supporters from all the three
divisions o f the social w o rld .10
We w ould like to areue that the vahavati
represents
the econom vr
A
1
as far as the B uddhists are concerned and this broad classification
includes w ithin it all the facets o f the gahapati. We shall now pro
ceed to exam ine each o f these facets.
The gahapati as an element o f the kingrs sovereignty
O n e o f the m ost significant features o f the gahapati is that he is

a A . N . , 111, pp. 7 5 -6 .
9 M . N . , I, p. 103; A .N ., 11, pp. 305, 491; S .N ., U, p. 246; M .N ,, /I, p. 199.
10 Makavagga, pp. 3 5 -7 .
68
Social D im ensions o f E arly Buddhism
enum erated as one of the seven treasures o f the cakkavatti or the

idea! ruler o f the world. The Digka N ikaya states that when the
righteous ruler makes an appearance on the earth he is accompanied
by seven treasures: the wheel, an elephant, horse, gem, w om an,
gahapati, and councillor.11 This reference to the seven treasures pos
sessed by the cakkavatti is frequently repeated elsewhere in the texts.
In the Ahguttara N ikaya only five treasures are mentioned instead o f
the usual seven and these are said to appear very rarely, but even
here the gahapati is included,12 The seven treasures o f the cakkavatti
appear to be symbols o f sovereignty which implies that the gahapati
was regarded as being intrinsic to kingship (see Chapter VI). He
was obviously a prized and valued possession representing the eco
nom y w ithout which sovereignty would be meaningless.
T he Mahdsudassana Sutta o f the DTgka Nikaya gives a more de
tailed account o f the seven treasures o f the cakkavatti and here the
association o f the gahapati with the ability to raise wealth is
strikingly apparent,13 The symbolic narrative o f the king and the
gahapati getting treasure from the river makes it clear that it is the
gahapati w ho locates the treasure and provides wealth to the king.
The king cannot get it except through the effort and direct parti
cipation o f the gahapati. In the course o f this long sutta there is am
ple evidence o f the gahapati being a major asset co the king, along
w ith the kings other priceless possessions.
A part from the fact that the gahapati features am ong the kings
royal treasures and is intrinsic to his sovereignty14 the gahapati was
one o f the com ponents o f society w ith w hom the king had a close
relationship. There are num erous references to the king dealing
righteously w ith the brdhmanas and gahapatis o f his territory. Just as
a father is dear to his sons, the king is loved by the brdhmanas and
gahapatis and is popular with them. The brdhmanas and gahapatis ask
fur the righteous ruler to pass b y them slowly so that they can look
at him for a long time. The king in turn asks for the carriage to be
driven slow ly so that he can similarly gaze at them .15 The Lakkhana
S u l l a o f llic D T g h a N i k a y a lis ts the v a ii o u s s ig n s that s ig n if y a c u k k a vatti and it depic s the possession o f a large num ber o f gahapatis as
an extrem ely valuable asset. The text states: It is a m atter o f good
11 D .N ., I, p. 77.
12 A .N ., II, p. 419.
The gahapati tells the cakkavatti, ahang re dhanem dhana karaniyang karissami ti'
(D .N ., H, p. 135).
14 D .A /., Ill, p. 1 6 .
15 D . N . , II, p. 1 36.
69
The Gahapati
LV 4. VUA4-V
X
L
V
1-4.V
/ i s i Vi
i*
^ rt
txr/ al 1
U
-L V f T V l i
^ iC 't^ r k C A r l
JVVfc
f/ M T T ^ r ,4 r
LV f T
\U
*-k ^
M1V
U l n r t
1r
A
X X
A
V 4
L
>
popular w ith them , if he can gain their loyalty, if they conform to

his w ishes, if he can com m and their attention and if they are not di
vided again st t h e m s e lv e s .16 R ig h t th r o u g h the sutta , w h ic h
enum erates the thirty-tw o signs o f a mahdporisa (great man) and
w hich symbolizes that the possessor w ould either become a great
e m p e r o r o r a great ren o u n cer, v a rio u s sig n s in d icate that th e gaha
pati is the m ost im portant social group in relation to the k in g .17

T h e gah ap ati as controller o f property
It is evident from the early Pali texts that the possession o f property
was an essential aspect o f the gahapati. There are specific references
to the m anagem ent and control o f property by the gahapati .1B In the
Potaliya Sutta o f the M ajjhima N ikaya the gahapati Potaliya is de
picted as being offended by the B uddha's reference to him as a gaha
pati since he considered him self to have retired from that position.
Potaliya specifically points to the fact that he had relinquished his
control over property (vohdra samuchhedam) w hen rem arking that
he had handed over to his sons all his wealth and substance, ail his
gold and coins o f silver, and that he no longer issued orders w ith
respect to these th in g s.19 Gahapatis are also frequently show n
travelling in order to transact business connected w ith the manage
m ent and control o f their property.20 In a m ore general sense, the
evidence for the gahapati being associated w ith the possession o f
large assets consisting o f land, orchards, com , cattle, slaves, gold
and silver are too num erous to recount in detail. It is im portant to
note that it was the possession o f these assets that enabled the gaha
pati to becom e the donors o f the sahgha par excellence. The gahapatis* m anagem ent and control o f property is reinforced by the fact
that the largest category o f donors to the sahgha , apart from the
king, w ere gahapatis whose gifts included land in the form o f dramas
and the erection o f uiharas for the use o f bhikkhus.2^
16 D .B ., III, p. 141; D .N ., III, p. 114.
,7 D .N ., III, pp. 110-38.
18 M .N ,, 1ITp. 15; Pacittiya , p. 216; C utlavagga, p. 32.
19 M X .S ., II, p. 26 (idftame bho Gotarm, yati ahosi dhamng va dharwang va mjatang va
jettarupa va sabbang tan puttanattg ttayajung rtiy yittiwg, tuihuyattg attovudi itrmpuvudi
gkaschddan-paratno viharaml, M ,N . t [I, pp. 27-8).
20 S . N , , III, p. 252; Pacittiya , p. 216.
21 Cultavagga, pp. 240, 253; A . N ., I, p. 255.
70
Sotial Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
T h e gahapati as ta xp a yer
Since the gahapati was associated w ith property as ow ner and con
troller, he was actually the pivot o f the econom y and therefore the
m ajor tax payer. A part from the im plicit representation oftheâ/idpati as the base o f the k in g s treasury and the actual locator o f the
treasure in the m ythical account o f King M ahasudassana referred to
earlier, there is also an explicit reference to the gahapati as tax payer
in the D tgha N ika ya , T he gahapati is described as som eone w ho
pays taxes and thus increases the kings w ealth.22
The gahapati as associated with agriculture
W hile it is established that the gahapati represents the econom y and

w as its pivot, it is necessary to demarcate his exact function w ithin
the econom y. H ere again the term seems to appear w ith various
facets. T he Samahnaphala Sutta o f the Dtgha N ikaya states that the
gahapati is a Tree man, one w ho cultivates his land, one w ho pays
taxes, and thus increases the kings w ealth.23 The Sumahgala Vi Iasim , a com m entary on the Dtgha N ikaya w ritten by Buddhaghosha,
also refers to the gahapati as one w ho cultivates24 and definitely
associates him w ith the land as a cultivator. The Anguttara N ikaya
also provides sim ilar references to the gahapatis association w ith
land and cultivation.23 H e is depicted as carrying on various agri
cultural activities such as ploughing and harrow ing his field, sow
ing at the proper season and irrigating his lands. H e is depicted as
perform ing all these functions in rapid succession w hich is obvious
ly the proper thing to do. The Samyutta N ikaya too associates the
gahapati w ith agriculture26 and it is significant that the M ilindapanha , a Pali w o rk attributed to the first century a .d ., and therefore
considerably later than the earliest strata o f B uddhist texts, con
tinues to identify the gahapati w ith agriculture. While using a simile
to explain a point to king M ilinda the venerable Nagasena says,
As, sire, an agriculturist, a gahapati , w hen he had ploughed and
sow n, w o u ld fill his granary. . . .27 The association o f th e gahapati
22 D .B ., I, p. 77 (gahapati ko, kdrakdrako, rdisvaddkako\ D .N ., I, p. 53).
23 D .B . , I, p. 77 (kassako, gahapati k o ' . . . . D .N ., I, p. 53).
24 Kassati ti kassako (Buddhaghosha, Sumahgala Vildsim Digka N ikaya Atthakatha ,
ed. by M ahesh T iw ari, p, 191).
25 A . N ., 1, p. 222.
26 K .S ., IV, p. 221.
27 Mitindapanha, ed. by V. T renckner, p. 41; tr. by I.B. H om er, as Questions o f
King M ilin d a , Vol. I, p. 57.
The Gahapati
71
w ith agriculture in the Milindapanha is im portant as later Pali and
Sanskrit Buddhist texts tend to lose the clarity o f the early Pali texts,
particularly in the use of terms to specify economic categories.
M endaka, a p rom inent gahapati in B uddhist literature, is definitely
located in agriculture. In the Mahdvagga o f the Vinaya Pi taka he is

said to possess certain psychic powers along w ith other members o f
h is h ou seh o ld . T h e im portant p oint, h ow ever, is that all the refer
ences to the psychic powers relate to the requirements o f a land-
based agricultural family. According to the text:

Mendaka came to have this kind of eminence in psychic power. Having
washed his head, having had the granary swept, he sat down just opposite
the door, and a shower o f grain having fallen down through the air, filled
the granary. His wife came to have this kind o f eminence in psychic
power. Having sat down beside only one bowl and one helping of curry
and condiments she served food to slaves, workmen and servants. His
son came to have this kind of eminence in psychic power; having taken
hold of only one purse containing a thousand (kahapana) he gave six
months wages to each slave, workman, and servant. His daughter-inla w c a m e to h av e th is k in d o f e m in en c e in p sy c h ic p o w e r, sh e ,g a v e six
months food to each slave, workman, and servant. When Mendakas

slave ploughed with one ploughshare, seven furrows came from it.28
Mendaka*s grand-daughter Visakha was given ploughs, plough

shares and other farm implements along w ith cattle at her marriage
to Punnavadhana, the son o f Migara, a gahapati o f Savatthi.29
A nathapindika gahapati is depicted as having some w ork in a village
in the KasT country where he had an inmate o f the village (antevdsi)
as overseer or supervisor, possibly to handle his lands in the village
since he him self lived at Savatthi.30 Another prom inent layfollow er, Citta gahapati, was a resident o f a village called Macchikasanda, H e had a m ango grove (ambdtaka drama) in his village where
a num ber o f bhikkhus are said to have stayed for a w hile . n In the
Samyutta Nikdya he is described as arriving in Migapathaka on some
business.32 The com m entary describes M igapathaka as his tributary
village and33 the picture that emerges suggests that Citta was in
possession o f substantial tracts o f land.
26 B .O .D ., IV, p. 329; ekena nangdUna kassantassa satta sitayo gacchanti ti (Mahavagga, p. 255).
29 D .P .P .N , Vol. 2, p. 901.
30 Pddtrtya, p. 216,
31 S .N .. 111. DD. 252-7.
32 Ibid.. D. 252.
33 D .P .P .N .. Vol. 1. d. 866.
72
The brahm ana-gahapati
T he im age o f the gahapati as a landed and agriculture based category

that appears from these descriptions is reinforced by the com pound
term
brdhmma-gahapati?4 The
w ord gahapati is rarely
suffixed to another category in early Pali literature* the only excep
tions being those o f the brdhmana and the setthi. Wagle has pointed
out that one never comes across the expression khattiya-gahapatif^
b u t it should be pointed out that similarly one never comes across
the term sudda-gakapati. This has some significance for analysing the
category o f gahapati which we shall consider later. A striking fea
ture o f the term brahmana-gahapati is that it invariably occurs in the
context o f brdhmana-gdmas, m ostly in the kingdom s o f Magadha
and Kosala. For instance, it is stated in the Majjhima N ikaya that in
the course o f his travels the Buddha arrived in a brdhmana-gdma o f
Kosala called Sala and the brdhmana-gxhapatis o f the village heard o f
his arrival and came to see him ,M The same description is repeated
for the brdhmana-gdmas o f Verahja, Nagaravinda, Pancasala and
V eludvara.37
In som e passages certain villages are not only described as
brdhmana-gdmas but, as we have pointed out in Chapter II, there is
m ention o f a particular brdhmana living in it and enjoying special
privileges on the land in the form of a brahmadeya grant. The rela
tionship between the individual brahmadeya holder and the
brdhmana-gahapatis is no t explicitly stated anywhere in the texts* We
have how ever suggested one possible connection in our earlier dis
cussion o f brahmadeya land. Apart from the contextual connection
between the brahmadeya grantee holding land in a brdhmana-gdma
w hich was populated by num erous brdhmana-gahapatis, the only
other d u e that w e can use is the mode o f address used for the
brdhmana-gahapatis.
A n im portant aspect o f the term brahmana-gahapati is that it is in
variably used to describe a collective category, never individuals.
T hus, the general inhabitants o f all the brdhmana-gdmas are collec
tively referred to as brdhmana-gahapatis, and when addressed direct
ly by the Buddha, as gahapatayof* Kutadanta and Canki, both
34 This term also appears to be unique to Buddhist literature.
35 N .N . Wagle, Society at the time o f the Buddha, p. 152.
36 M .N ., I, p. 349.
37 M .N ., 1, p. 356; M .N ., IH, p. 395; S.N ., I, p. 113; S .N ., IV, p. 300,
38 M .N ., 111, p p . 394-7; Af.N., I, pp. 349-55; A IN ., I, pp. 356 9.
The Gahapati
73
b ra h m a d e y a h o ld e r s o n th e o th e r h a n d , a rc a lw a y s r e fe rre d t o a n d
addressed as brahmanas 39 O ne explanation for this is that brdhmanagahapati is a descriptive term applying to brahmanas based on the
Jand, w h o n o n e t h e l e s s c o n t i n u e d t o be i d e n t i f i e d w ith the l a r g e r
body o f brahmanas w ith priestly rather than econom ic functions.
T he brahmanas w ere one o f the distinct groups that had em erged by
this t i m e a n d p o s s e s s e d a c o h e s i v e n e s s w hich w a s probably diffe
rent from that o f other categories in society. In this context, the
Vinaya definition o f a brdhmana as one w ho is born a brdhmana m ay
b e r e c a l l e d , e v e n t h o u g h t h i s d e f i n i t i o n is c o n t r a r y t o t h e spirit o f
the B uddhist system o f ideas. A further point to notice is that,
w hile brdhmana inhabitants o f the brdhmana-gama o f O pasada are
r a i l e_ d__ hrdhmana-aahanatis
^ 0 0 o t h e r hrdhmanac w h o w e r e v is itm c0 r it
_
r . r v _.
_ T
w ere not described as brdhmana-gahapatis but sim ply as brahmanas,40

In the light o f the evidence cited it m ay thus be reasonably estab
lished that the t e r m h r d h m a n a - g a h a p a fi r e f e r s to h r d h m a n a s based .on
land in villages which were probably inhabited alm ost entirely by
brahmanas. T he brdhmana-gahapati functioned in these villages as a
s u--b s-----------t i t u t e f o r t h e <V
oahanati
in ncin~hrdhmana~odmas.
" A
"
. O
' a n d i n v o-l v e-d
him self directly in agriculture, at least as a m anager o f agricultural
operations. In this capacity he paid taxes to the king as is evident
from t h e A d a h d s u d a s s a n a S u i t a o f t h e P)Taha N i k d y a w h e r e b r a h m a n a s
a n d gahapatis are described as tax payers.41
-
G ahapati, setthi and setthi-gahapati
W hile the definitions available in early Pali literature clearly point

to the gahapatis relationship w ith agriculture, there are many in
dications char at least som e sections o f the gahapatis were occupied
w ith other econom ic functions. The Pali texts refer to setthis and,
significantly, there is also the appearance o f the com pound express
ion setthi-gahapati. It is im portant to note at this point that the three
term s setthi^ setthi-gahapati and gahapati are never used interchange
ably in the Vinaya and Sutta Pitakas, which suggests that the three
term s represented different conceptual categories 111 early B uddhist
society. This distinction is blurred in later Pali texts and in the com
mentaries on the Sutta and Vinaya Pi takas which were written con
39 For the m ode o f address o f various categories see N .N . Wagle, Satiety at the
Tim e o f the Buddha , pp. 192, 199- 200.
441 M . N . . 11. p . 428.
41 D .N . N, pp. 137-8.
74
siderably later (about the fifth century a .d .). A prom inent exam ple
is the case o f A nathapindika a w ell-know n supporter o f B uddhism ,
w h o is described as a setthi o f Savatthi in the Jdtakas and the com
mentaries, However, in the entire Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas Anatha
pindika is consistently described as a gahapati and never as a setthi.
In contrast, his brother-in-law , through w hom A nathapindika first
m et the Buddha, is consistently referred to as the setthi o f Rajagaha
and this distinction is systematically maintained right through the
passage in question.42 The confusion in the use o f terms in the
Pali literature has resulted in some serious m isconceptions re
garding a num ber o f prom inent figures associated w ith
early B uddhism . Following the later texts, historians have indiscri
m inately used the term setthi, a m erchant or banker, for m any o f
the gahapatis. The case o f M endaka is particularly striking. As we
have already show n, he and his family are quite clearly based on the
land. H ow ever both M endaka and his son Dhananjaya are referred
to in later Pali sources as setthis,43
**
T h e first point to note is that both the term s setthi and setthigahapati are found m ost frequently in the Vinaya Pitaka . This fact is
o f some significance because the Vinaya Pitaka is considered to have
been com piled a little later than some o f the earliest texts, such as
the Swtta Nipata or the Digha Nikaya, where these terms do not
occur at all. Also, the term setthi, or its Sanskrit equivalent sresthin,
does not appear in the Astddhyayt of Panini whose w ork is generally
regarded as falling between the period 500 to 300 b . c . The absence
m ay be explained by the suggestion that the term s setthi and setthigahapati w ere new and represented an em erging phenom enon o f a
specific region. Broadly, this region is likely to have been north
eastern India and the N B P ware culture sites.
It is significant that setthis and setthi-gahapatis are m ost frequently
located in the big urban centres o f Varanasi and Rajagaha, followed
b y C am pa and Saketa. All references to the tw o term s suggest that
they represented great wealth. For instance, Yasa, one o f the B ud
d h a1s earliest converts, was a setthi-putta and is depicted as having
three palaces for the different seasons: one for the w inter, one for
the sum m er, and one for the rains. T he entire description relating
42 Cutlavagga, pp. 249-50.
43 Dkammapada Atthakatha, tr. by E.W . Burlingam e as Buddhist Legends, Vol. Ill,
The Gahapati
75
to Yasa is similar to that o f a king or w ealthy noblem an, for even

his footw ear consisted o f golden sandals. A part from three palaces,
h i had people to w ait on him and amuse him constantly, w atching
every m ovem ent o f his.44 Sona Kolivisa, another setthi-putta, is de
scribed as being so delicately nurtured that dow n grew on the soles
o f his feet. He was so unused to walking on his bare feet that after
he jo in ed the sahgha his feet bled severely. At this point he reconsi
dered his decision to be a bhikkhu, particularly because he had much
w ealth that he could enjoy.43 Subsequently, the Buddha perm itted
bhikkhus to w ear shoes. The Samyutta N ikaya also refers to a setthigahapati w ho died intestate and left behind im m ense property in
gold and silver.46
A n u m b er o f references to setthis and seuhi-gahapatis are made in
the Jiva ka Vatthu o f the Mahavagga, which indicate their wealth and
pow er. Jivaka Komarabhacca was a w ell-know n physician o f the
B u d d h as tim e w ho was reputed to have cured many im portant pa
tients. O f the incidents recorded in the Jivaka Vatthu, all invariably
refer to setthis, setthi-gahapatis, and kings. They include the treat
m ent and cure o f a senhi-putta o f Varanasi, the wife o f the setthi o f
Saketa, and a setthi-gahapati o f Rajagaha, as well as King Bimbisara
o f M agadha and King Pajjota o f A vanti.4; The ability o f the setthi
and setthi-gakapati to pay large sums to the famous physician is also
evident. The wife o f the setthi o f Sakcta when finally cured after
years o f suffering from a head ailment is said to have given 4,000
k a h d p a n a s Lu jivaka K om arabhacca. H er son, daughter-in-law and
husband also paid 4,(XX) kahdpanas each, and her husband addi
tionally gave a horse, a chariot, a slave and a slave w om an to
J i v a k a . 4*
T he prom inence o f setthis and setthi-gakapatis and their links w ith

pow er are reiterated in other references. The setthi-gahapati o f Ra
j a g a h a w h o w a s t r e a t e d b y J i v a k a is described h i t h e t e x t s as b e i n g
im p o rtan t to the negama (urban council) and the king. The negama
then approached K ing Bimbisara and requested him to com m and
^
i_
jiv a r* .a
lu
^ ____I n . _ _:1:___
aL ieu u
liic
a im ig
/ _ _J_____..
seitrn-gurtupttti.
wM ____
w u c u
_i
c u ie u
u ic
Jtn m -
gahapati gave 100,000 kahdpanas to Jivaka and another 100,000 to

the king. T h at the setthis had easy access to the king is evident from
t h e f a c t t h a t t h e setthi o f V a r a n a s i a p p r o a c h e d B i m b i s a r a a n d s o u g h t
44 M akdvagga, p. 20.
46 S .N ., I, pp. 8 8 -9 .
47 Alakavagga, pp. 288 -94.
4K Maitdvagga, pp. 289 -90.
76
H is p e r m i s s i o n t o u s e t h e s e r v i c e s o f J i v a k a f o r t h e t r e a t m e n t o f h i s
so n .49 T he entire Jivaka-V atthu dem onstrates the links betw een the
setthi's w ealth and, through it, w ith pow er. A nother passage in the
C u l l a v a g g a a ls o d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e l in k s b e t w e e n t h e s e tth i a n d t h e
king. T he setthi o f Rajagaha, a brother-in-law o f Anathapindika, is

depicted as being pre-occupied w ith preparations for a big feast
w h e n A n a t h a n1 i n d i k a v i s i t e d h i m . T h i s le d A n a t h"a n1 i ni d*.....
i k a....................
to w o n -
der w hether the setthi involvem ent w ith the arrangem ents was be
cause the king and his retinue were com ing to the feast.50 The
n a r r a t i o n c le a r ! v/ s t iuf lu e s s t h a t t h e s e \tth
i a n d c p ttk i-o
a h as.n a ti n o t o n l vj
*
t">
had access to the king b u t close links w ith him.

A lthough the literature has helped to construct a general picture
o f the setthi and setthi-gahapati it does not clearly indicate the precise
functions o f the tw o categories. T he Pali dictionary also reflects a
general picture in its explanation o f the setthi as forem an o f a guild,
treasurer, banker, city m a n \ and w ealthy m erchant.51 This defini
tion is n o t com pletely satisfactory for our purposes since it is based
on a variety o f texts, very disparate in time. In our sources it is
apparent that the term s w ere ju st beginning to gain currency and
there is nothing definite in them to suggest the broad range o f char
acteristics m entioned in the dictionary. The contribution o f Fiser52
is very valuable, in this context, even though he has relied m ainly
on th c ja ta k a s, w hich are later than o u r sources. N evertheless, Fisc rs conclusions are o f som e relevance in understanding the func
tions o f the setthi as reflected in early B uddhist literature.
Fiser has ruled ou t the identification o f the setthi as the forem an o f
a guild. H e also argues that the association o f the setthi w ith trade is
no t autom atically w arranted. It is notable that the term setthi is al
w ays used independently o f the term vdnijja and these tw o term s
are never substituted for or confounded. w ith each other.53 T he
conception o f the setthi as a banker is also not a very happy one,
according to Fiser, because this w ould be only a loose w ay o f defin
ing the setthifs functions. H ow ever the possession o f large liquid
assets by a setthi and his city base suggest the possibility o f business
connections w ith trade, as lenders o f m oney to traders, and, poss49 Ibid, pp. 2 9 1 -3 .
51 T . w \ Rhys D avids and W. 3tcdc, The raii-Engiish Dictionary, p. 722.
52 I. Fiser, T h e P roblem o f the Setthi in the Buddhist Jdtakas\ A n h iv O rim talm ,
Vol. X X IV , Praha, 1954, pp. 238-66."
53 Ibid., p. 244
77
The Gahapati
ibly, e v e n as d irect in v e sto r s in it. H o w e v e r , there is n o ev id e n c e,

even in later B uddhist texts, o f the setthi actually being involved in
the buying and selling o f merchandise. Fiser concludes, the setthi
l e n t --------m n n e ;v,
------
and - - - -----le n t c--------o n s id --------e r a b le s- u

m s . . .
t o- rteo
li v i n aCJ
X" Jnle
T
by trade; the setthi was a m an w ho had (considerable) wealth and

therefore was a valuable connection for all those people w ho
wished to m ake th eir Irvin pu bv; trade and w h o n eed ed some initial
capital, or m ay be had run into debt and sought a way out by
changing their w ay o f living.54 Fiser quotes aJataka story o f a setthi
enforcing debts very rigorously and adds, here the setthi appears in
a new function, in the role o f a real usurer. We can now call him
treasurer and w ith certain reservations a banker because the
term s are convenient enough to denote a man o f his wealth, posi
tion, and influence in society.55
H aving established som ew hat generally the possible functions o f
the setfhi let us now return to the earlier problem o f distinguishing
betw een the term s setthi and setthi-gahapati, and in turn disting
uishing these from the term gahapati. Significantly the m ode o f
address for all these categories was gahapati. The setthi o f Rajagaha
is described as a setthi but addressed as gahapati.56 Similarly, Yasas
father was described as a setthi but addressed as gahapati.57 If the
m ode o f address is com m on to all three term s, w hat is the differ
ence betw een them?
T he com m on m ode o f address for all three categories probably
reflects their broad classification as representatives o f the econom y
w here they are part o f the scheme o f categories: khattiya , brahmana,
and gahapati , or the political, religious and economic groups m en
tioned earlier. The description o f the various people, as distinct
from the m ode o f address points to their specific functions w ithin
the larger fram ew ork o f the econom y. We suggest that the gahapati
in the narrow er sense, as a term o f description, stands for som eone
w h o was prim arily based on the land, whereas the term setthigahapati represents a person w ho com bined in him self the functions
o f agriculture and accum ulated capital, possibly through profits
from it, w hich he then invested in business. There are m ore refer
ences to setthi-gahapatis than to setthis in the Vinaya literature and
this m ig h t suggest that m ost m oney lenders combined the manage
m ent o f agriculture w ith usury, and that even when they were city54 Ibid., p. 263.
55 Ibid.
56 Cullavagga, p, 249.
78
b ased th e y retained their association w ith land. T h is c o n n ectio n is
also suggested by Fiser w ho remarks: It seems probable that the

setthis invested in their transaction a certain part o f the profits
gain ed in a g r ic u ltu r e /3^ W e h ave an ex a m p le o f the likely p rocess
by which the gahapati became a setthi-gahapati in the Ahguttara
N ikdya, w here a gahapati is described as offering a loan on paym ent
v j,
iiA tv i v jv w
lr
kv
n u Lûaiu^t.ij,
ginning as petty usurers, they probably built their capital over a

period o f tim e and came to possess substantial liquid assets.
W e are n o w left to id en tify the term setthi to w h ic h , as w e h ave
stated earlier, there are only a few references in the early Pali canon.
An im portant point about these references is that they are invari
ab ly related to a sp ecific place. All the references n o t o n ly to setthis,
but also to setthi-gahapatis, arc made to unnamed individuals. It is as
if the setthi or setthi-gahapati o f a particular place was identification
e n o u g h and :n o further details w ere necessary. For ex a m p le, refer
ences to the setthi o f Rajagaha,60 or to the setthi o f Varanasi61 sug

gest that there was a close relationship between the setthi and the
p lace m e n tio n e d . W hile all setthi-gahapatis appear to be w ea lth y , the
setthi o f Rajagaha seems to be not only wealthy but extrem ely im

p ortant too. According to the Cullavagga , he had a very valuable
p iece o f sa n d a lw o o d fro m w h ic h a b o w l w a s m ade and su sp en d ed
from a height. H e then held a com petition saying, If any samana or

brdhmana be an arahant and possessed o f iddhi [psychic power] let
him get d o w n the b o w l and it is a g ift to him / 62 T h e leaders o f the
ahha titthiyas all attempted to get the bowl down but failed. Only
Pindola Bharadvaja, a Buddhist m onk w ith psychic powers, suc
ceed ed in g e ttin g the h o w l d o w n . C o n tra stin g B u d d h ists and the
ahha titthiyas is a device normally associated with the powerful and
prestigious person o f the king in Buddhist literature. Here it is
a ssociated w ith the setthi o f Rajagaha. Apart fro m the k in g , the
setthi was probably the m ost prom inent figure in society.
O n the basis o f Jataka evidence Fiser has suggested that the king
could have appointed som e setthis to his own services. He speaks o f
the occurrence o f the term setthi-thanam, or the position o f th c setthi,
in the context o f tow ns and cities, probably held by the setthi until
I, Fiser, 'The Problem o f the Setthi in the nu dd im t jatakas', Archiv Ortetitaint,
Vol. X X IV , Praha, 1954, p. 244.

A .N ., I, p. 107.
60 C ullavagga, p. 249.
Makavagga, p. 293.
CulSctvaâ, pp. 199-200;
V, p. 149.
The Gahapati
79
his death. T here is the possibility also o f this position being heredit
ary. O n the question o f the setthi o f a particular place, like the Bardnasi setthi , Fiser suggests that it could include in itself a distinct
function or privileged position, and that the term meant the setthi
w orking for the king o f the region.6'5
A lthough based on the adm ittedly later sources o f the Jatakas ,
Fisers conclusions could explain the term setthi as it appears in the
Vinaya literature. W hen it appears w ithout the qualifying gahapati
attached to it, and w hen associated invariably in the context o f a
particular place, the term setthi signifies a very prestigious semi
official position w hich the m ore com m on setthi-gahapati did not
have, although he m ay have been wealthy enough in his ow n
rig h t.64 W e may now return to the specific-category o f the gahqpati.
Gahapati as employer o f labour
T h e im a e e o f the oahanati
as an in d en
i
* en d en t o w n e r o. f th
. e .m ean s o f
production is reinforced jby frequent references to his em ploying

labour. A lthough gahapatis as a category were generally ow nefcultivators w ho were themselves involved in the Drocess o f cultivation, som e differentiation had already come into existence w ithin
their ranks. T he larger operators o f land needed to em ploy labour,
as is evident from early Pali sources. The existence o f the ddsa, kam~
makara and porisa are well know n btit it is notable that they fre
quently appear w ith gahapatis as their masters. A typical example is
that o f gahapati M endaka w ho em ployed a large num ber o f ddsasf
kammakaras, and porisas, w hom the family fed and paid wages,
b o th in cash and in kind. His ploughm an was a slave called Punna
w ho possessed psychic pow ers like the rest o f the fam ily.65 Similar
ly, the B uddha exhorted th e gahapati-putta Sigala to treat his slaves
and w orkm en well, by assigning them w ork according to their
strength, by supplying them w ith food and wages, by tending
them in .sickness and giving them leave from time to tim e.66 Setthis
and settki-gahapatis w ho w ere part o f the wider gahapati category are
also depicted as em ploying slaves and others in their service.67 in
fact, from a passage in the Samyutta N ikdya which depicts him as re
cruiting people into his service the typical em ployer appears to be
M.
63 I. Fiser, T he Problem o f the Setthi in the Buddhist Jatakas\ Archiv Oriental tit.
Vol. X X IV , Praha, 1954, pp. 250-1. "
04 Ibid. 65 Mahavagga, p, 255. 66 D .N ., III, p. 147. 67 Cullavagga, p. 249.
80
i.L -
___ 68 hpi ____________ J i . _

i
r
__________________ l
n it gurwyun,
a u g u ttu v\j cmpiuy numrnuKur j
vwuR.iiicai w y m i uj
exist in the larger holdings o f land.69 These
is were also like
ly to have been producing for the market, which explains the fre
q u e n t n eed to travel that is o fte n associated w ith gahapatis in the
B uddhist texts,70 Such activities w ould also have resulted in the

gradual accum ulation o f capital, which ultim ately transform ed
s o m e gahapatis in to sctthi-gahapatis, and then to setthis in v e stin g in
various business enterprises.

Gahapati as a status term
A n im portant aspect o f the term gahapati is its frequent occurrence
as a status term . It is apparent that, while the term can be used in a
ft /v\
jr v v a
a v u c vn/vr\i*iT
g jV i j $ 14n #^1r
a i u av
^
h*i. aa e>
j+j*h
^.qwiiiL iv
sense w here it "almost assumes the function o f a title.71 A point to

note is that there could be only one gahapati in each family and it
\ira e
T|
U ih )
h o i i 7 k r \ t i t i o \ A Arl
1 1 V
IT
1 1 V
T1
A V A W -V V 1
TChn
U W
V I U
tsn h r
1 11
lf
A id
A /J,A A r c ( in r r
A A V
l l A 0
V W
JL- %, A J. J
fcJ
D avids, he was distinct from the subordinate members o f the fami

ly w ho did not have the control and m anagem ent o f the com m on
p r o p e r ty .72 T h is is fu r th e r substantiated b y the e x iste n c e o f the
term gahapati-putta, which probably referred to the son o f a gahapati

as one w ho w ould eventually succeed to the status o f a gahapati. Int^ f p~c tinrrU
riAl- rm trV ifi/l Kir
...... I----- ------ttsi tc ----------------- } c im ilir
">* ;r , t h f' PvnrA
X cci Ati *n/llisi-n/iti-iMj
expressions like brdhmana-putta , khattiya-putta or sudda-putta. The

w ord gahapati-putta had a specific connotation, similar to the term
setthi-puita, w hich also represents status and an eventual succession
to the position o f a setthi. In both cases the crucial factor is that they
denote econom ic functions in which the m anagem ent and control
o f assets is indivisibly vested in one authority . Buddaghosha definitely
points to this view in describing the gahapati as gehassapati, ekageha68 S .N ., III, pp. 334-5.
69 This dim ension o f th e gahapati was much sharper in the seventh century a . d . by
w hich tim e the gahapati was invariably an employer of labour. The Tantra-Vartika o f
K um arila states that the gahapati does not labour on his land, the kamntakaras w ork
on it for him {Tantra Vartika o f LZumdrila, Poona, 1910, p. 3185).
70 5 .N ., III, p. 252; M .N ., II, p. 15.
71 T W. Rhys Davids and W. Stede, Pdli-English Dictionary, p. 248. The Jaina
texts also indicate a similar use o f the term gakavai which is their equivalent o f the
w o rd gahapati. It appears as a status term and the same association w ith land, cattle,
and ploughs is present (J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canon, p.
143),
72 T . W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas. S.B.E., Vol. XI. pp, 25?-8n.
T he Gahapati
81
matte jetthako7* or the head and oldest member o f a house. The con
ception is similar to that o f the karta in Bengal, w ho is the head o f a
house and in w h o m the m anagem ent and control o f the family

p ro p erty is vested. T his view is supported by W agles conclusions
on the m ode o f address adopted by the Buddha for gahapatis. T he
Buddha invariably addressed them as gahapatis, not by their names.
H o w ev e r the gahapati-puttas w ere never addressed by anything but
their nam es. W aglc makes a distinction betw een the use o f term s as
term s o f reference and as term s o f address. In certain situations the
term s o f reference arc also those o f address, but in others the term s
o f reference do not coincide w ith the m ode o f address. In the con
text o f the gahapati the coincidence or otherw ise betw een the term
o f reference and that o f address focuses on the actual status o f the
individuals concerned.74
T he general im pression conveyed by the early Pali texts is that,
as a category, gahapatis had a prom inent place in the social structure
o f early B uddhist society. They invariably featured along w ith
khattiyas and brahmanas as people o f high status in relation to the rest
o f society. It was com m on to refer to khattiyas, hrdhmanas, and gahd patis in idealized term s, which stressed their high social status. For
instance, in his discourses dealing w ith the great pleasure given by
visible form s to a view er, the Buddha used the analogy o f an ideal
w om an: A m aiden o f the khattiya , brdhmana, or gahapati family, be
tw een fifteen and sixteen years o f age, not too tall, not too short,
n o t too plum p, not too thin, not too dark, not too pale, is she then
in her full flow er o f charm s and beauty?75 Similarly, some bhikkhus
considered people born in khattiya, brdhmana, and gahapati families
as deserving the highest privileges w ithin the sahgha.76 These three
groups w ere also generally associated w ith authority, wealth, and
em inence. Stressing the inevitability o f death the Buddha told King
Pasenadi, Even they w ho are em inent khattiyas, em inent brahmanas , or em inent gahapatis, m en of authority ow ning great treasure,
great w ealth, im m ense hoards o f gold and silver, im m ense aids to
enjoym ent, im m ense supplies o f goods and corn, even they being
born cannot live w ith o u t decay and death.
The same association
is repeated by K ing Pasenadi to the Buddha when he com plains
iy B uddhaghosha. Sumangala Vildsinl. p. 191.
74 N .N . W aglc, Society at the Tim e o f the Buddha, p. 53,
75 M . N . , ITp. 122;
I. p. 1 16.
77 S.N ., I, p. 70; K .S ., I, p. 97.
82
that, em inent khattiyas, em inent brdhmams , and em inent gahapatis,

m en o f authority. . . w ho [are] nevertheless found deliberately tell
ing lies w hile seated in the judgem ent hall.,78
These groups w ere not only associated w ith authority, w ealth,
and em inence bu t also w ith learning and w isdom . Reacting to a
charge levelled by the paribhdjaka M agandiya the Buddha says,
"mind w hat you say Magandiya . . . for many learned khattiyas,
learned brdhmanas, learned gahapatis and learned samanas have great
faith in this G otam a.79 It is apparent from the passage that the de
votion o f these categories was considered prestigious by the
B uddhists. The three categories were also im portant enough to
have assemblies (parisas) o f their ow n and entering them required a
degree o f confidence. Talking to Slha the Lichchhavi on the m erits
o f alms giving, the Buddha pointed out that whichever parisa the
alm s-giver entered, w hether o f the khattiyas, brdhmanas, or gahapatis
he *enters unliuubled and with confidence.HM
T he three groups also feature together in the context o f rebirth
into families o f high status. The Majjhima N ikdya states that a bhikk h u w h o p o sse sse d c c ita in powers co u ld , if lie so u csircu , he reborn
as a w ealthy khattiya , a w ealthy brdhmana or a w ealthy gahapati. 81
T he status o f a gahapati was obviously w orth aspiring to. C o n
v e r se ly , it was p o ssib le to fall from the h ig h status o f a k h a tt iy a ,
brdhmana , o r gahapati in this life into that o f a family o flo w status in
the fu tu re.82 It m ay be relevant to point out in this context that the
gahapati C itta, a prom inent lay follower o f the Duddlia, arid one
w ho was described as an ideal layman (upasaka), is singled out for a
unique honour in the B uddhist literature. O n his deathbed the deuas
and k in s m e n o f Citta e x h o r te d him to aspire to b e reborn as a
c a k k a v a tti.^ The cakkavatti was the counterpart o f the Buddha in the
social w orld and was therefore the highest position that any lay_____ l . . _ r e : _ c
___
____ i j _________________* __ j
m an, wuu was ctiitfiuy
ui ingu sliiius,
eoi-uu
d sp n c to. n u u luim____
ci
it w as considered a potential possibility for the gahapati Citta.
T he pahanatis association w ith wealth
O
Gahapatis are associated w ith wealth, prestige, and im portance not

only along w ith khattiyas and brdhmanas, but also on their ow n,
78 S .N ., I p. 7 5 ; K .S .t I, p. 100.
7y A IN ., H, p. 199; M .L .S ., II, p. 182.
A .N ., II, p. 305; G .S ., III, p. 3 k
81 A*.iV., Ill, p. 162.
82 A . N . , II, P. 90.
83 S . N . , III, p. 268.
The Gahapati
83
Gahapatis and gahapaii-punas ate frequently m entioned in the texts
along w ith people o f inferior status and in opposition to them, thus

seem ing to represent a category o f superior status in relation to
th e m .84 This im age of the gahapati as a w ell-to-do and highly re
spectable person is strengthened by the great disapproval shown in
Pali texts o f any attack upon them. They appear to be a category
specially vulnerable to slander and physical harm and required
strong bodyguards.85 The royal police are depicted as seizing one
such offender, binding his arms behind him with a stout rope,
shaving his head and parading him round to the ucaL u f a harshsounding drum . Taken from street to street, and from crossroad to
crossroad he was then led to the south o f the tow n and beheaded for
the offence o f spoiling the fortunes o f some guhupati ui gahapaiiputta by resorting to falsehood.HA Since the offence related only to
falsehood and not to som ething really criminal, the punishm ent
seems unduly h a r s h : die gahapatis must c e r ta in ly h a v e been v e i y
pow erful to have exacted such severe punishm ent for offences
against them .
A special association is icflcctcd in Buddhist literature between
the gahapati and the pursuit o f pleasure. The only other category
th a t is similarly depicted is the king. The bhikkhu is frequently de
picted as being tem pted to give up his b h ikkh u status as he happens
to sight a gahapati or gahapati-putta indulging in the five sense plea
sures. T hen he thinks: I too w hen living at hom e indulged in
. . . the five sense pleasures. M oreover since wealth exists in my
fam ily I could enjoy it and do good w ork w ith it.87 Similarly, in
the Mdgandiya Sutta o f the M ajjkima N ikd ya , the Buddha repeats the
association between the gahapati and pleasure when stating, A
gahapati or gahapati-putta , rich or o f great wealth, o f many posses
sions w ho, endow ed w ith the five strands o f sense pleasures, m ight
revel in th em .88 The A h g u tta ra N ik a y a provides a vivid picture o f
the gahapati . A gahapati or gahapati-putta has a house w ith a gabled
roof, plastered inside and outside w ith well-fitting doors and case
m ents. T herein a couch is spread w ith a costly skin o f antelope,
having a canopy overhead and a scarlet cushion at each end. Here is
*4 A .N ., I f p. 222; M .N ., I, p. 229; D .N ., I, p. 55.
S5 S .N ., H, p. 334.
K .S ., 111, p. % .
87
A . N . , II, p. 131 ;G .S ., II, p. 129.
88 u
c1
\ rl ., it
11, up, tOT, JwU .i
14, p.
ti
--ifv*)
84
a lamp burning and four wives to wait upon him with all their
charms . . . H9
T h e g a h a p a ti s as e x te n d e r s o f p o p u la r su p p o rt to B u d d h is m
Curiously enough, many prominent gahapatis appear in Buddhist

texts in the unique position o f having followers o f their own. This
is unusual, since the only other people usually referred to with fol
lowers o f their own were the leaders o f the other sects. The gahapati
Anathapindika, probably the largest donor of the sangha , is de
scribed in the Ahguttara N ik a y a as coming to see the Buddha sur-'
rounded by 500 lay disciples o f his ow n.70 Elsewhere, the gahapati
D ham m adinna is similarly described as having 500 lay followers,91
and the com m entary to the Sam yutta N ik a y a states that six other
gahapatis and Visakha the woman lay disciple also had a following
of 500 disciples each.92 These disciples may have then become fol
lowers o f the Buddha through thcvr o w n gahapati, which suggests
that the ga hap atis played an im portant role in the extension o f popu
lar support to Buddhism.
T h e gahapatis special relationship with the sahgha
A nother im portant aspect of the gahapati was the special rela

tionship some had with the sahgha, it is customary m the texts to
depict bhikkhus who were ill or on their deathbeds as being visited
by the Buddha and given succour in their afflictions. The custom
seems to have been largely restricted to bhikkhus apart from some
very rare exceptions in the context of prominent lay disciples. All
these exceptions invariably relate to gahapatis. Thus, the gahapati
Nakuiapita was visited by the Buddha when he was ailing."3 Simi
larly, Anathapindika asked for Ananda when he was ill and was
visited and reassured by him.94 The gahapatis Sirivaddha and Manadinna also called for Ananda when they were ill and specially in
quired about their respective futures after death.95 Their possession
o f wealth and high social status, along with their position as the
largest donors of the suhgha, gave them privileges which were nor
mally restricted only to the bhikkhus. Gahapatis were clearly the
m ost im portant category among the lay disciples of the sangha.
*9 Cm. S . , 1, p . 120; A . N . , I, p, 127.
91 5 .A/., IV, p. 348.

M A . N . , III, p. 19.
w A . N . , II, p p . 452, 457.
92 K . S V, p. 347n.
S . N . , IV, p. 329.
*3 5 .IV., IV, pp. 152, 153.
The
Gahapati
85
G ahapati and gam ani

A n o th er relationship w hich we need to explore is that betw een the
gahapati and gamani. The term gam ani has been translated by the
Pali-F.nglish dictionary as the head o f a com pany, a chief and a vil
lage headm an. T he gam ani appears to have held an official
po sitio n .96 T he Mahdvagga speaks o f King Bim bisara giving in
structions to 80.000
'
ovdmikas97 on w orldlv
; or inoliticai m atters.
w hich points both to their political status as well as their num erical
significance. While the gam ani appears to have some relationship
w ith the gahapati, there is nothing explicit in the Pali texts to
indicate the actual nature o f the relationship. It is possible that the
ga m a n i was recruited from am ongst the gahapatis and was the adm i
nistrative head o f the village. It is evident from a nassae-e in the
Sam yutta N ikd ya that the gam ani was familiar w ith the nature o f the
soil and w ith agricultural operations generally, including the speci
fic choices to be m ade in relation to th em .98 The gamani also appears
to be fully conversant w ith the official machinery, including the
system o f laws and justice. They were well established, since one o f
th em possessed a com fortable rcsthouse which was used bv samanabrahmanas on their sojourns and sometimes by leaders o f the diffe
rent s e c ts ." We suggest that the gam ani represented the political
w ing o f the gahapati category. While the gahapati 's function per
tained to the econom y, the gam ani com bined econom ic and political
functions as the official head o f the village. This explains the greater
assurance o f the gam ani (in a Samyutta N ikdya account) w hen he de
fended B uddhist m onks against various charges in the k in g s
c o u rt.100 In another incident, he also displayed a degree o f self pos
session in the presence o f the Buddha w hom he accused o f being no
different from a m agician.101 The gam ani may possibly have been
the political arm o f the gahapati category, wielding pow er w ithin
the village and providing a link for gahapatis w ith the pow er struc
ture outside the village at the same time.
M.
Gahapati; fro m householder to agriculturist.

B efore concluding our analysis o f the term gahapati we m ust try to
96 R hys D avids and Stedc. Pati-Enaiish Dictionary, p. 249.
97 G dm ika could be the official term for the gamani (Mahdvagga, p. 199).
98 S . N ., III, p. 279,
99 Ibid., pp. 302-5.
100 S .N ., III, p. 288.
101 Ibid., p. 299.
86
account for an im portant aspect of the term: its shift in meaning

from a w ord that signified a householder, or head o f the family
unit, to one that signified an economic category and, m ore specifi
cally, that o f an agriculturist. I he shift 111 the term gahapati,, from
denoting a householder to denoting an agriculturist, took place be
cause there was an underlying relationship between the tw o senses
o f the term . This relationship was also intimately connected w ith
the econom y and society o f the period in which the shift in mean
ing was actually taking place.
O n the basis o f early Pali texts the image o f the gahapati that wc
have already outlined is o f a category o f people who were the ow n
ers and controllers o f the prim ary means o f production in the form
o f land. They were the backbone o f the econom y and were re
sponsible for agricultural production. Very often the gahapati
laboured on the land himself, along with his family, producing
both for his family and for the m arket through which he gradually
built up a certain am ount o f capital. It was the gahapati w ho played
a crucial role in the extension, and consolidation o f the agricultural
econom y. Gahapatis were heads o f family units that operated the
land and it was prim arily through the family unit that the system o f
production was organized. Wagle has briefly alluded to the gahapati
as the head o f the household as an economic unit. M ore specifically,
th c gahapati was the head o f the household as a producing unit. This
aspect o f the term is im portant w hen we consider the near absence
o f the gahapati in the gana-sanghas and concentration in the kingdoms
o f Magadha and Kosala instead.102 This feature is related not only to
the existence o f different political systems in the gana-sahghas and
the m onarchies, w hich we have already outlined in Chapter II, but
also to the different social and econom ic systems in the tw o types o f
states,103 It appears that the oligarchic political systems o f the gatta102 Chanana also rem arks on the absence o f categories other than the ddsa~
kammakaras in the oligarchies in contrast to the regions controlled by the kings
(D .R . Chanana, Slavery in Ancient India, p. 158, n. 38).
W hile there are num erous w orks on the political system ot the gana-$ahghai
w hich show that they were m arkedly different from the monarchies (see Chapter II),
no m ajor w ork exists on the social organization o f the gana-sanghas partly because o f
the paucity o f material. Wc have tried to piece together stray references from the
B uddhist texts as.a w hole and draw inferences from them. We have also had to rely
o n evidence from later Pali texts which w e have norm ally avoided in o u r w ork for
reasons outlined in the Introduction. Since our sources give us inform ation only for
the eastern %ana-sahgkxs we shall confine o u r analysis to them . General observations
The Gahapati
87
rested u p u n their lineage based s o c ia l a itu ccuiioinic u i g a nizations, which were m arked by the absence o f private property in
the land. In contrast, the gahapatis spread out in the kingdom s o f
Kosala a n d M a g a d h a w e r e d i r e c t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e p o s s e s s i o n
o f private property in land. Let us now consider some o f the facts
th at are available.
sunghas
T he social organization o f the gana-sahghas
T he existence o f a large concentration o f khattiyas in the ganas a ttg h a s has also b e e n p o i n t e d out in C h a p t e r II. These areas reveal a
com paratively simple social organization consisting preponderant
ly o f one or m ore khattiya clans and their slaves and w orkm en.
Some artisans arc m e n t i o n e d such as t h e b a r b e r and t h e m ctalsm ith, bu t apart from these there are hardly any references to other
social groups, and even those to brdhmanas are not very num erous.
T he early Pali texts refer to o n l y one b r d h m a n a village located in the
Sakyan territory and also gives us the additional inform ation that
the brdhmana-gahapatis o f this village had their ow n assem bly.104
n M
xAij/a
it.
-4-%
i
11 v m
^ l-fc t /s mr-%
.
u iio
#->.u n d
k4> h J.44 ^ m ,m j-%mma

urufi'iriuKuj
ai l
v- smw yih *
44.4
l u ^."k.i i t i* vA n* vwud
m It *
aj-%hu u,J vjm
y
appear in their ritual function as the chaplains (purohitas) o f the

kings.
Landholding in the gana-sahghas
T h e conclusion that khattiyas in the gana-sahghas did not involve

th e m s e lv e s
w ith
a g ric u ltu re ,
e x c e p t fo r p e rfo rm in g
m a n a g e ria l
functions, is clear from a passage in the Vinaya-Pitaka. Mahanama

the Sakyan describes agricultural functions to his brother A nuruddha thus: It is necessary t o get t h e land tille d , and t h e n have it irriga
ted . . . O nce the crop is ready it is necessary to get it harvested and
get the grain winnowed from the chafF [italics m ine].105 Chanana
1H e f 1"!1Af1 e A IW t-u a nr'i'i H 1ta aji ,-1
liu o
^ V IH V V V I
V W If
U iR b
V liV JV
v iv v a v iicr
RL V
i l l
C11L- A . U U J U U
VV
till
'
fore represent the khattiyas as supervising w ork done by others.106

av a ila b le in th e Iv iah a b rid ra ia a n d the
h a v e alst* been \jl sennc use m
reaching conclusions. T he discussion in C hapter II on the political organization o f

the gana-sahghas should also be borne in mind,
11)4 S .N ., I, p. 183. This reference m ight indicate the spread o f the trend, already
well established in the m onarchies, o f the brdhmanas being settled or> the land and
creating their ow n villages.
105 Cullavagga, p. 279; B .O .D ., Vol. V, pp. 253-4.
D. R. Chanana, S la v e r y in A n cie n t India, p. 43.
88
S o d a ! D im en sio n s o f E a rly B uddhism
Even the supervision was done by some m em bers only, while

others seemed to enjoy the benefit o f com m unal ow nership. A nuruddha, for instance was obviously unaw are o f even the managerial
aspects o f agriculture since his brother had to explain the unending
nature o f the agricultural cycle to him. This is reiterated in a story
w hich describes the ignorance o f three young Sakyans w ho did not
even know w here rice came fro m .107
T he suggestion that land in the gana-sanghas was com m unally
ow ned by the entire clan is supported by the reference to a dispute
betw een the dasa-kammakaras o f the Sakyas and the Koliyas. The
Sakyas and the Koliyas were neighbouring clans whose lands were
separated by the Rohini river, 108 In the m onths o f M ay and June
w hen the w ater from the river w ould be at its low est, the sharing o f
the river w ater to irrigate the fields o f the Sakyas and Koliyas
sparked o ff a quarrel between their respective dasa-kammakaras,
w h o arc described as being em ployed by the residents o f both terri
tories, The dasa-kammakaras in turn had to take up the dispute w ith
m inisters o f b o th clans w ho had charge o f the w o rk .109 The Sa
kyans and the Koliyans then came to the rescue o f their ow n dasakammakaras. T he w hole narration suggests the collective ow nership
o f land by the clan.110
A nother story narrates the kings role am ong the Sakyas in the
annual ploughing festival called vappa mangala. According to the
Niddna Katha, the king wielding a golden plough and 107 o f his
councillors w ielding silver ploughs participated in a ritual plough
ing w hile their dasa-kammakaras enjoyed the festival, w earing new
clothes and garlands.111 It is possible to infer from this description
o f the festival that the king and clan ciders w ere jointly dem onstrat
ing their com m unal ow nership o f the land, w hich was norm ally
w o rk ed by the dasa-kammakaras.
T he existence o f the notion o f com m on property am ong the
gana-sahghas is m ore definitely stated in a Vinaya passage regarding
107 E.W . Burlingam e, Buddhist Legends, Vol. 1, p. '52..
108 O riginally the Sakyas and Koliyas were related to each other since they are said
to have had a com m on ancestor (see G.P. Malalasekhara, D . P . P . N Vol. I, pp.
6 8 9 -9 0 ).
109 E. W. Burlingam e, Buddhist Legends, Vol. Ill, pp. 70-1.
110 TheJdtakas, ed. by V. Fausboll, Vol. V, p. 413.
111 Niddna Katha, tr. by T. W, Rhys Davids as Buddhist Birth Stories, pp. 163-4.
89
The Gahapati
th e b h ikkh u S u d in n a K a lan d ak a, w h o w a s a setthi putta b e fo r e h is
e n try into the sahgha. His family is described as possessing im m ense

w ealth, w h ich led S udinnas m other to plead w ith him to provide
th e f a m ily an h e ir s o th a t th e en tire p r o p e r ty w o u ld n o t pass to th e
Lichchhavis, w h o w ere treated as a collective e n tity .112

Tension within the gana-sahghas
A ccording to Radhakrishna C how dhary, Kautilyas reference to

vairdjaganas indicates societies w here notions o f m ine and thine
T V* V
**
V V V VVI-
T 'K
n m i i \A U
T
1 V
+*
1T V T
W
A
-1
.J
VAA
A ^
^1 b it riff f
IYr w m ^ v V f J
"
clan m em bers in relation to each other, w ho collectively exercised

p o w er. T h e equality o f all clan m em bers w ould also be possible in
s u c h a situ a tio n . T h e Mahabharata sta tes th is q u ite clea rly w h e n it
treats all m em bers o f a gana-sahgha as equal to one another in their

b irth and fam ily sta tu s.114 The only m ajor difference that existed
w a s b e t w e e n th e khattiya cla n m e m b e r s w h o j o in t ly h e ld th e la n d ,
and the ddsa-kammakaras w ho jo in tly w orked the land. T he incident

o f the slaves o f the Sakyans attacking the Sakyan w om enfolk has
a lr e a d y b e e n cite d as an e x a m p le o f th e so c ia l te n sio n s th at e x is te d
in society (see C hapter II). It indicates also the inner tension that
existed w ithin the gana-sahghas. W hile there are num erous refer
ences to th e ddsa-kammakaras in th e P a li te x ts, th is is th e o n ly e x a m
ple w e have o f their having resorted to violence against their m as
ters. W e suggest that this attack on the Sakyans is itself an indica
tion o f th e g r o u p c o n s c io u s n e s s o f th e ddsa-kammakaras in re la tio n
to th eir Sakyan m asters. Since the ddsa-kammakaras w orked as a
group o n the land fo r their m asters as a group , they took collective
a c tio n a g a in st th e ir j o in t m a sters T h e group c o n s c io u s n e s s it s e lf
w as possible n o t only because the ddsa-kammakaras shared the same
m aterial interests b u t because it was possible to translate this into a
w e feelin e- in a situ a tio n in w h ic h th e v and th eir m asters b o th r e n resented collective units in relation to each other. This exam ple o f
in n er tension w ithin the gana-sangha also provides the clue to the
Arthasdstra*s injunction that, in order to create dissension w ithin a
republic, the king w h o wishes to destroy them should foster inJ
m Pardjika, p. 22.
R a d h a k r i s h n a C h o w d h a r y , ' O w n e r s h i p o f L a n d in A n c i e n t I n d i a , J . B , R . S . f
Vol. LIII, 1967, p. 35.

114 Mahabharata, Vol. 13, p. 509.
90
d ig n a tio n

a m on gst
its
in h ab itan ts
by
h ig h lig h tin g
e c o n o m ic
d isp arity .115

T w o types o f sanghas
T h e Arthasdstra deals w ith tw o different types o f sanghas: one in

w hich the ksatriya inhabitants live by vdrta and sastra, and another in
w hich th e y live by the title raja.116 T h e first ty p e refers to sn eh p e o
ple as the Kambojas and Surasenas, and the second to the Lichchhavis, Mallas etc. R uben117 describes the tw o separate types as being
derived from differences based on property in th e so il. T h e first
type he considers as vesting in the sahgha as a group* in areas w ith
barren soil and under p o o r conditions, as existed in the desert o f
Saurashtra and in the steppes o f the. north-w est. Those w ho lived
by vdrta w ere therefore sanghas in which the inhabitants jointly per
form ed both econom ic functions (agriculture and cattle-keeping),
and m ilitary functions themselves. In the second type he believes
that the ksatriyas (all or som e o f them) w ere proprietors o f their
landed estates, w hich he implies w ere separate. H ow ever, we sug
gest that the differences in the tw o types o f sanghas w ere n o t based
on com m unal holding in one and landed estates in the other, b u t on
w h eth er the ksatriyas themselves w orked the land, as in the case o f
the Kambojas and Surastras, or whether they had the land w orked
th ro u g h others such as the ddsa-kammakaras , as outlined above.
Som e implications o f clan ownership o f land
A n o th er point o f som e significance in the context o f the ow nership

o f land in the gana-sahghas is that, although the B uddha had m any
individual follow ers in them , alm ost all the gifts o f dramas and
viharas to the sahgha m entioned in the early Pali texts w ere m ade in
the n o n -gana-sahgha regions. While in Rajagaha, Savatthi, Saketa
and K osam bI the B uddha is described as staying in various dramas
w hich had been gifted to the sangha, no similar arrangem ents ex
isted in the gana-sanghas: Instead, the B uddha is often depicted as re
siding in a com m on hall (kutagdrasdla) in V esali.11H O n his last vassa
spent near Vesali, B uddhas request to the bhikkhus to go and stay
115 Arihasastra o /K a u tiiya , ed. by R.P. Kangle, Vol. I, p, 245.
1lft Ibid., p . 2 4 4 .
,]7 W alter Ruben, Som e Problems o f the Ancient Indian Republics' in K ,M ,
A s h r a f ed, by H orst K ruger, pp. 23-4.
1,8 D .N ., II, p. 93; D .N ., I, p. 128.
The Gahapati
91
Vesali w ith f r i e n d s a n d a c q u a i n t a n c e s ,1 s u g g e s t s t h a t
B uddhists had no drama w ith perm anent structures o f their o w n in
Vesali, Similarly, at least on o n e occasion, even am ong his ow n Saa ro u n d
k y a n s , t h e B u d d h a h a d n o w h e r e to s ta y in K a p i l a v a t t h u , a l t h o u g h
M ahanam a searched throughout the to w n .120

T he only notable exceptions that w e get o f a gift o f an drama in a
guru*-sahgha is the e x a m p l e o f t h e courtesan A m u a p a l i s gift o f an
ambavana (mango grove) to the sahgha, on the Buddha's last visit to
the Lichchhavis. H ow ever, Ambapalis position among the Lich
c h h a v i s is i t s e l f i n t e r e s t i n g . A c c o r d i n g t o B u d d h i s t t r a d i t i o n a v a i l
the Lichchhavis had a custom accord
able in the Tibetan D u lva
ing to which a beautiful w om an w ho was perfect in every way was
, m
n o t a l l o w e d t o m a r r y s in c e t h a t w o u l d m a k e h e r t h e p r o p e r t y o f
ju st one individual. She was reserved for the pleasures o f the

people as a whole and established as a courtesan so that everyone
had e q u a l a c c e s s t o h e r . T h e c u s t o m i t s e l f r e f le c ts t h e d e e p l y
em bedded notion o f com m on property am ong the Lichchhavis.
T he possession o f the ambavana by Ambapali m ight even be attri
b u t e d t o the L i c h c h h a v i s ' h a v i n g j o i n t l y b e s t o w e d th is p r o p e r t y o n
her in order to dem onstrate their com m on claims on her. A gift o f
land to the sahgha in the Vajjian territory would have been difficult
u iuu a v u TiTrttll
j-i-L L i v j i m a i ^n.\yULiiiavaitvw>jf J i n v v 11
a i i *ciu A T
u i tâuUL a- L
vv v u i urJ hi
n a rTTA
v Vi
t ta^ v/\i
to agree on such a gift and this would not have been easy in a clan
w here m any m em bers were supporters o f other sects, particularly
o f the JSJiganthas.
C lan ownership o f land , khattiyas, and the gana-sanghas
W e h a v e e a r l ie r p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e c o m p o u n d e x p r e s s i o n kka ttiya -
gahapati never occurs in the Buddhist texts and also to the fact that
the khattiyas w ere specially associated w ith the gana-sahghas. These
f a c t s a n d t h e n e a r a b s e n c e o f t h e gahapati fr o m t h e gana-sanghas 122
119 D . N . , II, p. 79.
120 A .N ., I, p. 258.
121 W .W . Rockhiil, The Life of the Buddha, p. 64.
122 T w o ga h a p a tis a re m e n t i o n e d i n t h e V a jjia n t e r r i t o r y a n d o n e in t h e B h a g g a
territo ry . The presence o f these three may indicate the beginnings o f a process o f the
breakdow n o f the social organization o f the gana-sahghas which was bound to hap
pen sooner or later, surrounded as they were by the monarchies where a different so
cial organization had come into existence. It may also be pointed out that the Vajjian
confederacy was a larger and less hom ogenous gana-sahgha than the Sakyans were.
T h e Bhaggas on the other hand appear to have already become an appendage o f the
kingdom o f Vatsa since the prince Bodhiraja Kumara had a palace in Sumsumaragiri.
92
can be related to the absence o f private property, at least in agri

cultural land, held by individual families in these areas. T he oligar
chic political system o f the gana-sahghas can be better explained by
such a social organization123 since collective political functioning would
be facilitated by collective holding o f the land itself. O n the other hand,
the em ergence o f the gahapati elsewhere is related to the em ergence
o f landed property held by individual families. This fact is o f some
significance in our attem pt to understand the changing m eaning o f
the term gahapati.
T he g a h a p a ti , the fam ily, agriculture, and the private control ofland
It can be argued that the existence o f the family is im portant in the

new system o f social and econom ic organization, since land or the
individual holding m ust be passed on from one generation to
another. T he genesis m yth o f the Buddhists also points to the rela
tionship betw een the family and private property because both
appear at alm ost the same tim e in the narration.124 T he relationship
betw een the fam ily and agriculture is also attested to by the use o f
the same term for both the householder and the agriculturist in preB uddhist and B uddhist texts. This association has actually survived
into contem porary times in the region in which the term itself was
changing its connotation in early B uddhist times. Field observation
in eastern U tta r Pradesh and Bihar have revealed the com pound ex
pression kheti-grihasti (agriculture-household functions), w hich is
com m only used to describe agriculture. Sometimes grihasti alone is
used to describe the occupation o f agriculture and it appears that the
w ords are synonym ous and interchangeable. T he term grihast is
also w idely prevalent to describe an ow ner-cultivator w hether o f a
large or small holding , yz* T h e grihast may or m ay not w ork on his
the capital o f the Bhaggas. These areas are likely to have therefore experienced
changes in the social organization before the smaller and m ure hom ogenous ganasahghas did.
123 T his view is supported by jayam al Rai ( The Rural-Urban Economy o f Ancient In
dio , pp. 20, 31, 38). H e suggests that there was an intim ate connection betw een
p ro p erty rights and the form o f governm ent.
124 D .N ., III, pp. 69-71.
12s
term continued to carry the same connotation dow n the years is evi
dent f r o m m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y r e c o r d s o f B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . T he grihetsts
association w ith agriculture led a section o f the adm inistrators to recom m end a set
tlem ent w ith them rather than w ith the Zam indars {R. Guha, A Rule o f Property fo r
Bengal, pp. 54-5).
The Gahapati
93
o w n lands, but he never hires out his ow n labour to others.126 This

is exactly the image o f the gahapati in the Pali texts. An identical
category also exists in Sri Lanka in the form o f the goyigdma, w hich
w ill be discussed in Chapter IV.
T he special relationship between agriculture and the family has
been explained by the anthropologist M eillasoux.127 He argues that
w ith the emergence o f agriculture, continuity became an essential
feature o f social organization because o f the special needs o f the
agricultural cycle. M embers o f an agricultural team are linked
together, at least till the time o f cropping, so that every m em ber
can benefit from the jo in t labour. Further, the problem o f feeding
the cultivator during the non-productive period o f labour, between
clearing the ground and harvest time, cannot be solved unless
enough o f the previous crop is available for the purpose. The mem-r
bers o f an agricultural party are thus linked together not only to
each other during the non-productive period o f w ork, but also to
the w orking party that produced the food in the previous cycle. As
tim e goes on this am ounts to a change o f generation and, according
to M eillasoux, provides the basis for the emergence o f the family as
a cohesive producing unit.
As already noted the Pali texts furnish the example o f the gahapati
M endakas family being jointly involved with operations on land
and functioning as a cohesive producing unit. The example dem on
strates the intim ate relationship between the family and agriculture.
T he family was essential not only from the point o f view o f the in
heritance o f land from one generation to another, but, m ore im por
tantly, to reproduce the labour to w ork the land itself. The shift in
the m eaning o f the term gahapati reflects a very notable change in
the social organization o f north-eastern India: the emergence o f the
fam ily as the basic producing unit in agriculture, along w ith the
em ergence o f private control over land.
126 Personal communication from D r A. Chakravarti on the basis of intensive field

w ork in N orth Bihar, and D r Lai Bahadur Verma o f Gorakhpur University.
127 Claude M eillasoux, From Reproduction to Production7, Economy and Society,
Vol. I, no. 1, 1972, p. 99.
C H A P T E R IV
Social Stratification as Reflected in

the Buddhist Texts
T h e p ro b le m
T h e p ro b le m o f the stratification o f society as reflected in early

B u d d h is t te x ts has been a m ajor concern o f m an y historians and
so cio lo g ists. A lm o st every seriou s w riter on B u d d h ism has ex
pressed so m e o p in io n o n the B uddhist attitu d e to caste and th e ex
istin g in eq u ality in society. T h e fact th at questions ab o u t caste and
th e claim s o f th e b T d h m a n a s to su periority appear so frequently in
B u d d h is t texts suggests th a t this was a m ajo r p reo ccu p atio n o f the
early B u d d h ists them selves. T his explains, at least to so m e ex ten t,
w h y th e subject has generated su ch interest a m o n g st m o d ern sc h o
lars.
S o m e o f th e m ajo r w ays in w h ich societies m ay be stratified are
a cc o rd in g to the p rin ciples u f caste, class, aiul p o w er. H o w e v e r ,
o n ly caste has received the atten tio n o f scholars in the stu d y o f

an cien t Indian society, largely because o f the em phasis o n the
Brahm arrical v ie w p o in t, either as the focu s o f stu d y , or as the p o in t
o f reference fo r a stu d y o f stratification. W e shall a ttem p t to analyse

th e p ro b le m o f social stratification b y taking the B u d d h ist texts as
ou r m a in fo c u s and try to unravel the sy stem o f ideas reflectin g the
B u d d h is t p o in t o f view . W e shall also try to locate the em pirical

basis o f these ideas. T h e B rahm anical sy stem cannot be ig n o red and
b o th p re se n t in B u d d h ist literatu re it is necessary to indicate the
sense in w h ic h w e are u sing the term s. C aste' is used in the sense o f
an ascribed status grou p w hich is a com p on en t in a hierarchical
a rra n g e m e n t o f g ro u p s. C lass', on the o th e r hand, represents th e

rela tiv e im p o rtan ce o f a g ro u p co n tro llin g the m eans o f p ro d u c
tio n .
B uddhism and caste
T w o d ifferin g p o sitio n s h ave b een taken o n th e p rob lem o f the
Social Stratification in the Buddhist Texts
95
B u d d h ist attitude to caste, w hich was by then already em erging as

the m ajor system o f inequality in Indian society. Rhys D av id s,1 has
argued that if one considers the position o f the B uddha on the ques
tio n o f recruitm ent into the sahgha the only organ o f society, over
w h ich he had com plete control advantages or disadvantages aris
ing fro m birth, occupation, and social status w ere com pletely
irrelevant. H e gives num erous exam ples to support his argum ent:
o f U pali, the expert on the vinaya , w ho had been a barber, o f Sunita,
w h o w as a pukkusa;2 o f Sati, w h o was a fisherman; o f Punna and
P unnika, w h o had been slave girls; and o f Subha, w ho was the
d au g h ter o f a sm ith .3 Rhys D avids argues further that on the sub
je c t o f caste outside the sahgha the Buddha tried to influence public
o p in io n b y a constant inculcation o f reasonable view s, as for ex
am ple in the Amagandha Sutta o f the Sutta N ipata, w here he argued
th a t defilem ent does n o t com e from eating this or that, prepared
and given by this o r that person, b u t from evil deeds and w ords and
th o u g h ts.4 In fact, Rhys D avids believed that, had the B uddha's
view s w o n the day, the evolution o f social grades and distinctions
w o u ld have developed differently and the caste system w ould never
have been built u p .5 R hys D avids has been the m ajor proponent o f
the view that B uddhism was antagonistic to caste. This view has
gained popular currency and the im age o f the Buddha as a social re
fo rm er led A m bedkar and the M ahars to adopt B uddhism w hen
they rejected H induism as a system o f institutionalized inequality.
O ld en b erg , on the other hand, has pointed out that despite the
fact that B uddhist theory acknow ledged the equal right o f all per
sons to be received into the sahgha ,6 the actual com position o f the
sahgha suggests th at it was b y no m eans in keeping w ith the Theory
o f eq u ality , and that a m arked leaning to aristocracy seems to have
lingered in ancient B uddhism .7 He also gives examples: o f the
1 T, W.
R h y s D a v id s, D , R ,
I, p . 1 02.
2 T h e pukkusds are one o f the five low groups frequently m entioned in the
B u d d h ist texts. T h ey w ere associated w ith sw eeping flowers. Actually Sunita is
described as a pupphachaddaka in the Theragdthd (Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol.II, p. 330).
3
1, p. 102.
4 D .B ., I, p. 104. See also Swffa Nipata, Khuddaka N ikd ya ,
Vol. I, pp. 3 0 4 -7 .
5 D .B ., I, p. 107.
6 H. O ldenberg, The Buddha, p. 154. He how ever points o u t that even this
p o sitio n w as n o t unique to the B uddha, and long before his tim e there w ere religious
o rd ers w h o received m em bers from all castes.
7 Ibid., p. 155.
96
young brdhmanas Sariputta, M oggallana and Kaccana; o f khattiyas

like Ananda, Rahula and Anuruddha; and o f great m erchants like
Yasa, w ho were men o f the m ost respectable classes o f society
w ith an education in keeping w ith their social status*. People like
them gathered round the teacher, w ho him self belonged to the
&akya nobility.8 The problem o f the social origins o f early B uddh
ists recurs frequently in the debate on the Buddhas attitude to
caste. These are actually tw o separate questions: one relates to prac
tice, and the other to ideology, and we should guard against con
fusing the tw o. This chapter will attem pt to deal w ith the question
o f ideology and the following chapter m ore w ith that o f the prac
tice.
O n the subject o f social inequalities outside the sahgha O ldenberg
is even m ore emphatic. According to him, there was nothing re
sem bling a social upheaval in India. The inequality inherent in the
caste system had no value for the Buddha and O ldenberg argues
that it is historically untrue to treat the Buddha as a cham pion o f the
low er classes.9 Similarly, Fick states that the developm ent o f caste
was in no way broken or even retarded by B uddhism ,10 According
to him the B uddhas doctrine did not aim at a transform ation o f so
cial conditions and it was taken for granted that they were
unchangeable.11 Eliot also suggests that while Buddha .attacked
both the ritual and philosophy o f the brdhmanas, so that after his
tim e the sacrificial system never regained its earlier prestige, he was
less effective as a social reform er.12 Eliot argues that although the
B uddha denied the superiority o f the brdhmanas he did not preach
against caste, partly because it existed only in rudim entary form at
the tim e.1^
T he point that, while Buddhism was anti-Brahmanic it did not
affect the caste system, has been elaborated by Bougie w ho states;
Certainly B uddhism , more than any other sect, must have
appeared form idable to the brdhmanas: it tended to make them su
perfluous by limiting . . . the place of rituals. It is clear that the
Buddliist com m unity worked Lo undermine the brdhmariuj> clientele
and the conflict o f interests is u n d en iab le.4 However, Bougie argues
8 Ibid.. p .
10 R. Fick,
11 Ibid.
12 Charles
1-1 Celestin
9 Ibid., p. 153.
The Social Organisation of North-East India in Buddhas Tim e , p. 3 3 5 .
156.
Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. I, p. xxii.

Bougie, Essays on the Caste System, p. 73,
13 Ibid.
Socid/ Stratification in the Buddhist T exts
97
that Buddhists were far from reconstructing the edifice o f H indu

society according to new plans: if they w orked at replacing the roof,
they never gave a thought to changing the foundations.15 In a similar
vein Senart also writes that the conflict between the Buddhist and
brdhmanas was prim arily a struggle for influence, and that there was
n o th in g in the B uddhist stand w hich aim ed at changing the entire
caste sy stem .16
W ebers study o f B uddhism pointed out that the m em bership o f
the sahgha was predom inantly recruited from the great noble fam i
lies, the rich b u rg h ers, and the brdhmanas w ho w ere distinguished
representatives o f a cultured laity. A ccording to him , B uddhism
had no tie w ith any social m ovem em t and it ignored caste o r the
status o rd e r. In his view , early B uddhism as a w hole was the p ro
duct n o t o f the underprivileged b u t o f a very clearly privileged
stra ta .17
B o th these attitudes to early B uddhism have been treated as his
torically unsatisfactory by C hattopadhyaya. C hattopadhyaya
argues th at w hile it is true that B uddhism was supported by
m onarchs, m erchants and contem porary aristocrats, it w ould be
superficial to see only this aspect o f Buddhism . In C h atto padhyayas opinion B uddhism was destined to becom e for various
reasons the biggest socio-religious m ovem ent in Indian h isto ry ,
H e believes that the B uddhas attitude to injustices o f the caste sys
te m and his attacks upon B rahm anic ritual w ere significant reasons
for its appeal to the people. H ow ever, C hattopadhyaya also argues
th at the B uddha only created an illusion o f liberty, equality, and
fratern ity by m odelling his sahgha on the tribal values, w hereas in
reality these values w ere being tram pled upon in the w orld outside
the sahgha. While C hattopadhyaya suggests a dialectical rela
tionship betw een B uddhism and the new society em erging in the
sixth century B.C., he does n o t explain or analyse the B uddhist atti
tude to social stratification, or the relationship betw een B uddhism
and the actual social categories o f the time; hence the earlier con
tro v ersy has rem ained unresolved. T he points o f view here
sum m arized are n o t based on a system atic analysis o f the relevant
B uddhist sources and it appears that the tw o contrasting positions
discussed above do an injustice to the com plex pattern o f ideas on
15 Ibid.
16 E. Senart, Caste in India, p. 205.
17 M a x W eber, T he Religion o f India, pp. 225-7.
18 D .P . C hattopadhyaya, Lokayata , pp. ,466-7.
98
s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n d e p i c t e d i n t h e e a r l y P a li c a n o n . I t is i m p o r t a n t
to first try and understand the Buddhist system o f stratification,

and then relate them to actual developm ents in Buddhism .
T w o schemes o f categorization in the Buddhist texts
A com prehensive reading o f early Pali texts reveals the use o f tw o

different s c h e m e s o f c a t e g o r i z a t i o n : o n e w h i c h r e f le c ts the e x i s t i n g
Brahm anical divisions o f society into brahmanas khattiyas, vessas,
and suddas; and a second, which we have already alluded to in
C h a p t e r 111, a s h e i n g u n i q u e t o t h e B u d d h i s t s t h a t o f t h e k h a t t i y a ,
brdhmana , and gahapati. 19 While both schemes are evident through
out the texts w ith o u t any clearly defined pattern being im m ediately
annarent.
g division o f b r d h m a n a .s k h a ttivJ a .r oessa.r and s u d 1 I
' the e x i s t i n W
da, is associated m ost often w ith situations in which the Buddha
converses w ith a brdhmana.20 Occasionally the four-fold division
also occurs in discussions w ith kings.21 It is frequently m entioned
w hile m aking the point that all divisions o f people into these social
groups are irrelevant in relation to their potential for salvation. It is
never m entioned in discussions w ith the laity. The second scheme
o f classification is never used by the brahmanas, nor by the Buddha
w hile conversing w ith brahmanas. It is used frequently in the con
tex t o f w ealth, learning, and eminence, in situations w here B uddh
ist m onks or the laity w ere present.22
B uddhist references to the four-fold division o f society are not a
replica o f the Brahm anical system o f differentiation. The Buddhists
invariably place khattiyas first in the serial order o f social groups
being enum erated w ith brahmanas following next.23 This contrasts
w ith the brdhmana's enum eration o f the four-fold scheme in the
same texts.24 The Brahmanical stand on the question o f the super
iority o f brahmanas as a social group over all others, including khat
tiyas, w as em phatically denied by B uddhists.25 T hroughout the
B uddhist texts a special tension is noticeable between the khattiyas
19 O r som etim es the khaltiyct. brakrtiana, gahapati and stimtinn, as indicated in
C h ap ter III
2QD .N ., 1, pp. 80, 204; M .N ., 11, pp. 404-13.
21 M . N . , II, pp. 310-11; M .N ., I, p. 375.
77 A . N . , II, p . 89, lW.N., I, p. 122, M . N . , II, p. 7 0 , C h / W , ^ , . 255.
23 D .N ., 111, p. 64; D .N ., 1, pp. 80, 204; M .N ., II, pp. 311-12, 370.
24 M .N ., II, p. 440.
25 D .N ., I, p. 86; D . N ., III, p. 64; D .N ., II, pp. 442-H; M .N ., II pp. 310-16.
99
and brdhmanas,213 so that in any system o f classification khattiyas

w ere placed above brdhmanas.27 If one looks at the Aggahha Sutta,
the B uddhist genesis m yth, the difference in the Brahm anic and
B uddhist points o f view is striking. It is the khattiya here w ho is
first m arked out from the mass o f the people and represented as
essential to the social order, not the brdhmana In fact, in this m yth
the brdhmana appears very similar to the bhikkhu w ho lives on the
periphery o f society, collecting alms from villages and tow ns and
returning to the forest to m editate.29 There is no evidence that the
brdhmana plays any role in society.
T he Brahm anical arrangem ent o f categories in a hierarchy o f ser
vices in w hich the low automatically serve the high is rejected in
B uddhism , even w here the Buddhists m ention the four-fold
schem e. In the M ajjhima N ikaya, the brdhmana Esukari states that
brdhmanas have ordained three types o f service: first where a brdh
mana may be served by another brdhmana, or a khattiya , a vessa or a
sudda ; second, w here a khattiya may be served by another khattiya ,
vessa , or sudda, and third where the sudda may be served by another
sudda since w ho else could serve the sudda?30 The young brdhmana
A m battha also refers to the three vanttas o f khattiyas , i/crms, and suddas as serving the brdhmanas The Buddha refuted the Brahmanical
division o f society based on service and rejected brdhmana attem pts
to force their opinions upon the people when the people did not
accept th e m ,32 H e how ever held that receiving services is not con
ditioned by one's position in a status hierarchy, but on one's ability
to pay for service. In the Madhurd Sutta o f the Majjhima N ikaya the
Buddha pertinently refuted the brdhmana claim to superiority based
on the criteria o f the low er vanna serving the higher. H e pointed
o u t th at anyone including suddas who had wealth, corn, gold, and
silver could have in their em ploym ent others w ho would rise ear
lier than the em ployer, rest later, carry out his pleasure, and speak
, 31
26 R. T hapar, Social M obility in Ancient India', Ancient Indian Social History,

p. 131.
27 D u m o n t has rem arked on the relations between the brdhmanas and the khattiyas.
H e says. 'In theory pow er is ultim ately subordinate to priesthood, whereas in fact
priesthood subm its to power* (L. D um ont, Homo Hierarchies , p.111). Buddhism
reflects the actual situation w hen it places the khattiyas over the brdhmanas.
28 D .N ., III, p. 72.
29 Ibid., p. 73.
30 M .N ., II, p. 441; A fZ .S ., U, p. 366.
100
n f A

k^1.
l i Jf
tv- V
n
I I I rY 1
11LB1A
I#t-!- J
1-C
c i n - n iX
fB
i .A
/V
'U
f A
i nBV
t
L
J K tlg l B
i n
tV l
blBU V B
X
B MBV A
t - L *
r tt A A r
bt I r r k
*
1
B
'V V K
fvB
'l'*
- VIXV VrTt*WW^
are associated n o t w ith the service o f the higher vannas bu t w ith

h u n tin g and such like trifling pursuits.34 Their low level o f culture
a c c o u n t s h e r e f o r t h e i r s t a t u s a t t h e b o t t o m o f t h e s o c ia l s c h e m e . I t
is evident, therefore, that the idea o f the sudda as one whose specific
function was to serve the brahmana, khattiya , and vessa,55 finds no
l le l 111 B u d d h i s t t e x t s .
Term s o f categorization
A n i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f t h e P a li t e x t s is the use o f a v a r i e t y o f t e r m s
to categorize people in society. Three term s are used frequently
vanna , jd ti, and kula. I n addition, a fourth categorization also
a p p e a r s w h i c h d o e s n o t e x p l i c i t l y r e f e r t o v a n n a , jdti, o r k u la , but
w hich is left unspecified, A com prehensive classification o f the use
o f these term s (see A ppendix A) leads to certain conclusions; first,
t h a t t h e four
f o l d s c h e m e o f k h a t t i y a , b r a h m a n a , v e s sa , a n d s u d d a
appears m ost often under the Brahm anical vanna and jd ti system s o f
classification. O n the other hand, the Buddhist scheme o f khattiya ,
b r d h m a n a , a n d g a h a p a ti, is never c la s s if ie d as e i t h e r v a n n a o r as jd ti. It
is used frequently in the context o f kula. Alternatively, it is left u n
specified. T he second conclusion that emerges is the existence o f
t h e n o t i o n o f h i g h and. l o w w i t h i n a ll t h e s y s t e m s o f c la s s i f i c a t i o n . I t
is pertinent that the Buddhists did not have a com plex linear system
o f ranking. Instead, they had a simple tw o-tier system o f stratifica
tion. T h e l i n e a r order o f c a s te s o f t h e B r a h m a n i c a l t e x t s , w h e r e the
four vannas are ranked one below the other, were reduced to tw o
strata by the Buddhists in one passage o f the M ajjhima N ikdya
w h e r e K i n g P a s e n a d i a s k s t h e B u d d h a w h e t h e r t h e r e c o u ld b e a n y
distinction betw een the four vannas.36 T he Buddha answers saying

33 M .N ., II, pp. 311-12; M .L .S ., II, p. 274. T he Buddhist texts also do not
indicate the existence o f judicial privileges based on caste. T he Buddha argues that
anyone com m itting a crim e w ould be punished by the king, regardless o f his vanrn
(M .N ., II, pp. 3 1 4 - 15).
34 D M . , Ill, p . 74; D .B ., III, p . 91.
35 In fact the Apastamba Dharmasutra states that the higher the caste w hich is served
by the sudra the greater is the m erit he gains (77ie Sacred Laws o f the Aryas, S .B .E .,
Vol. II, p. 2). For references to sudras serving the higher castes see Gautama Dharmasutra, T he Sacred Laws o f the Aryas, S.B .E ., Vol. 11, p. 230; Vashishta Dharmasutra ,
T he Sacred Laws o f the Aryas, S .B .E ., Vol. XIV , p. 11; and Baudkayatta Dharmasutra,
T he Sacred Laws o f the A ryas , S .B .E ., Vol. XIV , p. 199.
36 M .N ,. II. pp. 3 7 5 -6 .
101
Social Stratification in the Buddhist T exts
th at a m o n g th e four vannas the khattiyas and brdhmanas are pointed

to as chief (settho) in the m anner in w hich they are addressed, sa
luted, and served. T he vessa and sudda arc opposed to the khattiya
and hrahm ana here in an im plicit rela tio n sh ip o f h ig h and low.
H ow ever, the khattiya and brdhmana appear to stand in a relationship
o f equality between themselves. We shall refer to some situations
w h e r e kh a ttiya s are placed afaove brdhmanas b y the B u d d h ists.
H o w ev er this invariably occurs in situations where the brdhmanas
arc claim ing a pre-em inent position for themselves. The situations
se e m to h e d e sig n e d to hum ble the claims o f brdhmanas to special
privileges. In situations w here brdhmanas were not present, brdhma
nas and khattiyas w ere placed together, along w ith th e gahapati.
H ig h and low strata in Buddhist texts
A basic opposition betw een high and low appears in the context o f
(rraftV
ere are hWh iatis
j idti.' kula r_ kamma fworkV
\
J r and sinna
i
\
/ f thus
~ th------and lo w jatis; high kutas and low kulas; high kamma and low kamma;
and high sippas and low sippas. The conception o f high and low is
quite explicit in the classifications o f jd ti and kula
A long passage
in the Vinaya texts represents jdti, ndma , gotta, kamma, and sippa as
being o f tw o kinds: ukkatta (high) and h im (low). While ndma and
ootta refer to individuals, idti. kamma. and sitwa refer to orouns. We
shall confine ourselves to the groups being categorized as high and
low . Thus ukkatta jd ti is defined as khattiya and brdhmana , while htna
jd ti is defined as candaia, venat nesada, ratthakarat a n d p u k k u s a .^ The
latter categories are conventionally translated as low casteman,
b am b o o w o rk er o r basket maker, hunter, cartw right, and flow er
sw ecner
or scavenger,
bvj Buddhist scholars. T he same division is
j^
repeated exactly in the same form further on in the Vinaya Pitaka.39
In the Anguttara N ika ya We get an unusual scheme o f jatis: the
khattiya, brdhmana, vessa, sudda, and the catiddla-pukkusd, bu t they
arc n o t classified as high or lo w .40 An im portant point to note in the
above m entioned classifications o f jd ti is the absence o f the vessa and
sudda from the list o f categories w hich is difficult to account for.
O ldenberg has draw n our attention to the fact that the text gives
..
, 3 7
I A
A
.
37 Padtiiya, pp. 10-12; B .C .D ., II, pp. 173-6.

3S Ibid., p. 10. These five hina jatis are frequently repeated as a group in the
B uddhist texts. T hey are unique because this specific com bination does not appear in
th e corresponding Brahm anical and Jaina texts.
39 Pddttiya, p. 22.
40 A .N ., 1, p. 149.
102
n o indication o f the possibilities o f any other jd ti being considered

either high or lo w .41 We shall return to this problem later in the
chapter.
A ccording to the Buddhist kula classification the khattiyas,
brahmanas and gahapatis are considered high whereas other kulas
such as the canddla, vena, nesada, ratthakdra and pukkusa are consi
dered lo w .42 In one reference the high kulas o f khattiya, brdhmana
and gahapati are associated w ith w hite and the low kulas o f canddla,
vena, nesada, ratthakdra, and pukkusa w ith black.43 Further, the high
kulas or the unit o f khattiya, brdhmana, and gahapati are invariably
associated w ith attributes w hich are evaluated as high such as
w ealth, em inence, and learning.44 In contrast the canddla, vetya, nesdda, ratthakdra, and pukkusa are described as low and it is stated that
fools w ill be born into such kulas in their next life.45 It m ay be noted
that there is a correspondence betw een the Buddhist enum eration
o f th ejafi and the kula categories except for the m arked inclusion o f
th e gahapati am ong the high kulas w hich is missing in the high jatis.
T his is significant for our argum ent and will also be considered la
ter in the chapter.
Regional dimension o f stratification
*
T he division o f kamma (work) and sippa (craft) into low and high in
the Pdcittiya passage o f the Vinaya Pitaka already cited throw s som e
light on the B uddhist view o f stratification. Low kamma is defined
as kotthaka kammam (w ork o f a storeroom keeper), and pupphachaddaka kammam (w ork o f a flow er sweeper), o r w hat is disdained,
disregarded, scorned, treated w ith contem pt and despised in these
d istricts'.46 H igh w o rk is defined as kast (agriculture), vdnijja
(trade), and gorakkhd (cattle keeping), or w hat is no t disdained
. . . n o t despised' in the area,47 It is evident from this passage that
the B uddhists were reflecting an existing conception o f high and
lo w prevalent in the region w here B uddhism was located. Similar
ly, in the case o f the sippas too the division into high and low sippas
is related to w hat was disdained and despised in the region and w hat
was not. T hus, w e have the nalakdra sippam (craft o f the basket41 H. O ldenberg, O n the H istory o f the Indian Caste System ', Indian Antiquary r
V o l. X U X . n
42 A . N . , II, p. 89; M.AT., f[, p. 447.

43 A .M , III, pp. 9 4 -5 .
44 M .N ., III, p. 248; M .N ., II, pp. 281, 287.
45 M .M ., HI, p. 240.
** Pdcittiya, p.11.
47!bid.
103
m aker), kumbhakdra sippam (craft o f the potter), cammakdra sippam

(craft o f the leatherw orker), nahapita-sippam (craft o f the barber),
and pesakdra sippam (craft o f the weaver) rated as low; and mudda
(reckoning on the fingers), ganand /accounting) and lekhd (writing)
w ere classified as high,48 W hat is significant in the context o f th e jd ti
division into hina (low) and ukkatta (high) is that the additional fac
to r o f w hat was disdained and despised does not appear. It can be
argued that the notion o f high and low in the case o f jdti was not related to a specific area but was m ore widely prevalent, unlike the
case o f kamma and sippa , where regional differences were recog
nized. T he regional criteria o f ranking touched upon by D um ont49
is already noticeable in the Buddhist texts, where kamma and sippa
divisions o f high and low were related to an area w ithin w hich a
similar system o f ranking was prevalent.
T he relationship o j kula, kam m a, and sippa
Som e o f the categories o f the Buddhist texts can be classified under

different heads. For instance, kasi, vdnijja and gorakkhd are both
kamma and sippa. In the Majjhima N ikaya, kulaputtas are associated
w ith certain sippas such as kasiya (agriculture), vdnijjdya (trade),
gorakhena (cattle keeping), issatthena (bowmanship), rdjaporisena
(kings service), and w ith mudddya (rcckoriing on fingers), gananaya
(accounting) and sahkhanena (com puting).50 H owever, regardless
o f the heads under w hich the classifications are made, groups are al
w ays consistently high or low. For instance, whatever the classi
fication, kasi, vdnijja and gorakkhd were invariably ranked as high.
T hus kulaputtas or young men o f good family who are always from
khattiya , brdhmana o r gahapati families are associated w ith agricul
ture, trade, or cattle keeping,51 or w ith com puting, accounting,
and w riting, all o f w hich are rated as high w ork or skills.52 O n the
other hand, individual barbers and potters are described as being o f
low birth and the skills o f the barber and the potter are identified as
lo w .53 O n e o f the low kutas , the pukkusd is described as flower
sweepers. This had a parallel in the low kamma o f the pupphachaddaka w hose function is to sweep flow ers.54 Similarly the low kula o f
48 Ibid.
49 L. D u m o n t, Homo Hierarchhus, p. 82.
50 A4 .N .. I. p. 119. Sl A .N .. III. pp. 375. 378.
52 M .N ., I, p. 119.
53 Padttiya, p, 421; M .N ., II, p. 272
54 Theragatha, Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol. I, p. 300.
104
vena d escrib ed as b a sk et-w ea v er has a parallel a m o n g o n e o f the lo w

sippas in the craft o f the nalakdra or basket maker. It is thus possible
to establish a correlation between kula , kamma, and sippa in the
4m w i vA /n
viiv#'
a -'u \4 V n u v u b v ^ u v u i v w j ^ / v v i a n jf m
vuh
v a -v rtf'
vi
(-Jt
m a^ trTrxiMa
yt viv<
ranked as high. Similarly one can also draw a correlation betw een
low kulas, low kamma , and low sippa:
High;
Kula
khattiya, brdhmana,
gahapati
Kamma
hast, vdnijja, gorakkhd
Sippa
muddd, ganand, lekhd,
rdjapomena, issathena
Low:
canddla, pukkusa,
pupphachaddaka, kotthaka
na la k d ra , ttahdpiia,
katttma
kumbhakdra, pesakdra,
cammakdra
nesdda, vena,
rathakdra
Empirical relevance o f vanna, jati and kula
O ne im portant feature of the term vanna is that it appears only in

the context o f abstract divisions o f society into various social cate
gories. We have no evidence o f it being used in any concrete
situation.55 N o one is ever described as belonging to the brdhmana
vanna, khattiya vanna, vessa vanna or sudda vanna. It seems to have
rem ained a theoretical concept w ithout any parallel in actual prac
tice. O n the other hand, the terms ja ti and kula appear in concrete
situations quite frequently. The Buddha refers to him self as o f the
Sakya jd tiSh and so do others. The young brdhmana Ambattha repe
atedly abuses the Buddha for being o f the Sakya jati51 w hen he is
sent by his teacher to meet the Buddha. Ambattha him self is refer
red to as a dujjato (of low birth) by other brahmanas when they
discover that he is a descendant o f a slave girl.58 When he sees the
B uddha for the first time Sundarika Bharadvaja asks the Buddha to
w hich ja ti he belongs.59 Similarly, King Bimbisara, having sighted
the Buddha approaching from a distance, is convinced from his
appearance that the Buddha could only be o f the khattiya jati. When
asked about his ja ti the Buddha replies that his gotta affiliation is
Adicca, that he is o f the Sakya jati, and it is from that kula that he
has gone forth.60 In another interesting reference, the Buddha asks
the new ly recruited bhikkhus Vasettha and Bharadvaja whether,
55 Except w hen it is used in the sense o f colour o r complexion.
Sn/fd Nipata, Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol. I, p. 330.
57 A m battha is angry with the Sakyas for not having treated him properly on an
earlier occasion (D .N ., I, p. 79),
58 D N . , I, p. 83,
60 Ibid.
S u tta N ip a ta , K h u d d a k a N ik d y a , V n l. I7 p 3 3 4
105
being brdhmanas by jd ti and kula, they were reviled and abused by

other brdhmanas for having joined the s a h g h a . In the Majjhima
N ika ya the brdhmana CankT refers to the Buddha as being sujdto (of
pure birth), as one w ho w ent forth from an adina khattiya kula (a
leading khattiya family), and w ho is thereby w orthy o f being
show n respect.62
From the references cited above some relationship between the
term s jd ti and kula is apparent. This is m ore noticeable in the Swndarikabhdradudja Sutta. W hen the Buddha is asked about his jd ti he
replies that even the fact o f having originated in a nlca kula (low
family) is irrelevant in the case o f a muni. The tw o terms m ust
have been closely linked for the Buddha to use kula in answer to a
question on jdti. To sum up, it can be argued that the vanna divi
sions constituted a purely conceptual scheme which had no actual
application, and that jd ti was both a conceptual and actual scheme
o f categories based on ascribed status. However, w hat really
seem ed to m atter to the Buddhists were the kula divisions. The kula
categories w ere used m ore often than the jd ti when the Buddhists
them selves wished to indicate social stratification. Apart from the
num erous references already cited wc have instances o f good be
haviour and w isdom being rewarded w ith rebirth in the high kulas
o f khattiyas, brdhmanas and gahapatis\M the opposite characteristics
on the other hand w ould result in rebirth in the low kulas o f canddlas , nesadas, venas, ratthakaras, and pukkusds.
A further problem in the context o f empirical verifiability is the
absence o f certain categories o f the Brahmanical scheme o f strati
fication. O nly tw o o f the social groups o f the Brahmanical scheme
are verifiable as existing categories in the Buddhist texts. These arc
the khattiyas and brdhmanas. O n the other hand, the vessa and sudda
categories arc theoretical groups which arc impossible to locate.
Fick is sceptical about the real significance o f these groups during
the period for w hich the Pali texts furnish an account. He points
o u t that the expressions vessa and sudda occur only in passages
w here there is a theoretical discussion about caste, but there is no
thing w hich points to their real existence.66 Both terms occur occa-
61 D . N . , III, p. 63.
f'2 M .N ., II, p. 430.
S ,N ., I, p. 167; Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka Nikaya, Vol, I, pp. 334, 336.

6* A IN ., Ill, p. 248.
M Ibid., p. 240.
R. Fick, The Social Organization of North-East India in Buddhas Time , p. 252. See
also Wagle, Society at the Time of the Buddha, p. 133.
106
su jn aiiy in tne jd ti sy s te m u i eiassin eation ou t tuey are associated
m ore often w ith the vanna division o f society. In the Brahmanical

texts the vessa is associated w ith agriculture, cattle-keeping, and
trade, and the sudda w itli se r v ic e ,67 B u t n o w lie te in the B u d d h ist
texts are people or groups occupied w ith agriculture, cattle-keeping

or trade, referred to as vessasy or those associated w ith service refer
red to as suddas. Instead the B u d d h ist Lexis a ssociate agricu ltu re
w ith the gahapati, the cattle keeper is described as a gopaka, and the
term vdnijja is used for the trader.68 A nother im portant category in
th e B u d d h ist literature w a s the setthi but n o n e o f th ese sp ecific e c o
nom ic groups are in any w ay linked w ith the vessas. Similarly while
there are no suddas there are innum erable references to dasas and
kam inakuras w h o arc a ssociated n o t w ith serv ice o f the h ig h er aannas
b u t w ith providing labour for their masters w ho are alm ost invari
ably gahapatis.
T h e a b sen ce o f certain categ o ries w h ic h arc em p irica lly id en tifi
able extends into the low status groups too. It is not ju st the suddas
w ho are missing but the hinajatis or meet kulas o f the Buddhist texts
arc a lso n o t d iscern ib le in real situ ation s. E x c ep t for the lo n e exam
ple o f M atanga, w ho was referred to as eanddlaputto sopdko,69 nesd6 V iiistka Dharmasutra , S.B .E,, Vol. XIV, p. 11; Baudhdyana Dharmasutra,
Vol. XIV, p. 199; Gautama Dharmasutra, S .B .E ., Vol. II, pp. 232-3.
68 Mahdvagga, pp. 56, 255; Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka Nikaya, Vol. I, p. 270.
L9 Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka Nikdya, Vol. 1, p. 289. It m ay be pointed out that
Ttjf =i.________
ivutdu^d
a : ^_i
m y iiu u ti
_i_____ i.________________
in viiv avvvrujj-i
____ A *
w t t v i t mw i t i c i v u w u c c m s , <mu m t
reference to him as a eanddlaputto m ay be construed as being used in an abstract sense.

(A ccording to a personal com m unication from D. D evahuti it is used as a generic
term for sudra and occurs as such in Harsas tim e.) The term canddla was probably
gaining currency in this period to connote the notion o f low as a value in society.
Sim ilarly the DTgha N ikdya describes a sudda stationing him self at a cross road and
giving orders like a king (D .N ., I, p. 90). The whole situation in the narration is tre
ated as r id im ln iis and, in o u r v ie w , th e e x a m p le suggests that h e re also th e sudda rep
resents the notion o flo w in society, in opposition to w hat is high. B oth canddla and
sudda have been used in the Buddhist texts, in the situations described above to rep
resent the value o flo w in an abstract sense. The early Buddhist period appears to be
one in w hich the tw o poles o f the system o f inequality were being defined. The poles
ultim ately crystallized in the form o f the brdhmana at one end and the canddla at the
other. If the canddlas w ere a tribe w ho were originally on the m argin o f A ryan socie
ty, and represented a cultural contrast to the Aryans and were despised for this, over
a period o f tim e w hether they actually survived as a distinct identifiable group o r
n o t, they becam e a sym bol o f the idea o flo w as a value. Subsequently w ith the crys
tallization o f the caste system , tribe, race, occupation, and distinct cultural traits,
w ere synthesized into a system w ith the canddla occupying the lowest status in socic-
107
das, ratthakaras , venas and pukkusds do not exist as real people.
Instead, nam es were often associated w ith a profession which had

similarities w ith one o f these categories; but the term s themselves
w ere never used. For example, the bhikkhu Sunlta is described as
being o f low origin and o f having perform ed the w ork o f a puppachaddaka , but he is not called a pukkusd.7ii We also have the exam
ples o f nalakdras (basket weavers) w ho arc described as being in
their ow n s e ttle m e n t/' and o f a bhikkhu com m itting suicide after
accidentally falling upon a vilivakdrang (basket maker)72 and killing
him ; but in neither situation is there any m ention o f the term vena.
Sim ilarly, there are references to specific hunting groups like the
sakunikd (fowler), and kevatta (fisherman), but there are no iden
tifiable nesadas.
W e m ay conclude on the basis o f the evidence cited above that
the significant factor in Buddhist society for purposes o f identifica
tion, particularly for the service groups, were the occupational
divisions am ong people.74 The function actually perform ed by a
person provided the basic identity o f individuals. The Buddhist
texts clearly indicate that the categories that can be located as hav
ing an existential reality were cither the various occupational divi
sions like barber, metal sm ith w orker, potter, etc., or the categories
o f khattiya, brdhmana, and gahapati It is not possible for us to list
here the hundreds o f examples that arc available to us in the Buddh
ist texts (sec A ppendix III) but a few examples may be cited to sub
stantiate the point. T hus Tapussa and Bhallika arc referred to as
v d n i j j a s (traders); D ham ya as gopaka/0 (cattlc-keepcr); Cunda as a
ty. T h e Buddhists, as is usual w ith them , use the vocabulary o f the brahman as which
they infuse w ith their o w n m eaning. Canddht is used by the Buddhists to express a
m oral value and not to indicate low birth. In a hard-hitting attack on the brdhmanas
the B uddha turns the tables on them. He applies the term brdhmana candala for a
brahtnana w ho leads an im m oral and depraved existence but claims at the same time
t h a t h e c a n r e m a i n u n d e f d e d a n d p u r e , lik e t h e fire w h i c h b u r n s u n c l e a n t h i n g s b u t
rem ains pure in spite o f it (A N ., II, p, 472).

7<t Nice kulamhi jdto aham daliddo appabhojano, htttait kamrttam mamam asi, ahosm pupphachaddako ( Theragdthd, Khuddaka Nikaya, Vol. 11, p. 330).
71 M .N ., 11, pp. 47H-y.
72 Karajika, p. 101.
73 S .N ., II, p. 212; M .N ., I, p. 315.
74 In the Vdsettha Sutta the Buddha states that btdhtttattas who follow various
occupations are agriculturists (kassako). traders (vdnijjo), cattle keepers (gorakkho) etc.
according to their respective w ork or occupation (kamtrta) (Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka
N ikaya, Vol. 1, pp. 364-5).
75 Mahdvagga, pp. 56 70 Sutta Nipdta , fihuddaka N ikaya, Vol. 1, p. 270.
108
kammaraputta 77 (son o f a metal worker); a certain m onk is referred

to as having once been a nahapita78 (barber) and the Dtgha N ikdya
refers to a nahapita called Bhesika; 79 Ghatikara and Dhaniya80 are
referred to as kumbhakdras (potters). This association w ith occupa
tion is particularly true for those groups norm ally considered to be

o f low status in Buddhist society.
O n th e u tlier h and , the status id en tifica tio n o f groups which
w ere ranked high in Buddhist literature correspond to the kula divi
sions o f the kh a ttiya s , brahmanas and gahapatis. A part from the inst
an ces cited w h ere the B u u u h a is referred to as a khattiya , there are
num erous examples o f clans referring to themselves as khattiyas. In

the Mahaparinibbdna Sutta various clans come forw ard and ask for a
sh a ie o f the B u d d h a s ashes sa y in g *m ay am p i k h a t tiy a ^ (w e to o are
khattiyas). The term s brdhmana and gahapati appear too frequently as
status term s to enum erate separately but it is im portant to note that

th e brahmanas had m o st d efin ite ly em erg ed as a distincL social g ro u p
w h o strongly asserted their Brahmanical identity as being based on
ascribed status. This was the thrust o f m any o f their discussions
w it h the B u d d h a . B u t it is eq u a lly clear that the hrdhmanas o f
B uddhist literature were not necessarily associated w ith the per

form ance o f ritual or w ith the pursuit o f religious goals at all.
T he Buddhist view o f social stratification: the sangha
T he evidence detailed above also provide an insight into the

B u d d h is t a ttitu d e o f stratification. T h e early Pali tex ts are u n a m b i-
gious in their assertion that a persons vanna , ja ti or kula are

irrelevant in the context o f the social world, as represented by the
o u r jg r tu .
tix
tiiv n
p u i^ n u d i
iu i
i * : __ 1 1 ______ . ______1
a d iv a u v ii
<ui d iv .
i __
d iiu
u__
u il^
categories o f the Brahmanical scheme nor the categories o f the

schem e used by the Buddhists have any bearing in the sahgha. In the
K a n n a ka tth a la S u tta o f the M a jjh im a N ik d y a , B u d d h a tells K in g
Pasenadi that there is no distinction among people if they possess the

proper qualities for striving and make the right effort, regardless o f
w h e th e r th ey arc from k h a ttiy a , brdhm ana, vessa or sudda vanna.
Similarly, Mahakaccana tells the king o f M adhura that a person
from any o f the four vannas was know n simply as a samana once he
77 D .N ., 11, p. 98.
79 D .N ., I, p. 191.
80 M .N ., II, p. 272; Pardjika, p. 51
81 D .N ., II, pp. 126-7.
82 M
W' 11 r *r
T 7 7* -t -\tA --------T C y IT fn * ' H
I *
109
renounced the w orld, and w ould be equally entitled to respect.83 It

is said that a man becomes without vanna (vevanniyanti) when he
jo in s the sahgha Describing his dreams, the Buddha says that he
saw four birds o f different vanna (colours) which came and fell at
his feet and became entirely white. This is interpreted by him as
sym bolizing people belonging to the four vannas joining his sahgha
and being freed from their original distinctions.85 It is considered
unseem ly in the texts to question a samana about his jdti, and a muni ,
although he m ight be from a nica kula , becomes noble by his good
conduct.86 People belonging to brdhmana, khattiya , vessa, and sudda
kutas are all equally capable o f accomplishing the right path if they
follow the discipline prom ulgated by the Buddha and go forth
from the hom e into homelessness.87 Bhikkhus belonging to brdhma
na, khattiya, or gahapati kulas , along w ith others, w ould all be equal
in the sahgha w here the best dwelling places and alms w ould be
allotted according to the seniority o f the m onks, regardless o f their
social origins,88 T hus neither conceptual categories, nor empirical
categories are relevant w ithin the sangha.
, 8 4
Stratification outside the sangha
T he problem o f determ ining the Buddhist attitude to the vanna,

jd ti, and kula divisions in the context o f the w orld outside the sahgha
is m ore com plex, however. It is evident from the preceding sec
tions that Buddhists had a system o f stratification, although this
was clearly different from the Brahmanical notion o f hierarchy.
T he idea o f high and low expressed itself in the context o f jd ti , kula,
kamma and sippa , H ow ever, it is im portant to point out that the sys
tem o f stratification as portrayed in the Pali canon depicts a social
phenom enon or an existential reality, w ithout religious sanction,
unlike the Brahm anical conception o f hierarchy. The Buddhist
texts w ere m erely reflecting the situation prevailing in the region in
w hich early B uddhism was located.
It appears that vanna divisions were unim portant to the B uddh
ists even w ithin the social w orld.89 This was probably because the
83 A IN ., II, p. 316; M .L .S ., 11, p. 277
84 A N
, IV ,
?.1f)
85 A N . , IT, p 4 8 ?
86 Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol. I, p. 336.

87 M .N ., II, p. 445; M .L .S ., II, p. 370.
88 Cullavagga, pp. 255-6.
89 W e have already cited a passage where the Buddha regards the vannas as
irrelevant in the m atter o f service to the higher vannasrby the low er vannas.
no
vannas w ere a purely conceptual categorization of society, jd ti, on
the other hand, seems to have been relevant in Buddhist society. A

significant passage in the Ambattha Sutta states that jativado applies
no t in the context ot w isdom and righteousness' (or the asocial
w o rld concerned w ith salvation) but in the context o f marriage,
w here references are made to questions o f jd ti and gotta.90 This idea
is a fairly recurrent them e in early Buddhist literature and we often
com e across the idea o f pure, unblemished birth (jdti) going back
seven generations on the side o f both m other and father.91 A nother
striking exam ple is the reference to degenerate brahmanas, w ho are
criticized for m arrying non -brdhmanas in contem porary times.
T hey are contrasted w ith the good brdhmanas o f old w ho did not
m arry non-brahmanas. Significantly, this is enum erated by the B ud
dha as the first o f the offences o f degenerate brdhmanas 92
A lthough the Buddha frequently denied the brdhmanas any spe
cial values based on ascribed status, the rationale for placing the
khattiyas above the brdhmanas is precisely o f the purity o f birth o f
khattiyas. W hen the young brdhmana A m battha abused the Sakyas as
base born
the Buddha retorted not by dismissing the notion ot
low birth, but by arguing that his ow n descent was absolutely un
sullied. The B uddhas m ajor point o f attack was that A m battha
him self was o f im pure descent and the Sakyas were originally his
m asters since he was a descendant o f a union betw een a Sakya lord
and one o f their slave girls. In contrast, other Sakyas were so con
scious o f the purity o f their blood that when exiled they inter
m arried w ith their ow n sisters for fear o f spoiling their um blem ished lineage. The Buddha reiterated his point by establishing
that brdhmanas w ere m ore lax in their disapproval o f mixed unions
than khattiyas,94 For instance, the child o f a union betw een a khattiya
and a brdhmana was allowed to participate in all the activities o f the
brdhmanas. This w ould include participation in making offerings to
the gods and having access to brdhmana w om en,95 H ow ever, khatt m
-m
^3
v-_
w D ,B ,, i, p. 123; D . N . , 1, pp. 8 6 -7 . The original reads as follows: na kho Ambat

tha , anuttaraya vijjdcharana sampadaya jativdddvd vucchati, gottavddo vd vucchati, mdna
vddo vd vucchati . . , yatfia kho Ambafta avdho va hoti, vivdho vd hoti . . , ethena vucchati
jdtivddo va iti p i oottavado vd iti mdna vado vd iti.
91 M .N ., II, p, 430; D .B ,, I, pp. 146-7. It was the first in the list o f honourable
traits possessed by the Buddha him self
92 A . N . , II, p. 466.
93 D .N ,, I, pp. 78-84,
^
I b i d . , p p . 8 4 6.
I b id .
111
tiyas w ouM n o t perm it the child o f such a union tp participate in the

abhiseka (consecration) cerem ony o f the k h a t t i y a s The B uddha
argued fro m this that khattiyas w ere higher (setfha) and the brahmanas inferior ihtnd) to th e m ,97
T h e Pali texts suggest th at the B uddha's pure b irth and an unble

m ished lineage w ere one o f the attributes w hich led people to pay
h o m ag e to him , A notable exam ple o f this was the statem ent o f the
brdhmana C ankl to other brahmanas trying to dissuade him from
g o in g to see the B uddha, W ell then sirs, says Cankl, hear from
m e w h y it is right that w e ourselves should go and see the hon
oured G otam a, and w hy it is right that the honoured G otam a
should n o t him self com e to see us. Indeed, sirs, the recluse G otam a
is o f p u re b irth cm b o th sides, o f pure descent from bis m other and
father, back th ro u g h seven generations, unchallenged, irreproach
able in respect o f birth. A nd because the recluse G otam a is o f pure
b irth on both sides . . . irrenroarhahle in resnert o f birth _ this is the
reason w h y it is n o t right for the good G otam a to com e and see us,
w hile it is rig h t that w e ourselves should go and see the honourable
G o ta m a .98
' X
'r "
'
. . .
Principles of stratification based on kula, kam ma and sippa
It is d e a r th at B uddhists acknow ledged

the im nortance
o f/idti in the
br
l
context o f marriage and birth. They recognized also a system o f
stratification for the social w o rld w here kula , kamma and sippa were
either h ig h o r low . T he kind o f family one originated from and the
n atu re o f w o rk one perform ed w as an im portant index to the place
m en t o f a person in the social system as either high o r low. This
categorization o f kula , kamma and sippa into high and low was
based on certain principles. First, in the B uddhist system those w ho
w o rk for them selves as ow ners and producers are ranked high,
whereas those w ho w ork for others are regarded as low. For ins
tance, the gahapati, as we have established earlier, was consistently
ranked high and represented the category o f ow ner-producer ideal
ly, In this B uddhism clearly displayed a different point o f view
fro m the existing B rahm anical notions. T he Brahm anical system o f
ran k in g placed econom ic functions below religious and political
96 D.fV,, I, p. 86, T here is no evidence o f the vamasamkara theory in early B u d d h
ist texts. It w ould appear that in the B uddhist period children o f m ixed castes do n o t
becom e p a rt o f a new caste, b u t are absorbed in the caste of one o f the parents.
97 Ibid., p. 86.
98 M .L S ., II, pp. 3 56-7; Af.N., II, p. 430.
112
functions.w T he Buddhists, how ever, attached trem endous signifi

cance to the econom ic function and considered it to be as im portant
as religious and political functions, Brahmanical texts refer to the
vaifyas or the econom ic groups as an em inently exploitable cate
gory, to be oppressed at the will o f the higher vantias. 100 The Buddh
ists, in contrast, always treated th e gahapati as an em inently respect
able category. C onsistent w ith this, the occupations o f agriculture,
cattle-keeping and trade were rated high, whereas those w ho per
form ed services for others such as storeroom -keepers (kotthaka
kammakara), and flow er sweepers (pupphadiaddaka ), w ere low.
Secondly, am ong the sippas there is a division o f high and low cor
responding to non-m anual and manual skills, since muddd, ganand
and te k h a (counting, accounting and writing) were ranked high,
w hereas basket m aking, pottery, leatherwork, weaving and the
w ork o f a barber was low. T hirdly, the Buddhists exhibited some
n o t i o n s oL racial s u p e r i o r i t y since aboriginal g r o u p s like the nlca
kulas or the kina jatis (canddla, pukkusd, vena, ratthakdra and nesdda)wi
w h o w ere probably associated w ith low material culture were
given a low ra u k ,KR Purity o f b l o o d and unblemished lineage was
extrem ely im portant to the Buddhists.
T here is also no indication in the Buddhist texts that social dis
t i n c t i o n s a r c i r r e l e v a n t o r e s c a p a b le . In f a c t, t h e t e x t s c o n t a i n the
idea o f w hat can be called a package deal where wealth, eminence,
beauty and w isdom was associated with high kulas. Similarly,
p o v e r t y , s t u p i d i t y a n d u g l in e s s w e r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l o w k u la s . In
the Balapandita Sutta, the Buddha states if at some tim e or other

that fool came to hum an status again, he w ould be born into those
f a m i l i e s t h a t a r e l o w ; a ca n d d la f a m i ly , o r a nesd d a f a m i ly , o r a v e n a
family, o r a ratthakdra family, or a pukkusd family; in such a family
as is needy, w ithout enough to eat and drink, where a covering for
the back is o b t a i n e d w i t h d i f f ic u lt y . M o r e o v e r , h e w o u l d be illfavoured, ugly, dwarfish, sickly, blind, or deformed, or lame or
paralysed; he w ould be unable to get food, drink, vehicles, gar
la n d s , s c e n ts , p e r f u m e s , b e d , d w e llin g a n d l i g h t s .1^5 C o n v e r s e l y , if
a wise m an was reborn, He w ould be born into one o f those fami99 Vasistha Dharmasutra, The Sacred Laws o f the Aryas, S.B.B. Vol. XIV, p. 11
100 Aitereya Brahmana, X X X V .
1<n R. Fick, The Social Organization o f North-East India in Buddha '$ Time, p. 324,
102 Pacittiya, p. 11; M .N ., III, p, 240.
113
lies that are high: a rich khattiya family or a family o f rich brahmanas,
o r a fam ily o f rich gahapatis, in such a family as is well to do, o f
great possessions, o f great resources, w ith abundant gold and sil
ver, abundant means, abundant wealth in grains. M oreover, he
w ould be lovely, good to look upon, charm ing, endow ed w ith the
greatest beauty o f com plexion; he w ould be able to get food, drink,
clothes, vehicles, garlands, scents and perfum es, bed, dw elling and
lights.104 The only possibility o f escape from this system o f strati
fication envisaged by the Buddhists is the idea that by leading a vir
tuous and generous life in this existence one can ensure rebirth w ith
an im proved social status in the next . 1Ui> Alternatively, joining the
sahgha and renouncing the social w orld itself was necessary in order
to escape from the system o f stratification. Bougie has argued that
by adopting the vow s o f mendicancy and chastity bhikkhus sim ul
taneously turned aw ay from the w ork o f production (or econom ic
effort) and reproduction (family life).106 We have already dem ons
trated the existence o f stratification in Buddhism , both in the con
tex t o f m arriage and occupation. In the social w orld everyone had
necessarily to be involved both w ith production and w ith repro
duction and therefore could not evade becom ing part o f the system
o f stratification. O nly the bhikkhu could possibly escape from the
system , for both the nature o f occupation and endogam ous m ar
riage no longer had any relevance for h im .107
W e have earlier pointed out that B uddhist society does no t dis
play a com plex system o f ranking. The elaborate design o f the
B rahm anical system is missing. Instead, w e have a simpler tw o-tier
system o f stratification w ith a conception o f high and low w orking
separately in the context o fja ti, kula, kamma and sippa. The idea that
all these strands can be w oven into a com prehensive system w ith
birth, race, occupation and service being accommodated in it clearly
does no t exist in the B uddhist texts. This was probably because at
the tim e of the early Pali canon caste was in an em bryonic state. It
was still in the process o f being form ulated and did not yet have all
the features that it was to exhibit later.
Evidence o f stratification from Ceylon
T h e principles o f stratification relevant in B uddhism can be illust04 M .N ., III, p . 248;

III, p. 222,
105 M .N ., Ilf, pp. 282-4; S .N ., I, pp. 92-6.
106 Celestin Bougie, Bssays on the Caste System, p. 73.
107 [bid.
114
Social D im ensions o f E a rly B uddhism
tiatcd m eaningfully w ith the em p irica l ev id e n c e o f caste in Sri

Lanka. This is particularly relevant as Sri Lanka was the first region
in w hich B uddhist principles o f stratification were applied in their
o w n u n iq u e fo rm . T h e id ea o f stra tifica tio n w a s carried th ere b y
B uddhists and could develop unham pered by existing traditions. In

India, how ever, B uddhist principles had to contend w ith the ex
is tin g s y s te m ot stra tifica tio n and its ela b o ra tio n u n d er brahmana
influence in later tim es and thus the Buddhist principles themselves
have becom e som ew hat obscured.108
T L Ik
L
L
I I u . d -0
v Jtd L / rtJttt g
u i a i
tu w
v a jv v
j l ^ i h
u w w u t "
A
i
n nM
An
A^
ically and conceptually related to the Indian system , although there

are few er castes in Sri Lanka. T here is also less scope here for ritual
p o llu tio n th r o u g h th e v io la tio n o f caste tabu s, p artly b eca u se b o th
the top and b o tto m strata o f the Indian caste system are m issing in
Sri Lanka. O f the four Brahm anical social castes the Sinhalese lack
th e brahmana and kh a ttiya s
The fact that th ey d o n o t exist as s o
cial groups in Sri Lanka is o f som e im portance to our analysis. We
have earlier pointed out (see C hapter II) that in the m onarchical
k in g d o m s m e n tio n e d in B u d d h ist te x ts , the khattiyas w e r e res
tricted to the royal family, and were n o t num erically significant.

T his accounts for their non-existence in Sri Lanka, w here the kh at
tiyas w e r e red u ced to th eir rep resen ta tio n in th e p erso n o f th e k in g .
T he absence o f brahmanas is also logical. In a society based entirely

on B uddhist principles, the brahmanas w ere redundant as their reli
g io n s fu n c tio n w a s p e r fo r m e d by th e bkikkha . 110
T h e absence o f the brdhmana has been o f u tm ost im portance in
determ ining the nature o f caste in Sri Lanka. Ryan has argued that
th ere is s o m e b asis fo r b e lie v in g that S in h alese caste, rather th an
being a pale expression o f a classical, rigidly defined hierarchy o f

ancient rimes, is instead the m odern expression o f a prim itive
In d ian s y s te m .
108 H u tto n suggests that B uddhist countries reflect an earlier form o f caste
before the system atization o f the H indu thinkers (J.H . H utton. Caste in India.
p. 148).
109 R ichard F. G om brich, Precept and Practice, p. 296.
110 C onsequently there is no opposition between the brahmana pursuing religious
goals and living h i the social world, and the b h ik k h u w ho p u r s u e s religious goals out
side it as in Indian society (see C hapter II). Similarly in a purely B uddhist society the
conflict betw een the khattiya and the brdhmana has also been eliminated.
115
Social Stratification in the B uddhist T e x ts

R y a n says:
T h e a c c o u tr e m e n ts o f c aste d e v e lo p e d , b u t w ith o u t sa c re d s y s te m a tiz a

tio n as in In d ia a n d h e n c e w itl? th e re te n tio n o f th e e sse n tia lly s e c u la r
h ie r a r c h y o f e a rly tim e s . T fie p e rio d in w h ic h th e h is to ric a l g r o u n d w o r k
o f th e S in h a le se c iv iliz a tio n w a s laid w a s o n e in w h ic h caste, as a c re sc iv e
i n s t it u t io n , w a s in its in c ip ie n t, a n d o n e m ig h t a lm o s t sa y , d o c tr in a l
s t a g e s . T h e c a ste s y s te m o f C e y lo n w h i cH 1 rst s tr u c k th e E u ro p e a n
o b s e r v e r w a s n o d e g e n e ra te f o r m b u t an a u to m o u s g r o w th , u n d e r I n d i
a n in flu e n c e it is tr u e , b u t w h ic h n e v e r k n e w th e s tru c tu ra liz in g p o w e r o f
th e b rd h m a n a . 111
W ith the elim ination o f tw o o f the three high groups o f the early
B u d d h ist texts, only the gahapati has survived in the form o f the
g o y ig d m a or rice a g r ic u ltu r ist in Sri Lanka. T h e y are th e h ig h e s t
caste here and arc k n o w n am ong themselves as the good m en , as

distinct from the low er castes.1,2 The Sinhalese w ork, the C utava m s a ( a . d . 5 0 0 -1 5 0 0 ) also u sually divides p eo p le in to k u ltn a (p eop le
o f family) and htna (inferiors), and this corresponds to the distinc

tion betw een the g o yig d m a and the low castes. Significantly, the
S in h a le s e h a rd ly have a n y o n e c o r r e sp o n d in g to th e v a st array o f
H in d u outcastes. Ryan rem arks, Perhaps the m ost notable feature
o f Sinhalese stratification in its contrast w ith the Indian, is the
t*
WM
OC 1n fla O
IJ-i
AA l i i U M
m n ri'i
UVlÔV
It*. Vt, *AA\

H i
AÛV(N4111Jlii
n /\ fc-vi o -fr-1!
( i LC
l 1I
is unclean in the sacred m eaning o f the concept. T he absence of

the H indu concept has rendered the Sinhalese caste system m ild and
hum anitarian w hen ju d g ed b y Indian sta n d a rd s, 11^
T h e hierarchical position o f a caste in Sri Lanka corresponds to
the numerical size. Thus, the highest caste o f the goyigdma includes
alm ost h alf the total p o p u la t io n .114 A lthough the d o m in a n t and
w ealthiest people in peasanr village areas are usually g o yig d m a st not
all o f them are well o ff in a material sense. It is often true, how ever,
th at a m o n g the abjectly p o o r the g o y ig d m a are n o ta b ly u n d er
represented, and am ong the w ealthy o f the peasant village they are
no tab ly o v cr-rep rcsen ted .115 A part from the traditional occupation
111 B ryce Ryan, Cctffo in Modern Ceylon, pp. 7 -8 .
112 R ichard G om brich, Prcrept and Practice, p. 296; A.M . H ocart (Caste: A Cowpo*
ratine Study, p. 3) also says T h e good people are opposed to the lllow castes w ho
rotvmrisi.1fisherm en, sm iths, w asherm en e tc ..
B ryce Ryan, Castes in Modern Ceyton, p. 15.
Ibid., p. 19.
" s Ibid., p. 97.
116
Social D im ensions o f E arly B uddhism
o f c u ltiv a tio n , H o ca rt has d escrib ed the actual fu n ctio n s p e r fo r m e d
by the goyigd m a in the K andyan kingdom o f Sri Lanka. They were

village headm en and held all the other offices o f state apart from the
priestly o n es; they fed the k in g and the te m p le , and receiv ed serv ice
from the low er castes.116 T he last function is an extrem ely im por
tant aspect o f stratification in Sri Lanka. Villagers w hen asked
w h a t 'is" caste?*
reA
n l i e d t h a t l o' w' e r c a s te s h a d t o n e r f o rJ.'m
'
'
c e r t a---i--n--
tasks for the cultivator, and this was how caste was generally
understood. Illustrating w hat they could not easily define they said:
T h e p e o p l e o f X a r e d m m m e r s . T h e y a r e lik e s e r v a n t s . W h e n c a l
led they m ust com e for dancing, festivals and processions. The far
m ers give them food and also cash for their hard w o rk . H ocart
concludes that w hat was upperm ost in the minds o f all his w i t n e s
ses was the idea o f service.117 Ryan reiterates this point: 'D irect per
sonal services to the goyigdm a are preserved in the K andyan pro
vinces. narticularlv w here e c o n o m i c o o w e r . usuallv in the f o r m o f
rentable land, is in the hands o f the highest caste or the goyigdma.
C aste status m ust be approxim ately congruent w ith the type o f ser
vice required. 118 T he goyigdm a is ranked high in Sinhalese society
and is superior to the low castes because he is an independent
o w n er-p ro d u ccr w ho may or not w ork on his ow n land, b u t w ho
c o m m a n d s service from o th e r s . H is similahtv
of"
v w i t h the ooakanati
I
the B uddhist texts is striking.
O th e r notable features o f the Sinhalese caste system relevant to
o u r analysis include the absence o f sub-castes and the idea that new
castes arise from a breach o f endogam ous practices. T he Brahm anic
theory regarding the fissiparous origins o f a m ultiplicity o f caste
divisions has no significance
in Sri Lanka in leeend
or in fact.119 We
w
i
'
have earlier indicated that Buddhist texts do not reveal the concep
tion o f the varnasamkara origins o f various castes. T he use o f terms
to indicate social groups in Sri Lanka also corresponds to our con
clusions o f early Buddhist society. The ordinary term for caste is
jd ti, w hich is associated w ith birth, and carries the connotation o f a
specie or a category. T he m ore scholarly term vattya is never
u s e d .J2 The term kula m ay also signify caste. For instance, the
'
1u] A.M . Hocart, Caste: A Comparative Study, p. 5.

,T7 ib id ., pp. 7-B .
!!K Brycc Kyan, Crtircj in M odem Ceyion, p. 192.
m Ibid., p. 14.
1i{) N u r Yalman, I Jnder the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste, Kinship and Marriage hi irt: <ior
Ceylon, p. 61.
Social Stratification in the B uddhist T e x ts
117
m v* th o f caste origins
is called kula bedimak and refers back to the
r
m ythological ancestor Maha Sammata w ho, needing variuus kinds
o f services done for him , first divided people into castes.121
In the context o f family and m arriage also the Sinhalese evidence
is valuable. Ryan rem arks that concepts o f family and m arriage
provide the m ost substantial bulw arks for the preservation o f caste
structure. T he solidarity o f kin as a unit o f action and loyalty, the
concepts o f family honour and reputation, the injunctions and cus
to m o f m arriage all lead to the m aintenance o f caste integrity and to
som e extent o f caste hierarchy. He holds that an indispensable and
fundam ental characteristic o f caste in Ceylon is its restriction upon
m arriage. T he m arriage system o f the Sinhalese prevents marriage
outside caste, and, together w ith concepts o f family honour, is part
o f the very substance o f caste, where family integrity is inevitably
defined in term s o f caste and birth status.122
It is evident from an analysis o f the B uddhist texts and the em pir
ical evidence o f Sri Lanka, that Buddhists had certain central princi
ples for the social organization o f a Buddhist society. Ryan has
observed that these principles were not merely the acceptance o f a
social system by a religious m ovem ent but, rather, an ideological
integration w ith it, since through the principle o f kamma it accepted
an ideological justification for the existence o f social hierarchy.
H ow ever, B uddhism was not a driving force in building and
elaborating social hierarchy as a sacred institution. It rationalized
rather than prom oted caste.123 T he existence o f social hierarchy
w as far from being inconsistent w ith the ideology o f Buddhism ,
and concepts evident in the early Pali canon probably provided the
concrete blueprint for the developm ent o f the social organization o f
Sri Lanka,
T h e exam ple o f C eylon has been cited to dem onstrate the rela
tionship betw een the idea o f social stratification reflected in early
B uddhist literature and a concrete expression o f these ideas in social
reality. Except for the penetration o f caste distinctions into the
sahgha itself, w hich certainly violated a fundam ental tenet o f
B uddhism (see C hapter VI also), there was a significant converg131 Ibid., p. 89.
122 Bryce Ryan, Castes in Modern Ceylon, p. 29.
I b i d . , p p . 3.67. S e e a ls o t h e B d la p a n d ita S u tta a n d t h e C iila k a m m a v ib k a n g a S u tta
o f the M ajjhima N ikdya w hich state that w rong actions will result in re-birth in fam
ilies w hich are poor and o f lo w social status (M .N ., III, pp. 240, 283; S .N ., I, pp.
9 2 -6 ).
118
ence b etw een principle and practice in the context o f Sinhalese so

cial stratification. It should n o t surprise us if both caste and B uddh
ism w en t to Sri Lanka from India. O ne can argue from this that
ideas o n social stratification as revealed in early B uddhist literature
sh o w tw o features. O n the one hand, they m ay be depicting con
te m p o rary notions o f social stratification as they actually existed in
the po p u lar m ind, as distinct from the ideas in the Brahm anical
m ind. O n the other, these ideas m ay have been the specifically
B uddhist conception o f social stratification, and an intrinsic part o f
the B uddhist w o rld view . B oth features are likely to have been an
integral p art o f B uddhist texts. W hile the classification o f social
categories into h ig h and low was probably influenced by B uddhist
values, the B uddhist p o in t o f view itself reflected the system o f
stratification as it existed at the tim e, and was related to the em pir
ical categories that w ere w idely recognized in society. B oth points
are best elucidated by the case o f the gahapati .
The importance o f the gahapati in the Buddhist view ofstratification
T h e consistently high status that is accorded to the gahapati in the

B u d d h ist texts is likely to have been, at least in part, the real status
o f the gahapati in society at the tim e o f the B uddha. This is cleat
fro m the relationship th at existed betw een the king as the head o f
state and the m ajor econom ic representatives o f the tim e. T he high
status o f gahapatis in relation to the people is also evident from the
te rm o f address, ayya p u tta , som etim es used for th e m .124 H ow ever,
the B u d d h a's ow n recognition o f the significance o f the econom ic
fu n ctio n as being basic to any society, despite his advocacy o f
renunciation as a m eans to salvation, clearly indicates his specific
c o n trib u tio n to ideas on social status, hurther by attributing the
kh a ttiya , brdhmana and gahapati to high status he equated the func
tions o f all three on the same scale. T h e khattiya, brdhmana and gaha
pati w ere all equally im p o rtan t to the social system . T here is abso
lutely no indication in the Pali texts o f a difference in status o f the
three ucca kula categories o f khattiya, brdhmana and gahapati , even
th o u g h the serial order is alw ays the same. The serial order o f the
lo w kulas is also alw ays the sam e and, sim ilarly, the Pali texts give
n o indication o f a hierarchy o f status am ong them . T he question o f
re b irth in an ucca kula is a good index o f the equal status o f the
,24 S .N ., Ill, p. 269.
119
three. R ebirth in a ucca kula is equally valued w hether iti a khattiya

ku la t brdhmana kula or a gahapati kula. Similarly, kulaputtas , or
y o ung m en o f good families (which include khattiyas, brdhmanas
h yj
aailU
AL AJAA^1 i-\
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M
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agriculture and trade are placed along w ith occupations like

accounting and join in g the kings service. Significantly, the state
m ent a b o u t kulaputtas fo llo w in g o cc u p a tio n s su ch as agricu ltu re,
cattle keeping and trade is made to a brdhmana and a khattiya and
represents the B uddhas attitude to econom ic functions. O ne w ho
1
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o r w h o teaches and perform s religious functions. All three categor

ies contribute in equal measure and perform com plem entary funckl V
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the B rahm anical position wherein the role o f the econom y is clearly
subservient to the role o f ritual and pow er.
T h e a r g u m e n ts co n ta in e d in th e p reced in g se ctio n s b rin gs us to a
crucial aspect o f the evidence exam ined by us; the m arked absence
o f the gahapati from the Brahm anical vanna and jd ti schemes both in
th e B ra h m a n ica l so u r c e s as w e ll as in the references to th e vanna and
jd ti schemes contained in the Buddhist and Jaina texts. In contrast

the gahapati is an inherent part o f the kula scheme depicted in the
B u d d h jet literatu re. S in ce th e gahapatis as a g ro u p w e r e in trin sic to
th e econom ic dom ain, and m ore specifically were the ow ners and
controllers o f the p rim ary means o f production in the form o f land,
th e ir in c lu sio n in th e B u d d h ist sc h e m e is o f particular im p o rta n ce.
T h e gahapatis w ere not a caste or a group whose status was based on
b irth. In fact the gahapati cut across other social groups since the
te x ts u se th e w o r d hrdhmana-gahapati for hrdhmanas w h o w e r e based
o n land (that is for brdhmanas w hose identity was based on ascribed

status bu t w ho perform ed the functions o f a gahapati). T he failure
to a c c o m m o d a te the gahapati in th e B rah m an ical sy ste m is the
greatest failure o f the Brahm anical model; it shows up clearly the
m odels rigidity and utter distance from em pirical reality.
T he R rah m an iral m odel is w e a k e st in ex p la in in g the p o litic n econom ic domain. O n the other hand, the inclusion o f the gahapati
in the system o f stratification is the strength o f the B uddhist
s c h e m e . T h e e v id e n c e o f th e B u d d h ist tex ts is u n a m h ifm n u s in its
representation o f th c gahapati as an econom ic category b u t this does

n o t m ean that the gahapati can be mechanically equated w ith the
vessa and thereby fitted into the Brahmanical scheme. S u ch an
120
equation m ilitates against the entire w eight o f evidence available in

the B uddhist sources. T he vessa and the suddas. are theoretical cate
gories in the B rahm anical schem e based on ascribed status. T h e
gahapati on the oth er hand is clearly a category in the system o f p ro
duction, H e is one w h o com m ands and hires the labour o f the dasakam m akara. T h e term brdhmana-gahapati show s the need to m ove
b ey o n d the B rahm anical caste categories in order to explain
existing reality. It should be noted that it w as not the ordinary brdhtnana
w h o drew services from the suddas in the B uddhist texts. It
w as only the brdhmana-gahapatis w ho drew services from the ddsakammakaras in a relationship that originated from the brdhmanagahapati fs control over land rather than from any notion o f ritual su
p erio rity o f the brdhmanas ,
T h e inability o f the caste fram ew ork to depict the social reality o f
the period and o f the B rahm anical scheme to accom m odate the
gahapati has resulted in portraying n o t m erely a partial view o f soci
ety b u t also a distorted view o f it. T his conclusion is m ore than
b o rn e o u t by early ins crip tional evidence. W hile there are no in
scriptions available for the pre-M auryan period w ith w hich w e are
m ainly concerned, there is considerable inscriptional evidence for
the period 200 B.C. to a . d . 200,125 W hat is striking from an analysis
o f the em pirical categories o f the inscriptions is not ju s t their close
correspondence, b u t their near absolute sim ilarity, w ith the social
categories o f B uddhist literatu re.126 T h e inscriptions m ake the sam e
distinct use o f the w ords gahapati, setthi-gahapati and setthi; likewise,
o f vdnijja , cammakdra, karmdra and dantakdra. There are no direct re
ferences to khattiyas, and this fact is very significant for us. It has
earlier been pointed o u t that there are no references to khattiyas in
the B uddhist texts except in the gana-sahghas w hich w ere restricted
to specific areas in north-eastern India. Since the sites o f the inscrip
tions are m o stly concentrated in central and south-central India, the
absence o f khattiyas supports o u r conclusion that the khattiyas w ere
num erically significant only in th e gana-sanghas. Similarly, there are
n u m e ro u s references to brdhmanas , bu t none to suddas. Instead,
there are references to occupational categories w hich include b o th
skilled and unskilled w orkers. If these categories w ere supposed to
be suddas according to B rahm anical theory, it w as irrelevant to the
125 T he inscriptions relate to gifts o f various kinds made to the Buddhist sangha by
donors from a w ide range o f social groups,
126 See Appendix B.
121
gahapati w as vessa> or the kammakara

sudda , w as n o t the m ajor problem for B uddhists and others at that
CHAPTER V
The Social Background o f the

Early Buddhists
T h e problem
B u d d h is m w as p rim a rily a religious m o v e m e n t, n o t a social one.

H o w e v e r, it h ad an im p o rta n t social d im en sio n to it. In o rd e r to
c o m p r e h e n d th e s o c ia l d im e n s io n s o f th e B u d d h is t m o v e m e n t it is
necessary to id e n tify th e elem ents in society w h ic h becam e closely
involved w ith it. N o published w o rk that is based on a com pre
h e n s iv e a n a ly sis o f referen ces a v a ila b le in th e ea rly P ali c a n o n e x ists
to d ate o n th e social b a c k g ro u n d o f the early B u d d h is ts .1 D espite

th is, several o p in io n s h ave b een expressed o n th e relatio n sh ip b e^
v n
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IA A J -V *
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o f b ro a d generalizations u n s u p p o rte d b y firm data. T h ese g e n e r

alizatio n s have po ssib ly been m ade either on th e basis o f an im ^
M- ^r- U UX V AXXV v x>r
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s tru c k th e eye o f th e reader, o r because B u d d h ist literatu re has been

tre a te d as a h o m o g e n e o u s u n it, w ith o u t m u ch reg ard fo r th e c h ro
nological stra tifica tio n o f th e te x ts. S o m e a n a ly sis e x is ts o f certain
n a m e s available in th e T heragdthd and T herigdtkd , th e co m p ilatio n s
o f verses a ttrib u te d to th e theras and theris (elders) o f th e sahgha.
T h e s e t e x t s fe a tu r e in th e K huddaka N ik d y a , th e fifth d iv is io n o f th e
S u tta P ita k a , alo n g w ith th irte e n o th e r texts, m o st o f w h ic h are
s o m e w h a t la ter th a n th e V inaya P itaka, and th e first fo u r N ik a y a s o f

t h e S u tta P itaka (s e e I n t r o d u c t io n ) . T h e c o m m e n t a r y o n th e T h QY-
agdthd an d T h erig a th d , w ritte n b y D h a m m a p a la in th e fifth c e n tu ry
A.D., c o n tain s crucial evidence for th e social and locational back

g r o u n d o f t h e s e e ld e r m e m b e r s o f th e sahgha. In h e r in t r o d u c t io n to
th e se te x ts, M rs R h y s D av id s has classified th e theras and theris
a c c o rd in g to th e ir social and regional b a c k g ro u n d s.2 S u b seq u en tly ,
a m o r e d e t a ile d a n a ly s is o f th e in f o r m a t io n a v a ila b le in th e T ker*j.W . jo n g has pointed to this lacuna to o (T he Background o f Early B uddhism \
Journal o f Indian B uddhist Studies, V ol. XII, 1964, p. 45).
2 C .A .F , R h y s D av id s, Psalm s o f the Early Buddhists, p. xxviii.
T he Social Background o f the Early Buddhists
123
agatha and Thengatha has been attem pted by G okhale.3 H ow ever,
since the analyses in both w orks are based on evidence provided in

a com paratively late com m entary, they suffer from serious flaws.
T h e com m entary cannot be relied upon for its categorization o f the
theras and theris for a variety o f reasons. M any o f the categories o f
the early Pali canon had changed their connotation by the tim e the
com m entaries w ere w ritten. We have already referred to the prob
lem o f a num ber o f gahapatis m entioned in the early Pali canon
being converted into setthis by the Jatakas and the com mentaries.
O th e r discrepancies have been revealed in a com parison o f names
available in the Vinaya and the first four nikdyas o f the Sutta Pitaka
w ith the com m entary on the Theragdthd and the Thengdthd.
T h e method
In this chapter w e propose to analyse all the names m entioned in

the early P ali can o n w h e r e social and e c o n o m ic b a ck g ro u n d s are in
dicated. We shall divide the Buddhists into tw o categories: those
w h o jo in ed the sahgha, and those w ho supported it from outside the
sangha. In th e in terests o f accuracy w e shall d iscu ss o n ly th o se
nam es in this analysis for which our sources themselves indicate the
social background, either directly (where status or occupational in
d ic a tio n s are g iv e n ), o r in d irectly (w h ere reason ab le in feren ces can
be draw n from the texts themselves). This has meant the non
inclusion o f several nam es for w hich the com m entaries have pro
vided in fo r m a tio n , b u t fur w h o m sp ecific in fo r m a tio n is la ck in g in
the texts themselves. O u r analysis also leaves out certain group re
ferences, specially w here these pertain to large round num bers o f
en tra n ts in tu the sartgfja fur w h o m oth er in fo r m a tio n is e x tr e m e ly
vague in o u r sources. It has, how ever, taken note o f some specific

g ro u p references in the case o f the laity, but since exact figures are
n o t a v a ila b le th e y h a v e b een listed separately (sec A p p e n d ix C ).
In classifying nam es according to their social backgrounds w e

have follow ed the principles o f social stratification reflected in the
B uddhist tex ts as in d ica ted in the previous chapter. Thus, there
are four groups am ong the categories norm ally characterized as ucca
kulas in the B uddhist texts. These are the specific social groups o f
khattiyas, brdhmanas and gahapatis, and a m iscella n eo u s fourth group
3 B.G . Gokhale, The Early Buddhist Elite, Journal of Indian History, Vol. XL1II,
1965, pp. 391 402.
124
c o n s is tin g o f ucca kulas o th er than th ese th r ee . 4 T h is sc h e m e is u sed
in order to narrow dow n the groups as far as possible, so that w c

m ay determ ine m ore accurately the actual social base o f the catecrnnes ro-nrernerl W e h a v e nlaeed certain in d iv id u a ls such as n e n 0
-----------------------
--
............................
--------------------------------------
'
'
'
pie w ho w ere em ployed by the king in some capacity am ong the

ucca kulas, since such em ploym ent is listed as one o f the occupations
associated w ith kula-puttas. In addition to the four categories listed
above, we have tw o other social groups, one consisting o f nica
kulas, and the other com prising paribbdjakas. All the nTca kulas are
here together,
_Dlaced
L
U
' in one eroun.
1 ' 1Dartlv
/ for convenience but also
because they frequently appear thus in the texts. Since there is a
correspondence betw een nica kula, htna kamma, and hina sippa, the
low occunational
categories
are Uprouoed
as nica kulas. Similarly, beX
^
A
cause the social base o f paribbdjakas has been subm erged by the act
o f renunciation, thereby placing them outside the system o f strati
fication, they arc listed at the end o f the A ppendix in a category by
them selves.
'The snnfrha
T here arc 105 references to individuals w ho joined the sahgha and

w hose social background is indicated in the texts. T he largest
_____ ____ 13_____________
/'itw rii______
i VJ y F L X lt A lliy m /ô\. ^ 1 u n i t e . g-ivw p
L3 KJL 1ST u r i r r t w i t m
LUJAU W
khus and bhikkhunis originated from ucca kulas and one from a gahapatikula. T h e nica kulas are represented by eight bhikkhus. Finally,
th ere arc e ig h t bhikkhus w ho w e r e paribbdjakas b efo re th e y jo in e d
the sahgha. In addition to the 39 brdhmanas w ho arc m entioned as
jo in in g the sangha, eight brdhmanas are cited as becom ing arahants
<\
jzi ** Vi .rt ^ *" m
cixtvx x i w a n i i g
X-3 t -/J /4
^
âri /-h
it*- 4 ^ f' m rt ^ / I r t h p J*l i / i f
Luv
uv>vÂia jîsâi^xi^ u u t i k u u u i v i v a i m a t
-- j-i /J
iiiv j j u i i i v u
th e sangha; seven were students o f the famous sage Bavari and the
eighth w as Bavari himself. T hey have been classified separately,
jAiic-v i i i v y
n mv /'la^*'ltT
rl iufb iiiw bt A'/n
m.
j w
i i u ivi
m ilnnf
a j r n f \ ^ rn. t-f fir jc* r\ i^ fl*iA
vuv l*,1 *t /h yf
These figures require some elaboration. The brahmana com po

nent o f the sahgha included six brdhmanas w ho had already becom e
paribbdjakas b efo re they m et the B u d d h a and jo in e d the sahgha ; the
others are described as being students o f other brdhmana teachers.
O f the 39 brdhmanas w ho joined the sahgha , eight were therefore
V
MVW V VAW
1*
l-ti f h
cm iWJ.
f cW
iVn
t a
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T
r p l m i n tw
i*c u r ^f A
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4 Wc have placed the settkis am ong the ucca kulas, rather than am ong the gahapatis,
in o rd er to distinguish the different roles that the tw o categories played.
T h e Social Background o f the Early Buddhists
125
m o s t im p o r ta n t d isc ip le s of*the B u d d lia , lik e Ssripuitta, M o g g a lla n a
and M aha Kassapa belong to this group. T he rem aining 31 brdhma

nas w h o jo in e d the sahgha w ere householders.
T h e kh a ttiy a c o m p o n e n t o f th e sangha co n siste d o f 22 rep resen ta
tives fro m the gana-sanghas; five m em bers belonged to rdjakulas o r

fam ilies o f kings, and for one bhikkhu there are no details apart from
th e fa c t th a t h e w a s a k h a ttiy a . O f th e 2 2 b h ik k h u s fr o m th e gan a-
sahghas , 16 w ere Sakyans (o f those nine w ere im m ediate kinsm en o f
the B uddha); one was a Lichcchavi; tw o w ere Vajjians; tw o w ere

M a ll as*
- ~7 and o n e w a s a K o livJ a- n
'
"
"
T h o s e h elo n cin D 1 to roval

familir*:
J
-^
--
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-C
?
"
w ere all located in the kingdom s, tw o being from M agadha.

A striking feature o f the com position o f the sahgha was the
e x t r e m e ly
sm a ll g a h a p a ti c o m p o n e n t c o n s is tin g m e r e ly o f o n e
m em ber. E ven m ore im p o rtan t is the fact that no gahapatis or

gahapati-puUas jo in e d the sanjha. T h e sole jafcapah representative in
th e sangha w a s a hhtkkhunt w ho had o r ig in a lly b een th e w if e o f a
gahapati. In contrast, ou t o f 21 bhikkhus belonging to ucca kulas , as
m any as 14 w ere from setthi kulas. T w o representatives o f the ucca
kulas w ere the prosperous gopaka c o u p le , D haniya an d his w ife
T h e others in the ucca kula group consisted o f tw o kula-puttas, a son
o f a provincial governor, a courtesan,5 a son o f a m inister and tw o
others from genteel backgrounds.
T h e mca kula com ponent o f the sahgha was both small and dispa
rate. It consisted o f tw o nahapitas (barbers); one kumbhakdra (pot
ter); one kevatta (fisherm an); one vulture trainer; one ddsiputta (the
son o f a slave w om an); one actor; and one elephant trainer.
Social origins o f important bhikkhus
A p art fro m form ing the largest group w ithin the sahgha, brdhmanas
also figure significantly am ong the inner circle o f disciples sur
ro u n d in g the B uddha w h o m he relied upon for the propagation o f
the doctrine. T he nam es o f Sariputta and M oggallana in particular
stand o u t in this context. B oth w ere already parihbdjakas w hen they
m e t the B uddha in the early stages o f his career as a teacher.6 T h ey
had been follow ers o f the titthiya leader Sanjaya and duly inform ed
5 W e have classified the courtesan am ong the ucca fetddi since there is nothing in
the B u d d h ist texts to show that the courtesan had low status, r u r sim ilar reasons w e
have classified T alaputa the nata gdmant as low because o f the grave disapproval
sh o w n b y the B uddha against T alaputa *s profession.
6 Maiiavagga^ pp. 38-41.
126
him before they joined the B uddhist sahgha. In an attem pt to pre

vent them from going over to the Buddha, Sanjaya offered to share
the leadership w ith them . Sariputta and M oggallana how ever de
clined the offer, and carried m ost o f the followers o f the sect over to
the new faith.7 W hen the Buddha first saw the tw o approaching
him he announced to the other bhikkhus present: 'T here, O bhikkhus
tw o com panions arrive; these will be a pair o f true pupils, a m ost
distinguished auspicious pair*.8 Elsewhere, it is stated that they
w ere the constant chief disciples o f the Buddha in m any previous
b irth s.9 T he closeness o f Sariputta and M oggallana to the Buddha is
too w ell kn o w n to require elaboration but som e exam ples are being
included for the non-specialist reader.
W hile M oggallana came to be know n for his tddhi (psychic) p o w
ers, Sariputta had the singular honour o f being referred to as the
dhamma senapati o f the Buddha. In the Sela Sutta o f the Sutta Ntpdta,
the Buddha is compared to a cakkavatti and declares Sariputta to be his
gen eral.10 T he Sam yutta N ikdya contains a collection o f suttas de
voted to Sdriputtas achievem ents.11
T h e B uddhas dependence on Sariputta is also attested by the fact
that he entrusted his only son Rahula to him for ordination . >z M en
tion is m ade o f a special sutta in the Majjhima N ikdya in w hich Sari
putta urged Rahula to practice breathing exercises.13 Sariputtas
w isdom was recognized and appreciated by others w ithin the
Sariputta is described as the ag$asavakai5 (chief disciple)
o f the B uddha and he often preached to the brethren as well as the
la y m e n .lh
M oggallana m ay be treated as the second o f the chief disciples o f
the B uddha since Sariputta and M oggallana are together declared to
be the ideal disciples, w hose exam ple other bhikkhus should try and
em u late.17 Since M oggallanas prc-cm incnce lay in his possession
o f iddhi p o w er he was frequently called Maha M oggallana. Like
Sariputta, M oggallana too could substitute for the B uddha and
preach to the bhikkhus Buddha gave great im portance to Sariput.
18
7 Ibid.
* Ibid., B .Q .D ., IV, p. 55.
9 D.JV., H, p. 6.
10 Sutta Nipata, Khuddaka N ikdya , Vol. I, p. 358.
11 S .N ., II, pp. 4 5 0 -5 .
12 Maltavagga, p. 86;
IV, p. 103.
13 M .N . r II. d. 100: A f.L.S., II. p. 91.
14 S .N .. I. p. 61: iC.S.. I. p. 87.
16 M .N ., I, p.. 20; M .N ., HI, p. 347.
17 S .N ., II, p. 198; A N ., I, p. 71; A N ., II, p. 174.
The Social Background o f the Early Buddhists
127
ta a n d M o g g a lla n a to k eep th e sangha pure. T he Ahguttara N ikdya
records an instance o f M oggallana seizing a w icked m onk and

th ru stin g him outside the d o o r.19 The trust the Buddha reposed in
and th e responsibility h e g a v e his tw o lieu ten a n ts is d e m o n str a te d
by the fact that it is they w ho are sent to w in back the bhikkhus w ho
have seceded w ith D evadatta.20
A n o th e r v e r y im p o r ta n t brdhmana to b e c lo s e ly asso cia ted w ith
the B uddha and the sahgha was M aha Kassapa, He is recorded as

chief am ong the B uddhas disciples w ho kept the stricter observ
an ces, and as h a v in g v er y fe w w a n ts 21 H e liv e d for m a n y years as a
forest dw eller22 and the B uddha was unable to persuade M aha Kas
sapa to rem ain near him . This may be one reason w hy he is referred
to less frequently than Sariputta and M o g g a lla n a w h ile the Buddha
was alive, although he too features in a collection o f suttas based on
h im .23 M aha Kassapa appears to have been a paribbajaka earlier,
a c c o r d in g to the adverse rem arks o f a critical bhikkhunL24 H e s to o d
consistently for discipline and in the Mahdgosinga Sutta declared the
need for stricter observances,25 M aha Kassapa rose to great p ro m
inence after the death o f the Buddha, and his initiative resulted in
the convening o f the First Council, over which he presided. H e
foresaw the possibility o f the break-up o f the sangha and the indi
vidual anarchy o f bhikkhus in the absence o f the B uddha.26 Kassap as trem endous presence o f m ind, organizational skill, and qual
ities o f leadership played a significant role in strengthening the sahpha and J.preventingk*" it from slidinek/ into obscuritvJ in the crucial davs
W
J
after the B uddha's death. A ccording to the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta ,
th e B u d d h as b o d y refused to burn till M aha Kassapa could com e
and pay hom age to it.27 Later, M aha Kassapas regard for discipline
carried the day at the Council o f Rajagaha, w hen the question o f
d ro p p in g the lesser and m inor rules o f the Pdtimokkha was
d eb ated .28 T he Vinava and the Sutta Pitaka w ere com piled at the
^
j.
19 A . N . , III, p. 312.
21 T h e erem etical stage o f early B uddhism probably died out ultim ately but, in
th e lifetim e o f the B uddha, a few m onks at least continued to live according to it.
S .N ., II, p. 132; K .S ., II, p. 109,
22 In the Majjhimct N ikdya he recom m ends forest dw elling for the m onks ( M .N ,,
I, p. 265; M .L .S , i, p. 266).
23 S .N ., II, pp. 165-88;
24 Ibid., p. 183.
25 M .N ., I, p. 265; A f.L .S., I, p. 266.
27 D .N ., II, p. 125.
2S Cullavagga, p. 410.'
128
First C ouncil at Rajagaha under the guidance o f the venerable Maha

K assapa.29
r.____i iu iu M im vn.iiuj K*j rk U d iu y a vr tjgt-rt
ifrtjjv
Perhaps the best know n figure apart from the B uddha him self in
B uddhist legend is Ananda, w ho was a close kinsm an o f the M as
ter. H e had joined the sahgha along w ith five other kinsm en o f the
B uddha: Bhaddiya, Bhagu, Kimbila, A nuruddha and Devadatta.
O f all these kinsm en, the closest associate o f the Buddha was Anan
da, for w h o m the Buddha had the greatest affection. Ananda consi
dered him self to be the B uddhas spiritual heir.30 T h ro u g h o u t the
later years o f the B uddhas life Ananda was his personal assistant,
and was constantly in his com pany like a faithful shadow . This
accounts for A nandas m ajor role in compiling the teachings o f the
B uddha in the form o f the Sutta P ita ka .^ Every sutta in the first four
nikayas begins w ith the statem ent evam me sutam' (thus 1 have
heard).
T he m ost striking feature o f A nandas personality was his very
hum an quality, a characteristic that makes him such an endearing
figure. It was probably his deep attachm ent to the Buddha that
accounted for the fact that he did not become an arahant in the life
tim e o f the B uddha.32 W hen he realized that the Buddha was about
to die he stood at the door, weeping inconsolably.33 Earlier, he is
spoken o f as becom ing sympathetically sick along w ith the
B u d d h a.34 In his concern fur the Buuulias health he cuulu not be
bothered w ith rules. Ananda was also a great cham pion o f good
causes.35 It was entirely due to his intervention that w om en were
allow ed entry inLo the sangha. Even in this acLiuu Ananda was
m oved to com passion by the sight o f M ahapajapatl G otam l, the
B ud d h as foster m other, w ho stood outside at the entrance hall,
w ith sw ollen feet and covered w ith dust, sad and sorrowful*.36 She
had arrived after travelling a long distance, disregarding the heat
and cold in order to seek permission to enter the sahgha. When
Ananda failed to persuade the Buddha initially, he did n o t g iv e up
b u t tried again, using different tactics this time. Finally the doors o f
2<> Cullavagga, pp. 4089.
3(1 M .N . , II, p. 378.
32 D .N ., I f p . 110; D .B ., II, p. 158.
33 D .N ., II, p. 110; D .B ., II. p. 158.
34 D .N ., II, p: 79; D .B ., II, p. 107.
33 Cullavaj&a, p. 374.
36 Vinaya Texts, tr. by T, W. Rhys Davids and Hermann Oldenberg, Vo!. HI.
p. 321.
129
the sahgha w ere throw n open to wom en, 37 Subsequently his cham
pioning o f the cause o f w om en was one o f the charges against him
at the First C ouncil held at Rajagaha. In all hum ility Ananda replied
that he saw no w rong in duing so, but nevertheless if the Council
held him guilty he w ould accept its censure.38
A nandas generally helpful nature seems to have encouraged his
c o lle a g u e s to c o n su lt h im a b o u t their various p ro b lem s. l i e w a s
like B uddhas antennae, conveying to him the news o f D evadattas

attem pts to split the sahgha,39 He preached not only to monks but
a iS U
WJ
_^1___
___ ___________ l:l _ O
O L 1 1 C 1 p u t IU U U J U K .U S
U N t
l_l_.
Jd U U 4 1 \c l,
1_ ___ 1___ ____ ^ ________
W 11U I11
l i t
w u i i
u v t i
iV J
t i i t
B uddha.40 Sometimes he suggested similes to the B uddha.41 W hen

p rom inent m em bers o f the laity were sick (like the gahapatis
a
\U d U Id p iL L U t w 4 ,
c : - : _____ u l .
O IL L V d U U L L d .,
j
4 U U
\
i : ____\
iV L d ltd U L L U L a j
L IL
j-________ ___
W L U t tU
th e m .42 A nanda was extolled by the Buddha for his erudition, good
behaviour, endurance in w alking,43 resoluteness and personal
attention. He was called a dhamtna hhandagarika or the treasurer o f
dhamm a.44 So pervasive is A nandas presence in the Buddhist texts
that it is im possible to im agine them w ithout him.
A nother kinsm an o f the Buddha who appears to have a prom in
ent position am ong the founders close associates is A nuruddha, H e
is described in the texts as being delicately nurtured and having
three storeyed residences, one for the cold season, one for the h o t
season, and one for the rains.45 A nuruddha was reluctant initially
to go forth into the houseless state because o f his delicate upbring
ing, b u t w hen he discovered that it was even m ore hazardous to
lead a household life, he renounced the w orld in the com pany o f his
kinsm en.46
A nuruddha features in the Angitttara N ika ya s list o f em inent dis
ciples as being the m ost clairvoyant o f the Buddhas disciples,47
A nuruddha was present along w ith Ananda when the mahdparinibhana o f the Buddha took place. Immediately thereafter and up to
37 Cullauagga, p. 374,
39 Vinaya. T e x ts , tr. b y T . W . R h y s D a v i d s a n d H e r m a n n O l d e t i b e r g , V o l . I ll,
p, 255.
40 M .N ,, II, pp. 212-13.
41 D .P .P .N ., Vol. I, p. 254.
42 M .N ., III, p. 350; S ,N IV, pp. 151, 152.
43 A . N . , I, p. 25.
44 D .P .P .N ., Vol. I, p. 262.
45 Vinaya Texts, tr. by T ,W . Rhys Davids and H erm ann O ldenberg, Vol. Ill,
p. 224,
46 Cullavavoa. n. 281. 47 A I \ J 1_ n .23.
t-fm -j
- a
'
130
the arrival o f M aha Kassapa, A nuruddha seems to have taken

charge o f the situation. H e show ed philosophic calm, in contrast to
A nandas grief, and exhorted the weeping brethren: E nough m y
brethren! W eep not, neither lam ent. Has not the Exalted O ne
form erly declared this to us, that it is in the very nature o f all things
near and dear to us, that we m ust divide ourselves from them , leave
them , sever ourselves from them ?'48 l ater, he asked Ananda to in
form the Mallas o f K usinara about the B uddhas death so that
arrangem ents could be m ade for the funeral.49 T he Mallas con
sulted A nuruddha w hen they w ere unable to lift the hndy o f the
taihdgata and he advised them to take a different direction since it
w as the w ish o f the spirits that they do so .50 Similarly, w hen the
funeral p y re refused to catch fire the Mallas consulted A nuruddha^1
w h o said that spirits w ere w aiting for the venerable M aha Kassapa
to reverently salute the feet o f the Exalted O n e.52 It was only after
M aha Kassapa came that A nuruddha retreated into the back
ground.
T h e only representative o f the ntca kulas am ong the prom inent
disciples o f the Buddha was U pali, w ho was a barber o f Sakyan
noblem en. A ccording to the narration in the Cullavagga, U pali
appears to have been m erely accom panying the Sakyans up to the
edge o f their territory on their jo u rn ey to seek ordination from the
B uddha. A t the border, the Sakyans took o ff their finery, w rapped
them in their robes and gave them to Upali, asking him to turn
back saying, These things will be sufficient for you to live u p o n .
U pali turned back initially, but, after a while, he felt uneasy about
taking the bundle. H e thought to himself, These Sakyans are
fierce. T h ey will think that these young men have been brought by
m e to destruction and they will slay m e .03 Instead o f returning to
K apilavatthu, he decided to jo in the sahgha along w ith the Sakyans.
T h e Sakyans requested the B uddha to ordain U pali first and place
h im before them in the sahgha so that their excessive pride w ould be
h um bled.
O nce he joined the sahgha , U pali seems to have quickly carved a
niche for him self because o f his m astery o f the vinaya. H e was
4S D .N ., 11, p. 121; D .B ., II, p. 177.
"
-v
r t
i A i v . , ii, p.
A r tA
v t
if p.
A A
D .N ., II, pp. 121-2; D .B ., II, p. 179.
ioi.
51 D .N ., II, p. 125; D .B ., II, p. 185.

52 D .N ., II, p. 126.
sa C ullavagga p. 281; Vinaya T exts , tr, by T. W. Rhys Davids and H erm ann O ld atb erg , Vol. Ill, p. 229.
131
vinaya by t h e R u H d h a h i m s e l f a n d w a s k n o w n a s
vinayadhdrdnam .54 In the Ahguttara N ikaya ys enum eration o f em inent
ta u g h t
th e
disciples he is listed as the one w ho knew the disciplinary rules by

h e a r t . 55 F .v e n in t h e l i f e t i m e o f t h e Rnddha, U p a l i w a s s o m e t i m e s
called u p o n to give his ju d g em en t on disputes, as in the case o f the
bhikkhus A jjuka and B haru K acchaka.56 U pali played a significant
r o l e in t h e F i r s t C ouncil o f Rajagaha w here he helped M aha
K assapa to codify the rules on discipline in the form o f the Vinaya
P itaka .57
O th e r figures w ho are enum erated as close associates o f the
B uddha include M aha K otthita, M aha Kappina, Rahula, D evadat
ta, M aha C unda, Punna M ahtaniputta, and M aha Kaccana; o f these
M aha K otthita,
**
7 M aha C unda, M aha Kaccana58 and Punna
M antan ip u tta w ere brdhmanas. M aha C unda was also the younger
b ro th e r o f Sariputta. M aha Kappina, Rahula, and D evadatta w ere
khattiyas: Rahula was Buddhas son and Devadatta his cousin. Thus
w e find that w ithin the small circle o f B uddhas closest associates
there w ere four w ho w ere related to the Buddha him self (Ananda,
A nuruddha, D evadatta, and Rahula), and tw o others w ere related
to each o th er (Sariputta and M aha Cunda).
T h e laity
We use the w o rd laity in its w idest sense to include all those w ho

w ere sym pathetic to the B uddhas ideas b u t w ho did n o t actually
jo in the sahgha. T he laity com prised m any individuals w ho are
described as upasakas, having accepted the ttmratana (triplegems) o f the
B uddha, dhamma , and sahgha. It also includes m any people w ho are
sim ply stated to have supported the sahgha. Support m ight take the
fo rm o f donating land, constructing vihdras , gifting robes, m edi
cines or supplies, b u t m ost often it m eant sim ply feeding the
m onks. This was by no means an insignificant function. O n the
o ther hand, it m ay be treated as the prim ary function o f the laity
w h o looked after the basic needs o f the m onks. W ithout this
54 A . N . y I, p. 25.
55 Ibid.
56 D .P .P .N ,, I, p. 408
57 Cullavagga, p. 408,
58 S .N ., II, pp. 132-3; K .5 ., II, p. 108. See also Pacittiya, p. 96. The tw o lists dif1 fer in th eir com pilation o f the nam es. The Vinaya list is m ore com prehensive. It in
cludes the follow ing names. (1) SaiipuUa, (2) Maha M ugga'laua, (3) Maha Kaccana,
(4) M aha K otthita, (5) M aha Kappina, (6) Maha Cunda. (7) A nuruddha, (8) Revata;
(9) U pali, (1.0), Ananda, (11) Rahula, and (12) Devadatta. The Samyutta N ikaya list
consists o fo rily eight names and includes the ham e o fP u n n a M antaniputta.
132
mi n i m u m s n 1r m
L n r t rh p bhikkhus w o u l d h a v e b e e n u n a b l e t o Lm i r s u e
their goal o f nibbana. T he feeding o f the m onks was the m ost

im p o rtan t tie betw een them and the laity, in return for w hich the
bhikkhus taught dhamma to the laity.
T here are 175 nam es m entioned in the texts as follow ers o r sup
porters and these constitute our list o f the laity in the B uddhas tim e
(see A tm endix CV H ere aeain. the lareest com oonent consists o f
brahmanas (76). T hey are follow ed by gahapatis w h o com prise 33
m em bers; 26 people belong to other ucca kulas\ and 22 w ere khat
tiyas. T he nica kulas are a small group here too and are represented
by 11 people. Finally, we have seven paribbdjakas and this appears to
be som ething o f an anom aly in the list. Since paribbdjakas w ere
w anderers w ho had renounced the household state, it is n o t clear
h o w they could have suppo rted the sangha in any w ay. T he signifi
cance o f the term updsaka is not clear from the sources in the con
tex t o f the paribbdjakas . It is possible that they accepted the
teachings o f the B uddha w ithout form ally joining the sahgha and
com plying w ith its discipline. H ow ever, at least in one instance a
paribbdjaka appears as a supporter o f the sahgha since he invites the
B ud d h a and other bhikkhus to a meal. This was probably possible
because he had the steady support o f the Lichchhavis, w ho had
u n dertaken to provide his m aterial needs. H e is described as a repu
ted teacher w ho was respected by the people.59
*
'
T h e brahm ana component o f the laity
O f the 76 brahmanas listed am ong the laity, eight are described as

w ealthy and w ere obviously prestigious figures, Pokkarasadi,60
S onadanda,61 C ankl,62 K utadanta63 and Lohicca64 appear to have
enjoyed brahmadeya lands in the brahmana-gdmas o f Kosala and
M agadha. T heir acceptance o f the B uddhas teaching is given con
siderable im portance in early Pali texts. M any suttas in the Dtgha
N ik d y a 65 and the M ajjhim a N ikd ya 66 are w holly devoted to the
m eeting betw een the B uddha and various prom inent brahmanas and
th eir ultim ate decision to becom e lay disciples o f his. Since they
w ere leading m em bers o f the brdhmana com m unity, their support
to the B uddha w ould have had considerable influence upon the rest
59 M .N ., I, p. 308.
60 D .N ., I, p. 76.
61 Ibid.
62 iVf.N., II, p. 427.
63 D .N ., I, p. 109.
64 D .N ., I, p. 191.
65 D .N ., I, pp. 76, 97, 109.
66 A /.N ., II, p. 427.
133
o f the people. Pokkarasadi, a t e a c h e r w i t h a l a r g e f o l l o w i n g , is de

scribed as accepting the Buddha as his guide. His wives and chil
dren are also said to have done the sam e.67 This obviously created
an im pact, f o r P o k k a r a s a d i s e x a m p l e is e m o te d b y S o n a d a n d a ,
another fam ous brdhmana , as good reason for visiting the B uddha.6B
M o st o f these brdhmanas had large num bers o f followers, and their
decision t o a c c e p t t h e R n d d h a c o u ld h a v e a d v e r s e l y a f f e c t e d t h e i r
standing am ong their ow n followers. They had to therefore ju d i
ciously balance their old status as teachers w ith their new one as fol
lo w e rs .
T he case o f Sonadanda illustrates many o f these points. Sonadan

da is described as dw elling at Cam pa in M agadha on a flourishing
niece
o f la n d .69 W hen the Buddha was stavine in the vicinitv* o f
1
C am pa m any brdhmana-gahapatis decided to visit him. Sonadanda
also expressed his desire to accompany them, but other brdhmanas
w h o w ere visiting C am pa on business tried to dissuade him from
doing so .70 T hey said: Let not the venerable Sonadanda do
that. . . If the venerable Sonadanda w ent to call upon (Gotama)
then the venerable Sonadandas reputation w ould decrease and the
samana G otam as w ould increase/71 They further declared that
since Sonadanda was well born, o f pure descent, both prosperous
and virtuous, a teacher o f 300 brdhmanas, and honoured and
esteem ed by King Bim bisara and by Pokkarasadi, it was the Bud
dha w ho should visit him and not the other way round.72 In re
sponse Sonadanda enum erated the reasons for his decision to visit
the B uddha, w hich included the B uddhas pure descent, his having
gone forth at a young age leaving m uch wealth behind, and the fact
th at King Bim bisara and the em inent brdhmana Pokkarasadi had put
their trust in h im .73 H ow ever, as Sonadanda proceeded, he was
struck w ith doubts about his reputation in case he failed to frame
his question to the Buddha properly. He thought: The com pany
m ig h t thereupon speak o f me w ith disrespect, and my reputation
w o u ld decrease, and w ith m y reputation my income w ould grow
less, for w hat w e have to enjoy, that depends on our reputation.74
Fortunately for him , the Buddha did not embarrass him . T hey had
a discussion on the question o f w ho was a real brdhmana. A t the end
67 D .N ., I, p. 95.
68 D .N ., [, p. 101,
69 D .N ., I, pp. 97 ff.
70 D .N ., I, p. 98.
71 D .B ., 1, p. 146.
72 D .N ., I, p, 99.
73 D .N ., I, pp. 100-1.
74 D .N ,, I, p. 102; D .B ., I, p. 151.
134
Stfriaf Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
o f the discussion Sonadanda became a lay disciple and invited the

B uddha to a m eal.75 Sonadanda how ever requested the Buddha to
excuse him from bow ing before the Buddha in the presence o f the
assembly: If O G otam a after I have entered the assembly I should
rise from m y seat to bow dow n before the venerable G otam a then
the assembly would find fault with me . . . now he who should lose
his reputation, his incom e w ould grow less. . . . If then, when I am
seated in the assembly, 1 stretch forth m y joined palms in salutation
let the venerable Gotama accept that from me as rising from m y
scat.
A large num ber (30) o f the brdhmanas that w e have listed became
updsakas in groups, having obviously influenced each other in the
p r o c e s s . These i n c l u d e t h e in d h m u n a ^ g u h a p a tis o f Verafija,77 S a la ,78
V eludvara,79 V enagapura80 and Khom adussa.81 They are described
in the texts as having approached the Buddha w ith some question
which bothered them . At th e end o f t h e s e s s io n a f t e r h a v i n g had
their doubts resolved they declared themselves updsahas o f the Buddha.
I m p o r t a n t g a h a p a t i s u p p o r te r s o f th e B u d d h a
W hile m any prom inent brdhmanas are described as becom ing updsakas o f the Buddha, they are rarely depicted as being continuously
i m p o r t a n t i n t h e e a r l y P a li texts. S o n a d a n d a , P u k k a i a s a d i o r K uUdanta do n o t appear to have contributed any further support to the
sahgha other than having fed the Buddha and his band o f bhikkhus
w hen t h e y d e c l a r e d t h e m s e l v e s h is wpasafeus. A lthough t h e y w e r e
them selves frequently land-based, they never gifted any land to the
sahgha . N o r is there any reference to them in the context o f the con- r
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is probably as significant as the Buddhas first meeting w i t h the

K ings Bim bisara or Ajatasattu. A long passage in the Cullavagga o f
the V i n a y a - P it a k a r e c o u n t s t h e e p i s o d e in c o n s i d e r a b l e d e t a i l .82
75 D .N ., I, p. 103.
78 M .N ., I, p. 355.
si
S . / V , , I, p, 18 4 .
7fl D .N ., I, p. 108; D .B . , I, p. 158 .

77 M .N .., 1, p. 359.
77 S .N ., IV, p. 303.
80 A .N ., I, p. 171.
pp. 2 4 9
53-
135
B eginning w ith Anathapiridika first hearing o f the B uddha

th ro u g h his brother-in-law , the setthi o f Rajagaha, the narrative
goes o n to describe A nathapindikas great excitem ent, w hich
m o u n ted by the hour and m ade sleep im possible the night before he
cam e face to face w ith the Buddha, and the jo y w hich he experi
enced w hen the B uddha addressed him by his personal nam e,
S udatta (w hich was not know n to m ost people).83 The subsequent
account o f his purchase o f thejetavana from princejeta K um ar a at a
fabulous price and its presentation to the B uddha84 indicates the im
portance w ith w hich he was treated by the sahgh^. A nathapindika
features right th ro u g h the texts, frequently visiting the Buddha and
dem onstrating his deep faith in him . M any suttas in the texts are
addressed to A nathapindika, T ow ards the end o f his life he seems
to have been reduced to p o v erty ,85 and was unhappy that he could
no longer provide for the m onks in the same fashion as in the past.
T h e B uddha then preached the Veldma Sutta to encourage h im .86 As
he lay on his death-bed he sent a special message to Sariputta to
visit h im .87 Sariputta w ent along w ith Ananda and preached the
Anathapindikovada Sutta. H e is described as being reborn as a dePa in
the deva w orld.88 In the Anguttara list o f eminent people Andthapindika is described as the chief alm s-givcr am ongst B uddhas
disciples.89
A nother pro m in en t updsaka o f the Buddha was C itta gahapati o f
M acchikasanda. C itta also features in the list o f prom inent disciples
in the Anguttara N ik d y a , w here he is declared to be chief am ong the
updsakas and a dhamma teacher.90 A collection o f suttas is nam ed af
ter h im in the Sam yutta N ik d y a .91 C itta gahapati is recorded as hav
ing played h ost to a num ber o f theras (elders) w ho stayed at M acchi
kasanda in the w ild m ango grove belonging to h im .92 A part from
his su p p o rt o f the sahgha w hat m arked him out from other gahapati
supporters was his deep know ledge o f B uddhism and his skill at ex
p o u n d in g his know ledge.
H e is described as being able to understand the full m eaning o f a
pithy saying o f the B uddha,93
83 Ibid., p. 250.
64 Ibid., p. 253.
85 D .P .P .N ., I, p, 71.
86 A .N ., IV, pp. 3 5 -7 .
87 M .N ., III, p. 345.
08 Ibid., P . 348.
89 A . N . , I, p . 26.
90 Ibid.
91 S .N ., Ill, p p . 252-70.
92 S .N ., III, p. 253. In addition he offered food, lodgings, robes and medicines to
Isidatta, A c e h Kassappa and M aha Kassappa (S .N ., III, p. 257),
93 S .N ., III, 259-60.
136
W 1 IV A
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G o d atta.94 Further, he cornered N igantha N ataputta in an argu

m en t and it is obvious that he found N igantha unsatisfactory as a
te a c h e r .95
T he only exam ple o f a bhikkhu having to seek the forgiveness o f

an upasaka concerns C itta, w ho had been offended by the behaviour
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saying: H o w can you, foolish man, jeer at the gahapati C itta w ho

has faith and is a benefactor, a supporter o f the o rd er1?96 T he B ud
dha th en arranged a fo r m a l act o f re co n cilia tio n in w h ic h C itta w a s
requested to forgive the bhikkhu.97 We have earlier referred to the
ex h o rtatio n o f C ittas relatives w ho asked him on his deathbed to
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significant that the texts considered him w o rth y o f being reborn a

cakkavatti , the counterpart o f the B uddha in the lay w orld.
O th e r gahapatis w h o appear to b e sig n ifica n t in th e tex ts in clu d e
M endaka, w ho possessed psychic pow ers,99 Sandhana,100 N akulam ata and N ak u lap itar.101 N akulam ata and N akulapitar arc said to
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him because they had been his parents in m any previous b irth s.192
T h ey are depicted as an ideal couple and appear in the Ahguttara
N ik a y a s lis t o f e m in e n t d iscip le s, as the m o s t in tim a te d iscip les o f
the B u d d h a.103 A m ong the Buddha's best know n updsikds is
V isakha M igarm ata, w ho also belonged to the gahapati category.
S h e is liste d as an id ea l lay w o m a n , as w e ll as c h ie f a m o n g th o se
w h o m inistered to the o rd e r.104 She features right through the

texts, donating robes and alms to the sahgha and was a special pat
r o n o f th e bhikkhunts. V isa k h a Adigaram ata req u ested B uddha to
g ran t her eight perm anent boons, w hich he did. These w ere that as
lo n g as she lived, she should be allowed to give robes to m em bers
o f th e o r d e r fo r th e rain y season ; fo o d for m o n k s c o m in g in to
Savatthi; food for those going out; food for the sick; food for those
w aiting on the sick; m edicine for the sick; a constant supply o f rice
g r u e l fo r a n y o n e n e e d in g it; and b a th in g ro b es fo r the n u n s .105 A s a
dynam ic m em ber o f the laity Visakha was called upon to judge
94 S .N ., HI, pp. 263-5.
95 Ibid., pp. 265-6.
^ Cullavagga, pp. 3 2 -5 ; B .O .D ., V, p. 25.
Ibid.
* S .M , III, pp. 2 6 8 - /0.
94 Mahdvagga, pp. 2 5 4 -9 .
,0 A . N . , III, p. 149.
,m D .P .P .N ., II, p. 3.
102 Ibid.
1(0 A . N . , 111, pp. 17-19.
A .N ., I, pp. 2 6 -7 .
,05 A . N , , I, p. 27,
137
questions related to disciplinary matters in the sahgha. She was also

treated as a very tru stw o rth y witness and her w ord was accepted in
a charge o f im propriety levelled against the bhikkhu U dayin at a
form al m eeting o f the sahgha called to lay dow n punishm ent against
the offender.106 Visakha was the object o f many suttas preached by
the B uddha during her frequent visits to him . These include the
fam ous discourse on the keeping o f the uposatha ;107 the discourse on
the eight qualities w hich w in pow er for w om en in the w orld and
p o w er and happiness in the next; and the eight qualities w hich en
able w om en to be born am ong the devas}m
A part from the examples already given, it is gahapatis w ho gener
ally feature m ost frequently in the list o f em inent updsakas . O f the
tw en ty personalities in this list, tw elve are described as gahapatis f 09
T hey form ed the largest single group am ongst the lay followers o f
the Buddha. W e shall pursue this point in the conclusion o f this
chapter.
O ther prominent supporters o f the Buddha
P rom inent lay followers o f the Buddha included the ruling kings o f
M agadha and Kosala, w here the Buddha spent a great deal o f time.
B oth the kings o f M agadha w ho were contem poraries o f the Bud
dha, Bim bisara and Ajatasattu, are described as becom ing his
updsakas.110 The sketch o f the Buddhas early career in the Mahdvagga
describes the first m eeting betw een the Buddha and Bim bisara, his
subsequent acceptance o f the B uddhas teachings, and the gifting o f
the Veluvana, w hich was the first property given to the sahgha.111
T h e significance that the Buddha attached to the patronage o f B im
bisara is evident from num erous references in the early Pali canon.
T he pdtim okkha, or custom o f the fortnightly assembly o f m onks,
w as introduced at the suggestion o f B im bisara,112 Similarly, the ex
trem ely severe rule that m onks bathe only once a fortnight fol
low ed an occasion w hen Bimbisara had to w ait for his bath while
bhikkhus indulged in som e m errim ent w hen bathing in the riv er.113
iUtJ Mahdvagga, pp. 306-10; B .O .D ., IV, p. 416.
t07 Pdrajika , pp. 278-9.
1011 A .N ., III, pp. 352, 364, 366.
109 A . N . , III, p. 149. T h s gahapatis include Bhallika, Anathapindika, Citta, U gga,
N akulanita. T avakannika. V irehavo. Viiavamahita. Mendaka. tJooa o f Vesali. 1si
datta, and Purano.
110 Mahdvagga , p. 37; D .N ., I, p. 74
111 Mahdvagga , pp. 35-8.
m Pdcittiya , pp. 159-60.
ji
>
138
A jatasattus question regarding the utility o f the life o f a recluse

was the occasion for the preaching o f the Samaiinaphala S utta.114
Ajatasattu is also depicted as seeking the advice o f the Buddha be
fore attacking the Vajjian confederacy.115 He is described as becom
ing an updsaka,116 a status that was not denied to him despite the
grievous w rong he com m itted in killing his father.
Pasenadi, the king o f Kosala, was also a steady supporter o f the
Buddha and the Samyutta N ikdya contains a collection o f suttas
addressed to h im .117 Initially* Pasenadi seems to have been some
w hat sceptical o f the Buddhas claim to be a perfectly and suprem e
ly enlightened person* since the Buddha was young in comparison
w ith the six contem porary titthiya leaders.11* H owever, the Buddha
was able to convince Pasenadi that youth was no bar to w isdom
and subsequently Pasenadi became an updsaka.119 His favourite
wife, Mallika, was also an im portant follower o f the Buddha and is
depicted as being a more steadfast devotee than her husband.
T h ro u g h her efforts* some o f Pasenadis doubts were resolved,120
Some other updsakas belonging to rdjakulas were also am ong the
prom inent lay disciples o f the Buddha. They included the princes
J e ta ,121 A b h ay a,122 Jivaka K om arabhacca123 and B odhirajakum ara.124 Jivaka was the best know n o f these and is listed as the
m ost loved o f the Buddhas updsakas,125 probably because o f his
great skill as a physician. The Vinaya relates how a large num ber o f
sick people joined the sahgha since that was the only way they could
have access to his treatm ent. Jivaka was otherwise busy ministering
to the k in g s family apart from the sahgha.126 Jivaka also built a
vihdra for the Buddha and gifted robes to the bhik
khus. t27 Jeta Kum ara had become an updsaka following the purchase
by A nathapindika o f the Jetavana for the sahgha. He was so m oved
1,4 D . N I, p p . 3 9 - 7 5 .
1,6 D . N . , H, p p . 7 8 - 9 .
116 D.iV., I, p . 75.

U7 S . N . J , p p . 67-102.
118 S.N ., I, p p . 67-8.
1,9 Ibid.,
p.
69.
12,1 M .N .,
II,
pp.
353-8,
121 Cullavagga, p. 253,
122 M .N ., II, p. 71.
123 Mahavagga, p p . 297-8; B .O .D ., IV, p p . 394-6.
124 Af.N., H, p . 342.
125 A . N ., I, p . 26. The Mahavagga contains an entire section on Jivakas birth and
subsequent career as a physician. Jivaka is described as the son o f the courtesan Sala,
vva j i uivugjiiii
uu p., ua jLi________
r. Lt/iiaâi -----------...l_______
njan u m a i
vvuu____
i v ^ _,
n iju v u
_
:___ u ,
r a u o^.c
1 i \ a j a g a i ia< cuau^v
h im self as Jivakas father, we have listed him as khattiya. Jivaka also regards him self
as a m em ber o f a kings family w hen he says, It is hard to make a living in these
k in g s families, and goes o ff to train as a physician (Mahavagga, p. 287).
126 Mahavagga , p . 76,
u / Mahavagga, p, 297.
139
by A natbapindikas faith in the Buddha that he built and donated a

gatew ay in the corner o f the Jetavana at His ow n expense.128
A few khattiyas belonging to the gana-sahghas w ere also im portant
figures am ong the B uddhist laity. C hief o f these was M ahanam a
the Sakyan, w ho gave choice alm s-food.329 Siha the Lichcchavi,
w h o w as originally a follow er o f the N iganthas, was an im portant
convert to the B uddhist faith and his transference o f allegiance was
resented by the Jainas.130 Similarly, Roja the Malla did not orig
inally have faith in the Buddha, unlike other Mallas. He w ent to see
the B uddha only to com ply w ith a decision o f the M a lf e w hich de
creed that w hoever failed to pay him hom age w ould be fmed 500
co in s.133 A nanda was disappointed that Roja had not come out o f
faith and requested the master to discover som e means by w hich
Roja M alla w ould becom e a disciple since that w ould create a defi
nite im pact on others. Buddha drew Roja into the faith by the pow
er o f his com passion.132 Roja then requested the Buddha to hence
forth accept hospitality only from him and, although this request
w as tu rn ed dow n, Roja discovered that the sahgha needed green
vegetables and supplied it w ith th e m .133
A m o n g the updsakas belonging to ucca kulas other than brdhmana ,
khattiya and gahapati, were the vdnijjas, Tapussa and Bhallika, the
setthi o f Rajagaha, and the courtesan Ambapali. Tapussa and Bhalli
ka appear in the list o f em inent disciples in the Ahguttara N ikdya
am o n g st the B uddhas first disciples.134 T he w ealthy setthi o f Ra
jagaha is depicted as noticing the discom fort o f bhikkhus living in
the open and expressing a desire to build vihdras for the sahgha . This
w as b ro u g h t to the notice o f the Buddha, w ho gave the setthi per
m ission to do so .135 T he setthi then built 60 vihdras in a day. He in
vited the B uddha and other bhikkhus for a meal and dedicated the 60
dw ellings for the cdtudisa sahgha (sangha o f the four quarters), both
o f the present and the fu tu re.136 This fo rm u la w hich appears so
often in the texts and inscriptions, first appears in the context o f the
gift o f vihdras by the setthi o f Rajagaha. T he incident o f A m bapali's
visit to the B uddha, his acceptance o f her invitation to a meal which
she refused to w ith d ra w at the request o f the Lichchhavis o f
Vesali, and her subsequent gifting o f the A m bavana to the sahgha is
128
129 A . N ,, I, p. 26.
13<) Mahdvagga, pp, 248-53,
131 Mahdvagga, pp. 260-1.
133 Ibid., p. 262.
133 Ibid.
134 A .N ., I, p. 26.
!3S Cuitavagga, p. 239.
13f> Ibid., p. 240,
140
d escrib ed b o th in the V in ava

Pitaka
and tbe DTaha N i k d Av a . 137
J
m
O
T he only prom inent upasaka w ho belonged to the nxca kulas was

C unda the kammara-putta o f Pava. It was at C undas house that the
B uddha had his last meal which brought on an illness leading to
death. T h e B uddha apparently knew that a part o f the m enu w ould
have harm ful consequences and thus asked Cunda not to serve it to
the other b h ikkh u s}3^ H e also orobablv
a certain am ount
1
f anticipated
3o f censure against Cunda for he specifically stated before his death
that no blam e should be attached to Cunda. O n the other hand, he
said th at in providing: the tathdvata his last meal. Cunda had
achieved an honourable position, equal to that o f the server o f the
first meal im m ediately after his enlightm ent. B oth acts were cre
dited w ith unique m erit.139
j.
%f
K hattiya, brahm ana, and gahapati: key figures in the Buddhist texts
In presenting details concerning the social com position o f the
B uddhist sahgha and the laity, an enum eration o f figures alone
cannot convey the flavour o f the texts, which throw considerable
light on the prom inence attributed to various social groups. We
shall take up som e o f these features before concluding this chapter
and analyse the facts that have already been enum erated.
If one looks- at the structure o f the texts as a w hole, the narration
o f the meetings between the Buddha and the jatiia Uruvela Kassapa,
K ing Bim bisara, and the gahapati Anathapindika are given special
im portance. All three appear in Khandhaka portion o f the Vinaya
Pitaka from w hich it is possible to piece together a sketch o f the
B uddhas career as a teacher. It is likely that the acceptance o f
B uddhist teachings by these key figures (along w ith certain other
sim ilar situations interspersed in the texts) were specially significant
for their dem onstration effect on the people, and explains the
prom inence given to them in the narrative.140
Bim bisara and Anathapindika appear frequently in the early Pali
canon and w e have already discussed them in the preceding sections
o f this chapter. U ruvela Kassapa, on the other hand, appears only
in the context o f his first m eeting w ith the Buddha, and his gradual
137
D . N . } II, pp. 76-8; Makavaga , p. 246. We have placed Ambapali am ong the
/'-if dirViSnr rt
J
V H /V H i n j
* J
J l . W
l l l * l g |
111
< r! # V
V -C 4 1 # J
W -1 J.
L J
1 I1 U L
I V
TV
status for a courtesan. We have also classified her as a supporter because our sources
do n o t indicate that she joined the sangha.
138 D .N ., II, pp. 9 8 -9 .
139 D .N ., II, pp. 105-6.
140 Ibid.
141
b u t to tal acceptance o f the B uddha as his teacher.141 H e was a repu

ted ja tila , the eldest o f three brothers, each o f w h o m had his o w n
fo llo w in g . All had settled at different points along the N eranjara
river.
A cco rd in g to th e narration, the B uddha visited U ruvela Kassapa
an d spent the n ig h t in a ro o m w here the sacred B rahm anical fire
w as k ep t despite K assapas w arning that the spot was inhabited b y a
fierce naga (serpent). In a rare display o f magical p o w ers,142 the
B u d d h a overcam e first this naga and then another. A lth o u g h
U ru v ela Kassapa w as very favourably im pressed, he still consi
dered the Buddha to be a great ascetic w ith magical powers, but not
an arahant like h im self.143 T h e B uddha spent som e tim e living in
th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d till U ruvela Kassapa w as ready for conversion.
U ru v ela Kassapa w as finally convinced that he was no t an arahant ,
and th at the path he was follow ing w ould no t lead h im to arahantship . H e thereupon acknow ledged defeat and asked for
o rd in a tio n .144 All his pupils also jo in ed , having shaved o ff their hair
an d th ro w n aw ay their fire im plem ents into the river. U ruvela K assapa's b rothers, N adi Kassapa and Gaya Kassapa, also jo in ed the
sahgha along w ith their respective follow ers.145
F ro m Gayaslsa, the B uddha w ent to Rajagaha accom panied by
the three K assapa brothers and their pupils. W hen King Bim bisara
an d the assem bly o f brahmanas a.nd gahapatis saw them approaching
th ey w o n d ered w h eth er th e B uddha had accepted U ruvela Kassapa
as his teacher o r vice versa. In the presence o f the entire assem bly
U ru v ela Kassapa declared his allegiance to the B uddha146 and im
m ediately after this B im bisara also declared him self a lay follow er
and m ade the first gift to the sahgha in the form o f V eluvana (bam
b o o grove) ju s t outside R ajagaha.147 T he trem endous im pact cre
ated by U ruvela K assapas acceptance o f the B uddha as his teacher
is attested by later evidence. T he incident is depicted in later sculp
tu res and H ieu n T sang refers to a stupa being erected at the spot
141 It m ay be no ted here th at the three key figures represent the three social
categories o f brdhmana (U ruvela Kassapa), khaaiya (King Bim bisara), and gahapati
(A nathapindika). T h e three categories feature prom inently in the structure o f the
tex t (see C h a p te r III).
t43
Bucldha often speaks critically o f m agic and the display o f magical p o w
ers. T h e use o f these po w ers by him is therefore doubly significant.
144 Ibid., p. 33.
145 Ibid., p. 34.
14* Ibid., p. 35.
147 Ibid., p. 38.
142
w here the conversion took place*148 Uruvela Kassapa does not fea
ture anyw here else in the texts, except in the list o f em inent
disciples. He is described as chief o f those who had a large
follow ing,144 but we do not know w hat influence he had on the sahgka. It is possible, however, to deduce the im portance of the jatilas
as a group w ithin the sahgha from the Buddhas ruling that the
probationary period o f four months mandatory for all other parib
bdjakas w ho wished to join the sangha could be waived only in the
case ofjafilas.150
Wealthy supporters o f Buddhism
A m ong those significant in the narrative are also included people

w ho once enjoyed great wealth and pleasures and renounced them,
such as the setthi-puttas Yasa,151 Sona Kolivisa152 and Sona K utikanna.153 The case o f Yasa in particular appears to symbolize the
value attached to giving up great wealth and luxury. He is depicted
as having been a very sheltered setthi-putta w ho lived in great
opulence.154 Nevertheless Yasa was dissatisfied with his existence
and slipped out one night exclaiming, Alas! What danger.15:1 The
Buddha saw him from a distance and called out to him, Come
Yasa, here is neither distress nor danger-.156 While the Buddha
preached to him, Yasa was filled with great joy. Soon, however,
his father discovered his absence and came in search o f him. He
asked Yasa to return to his grieving mother, but the Buddha inter
ceded and declared that household life had no attraction for Yasa
and ordained h im .157 Yasas father was himself impressed by the
Buddha and became the first updsaka, while Yasas m other and wife
became the first updsikds.:5H Immediately afterwards, four friends
o f Yasa also joined the sahgha.159 The section on Yasa in the Mahduagga ends w ith the inform ation that fifty young acquaintances
w ho were setthis and setthi-anusetthis, also joined the sangha.160 Yasa
does not feature elsewhere in the early Pali canon, but whenever he
is referred to in the later commentaries the great luxury of his lay
14H C.S. Basak, The Role o f Uruvela Kassapa in the Spread o f Buddhism in A. K.
Narain (ed.), Studies in Pali and Buddhism, p. 374, n. 31.
149 A .N ., 1, p. 25.
150 Mahdvagga, p. 76,
152 Ibid., p. 199.
153 Ibid., p. 213.
154 Ibid., p. 18.
155 Ibid.,
IV, p. 22.
15f> Ibid., p. 19; B .O .D ., IV, p. 23.
157
15H
t i
IfiH
T h e Social B ackground o f the E arly Buddhists
143
life is mentioned* Similarly, Sona Kolivisa161 and Soria Kutikanna162

are described as possessing great wealth and being delicately nur
tured but nevertheless renouncing it to join the sahgha. The renun
ciation o f luxury was obviously invested w ith special significance.
In contrast, U pali, the only m em ber o f the nica kulas to rise to im
portance in the sahgha, is described as having joined the sahgha
alm ost by accident and no t through any conscious decision on his
part to lead the higher life.163 The narration o f Upalis ordination
is only an appendage to the story o f the ordination o f B uddhas Sak yan k in sm e n .164 T he text m entions the progress made by his erst
w hile Sakyan lords im m ediately after joining the sahgha , but
ignores U pali in the n arratio n ,16:1 even though U pali ultim ately be
cam e the expert in the vinaya .
T h e importance o f kinship ties in the extension o f support to Buddhism
W e have already briefly touched upon kinship ties in the social

composition o f the sahgha, This appears to have been a very im portant
factor in the developm ent o f both the B uddhist sangha and laity.
T h e texts them selves give frequent examples o f the relevance o f
kinship ties and w e shall briefly m ention som e here. The inner cir
cle o f tw elve p rom inent disciples o f the Buddha consisted o f three
people w ho w ere kinsm en o f the Buddha, one being Rahula, the
B u d d h a s son. R ahulas depiction as a m em ber o f the group is ex
trem ely difficult to explain, unless w e accept the im portance given
to kinship tics. H e is no t referred to as possessing any special p o w
ers, unlike other m em bers o f the core g ro u p .166 In fact, w henever
reference is m ade to him it is in the context o f being exhorted to
strive h a rd e r.167 N o t m any suttas are devoted to Rahula, and he is
never sh o w n preaching to anyone and was clearly still under
tra in in g .168 Y et he is listed as one o f the tw elve prom inent figures
aro u n d the B u d d h a.169
O th e r'k in sm e n o f the B uddha w ithin this small circle included
A nanda and A n u ru d d h a .170 The narrative relates the events w hich
lead to their jo in in g the sahgha . M ahanam a, an elder and a respected
Sakyan, lam ents that there w ere no representatives from his family
161 ibid.. p. 199,
1f, Ibid., p, 213.
,ft3 Cullavagga, pp. 281- 2.
164 Ibid.. p. 282.

165 Ibid.
Wi A I N .. II. p. 92.
,fl7 Ibid., p . UK).
16K" S .N ., II, pp. 2 0 3 -5 ; the Anguttara N ik d y a speaks o f him as forem ost am ong
those anxious for training (A . N ., I, p. 24).
169 Pdcittiya, p. 96.
170 Ibid.
144
w h o had gone forth to jo in the sahgha17* and told his younger

b ro th er A nuruddha that either he or A nuruddha should jo in it. The
account earlier suggests that each fam ily had sent a representative to
jo in the sahgha and this itself dem onstrates the strength o f kinship
ties am ongst the early B uddhists. W hen A nuruddha decided to jo in
the sahgha, he was accom panied by five other Sakyan kinsm en in
cluding Bhaddiya the Sakya raja . A ccording to the record in the
M ahdvagga , Bhaddiya the Sakya raja, A nuruddha, Ananda, Bhagu,
K im bila and D evadatta, ju st as they had so often previously gone
o u t to the pleasure ground w ith fourfold array, even so did they
n o w go o u t w ith fourfold array.172
W e have already pointed to the prom inent role that Ananda and
A nuruddha w ent on to play in the sahgha. A part from B uddhas
kinsm en am ong the tw elve inner disciples, three other m em bers
w ere related to each other. These w ere Sariputta, Revata and M aha
C u n d a ,173 all o f w hom w ere brothers, Sariputtas family is a no t
able exam ple o f the kinship factor operating in the building o f an
organization. A ccording to later B uddhist tradition represented in
the Theragdtha, Therigdtha and the Apadana, three_ o f Sariputtas
brothers jo in ed the sahgha , and so did three o f his sisters. In fact, the
entire fam ily seems to have been a part o f the rising B uddhist
m o v e m e n t.174 Sariputta w as the m ost im portant bhikkhu in the scmgha apart from the Buddha, and his kinsm en seem to have been as
m uch a part o f the new m ovem ent as the kinsm en o f the founder.
O th e r exam ples can be cited w here kinship ties were relevant
b o th in attracting m em bers into the sahgha as well as spreading
B uddhism am ongst the laity. As already listed, U ruvela Kassapa
jo in e d the sahgha along w ith tw o b ro th ers.175 Similarly, four B haradvaja brdhmana brothers joined the sahgha, although three brothers
had initially resented the action o f the first brother.176 Anathapindika,
the m ost prom inent updsaka o f the Buddha, came to hear o f the
tathdgata th ro u g h his brother-in-law , the setthi o f Rajagaha,177 and
consequently becam e a follow er him self.178 N o t only was M endaka
gahapati an updsaka o f the B uddha,179 b u t also his grand-daughter,
V isakha M igaram ata.180 Visakha w as responsible for the conver
sion o f her father-in-law w ho had earlier been a follow er o f N igan171
.if
n* fruv
t7q_qi
h at r /
172 rkia
^ *
osn
**
173
174 D .P .P .N ., II, p. 1109.

176 S . N ., I, pp. 160-4.
177 Cullavagga , pp. 249-50.
178 Ibid.
180 D .P .P .N ., II, p. 900.
n QA
145
tha Nfatapntta.181 H er younger sister Siijata was a daughter-in-law

o f A nathapindika182 and received special attention from the Buddha
in a serm on on the duties o f w o m en .183

It is reasonable to infer from the available evidence that kinshio
was an im portant basis for recruitm ent into the sangha and in the
i.
spread o f Buddhism . It was particularly relevant w ithin the nar

ro w er circle surrounding the Buddha. The im portance o f kinship
ties in B uddhist society was recognized by the Buddha him self
w hen he allowed exceptions to a series o f rules on grounds o f
k in sh ip .184 A part from waiving the probationary period o f four
m onths applicable to the paribbdjakas in the case o f the jatilas the
B uddha w aived the probationary period for the Sakyas too. While
allow ing the exception Buddha explicitly stated that he did so on
grounds o f kinship. H e says, i f a Sakya by birth, O bhikkhus, w ho
has belonged to a titthiya school comes to you, he is to receive the
upasampada ordination directly and no parivdsa is to be im posed on
him. The exceptional privilege, O bhikkhus, I grant to my kinsmen1. 185
T he relaxation o f rules on grounds o f kinship was likely to have
been the accepted norm since it appears no t to have been criticized.
K inship bonds were likely to have had som e influence generally in
the inclusion o f followers for the various sects.
A n o th er area w here the kinship factor operated in a very decisive
m anner was over the question o f the entry o f w om en into the
sangha.186 T he initial request came from M ahapajapati GotamI, the
B ud d h as aunt and foster m other, but it was turned down, by the
B uddha. W hen Ananda took up the cause o f M ahapajapati he used
the kinship bond betw een the Buddha and M ahapajapati to press
his p o in t.187 T he B uddha then acceded to the request and M ahapa
ja p a ti becam e the first bhikkhunt to be ordained. As its senior m ost
m em ber, she also headed the bhikkkum sahgha and acted as the
m ediator betw een the Buddha and the bhikkkum sahgha,188
m.
.ft.
A na lysis o f the social composition o f the early Buddhists
T h e laige brdhmana eum punent am ong the early Buddhists both

w ithin the sahgha and outside it needs some explanation. It has
com m only been assumed that B uddhism was antagonistic to the
181 Ibid., p. 902.
182 Ibid., p. 904.
183 A .N ., HI, pp. 223-5,
184 Pardjika , pp. 301-4; Pdcittiya, pp, 87-90. 185 Mahavagga, p .76.
186 Cullavagga, pp. 373-7. 187 Ibid., p. 374. 188 Cullavagga, pp. 377-9,
146
Soci'rt/ Dimensions o f Early Buddhism
brahmanns, a n d a s a l r e a d y noticed, there is sonre b a s is f o r su c\i in
assu m p tio n .189 B ut how then can we explain the participation o f

the brdhmanas in such large numbers? O ne reason w hich seems
plausible is that R uddhism was essentially a s a l v a t i o n r e l i g i o n i n
w hich it was necessary to renounce the w orld and lead the higher
life in order to achieve the goal o f nibbdna, This was by no means
easy for m ost people. That brdhmanas responded in considerable
num bers was because they w ere prim arily a religious group w hose
precise function, ideally at least, was the pursuit o f salvation. The
B uddha frequently dw elt on this them e and his a n t a g o n i s m was
directed against the brdhmanas for defaulting from their original
pursuit o f religious goals, and for leading a m undane existence
instead.190 It has been suggested by Lillie that the Buddhist m ove
m en t was a revolt o f higher Brahm anism against the low er and he
argues that the Buddha drew a sharp contrast betw een the low er
B rahm anism o f the householder w ith the higher Brahm anism o f
the houseless o n e .191 We have earlier show n that brdhmanas w ere
opposed to the ascetic tradition, but it is also clear that m any
brdhmanas
had resnonded
to that tradition and often became ivaribbat
*
ja ka s . These brdhmanas w ould have seen in Buddhism an alternative
to the decadent values exhibited by the existing Brahm anism .
Som e o f the B uddhas m ost prom inent disciples, such as Sariputta,
M oggallana, and M aha Kassapa w ere brdhmanas w ho had becom e
paribbdjakas even before they m et him .
M any other brdhmanas w ho were not capable o f renouncing the
w o rld nevertheless became lay followers o f the Buddha by accept
ing his teachings. T he Buddhist texts often refer to brdhmanas rais
ing questions regarding the im portance o f sacrifice and its true
m eaning. T he acceptance o f the B uddhas views on these subjects
by prom inent brdhmanas w ould probably have generated a debate
even am ong those brdhmanas w ho remained outside the direct orbit
o f B uddhism , and this m ay have helped in a transform ation o f the
B rahm anical system itself over a period o f time. O n the other hand,
the participation o f significant num bers o f brdhmanas in the B uddh
*
189 See C hapters II and IV.

W e have already dem onstrated that the Buddha used the w ord brdhmana in tw o
d ifferent senses (see C hapter II) as a term o f value as well as a social category, and
that w hen he used the term brdhmana in the sense o f a value he was identifying w ith
it.
A rth u r Lillie, The Life o f the Buddhat p. 127.
147
ist m ovem ent w orked in the opposite direction too* H ow ever hon
est their acceptance o f the B uddhas teachings, the brdhmanas carried
along w ith them m any ideas and beliefs from their earlier environ
m ent. We have an example o f this in the case o f the brdhmana
brothers Yam elu and Tekula, w ho requested the Buddha to allow
the use o f Sanskrit in teaching the dhamma.192 While the Buddha
was alive his charisma and unquestioned leadership o f the sangha re
sisted such m oves, but later on the brdhmana com ponent probably
influenced the developm ent o f B uddhism in a variety o f ways.
T h e khattiyas form ed the second largest unit w ithin the sahgha
and this feature also requires some explanation. Scholars like
O ld en b erg 193 and W eber194 have seen Buddhism as a khattiya reac
tio n to the increased social dominance o f brdhmanas and their claim
to pre-em inence. We have already pointed to the special tension be
tw een these tw o groups. H ow ever, the status o f the khattiyas as
w ieiders o f political pow er should have placed them in a position o f
opposition to the ascetic tradition and the w orld-renouncing ideal.
N evertheless, khattiyas adopted Buddhism in significant num bers.
It is possible to argue that, since the Buddha was a khattiya he
w o u ld naturally have draw n into the new m ovem ent other m em
bers o f his ow n social group. While this is very likely, a m ore im
p o rtan t reason is the nature o f the society in which B uddhism
arose.
It is significant that the bulk o f khattiya representation came from
tilc gana-sahghas. T h e y a cco u n ted fur 22 o u t u f a total o f 2 8 khattiyas
in the sahgha. In discussing the religious propensities o f various sta
tus groups, W eber has argued that concepts like salvation are re
m ote fr o m all ru lin g strata and that th e ii relig io u s p ro p en sities
w o u ld norm ally be low , except at times when they were faced w ith
a crisis o f declining political p o w er.195 According to Weber, 'T he
d e v e lo p m e n t o f a str o n g salvation r e lig io n b y so cia lly p r iv ile g e d
groups norm ally has the best chance when demilitarization has set
in for these groups and w hen they have lost . . . the possibility o f
political activity. . , . C onsequently, salvatiun religions usually em erge
when the ruling strata , . .have lost their political pow er.196 This
w as exactly the situation in the gana-sahghas in the sixth century
192 CuUavagga, pp. 2 2 8 -9 ,
193 H . O ldenberg, The Buddha: His Life, His Doctrine, His Order, p. 156,
194 M ax W eber, Religion o f India, pp. 226-7.
195 M ax W e b e r , E c o n o m y <xnd S o c ie ty , Vol. I, p. 472.
148
Social Dimensions o j Early Buddhism
B.c. D u rin g the lifetim e o f the Buddha the gam-sahghas w ere steadi
ly b e in g cru sh ed b y th e g r o w in g m o n arch ical k in g d o m s o f K o sala
and M a g a d h a . T h e Sakyas had lo s t their sta te to K osala, and e v e n
th e p o w e r fu l V ajjian C o n fed er a cy w as facin g th e o n sla u g h t o f
A jatasattu . T h e p ro u d and in d ep en d en t Sakyas and L ich ch h a v is, so
c o n s c io u s o f th eir khattiya status, w e r e b ein g ren d ered irrelevan t in
th e ii r o les as w ield era u f p o litica l p o w e r . T h e y w itn e sse d w ith
h e ig h te n e d c o n sc io u sn e ss the fact that all th in g s are tran sitory and
su b jec t to ch a n g e, w h ic h w a s ex a ctly w h a t th e B u d d h a ta u g h t. N o
w u n d e r , then, that they resp o n d ed tu th e call o f th e B u d d h a.
K o s a m b i h as also rem arked u p o n th e co lla p se o f the gana-sahghas ,
w h ic h c o u ld n o lo n g e r co n ta in its ablest m em b ers, and th e effects
th is h a d u p o n the in d iv id u a ls w ith in U ,197 A few s o u g h t o u tle ts in
p o litic a l careers in th e n e ig h b o u r in g m o n arch ical k in g d o m s , w h ile
o th e r s tu rn ed to m o n k h o o d .198
B e fo r e th is chapter is co n c lu d e d it is n ecessa ry to a ccou n t for the
a b sen ce o f gahapatis in th e ranks o f bhikkhus. T h is is u n u su al, g iv e n
th e fact th a t th e gahapati w a s a vital c o m p o n e n t o f the la ity and an
. : __ : ______ j. _ r -D i j i _ : ___
__ _____ i j _________ i _ i _ _ _______ ^ . 1 _ ____
U1UH13IL
petit Cfi JJUULUi.I31.Ii, /CVIIC
CUU4U ICdiUIJdLfiy CApCU LUC CUII1
p o s itio n o f th e sahgha to reflect so c ie ty o u tsid e the sahgha, as w a s
la r g e ly th e case as far as th e rep resen tation o f o th er social g ro u p s
__________TM__
1-_
___^ C
____rp| _
WO.3 cut
lt.L.i lieu- r u
e Uiuy LAttpUUU
w as LUilL U1 LUC gunuputts.
1 HIS
fea tu re is e v e n m o r e n o tic ea b le i f w e con sid er that m a n y setthi-puttas
j o in e d th e sahgha.
It is p o ssib le to argu e that certain categ o ries d id n o t ex p erien ce
th e sp ecia l T e n s io n requ ired to ren o u n ce th e w o r ld , and that this
te n s io n w a s n o t ea sily g en erated a m o n g certain g ro u p s, su ch as the
la n d -b a se d . It is also p o ssib le that th e e c o n o m ic and so cia l sy s te m in
w h ic h th e gahapati w a s lo c a te d d id n o t create th e c o n d itio n s fo r re
n u n c ia tio n . W e m u st re m e m b er that th e p eriod w a s o n e in w h ic h a
p r im a r ily agrarian e c o n o m y had e m er g ed and that this e c o n o m y
s u p p o r te d a risin g urban p o p u la tio n . W e h a v e already esta b lish ed
th at th e gahapati w a s th e p iv o t o f this e c o n o m y and th e p rim a ry tax
p a y er. T h e w ith d r a w a l o f su ch a ca teg o r y fr o m th e so cia l w o r ld
w o u ld h a v e h a d a crucial, n eg a tiv e im p a ct o n th e e c o n o m ic and s o
cia l s y s t e m . T h e t w o areas w h ic h th e bhikkhu r ig o r o u s ly a b )<w D .D . Kosam bi, A ncient Kosala and M agadha, Journal o f Bombay Branch o f the
Royal Asiatic Society , Vol. X X V II, 1952, p. 183.
198 T h e Malla Bandhula and his nephew Karayana joined King Pasenadfs service
(J 3 .P .P .M ., I, p , 1079, U, p. 266).
149
gahapati o n
sangha, he tended to re
gahapati b ecam e the m o st im p o rta n t
sahgha,
199 See C hapter [II.
C H A P T E R VI
The King in Early Buddhism

G eneral ideas on kingship
T h e th e m e o f p o w e r an d its exercise o ccu r freq u en tly in early

B u d d h ist literatu re. Tdeas on p o w e r are in v ariab ly ex p ressed
th r o u g h th e m e d iu m o f th e k in g and th e B u d d h ists do n o t seem to
en v isag e a political and social sy stem w ith o u t th e in stitu tio n o f
kinffshin. N ev erth eless,' the im p o rtan ce o f the k in e in relatio n to
th e cen tral c o n c e p tio n o f B u d d h ism , in th e fo rm o f a B u d d h ist soci
ety , has b een a m a tte r o f co n tro v ersy . W hile so m e scholars have
h eld th a t th e kine:
an ex trem ely* significant
status in
W h ad
V
B u d d h is m ,1 o th e rs h o ld th a t B u d d h ism w as apolitical in its
o rie n ta tio n .2 T h e fact th a t th e Pali canon does n o t directly o u tlin e a
th e o ry o f th e p o w e r an d a u th o rity o f th e te m p o ra l ruler, b u t only
p ro v id e s n u m e ro u s scattered references reflecting diverse o p in io n s,
h as, to so m e e x ten t, b een responsible fo r this co n tro v ersy . In o u r
analysis o f th e role o f p o w e r in B u d d h ism w e shall begin w ith the
general political ideas reflected in B uddhism before taking up the
c o n tro v e rs y a b o u t th e significance o f th e k in g in th e to tal w o rld
v ie w o f B u d d h ism , T h e political ideas o f th e B u d d h ists them selves
reflect v a rio u s th em es, such as general ideas o n kin g sh ip ; c o n te m
p o ra ry k in g sh ip , w h ic h in cluded b o th th e leg itim ate and despotic
ex ercise o f p o w e r; and ideal kingship, as articulated th ro u g h the
c o n c e p t o f th e cakkavatti dham m iko dham m ardja , o r th e rig h teo u s
u n iv e rsa l ru ler. W e shall take u p th e various stran d s separately in
th is c h a p te r.3
ty
Ly
1 S .j. T a m b ia h , W orld Conqueror World R enounces p. 8; T re v o r L ing, T h e Buddha,

p . 180
2 M , W eb e r, T h e Religion o f India, p. 206.
3 B .G . G o k h a le (T h e E arly B u d d h ist V iew o f the S ta te , Journal o f American
O riental S ociety, V ol. 89 (4), 1969, pp. 7 3 1 -8 ) has su g g ested an e v o lu tio n a ry m o d el
fo r B u d d h ist th in k in g o n th e n a tu re and functions o f th e state w h ich , acco rd in g to
h im , p assed th ro u g h th ree d istin ct phases. T h e first phase concerns th e th e o ry o f th e
o rig in o f th e state as giv en in th e Agganha Sutta, w h ere th e state begins as a quas"ic o n tra c tu a l'a rra n g e m e n t in w h ich th e k in g agrees to p e rfo rm specific fu n ctio n s o n
The King in Earty Buddhism
151
T h e origin o f kingship in the Buddhist genesis myth
T h e Aggahha Sutta o f the Dtgha N ika ya 4 has a considerable range o f

ideas on the origin o f the state w ith its concom itant in the form o f
the social contract th eo ry ,5 w ithin w hich the rise o f kingship is lo
cated. These political ideas are expressed in a m yth which deals
w ith the origin o f the w orld, the evolution o f man and the rise o f
various institutions. The m yth has been described in the chapter
dealing w ith the genesis o f the w orld by the famous Pali com m en
ta to r B uddhaghosha,6 and is extrem ely significant for an under
standing o f the political ideas o f Buddhism , The m ajor stages o f the
m y th describe the gradual deterioration o f men from a state that has
been com pared w ith the ideal condition described by Rousseau, to
the state o f nature described by H obbes.7 In the original state o f na
ture beings lived in godlike perfection, but as they succumbed to
greed and passion they gradually lost their superior m oral and
physical attributes and were transform ed into ordinary hum an
beings. A direct consequence o f this progressive fall of m an was the
g ro w th o f the institutions o f family, private property, the political
state and social differentiation, in successive stages. The crucial part
o f the m yth dealing w ith the origin o f kingship links the rise o f the
fam ily and the rise o f private property to the need for the exercise
o f pow er in m aintaining a social order based on the tw o. Sharma
has pointed out that the political com pact between the ruler and the
people in the Aggahha Sutta is preceded by a social compact w hich,
th o u g h not explicitly stated, is im plicit in the peoples minds.
T here is an im plicit obligation to respect the family and the private
b ehalf o f the people. T he second concerns the problem s o f relations between B uddh
ism and a well-entrenched and all-powerful monarchical despotism, and a solution is
proposed in the theory o f the tw o spheres oflife, one o f the dhamma and die other o f
a n d ( a u t i iu i il y ) . in d i e d i i i u a iiu im a! p h a s e d ie B u d d h i s t s e x p lic a te ilicii u w u ideal
state in which the state simply becomes an instrum ent o f dhamma, which now
assum es the form o f a cosm ic force capable not only o f containing the challenge o f
the pow er o f the state but also o f regulating its behaviour. In this sense the state be
com es an ethical institution draw ing its authority from the dhamma and guided by
its repository the sahgha. The m ajor themes w e have taken up for consideration are
sim ilar to G okhale's m odel, but we have seen the ideas as existing at the same tim e
a c r i n g a n d r e a c t i n g u p o n e a c h o t h e r in a d ia le c tic a l m a n n e r
4 D.N.> Ill, pp. 63-76.

5 R,S. Sharma, Aspects o f Political Ideas and institutions in Ancient India, pp. 49-50.
D .B ., I, p. 106.
7 R.S. Sharma, Aspects o f Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India , p. 49.
152
rice fields r tf nnp annfher w hen the rnormle

tn
^ _ r __
_ rh/1 p<:l-ah]ich
--------m ent o f a king over them .8
T h e B uddhist account o f the genesis o f the w orld is significant
fo r its op p osition to the Brahmanical w orld view , particularly on
tw o m ajor points w hich are related to each other and flow from the
fact that the social order based on vanna divisions is intrinsic to
Brahm anical j.nolitical theorvj hut is inerinherai
to the Rnddhiit_
x
.
G hoshal has pointed ou t that the ideas contained in the Agganna
Sutta present in a dram atic and vigorous form an open challenge to
the Vedic doe^ma o f the divine creation o f the social o rd er.9 Tn the
Agganna Sutta social divisions are related to the functional distinc
tions am ong m en and arise as a m atter o f convenience. Some peo
ple teach, others perform econom ic functions, and still others live
by hunting and fishing.10 This feature o f the Agganna Sutta has im
p o rtan t im plications for the Buddhist notion o f kingship. In the
B rahm anical conception the maintenance o f the social order based
on vanna divisions was one o f the m ost im portant duties o f the
king. In contrast, it was the maintenance o f the social order based
on p ro p erty w ith w hich the king was m ost often associated in
B uddhism .
Seven symbols o f sovereignty
K ingship is invariably associated w ith the possession o f seven pre

cious gem s (sattharatana) w hich appear to be sym bols o f sovereign
ty and are unique to B uddhist philosophy in this fo rm .11 We shall
analyse these sym bols since w e believe that the sattharatana repre
sent the constituent elem ents o f kingship as envisaged in B uddh
ism . It has been pointed out by H orner12 that the num ber seven had
s Ibid., p. 50. Sim ilarly D rekm eier (Charles D rekm eier, Kingship and Community
in Early India, p. 109 and footnote} has suggested that the governm ent, w hich grew
o u t o f the need for order, was rooted in a secular com pact, and that one can infer
fro m the m y th that the social contract is betw een the Ksatriyas as a group and the rest
o f society.
9 U .N , G hoshal, A History o f Indian Political Ideas, p. 62; S.J. Tam biah, World
Conqueror, World Renounter, p. 22.
1(1 D .N ., 111, pp. 7 2 -4 .
1* A series o f sculptural representations o f the eakkavatti surrounded by the seven
precious gem s have been found in Jaggayapeta in the Am aravati region. T hey are a
graphic representation o f kingship as conceived o f in Buddhist political philosophy.
AH the sculptures are part o f a B uddhist com plex in Andhra.
12 I.B . H orner, T he B uddha's C o-natals in A .K . N arain (ed ), Studies in Pali and
Buddhism, p. 115.
153
T he K ing in Early Buddhism
a special significance in the Indian tradition and was considered to

be a sym bol o f perfection, A ccording to D um ont*3 it represented a
totality. T he seven precious gems are: the cakkaratana or the wheel
treasure; the hatthiratana o r the elephant treasure; the assaratana or
the horse treasure; the manimtana or the precious gem treasure; the
itthiratana or the w om an treasure; the gahapatiratana ; and the parindyakaratana or the councillor treasure.14
T h e cakkaratana is probably the m ost valued sym bol o f
sovereignty possessed by the king. Rhys Davids interprets the
w heel as a representation o f the solar disc o f the sun.15 In the Mahasuddasana S u tta 16 it is described appearing in the sky as a heavenly
treasure and is quite clearly a mystical object rather than a material
one, unlike the six other treasures which are enum erated as being
am o n g the m aterial possessions o f the great king, Maha
Sudassana.17 According to Z im m er,18 the luminous apparition o f
the w heel in the firm am ent is a duplication o f the neolithic sym bol
o f the sun w heel, and G onda19 describes the wheel as a sym bol o f
the sun w hich in its daily course illumines and rules the earth.
T h e Mahdsudassana Sutta describes the wheel as being sprinkled
w ith w ater by the king w ho exhorts it to go forth and overcom e.
T he wheel then moves forward successively in ail the four directions
follow ed by the cdturangini send or the four-fold arm y.20 The entire
operation seems to represent physical control over dom inion,
w hich is an integral aspect o f kingship. According to the Petrograd
dictionary cakra is som etim es equivalent to rdsktra or dom inion and
signifies the realm o r sovereignty w ith the wheel o f m onarchs
chariot rolling over his dom inions.21 Gonda describes the cakkarata L. Dum ont:, Kintrshin in Anrienr India dnntrihutions to Indian Sociology Vol
VI, 1962, p. 73.
14 D .N ,, II, pp. 133-5; M .N ., II, p. 398; D .N ., III, p. 48, A N ., 1, p. 335.
15
II, p. 202, n. 3.
" A .K . C oom arasw am y (A Royal Gesture; and Some other M otifs, Feestbundei
v.d.le. Bataviaasch Genootsckap Van Kunstenen Wetenschapen, Weltevreden, Pt. I, 1929,
p. 58) has suggested that the sculptural representations o f the cakkavatti from ja g gayapeta are probably a representation o f the legendary king Mahdsudassana thro u g h
w h o m the cakkavatti concept was articulated in Buddhist literature.
17 D .N ., H, pp. 133-5.
H . Z im m er, The Philosophies o f India, p. 129.
19 J. G onda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point o f View , p. 124.
^ D \F II n 1T.T D \J til ft ;iQ T'h.ri
' *
* * |
- - |
j - - i i
I >- -
ft * I V
L fttfc rijw p
wrw
^ \ | i h
*froj3.lt"
J .L J V i k
ft h)
t-A ha
L U
O il
attrib u te o f kingship and the king is invariably accompanied by the cdturangini sena
even w hen he visits the pleasure garden (uyydna hhitmi). D .N ., II, p. 136.
2T O tto B ohtH ngkand R u d o lf Roth, Sanskrit Worterbuch, p. 906.
154
na as the main treasure of the emperor, a sort of palladium o f
dominions, and winning the various quarters o f the world for the
king.22 The wheel is also described as beginning to slip dow n from
its position at the approach o f the king's death.23 We suggest that
this symbolizes the weakening control of the dying king over his
dom inion and the fact that each succeeding king had to establish
control over his dominion for himself. The possession of the wheel
by the new king cannot be taken for granted since it was clearly not
a paternal heritage (petakam ddyajjang),2* but had to be won by each
succeeding king. The fact that control over dominion was intrinsic
to kingship appears m ore directly in the Pali canon. The state is
sometimes referred to as vijita,25 or subjugated territory, and one o f
the term s expressing sovereignty is issariya, 26 which signifies
variously rulership, mastership, supremacy, and dominion,
according to the Pali dictionary.27
The hatthiratana and assaratana, as described in the Mahdsudassana
Sutta , are related to the cakkaratana in that they represent the means
o f physical control over dominion. Both are described as sabheseto
(all white), idhima (wonderful in power) and vehahgasdmo (able to
fly through the air).28 The kings ability to make both o f them sub
m it to his control is considered an auspicious sign. Since they are
well-trained, both submit to the kings control and carry him over
his entire dom inion and bring him back to his capital.29 The
elephant and cavalry corps were very im portant organs o f the tradi
tional caturangini send in Pali literature, and the possession o f large
num bers o f elephants and horses, led by the hatthiratana and the
assaratana, along with a large number o f chariots, led by a chariot
called vejayanta (flag o f victory), are listed among the treasured pos
sessions o f king Maha Sudassana,30 They presented themselves ev
ery m orning before the king in order to be o f service to him .31
A part from indicating that the army was one o f the elements o f
22 J. Gonda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point o f View, p. I26n. See
also A Wiiesekhara {Wheel Symbolism in Chakravartin Concept in A.S. Altekar et
al. (eds), S .K , Belvalkar Felicitation Volume, p. 267), who argues that the evidence o f
the Pali texts should symbolize in its original state the militaristic power o f a con
quering hero w hich Buddhism borrow ed from the pre-Buddhist Vedic culture. He
suggests that it is based on the legend o f the all-conquering hero Indra, who was the
wielder and turner o f the wheel o f power.
23 D .N ,, 111, pp. 50-1. 24 Ibid., p. 47. 25 M .N ., II, p. 398, 26 M .N I, p. 355.
Z7 T .W . Rhys Davids and W. Stede, Pali Dictionary, p. 123.
28 D .N ., II, p. 138. 29 Ibid., pp. 133-4, 30 Ibid., p. 143. 31 Ibid.
T h e K ing in Early Buddhism
155
kingship, the description also indicates the kings actual control o f

the instrum ents o f dom inion.
T h e fourth treasure w hich appears before king M aha Sudassana
is the marjiratana, o r the gem treasure called veluriya, which was
perfect in every w ay. Its brightness and splendour is said to trans
fo rm n ig h t into d ay .32 R em arking on the significance o f possession
o f precious gem s, G onda writes:
In India as elsew here a great magic value is attached to gem s and jew els.
W hoever wears a w onderful stone is p roof against all fear and danger,
hunger and want, sickness and weapons; spirits and demons have no
hold upon him . Even the Gods are said to be in possession o f such price
less objects. T he sya m a n ta ka jew el for instance, which is w orn by Krisna
on his wrist, yields daily eight loads o f gold and preserves the wearer
from all dangers.33
W hile this elucidation throw s some light on the significance o f

the possession o f priceless gem s m general, it docs not explain'its
im p o r ta n c e in th e sp e c ific c o n te x t o f k in g sh ip . T h e M ahasudassam
S u tta s e la b o r a tio n o f th e effects o f its p o sse ssio n b y the k in g m ig h t

h elp e x p la in its s y m b o lis m . T h e j e w e l is said to h a v e spread its
s p le n d o u r a ro u n d for a yojana (a b o u t a lea g u e) o n e v e r y sid e. M ah a
S u d a ssa n a , in o r d e r to test its g lo r y , set his fo u r -fo ld arm y in array
_i_r^ .liiu
i__
.. l~ _ J f . _
j . . . j \ _. . i . : . 1.
d.nuj laisvui aiou.
gem...uu cup ui
d urtujjurtg pLiinudiu;
wiiieii tiiabled him to m arch into the darkness w ith the help o f its light.
Sim ilarly, all the inhabitants o f the villages around set about their
w o rk thinking that the day had begun.34 The association o f the
priceless gem w ith the arm ed forces o f the king m arching out, as
w ell as w ith the inhabitants o f the countryside going to w ork, rep
resents tw o sides o f the same coin. The priceless gem was sym bolic
o f the financial basis o f kingship in the form o f a full treasury. The
full treasury supported the arm y, while the hard w o rk o f the in
habitants o f the dom inion contributed in turn to the maintenance o f
a full treasury. G okhale has also pointed out that a full treasury and
the arm y arc tw o im p o rtan t constituents o f kingship. He writes:
*nri
i ____ __________________________
__
Illk- pV^W^l Ul LIA^ i_:_
KJil
Vdltglk/lW dllU imtdtlgl"
bles. A m ong the m aterial possessions tw o arc com m only
m entioned one is a full treasury (pari-puntiakosa kotthakaro)35 and
32 Ibid., p. 134.
33 J. G onda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point o f View, p. 38.
34 D .N , II, p. 134.
35 D .N ., I, p. 115,
156
another is a large, strong and w ell-equipped four-fold36 arm y .37

T h e fifth priceless possession o f M aha Sudassana was the itthirata na o r the w o m an treasure. T his refers to the perfect queen and con
sort, beautiful in appearance, fragrant and possessed o f a w ondrous
touch w hich was cool in sum m er and w arm in w inter. She was
ever alert to hear w hat she m ight do to please the king and is de
scribed as being com pletely faithful to him both in body and
m in d .38 T h e possession o f the itthiratana by the king m ay m erely
sym bolize the fam ily and householder aspect o f the king, thro u g h
w hich succession could be ensured and kingship continued and per
p etu ated in subsequent generations. H ow ever, the context in w hich
the itthiratana appears in the Mahdsudassana Sutta m ight also suggest
th at it represents the earth. In Brahm anical literature39 the king is
som etim es referred to as the husband o f the earth, and it is not un
likely th at the itthiratana is sym bolic o f the productive and fertile
aspects o f the earth. It is also possible to relate the itthiratana o f
B u d d h ist kingship to the mahist or chief queen, one o f the tw elve
ratnins o f the Vedic king w hose presence was vital in the ratnahavim si cerem ony o f the rdjasuya sacrifice w here the king offers oblations
to the G ods at the hom es o f the ratnins such as the senani and
purohhita.40 T he mahisx o r chief queen was herself related to the fer
tility principle in Vedic consecration ceremonies. Vedic texts de
scribe the m ahisi as one in w hose house oblations are to be offered
to A diti, the E arth Goddess. A diti is likened to a m ilch cow or
m o th er w h o sustains men and fulfils their desires.41 T he itthiratana
o f B u d d h ist kingship probably reflects a survival o f certain ele
m en ts o f Vedic kingship.
T h e sixth treasure o f the king is th e gahapatiratana. In C hapter III
w e have already touched upon the gahapatVs inclusion am ong the
seven treasures o f the king. We reiterate the point here since the
gahapati is n o t only the base o f the system o f production, and conse36 T h e Sam yutta N tkd ya (S .N ., 1, p. 83) describes the fourfold arm y as infantry,
cavalry, chariot and elephant corps,
37 B .G . G okhale, E arly B uddhist K ingship1, Journal o f Asian Studies , Vol. X X V I,
1966, pp. 17-28.
38 D . N . , II, p. 134.
39 J. W . Spclfm an, P o litica l T h e o r y o f A n c ie n t In d ia , p. 209.
40 J.C .H ee sterm a n , Ancient Indian Royal Consecration, p. 49.
41 Satapatha Brdhmana , V, 3.1.4.; R. S. Sharm a, Aspects o f Political Ideas and Institu *
tions, p. 135.
157
quently the base o f the system o f taxation (w ithout whose effort the
king could not locate the treasure in the narration), but th e gahapati
also represents here the people who inhabit the territory or dom in
ion o f the king
T he last o f the seven treasures is the parinayaka ratana 42 The
w o rd parinayaka has been explained in the Pali Dictionary as a lead
er, a guide, an adviser. In the Mahdsudassana Sutta Rhys Davids
translates parinayaka as adviser. The later w ork Lalita Vistara
(approxim ately first century a , d . ) describes him as a general,43 and
this m ight be closer to his m ore specific function as a leader of the
k in g s forces. T he Mahdsudassana Sutta narration itself suggests such
an interpretation since the parinayaka is associated with being the
chief o f 84,000 khattiyas of the king.44 The king communicated his
orders on the daily elephant and cavalry parade through the
p a rin a y a k a .4^ The queen sum m oned the parinayaka when she
w ished the four-fold army to accompany her to visit the king.46
T he parinayaka was the agent through w hom the king ruled. He
was m eant to be wise and learned, know ing w hat should be done
and w hat should be left undone, and lie actually executed both civil
and m ilitary pow er on behalf o f the king.47 There is also some evi
dence o f the eldest son and heir apparent perform ing the functions
o f the com m ander o f the forces, and o f being trained as a general
during the lifetime o f his father. Thus, Vidudabha is described as
the sendpaE o f Kosala in the M ajjhim a N i k d y a . 48 The parinayaka
could therefore have been the heir apparent o f the king and sym bol
ized at the same tim e the kings military strength. This is supported
by a sculptural representation o f the cakkavatti at jaggayapcta,
w here th e parinayaka is represented as a boy.
These seven precious gems, the possession o f which enhanced
the k in g s prestige, represent the constituent elements o f kingship
and can be reduced to three basic ideas: (1) dominion or territory
represented by the wheel or the cakkaratana ; (2) the means o f con
trol over dom inion represented by the hatthiratana, the assaratana,
and th e parinayaka', and (3) the basis o f control over dom inion, rep
resented by the itthiratana, gahapati ratana , and maniratana. Reduced
to this form, the Buddhist notion o f the constituent elements o f
42 D ,N U, p. 135.
43 D .B ., II, p. 2f#in.
44 D .N ., p. 143.
45 Ibid.
4fl Ibid., p. 144.
47 I bid. , p. 1 35 .
M . N . , II, p. 3 5 7 .
158
kingship are comparable to the sapldriga prakrifii o f K autilya,4Q

although individual elements may differ. In the Arthasdstra the
swami and janapada represent dom inion and its mastery; and durga,
uauda, and. amafya, signify die m eans o f c o iitio l over dommiuii. We
m ay also include here the mitra, or ally, enum erated by Kautilya,
since he was described as always ready to help when occasion de
m a n d ed it, and the
which stands fox the basis o f co n tro l over
dom inion.
A notable feature o f both theories is their secular orientation in
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sentative o f spiritual authority in the temporal area o f the state. The

Buddhist conception o f kingship also reflects a certain continuity
w ith V c d ic ideas o f k in g sh ip . T h e use o f the term ratana clearly de
m onstrates this. The Vedic ratnins w ho participated in the rdjasuya

cerem ony are referred to as limbs (anga) o f dom inion, which
to g e th e r m ak e up k in g s h ip .5t) K in g sh ip in B u d d h ism as sy m b o liz e d
by the seven precious gems thus seems to share certain basic ele
m ents w ith Vedic political ideas on the one hand, and w ith those o f
K au tily a o n the other.
A survey o f the scattered references to kingship in early Buddhist

literature suggests a clear dichotom y o f ideas into tw o opposed
f-'h^ 1>-4n t~<rCK1t \
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pow er by contem porary kings; and the other reflecting the ideal or
normative exercise o f pow er by the k in g . We shall classify them as
the actual k in g and the n o rm a tiv e k in g and ex a m in e the t w o ideas
separately.
Despotic kingship at the time o f the Buddha
Kingship as reflected in early Buddhist literature appears to be

m arked by an absolute exercise of pow er unrestrained by any in sti
tu tio n a l co n tro ls. N o ch ecks upon the k in g w ere ex ercised by any
agency and there is no indication o f the idea o f limitations being
recognized by the existing wiclders of power. This is a notable fea
ture o f the in stitu tio n o f k in g sh ip as represented by k in gs o f the
B uddhas day. The king had complete control over the people and
the material resources o f the kingdom . O n the other hand, we can
d iscern t w o separate features o f co n tem p o ra ry k in g sh ip in the Pali
49, K auiilyas Arthasdstra, R.P. Kangle, Vol. I, p. 164.
l . C . H e p s t e r r r l a n .' A n r ie n t Indian R o /v a l Clnmceratian.r n . 51.
V
The K ing in Early Buddhism
159
canon. O n e reflects the acceptance by society o f the need to exercise

p o w er in order to m aintain law and order w ithin society. We may
term this the legitim ate basis o f kingship. The term legitim ate is
used here to acolv to the exercise o f Dower bv the king w ithin the
sanctioned fram ew ork o f the original contract betw een the king
and the people in the Aggahha Sutta , which was to preserve the so
cial ord er based on property and family. T he Other aspect o f con
tem porary kingship was the fact that kingship had clearly stepped
outside the original sanctioned fram ew ork, leading to the frequent
exercise o f pow er outside it. The exercise o f pow er therefore could
be legitim ate or arbitrary according to the individual predilections
o f the king, b u t it is im portant to rem em ber that there is no evi
dence o f any effective control upon the kings ability to im pose his
w ill upon the dom inion.
Legitim ate exercise o f power
T he exercise o f pow er by the legitimate king was concerned direct

ly w ith tw o m ajor threats to the social order: offences against prop
erty, and offences against the family. These w ere areas in which the
people expected the king to act and also use force in order to effec
tively exercise control. T he exercise o f pow er in these tw o areas
w as the m inim um requirem ent o f kingship and enjoyed consider
able support from the people. T he Ahgulimala Sutta o f the M ajjhima
N ika ya gives an account o f the robber A ngulim alas misdeeds in the
k ingdom o f Kosala, ruled over by King Pasenadi. Ahgulimala had
struck such terror that whole villages became depopulated. T he
people are described as having collected at the gate o f the palace and
vociferously dem anded that the king suppress A hgulim ala.51 T he
king was also expected to suitably punish offences brought to his
notice by the people. Three such offences com m unicated to the
kings included stealing, adultery, and destroying the gahapati rs
h o m e by m aking false allegations.52 These offences were punished
by the king w ith im prisonm ent, banishm ent or death. T he pow er
to punish is one o f the definitions o f a king in the Vinaya , w hich
states that those w ho adm inister torture and maim are called
k in g s.53
T he ruler and the robber stand in opposition, to each other in
51 M .N ., II, p. 346.
53 A .N ., II, pp. 455-6.
53
I, p. 74; Pdrdjika, p. 57.
161
frequently portrayed as discussing philosophical questions w ith the

leaders o f various sects,67 or even as patrons and lay-followers o f
particular sects,68 the king never lost sight o f his political role as
head o f state. T he recurrent statem ent o f Ajatasattu and Pasenadi as
they take leave o f the Buddha is, Well now sir, w e m ust be going.
We are busy folk and have m uch to do.69 Ajatasattus question on
the relevance o f the life o f a recluse in the Sdmahhaphala Sutta is par
ticularly significant in this context. He could not ignore the non
econom ic status o f bhikkhus and other paribbdjakas. His contrasting
the bhikkhu w ith other working categories like the nalakdra (basket
m aker), pesakara (weaver), kumbhakdra (potter), ganakd (accountant)
and muddika (com puter), is pointed w hen he asked the Buddha to
explain the visible fruits o f the life o f a recluse, which the king can
not perceive, unlike the fruits o f the w ork o f others.70 Pragm atic
control over the kingdom was never relaxed and the maintenance
o f pow er required perpetual vigilance and effort. In fact, the king is
described in the Anguttara N ikdya as one w ho sleeps very little while
conducting state business.71
Arbitrary exercise of power
T he borderline betw een pragm atic control over the kingdom ,

w ithin the sanctioned fram ew ork o f the original contract in the
Agganna Sutta, and the arbitrary exercise o f power, was obviously
very fine and resulted in the frequent despotic wielding o f pow er
by kings. T here are innum erable references to this in the early
B uddhist literature, w hich may have resulted from erosion o f the
popular control and participation which once existed in the tribal
kingship o f earlier tim es.72 This erosion o f popular control o f the
king had yet to be replaced by any other form o f control, institu
tional or otherw ise. Thus rajas are m ore often then not, represented
as exercising pow er in a wilful and capricious manner, rather than
in a legitim ate and controlled capacity. Apart from generalstate
m ents about the arbitrariness o f the kings, which w e shall give
below the king o f Kosala, Pasenadi himself, is depicted in such an
incident. The Samyutta N ikdya states that Pasenadi had many peo67 D .N ., I, pp. 45-52.
-S.N., I, p. 69.
M . N . , II, p p . 3 7 2 , 3 8 0 ; A . N ., IV , p. 153; D .1V ., I, p . 75.
70 D .N ., I, p. 52.
71 A .N H, p, 409.
72 For exam ple, the decline o f the role o f the sabhas and satnitis as the area governed
by the king increased.
161
frequently portrayed as discussing philosophical questions w ith the

leaders o f various sects,67 or even as patrons and lay-follow ers o f
particular sects,68 the king never lost sight o f his political role as
head o f state. T h e recurrent statem ent o f Ajatasattu and Pasenadi as
they take leave o f the B uddha is, Well now sir, w e m ust be going.
W e are busy folk and have m uch to do*.69 A jatasattus question on
th e relevance o f the life o f a recluse in the Samahnaphala Sutta is par
ticularly significant in this context. H e could not ignore the non
econom ic status o f bhikkhus and other parihbdjakas. His contrasting
the bhikkhu w ith other w orking categories like the nalakdra (basket
m aker), pesakdra (weaver), kumbhakdra (potter), ganakd (accountant)
and muddika (com puter), is pointed w hen he asked the B uddha to
explain the visible fruits o f the life o f a recluse, w hich the king can
n o t perceive, unlike the fruits o f the w ork o f o th e rs,/u Pragm atic
co n tro l over the k ingdom was never relaxed and the m aintenance
o f p o w er required perpetual vigilance and effort. In fact, the king is
described in the Ahguttara N ikaya as one w ho sleeps very little while
conducting state business.71
A rbitrary exercise o f pow er
T h e borderline betw een pragm atic control over the kingdom ,

w ith in the sanctioned fram ew ork o f the original contract in the
Agganna Sutta, and the arbitrary exercise o f pow er, was obviously
very fine and resulted in the frequent despotic w ielding o f pow er
by kings. T here are innum erable references to this in the early
B u d d h ist literature, w hich may have resulted from erosion o f the
popular control and participation w hich once existed in the tribal
kingship o f earlier tim es.72 This erosion o f popular control o f the
kin g had yet to be replaced by any other form o f control, institu
tional o r otherw ise. T hus rajas are m ore often then not, represented
as exercising pow er in a wilful and capricious m anner, rather than
in a legitim ate and controlled capacity. A part Irom general state
m ents about the arbitrariness o f the kings, w hich w e shall give
below the king o f Kosala, Pasenadi himself, is depicted in such an
incident. The Samyutta N ikaya states that Pasenadi had many peo<7 D .N ., I, pp. 45-52.
6S S .N ., I, p. 69.
M M .N ., II. pp. 572. 38(1; A .N .. IV. p. 153: D .N .. I. p. 75.
70 D .N ., I, p. 52.
71 A . N . , II, p. 409.
72 For exam ple, the decline o f the role o f th esabhas and samitis as the area governed
by the k in g increased.
162
pic se iz e d and b o u n d b y ro p es and ch ain s and in o th er w a y s taken

prisoners.73
B uddhist texts strikingly dem onstrate the arbitrary exercise o f
f f
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argued th at one o f the tw o m ajor functions o f a king was the pro

tection o f property and the punishm ent o f robbers w ho violated
th e se r ig h ts, an d that rajas and rob b ers w e r e th u s in a sp ecial rela
tionship to each other. H ow ever, we also have a num ber o f refer

ences w here rajas and robbers are coupled together in a com m on
f
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lated w ealth is stated to be equally vulnerable to expropriation by

rajas and robbers alike.74 T he king here is not the protector o f the
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violator o f social norm s and therefore equivalent to the robber.

C ollusion betw een kings and robbers is also suggested in the
B u d d h is t te x ts. R o b b er ch iefs co u ld rely o n p o w e r fu l p e o p le lik e
rajas and rajasf m inisters to protect them by lying in defence o f the
robber and speaking up for h im .75 Similarly, kings and robbers are
kl p. r / v r n A r c i t i n n Ki
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T h e law itself was not applied in a consistent or legitim ate m anripr
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depicted as rew arding or punishing according to the way their per

sonal interests w ere served.77 A nandas attention was draw n to the
k in g s a b so lu te and u n a d u ltera ted c o n tr o l o v e r the p eo p le in his
dom inion in a conversation w ith Vidudabha, the son o f king Pase
nadi o f Kosala. H e asks: In the kingdom o f Kosala and w ithin the
m
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banish any samana or brdhmana, anyone either virtuous or not, any

one either leading or no t the higher life? V idudabha acknowledged
th e k in g s p o w e r to d o s o w ith in h is d o m in io n b u t not o u tsid e it.7
T h ere is no evidence that any curbs could be invoked to prevent the
king from exercising authority in an arbitrary or irrational manner.
A n e p ith e t o f th e king is issariyamada, or o n e w h o is d runk w ith the
intoxication o f pow er, and this was how Pasenadi described
him self.79 B hikkhus are described as facing danger from the tyranny
73
75
77
79
S .N .,
A N .,
S .N .,
S .N .,
I, p. 75.
74 A . N . , II, pp. 311, 424; S .N ., I, pp. 30, 89.
II, pp. 385, 497,
76 D .N ., I, p, 150; D .N ,, III, p. 29.
ill , pp. 301-3.
78 M .N ., II, p. 378; A f.L.S., II, p. 312.
1, pp. 99-100.
The King in Early Buddhism
163
o f k in g s 80 and there is a w a rn in g that ev en a y o u n g p rince who is
blessed w ith high birth should be treated w ith respect because he

m ay seek revenge once he became a king.81 Gokhale also points to
despotic potcntiiil o f tKc stdt0 nrd tho fict
pfivt property
rights and the sahctity o f hum an beings were subject to royal plea
sure, w ith the king often choosing to exercise his pow ers
N orm ative kingship: the cak k ayatti d h a m m ik o dham m araja

T h e p r o b le m o f co n ta in in g the arbitrary ex e rc ise o f p o w e r w a s par
ticularly acute in a society in the process o f change, where old in

stitutions had collapsed but had yet to be replaced by others. The
c o lle c tiv e p o w e r o f th e p eo p le in early Indian so c iety , w h ic h had
been expressed through tribal institutions, was no longer feasible in
the expanding territorial units o f the Buddha's time. These changes
altered the ro le o f p o w e r itself. Instead o f h elp in g th e c o m m u n ity as
a w hole, pow er had increasingly becom e an end in itself.83 In fact,
the challenge o f individualism which was confronting the ganasanghas,^ w ith o th e r fo rces that resulted in their gradual d eca y , w as
being reflected in the institution o f kingship too. As the exercise o f

pow er itself was nevertheless essential for the maintenance o f the
so c ia l ord er, the A gganna Sutta d em o n stra tes q u ite clearly th e p o p u
lar support for the institution o f kingship. As Gokhale has argued:

T h e a u th o r ity [ o f th e state] ste m s fro m th e d e le g a tio n b y th e p e o p le to
th e g o v e r n m e n t p o w e rs o f im p ris o n m e n t, o f im p o s in g fines, b a n ish
m e n t, c o n fis c a tio n o f u n la w fu lly g a in e d p ro p e r ty , a n d d e a th . T h e s e
p o w e r s w e re c o n s id e re d essen tial fo r th e sta te to d isc h a rg e th e o b lig a
t i o n s e n t r u s t e d t o i t by t h e c i t i z e n s . T h e p e o p l e have t o c o m e t o t e r m s
w ith th e sta te fo r w i t h o u t it th e y are helpless v ic tim s o f a n a rc h y .83
As w e have show n this very necessity for vast powers by the

state created the constant danger o f their abuse and since effective
popular control was no longer feasible, Buddhist political theory
form ulated the concept o f a ju st and moral king, a dhammiko dhamm Mahdvagga, p. 114.
81 S.N ., I, p. 67; K .S ., I, pp. 93-4.
82 B .G . Gokhale, Dhamma as a Political Concept* , Journal o f Indian History, Vol.
X LV I, Ft. II, 1968, p. 252.
a3 C , D r e k m e ie r , Kingship and Comm unity m Ancient India, p. 93.
84 j.P . Sharm a, Republics in Ancient India, p. 241.

85 B .G . Gokhale, T h e Early Buddhist View o f the State, Journal o f American
Oriental Society , Vol. 89, 1969, p. 735.
164
maraja w ho w ould wield pow er according to certain norm s unlike

the existing kings. This dhammiko dhammardja was also a cakkavatti
a w o rld ruler w ho w ould put an end to the petty tyranny o f the

m any and establish instead a universe where not only social order
but also a m oral order twould prevail. He is the norm ative king in
B uddhist literature w ho is contrasted strikingly in every sense from
the actual kings o f the B uddha's day.
T he norm ative king, the dham m iko dhammardja , is described as
protector o f his people {janapadatthaviriya patto) and lord o f the four
quarters (caturamo v ijita v i ) . H7 He possesses the seven precious gems
(sattharatana sa m a n a g a u )nH and conquers only by righteousness
w ith o u t having to resort to force (a d a n d m a , assatthena, dham m ena ).89
T he B uddha him seif was an idea] cakkavatti in an earlier lifeand had
ruled w ith o u t force.90 The fact that the cakkavatti establishes control
over his dom inion w ithout the use o f force, even though he is
accom panied by rhc four-fold army, is a notable fcarurc o f the
d h a m m ik o dham m ardja
Instead the rival kings welcom e and subm it
to him , and ask him to teach them (artusdsa maharajah } . 92 N o situa
tion o f resistance by the rival kings is envisaged and it seems that
the B uddhists believed that, if the righteous king (dhammena dh a m
m ik o dhammardja) conquered by dhamma even his enemies w ould
. 91
Hfl T h e idea o f a cakkavatti o r a universal em p ero r w h o w o u l d exten d his s w a y to

th e lim its o f th e land had been g r o w in g in India for s o m e tim e b efore th e B u d d h a,
and w as ex p ie b sed in le in is such as sairirt'M and sarvabhanma. T h e B u d d h i s t s seem to
h a v e e x p r e s s e d the s a m e idea th rou g h the term cakkavatti w h ich su b s e q u e n tly gained
cu rre n c y , and b e c a m e the m o s t popular term for the su p rem e kin g. T h e Vinaya Pita
ka c o n c e iv e s o f a hierarchy o f p o w e r , w h ic h is im p licit in the th eory o f the cakkavatti,
in a d efin itio n o f k in g sh ip as, k in g s o f the earth, local k ings, k in g s deputies, s u b o rd in a te chieftains, .
(Parajika, p. 57; B . O . D . , I, p. 74). S im ilarly th e Di^/in
N ikiiya represents the sam e idea o f the hierarchy o f p o w e r in a reference to a chiefta in
c a l l e d lâyasi
II, p.
2 3 6 J. leasers adi the? k i n g
o f K o s a l a is
d e sc r ib e d in th e Satnytata N ik a y a as th e head o f a grou p o f five rajas ( S .N ., I, p. 75).

P e tty p rin ces arc fo llo w e r s o r retainers o f the cakkavatti, w h o is co n sid ered the c h ie f
a m o n g th e m ( C . 5 . V , p. 17; G . 5 . , HI, p, 260; K . S ., III, p. 133).
B7 D.ZV., II, p. 130.
HH Ibid, pp. 1 3 2 - 5 .
^ D . N . , II, pp. 1 4 - 1 5 , 46, D . N . , III, p. 110,

9,1 A . N . , HI, p. 221.
D . N . , II, p. 132. T h e d escrip tion o f the cakkavatti w h o fo llo w e d the w h e el o v er
th e fou r quarters, a c c o m p a n ie d by the fou r-fold arm y but n o t u sin g it, is a structural
in v e r s io n o f the B rah m an ical asvamedha rite w h ic h is part o f the coron ation cere
m o n ie s o f th e k in g .
93 D . N . , III, p. 47 .
165
w elcom e h im .w O f course the cakkavatti was not interested in mere

territorial expansion or in controlling the material and physical
resources o f the dom inion but in the establishm ent o f a uniform
and ju s t m oral and social order, in the Buddhist narration o f the
cakkavattis expedition to the four quarters, rival kings have no fear
that their territories will be confiscated by the dhammaraja . The cak
ka va ttis m ain concern is teaching the five m oral precepts o f B uddh
ism to the laym an and to the newly subordinated kings, after w hich
he exhorts them to enjoy their possessions as before (yatthd bhutang
cha bhuhjatha)jH
T he creation o f ju s t social order
A fter the cakkavatti had brought the entire universe under his
um brella he m ust proceed to ensure that his people live in com para
tive com fort, in a w orld w here destitution has been wiped out. The
dham m iko dhammaraja thus provides for the basic needs o f the peo
ple, before a stable social order can be established, and this stable
social order appears to be a precondition for the establishm ent o f a
m oral ord er in the w o rld .95 T he dhammiko dhammaraja m ust not
m erely be concerned w ith upholding the property and family rights
o f people in society but go beyond these m inim um obligations and
also ensure that everyone's basic needs arc met. The ideal king
M aha Sudassana, for instance, establishes a perpetual grant (evarupang danang p a tth a p eyya n g jf 5 to provide food for the hungry,
drink for the thirsty, gold for the poor, m oney for those in w ant, as
w ell as w ives for those w ho required thcm . Jf>
T he breakdow n o f the m oral order, and the problem o f offences
against the family and property w hich the king was expected to
punish, w ere inter-related. Instead o f only punishing offenders,
w hich w ould m erely ensure the stability o f the social order but no t
m ake for m oral order, the norm ative king first had to provide the
p o o r and deprived w ith the essentials o f existence. T heft and viola
tio n o f p ro p erty w ould disappear only w hen all have been given the
m eans o f subsistence. In the Cakkavattisihandda Sutta a variety o f
offences, such as stealing, violence, m urder, lying, evil-spcaking
and adultery are described as the outcom e o f the poverty o f the des93 In this context the statement o f the Samyutta Nikdya which speaks o f the futility
o f w ar as a m eans o f settling anything is relevant (S .N ., I, p. 83).
04 D .N ., III, p. 30.
95 D .N ., II. p. 137.
96 D .B ., II, p. 211.
166
titute w hich the king had not succeeded in elim inating.97 O n the
other hand, the king in the K utadanta Sutta is told by his wise advis
er that his country, w hich was being harassed by dacoits required a
com prehensive approach to deal w ith the problem o f disorder.
M ere punishm ent o f offences w ith fines or m ore serious penalties
like death w ould not w ork because this w ould be ju st a piecemeal
approach to the problem o f disorder. The only m ethod o f ending
disorder is to provide food and seed-corn to those w ho keep cattle
and farm s, capital to those in trade, and wages and food to those in
the k in g s service.9H In the w ords o f Rhys Davids, Then those men
follow ing each his ow n business will no longer harass the realm ,99
W hen the king follow ed these instructions disorder disappeared,
the people were quiet and at peace and could dwell with open doors.
T h e elim ination o f destitution was the highest function o f the
norm ative king. For instance, in the CakkavattisThandda S u tta a
successor o f the cakkavatti D alhanem i w ho was a raja and khattiyo
m uddhavassitto (an anointed king), docs not how ever possess the
ca kka ra ta n a , the first precious possession o f a universal ruler, for as
w e have seen the cakkaratana was not a paternal heritage100 but had
to be gained by each cakkavatti through righteous governm ent.
Such governm ent required the eradication o f destitution, and the
m ere protection o f his subjects by the king is not enough. The C a k kavattisthandda S u tta makes this point very clearly.
T h e n b r e th r e n , th e k in g , th e a n o in te d k h a ttiya , h a v in g m a d e all th e
m i n i s t e r s a n d .ill t h e r e s t s it d o w n t n p
r rh -er. a^ k ed- t h e m i h m i t t h e a r iv/ .in
d u ty o f th e s o v e re ig n w a r - lo r d . A n d th e y d e c la re d it u n to h im . A n d
w h e n h e h a d h e a rd th e m , h e d id p ro v id e th e d u e w a tc h a n d w a rd a n d
p r o te c tio n [rakkh a va ra n a g u tin g sa m vid d h i), but on the destitute he bestow ed
n o w e a lth [italics m in e ] (tic cha k h o addhanang d h a n a m a n u p p a d a si).m
This led to the breakdow n o f the social and moral order that we
h a v e o u tlin e d a b o v e . P r o te c tio n o f the pen pie is, n e v e r th e le s s , th e
second highest function o f the king. The d h am m iko dhammaraja

m u st provide protection for his subjects, for his arm y, for khattiyas
and o th e r subordinates, for brahmana<; and gahapatis, for people in
the tow ns and the countryside, for samanas and brdhmanas, and even
for the birds and beasts.102
,>7 D.N., III, pp. 56-7.
D.N., 1, pp. 115-16.
w D.B., I, p. 176.
100 D.N., III, p. 47.
1,11 D.N., ill, pp. 51-2; D.iJ., ill, p. 66.
102 D.N., III, p. 48; A.N., I!, p. 40X
167
It is sig n ific a n t that th e dhammaraja is p ortrayed as a c o m p le te
antithesis o f the actual kings depicted in the early Pali canon, where
he is frequently lum ped w ith robbers and expropriators o f the
V Y V - c ir X i.il
i i ^ .
i i v
i f l n
j i i
v i x -
' - j.
i u
t u
i w
fro m his people only the proceeds o f ju st taxation (dhammihena

balikena). H e declines to accept m ore even w hen it is voluntarily
offered by the brahmanas and gahapatis o f his k in g d o m . Instead, the
dhammaraja asks them to keep w hat they have and take w ith them
som e o f the king's w ealth.103
I It
A v/'/lldtifl
*j 1s4f 1f ii tt yJii /ItUAM1 Ll Si vA* iUi - ^
i i v
m i \ f v w
n r r n
t y
i ^
a i j i i A
v i
a w u u w j .
t r
.-V*, u
j. l a
popular base, dear to his people like a father to his sons. They look
at him as he drives past them and request him to drive slowly, so
fV K
-if
A A U V
4-V./
, !
^ 1 J. V ^
.V -ir
-i
U l i .
rtT T
fi
l i V
Jp g U
IJ . /\
1 1 i'ta
t'
W fv #-
i t *V
1-I<ti-v
t i l J- J J . t
TA l tiAf V
t > n Vr t n l*f >

V
' i f fV '
I r u j r -* i- l*
* "V
tV nV
fli
dhammaraja and conform to his wishes. He cannot be overthrow n

by an y o n e.105 O n im portant occasions the cakkavatti dhammiko
dhammaraja c o n su lts h is p eo p le. K in g M ahavijita, w h o w ish e d to
L a stly , th e dhammiko dhammaraja p a tro n izes samanas and brdhmanas w h o are w o r th y , p r o v id in g th em w ith all the th in g s n ecessa ry
to p u rsu e th eir g o a ls .107 T h e p o sitio n attained b y the rig h teo u s u n i
v ersa l ruler is it s e lf a rew ard for g iv in g , s e lf co n q u est, and s e lf c o n trol_ s o t h a t r h e s t. a. .t u s is a s s o c i a t e. d
w i t h an a l r e a d v/ m o. r. a. l hein tr
.
07
like K ing M aha Sudassana. The leadership provided by the dhammi

ko dhammaraja is crucial to the establishm ent o f social and moral
order. If he errs, the khattivas. hrdhmanas. and oahanatis folio vv suit
and even N ature, is affected. Conversely, w hen kings arc righteous
all the reverse consequences f o l l o w , i n w hat has been term ed the
m ultiplier effect by T am b iah .100 T he norm ative king is therefore
intrinsic to the social and moral order o f the w orld.
'
103 D . N . , II. pp. 1 3 7 - 8 .

103 D . N . , III, p. 135.
'
lfl4 D .N ., II, p. 136; D .N ., III, p. 129.

,Hfl D .N ., 1, p. 121; D .B ., 1, p. 176.
],)7 D . N . , II, p. 141; D .B ., II, p. 217.

1flK A . N ., II, pp. 7 9 - 8 0 ; G . S . , II, pp. 8 4 - 5 .
lw S.J. T am biah. World Conqueror, World Renouncer, p. 50.
perform a large sacrifice, is advised by his chaplain to consult va

rious categories o f people in his kingdom . The king then consults
L>Usitfliisic
/ t c -i tx rl n s t U s t * \ / i t i c n f f l i r - l- f - t n 7 r t c o n A t U n
............... t i vAI wvt sti
rt---eS---- 1------------------------and seeks their sanction. W hen they indicate their approval, they
are all described as colleagues by consent.1(16 Here again, the dhammaraja is clearly contrasted to the tyrannical and despotic kings por
trayed in the literature.
168
Social D im ensions o f E arly B uddhism
T h e righteous king as an alternative to the despotic king
Let us n o w attem pt to assess the essential features o f the B uddhist

conception o f norm ative kingship. The dhammiko dhammardja was
the B uddhist answ er to the concentration o f pow er in the person o f
the king and its consequent abuse by individual kings w hich was a
characteristic feature o f society at the tim e o f the Buddha. It was an
attem p t to tam e the institution o f kingship and to contain the abso
lute exercise o f pow er by the application o f the principle o f dhamma,
w hich was to guide the king in his role as the head o f the state. As
G hoshal observes,
T h e m o s t im p o r ta n t c o n tr ib u tio n o f th e early B u d d h is t c a n o n ists to th e
s to r e o f o u r a n c ie n t p o litica l th o u g h t c o n sists in th e ir t o ta l a p p lic a tio n
. o f th e p rin c ip le o f rig h te o u s n e s s to th e b ra n c h e s o f th e k in g s in te rn a l
a n d f o r e ig n a d m in is tr a tio n .110
H P L
iis~
.- 4 ^ M
1 4
^ 4
r t M
4 4 1 n
v i viiL p i i i i L i p i v
/J L
.-4 U / l *.!.* ^
4 a t o v ls v v j v v v v u a j
v l u im rn rn u m a y
JP-I 1 j
4 V 4 r tX
<1
if>
an attem p t to transform pow er into authority by infusing it w ith

certain norm s. The principle o f dhamma helped fill the lacuna cre
ated b y th e b r e a k d o w n o f th e k in g p eo p le b o n d in the ch a n g in g
political scene w itnessed by the Buddha, a process which began at

the end o f the Vedic period. K ingship in the early Vedic period had
1u____
_____ m . . .-..,.. 1 .. a
w i i L ju a iiira v i w i y
:cc
ll
v m
iij
u ia m L V Jia L iv iiJ
m vci
n u tv a -
O n the basis o f the Vedic texts, Sharma argues that the vis or the
people o f the tribe chose the king in the Rg Vedic period.111 H e also
suggests that in the period o f the Brdhm anas the m o n a rch ies o f
Vedic tim es appear to have undergone a change: whereas Vedic
m onarchies w ere lim ited, w ith the king being only primus inter
pares, the m onarchies o f the Brdhm ana period had b e c o m e
au to cratic .112 Similarly, D rekm eier holds that, because o f the exist
ence o f tribal councils and popular assemblies in the Vedic period,
pow ci was dispersed am ong the m em bers o f a c o m m u n ity to an
extent that was rare in Indian h isto ry .113 Following the breakdow n
o f the king-people bond, the need for a replacem ent resulted in the
developm ent o f the king brdhmana relationship in the Brahmanical
trad itio n a rd kingship came to be conceived as a m arriage betw een
110 U .N . Ghoshat, History o f Indian Political Ideas, p. 69.
111 J.P . Sharm a, Republics in Ancient India, p. 27.
112 Ibid., p. 62.
^ ^ C . D r s k n i ^ i ^ f j K in g s h ip ciyi Cowt t tt tf tt i fy
p . 284-,
169

-i
U iiifltflU
<U1U
K rlUlfUy
- J . * ______ }
ct i U l d l i L l J l i a i l i p
111
w illt^ ll
JCJUUU
t-u u iu
ij
__
lU Jt
: _
5 U L V 1 VL
w ith o u t brahma . 114

O n the basis o f a study o f the royal consceration cerem ony,
I Iecstcrm an has argued that the ratnahavimsi cerem ony represented
the im p o rtan t bond between the king and the people and show ed
the character o f a sacrum publicum in which the people had fully
viLipaiLu.
115
r i
l i \j vv ^ v t i ,
e i i
titL-
ciai^ uiavivii
aiiu
r , ;
~ C
ui
i u wai
technique turned the cerem ony into the exclusive dom ain o f ritual
specialists, and the people were gradually excluded from the ritual.
T h e king-pcoplc relationship then gave way to a king -brahmana re
lationship. Wc w ould how ever argue that the exclusion o f the peo
ple from the ritual was itself a result o f the gradual erosion o f the
I V
11
j-\ i t r i t t ai i U
VV J l l g
frrtn^
V 1 1 C
eJ Wr \ c4 iU ^4 1)
/ iV/ W' AI 4nV o / m

i e i Mv-'i i l
I A I 4 V
V I
n n Wl i *_A
tical changes o f the later Vedic period.

In a parallel but som ew hat later developm ent, Buddhism form u
lated the idea o f a cakkavatti dhammiko dhammaraja w ho w ould be
guided by the principle o f dhamma. Dhamma was an im m utable
m oral principle w hich was above the king, the raja o f the raja. In ree n n n e ;'
rvt-Vir>
~ r ------- t
n n f'ch w 'in
r \ f o AA tA A A iy- B u t - ix /l i r s
------ -----
' ^ ........ *t i
Ir^rrl
i c i- ti r 1 v r t i n n
rjwr
raja, the roller o f the wheel, the dhamma man the dhammarajaV The
B uddha replied: It is dham ma . . . : H erein bhikkhu, the raja, the cak
kavatti the dhammiko dhammaraja , relics ju st on dhamma , honours
dham m a , reveres dhamma, esteems dhamma: w ith dhamma as his stan
dard, w ith dhamma as his mandate, he sets a dhamma watch for folk
w ithin his realm_,llf' The Buddhist form ulation o f the cakkavatti
dhamm iko dhammaraja also implied that pow er could be used not
only negatively to punish, tame, and control society, but also m ore
positively to create a new society and new social order. The new
social order w ould in turn provide the basis for a new m oral order.
T h e king and the sahgha
T w o related aspects o f Buddhist norm ative kingship which arc o f

som e significance to us deal w ith the relationship between the king
and the B uddha (or the sangha), that is, hetween the social and the
asocial w orld; and the roles envisaged for the cakkavatti and the
B uddha as charism atic leaders o f these tw o different spheres o f the
1,4
A .K . C oom arasw am y, 'Temporal fJou>er and Spiritual Authority in the Indian
Theory o f Government , p. 2.
J.C. Heesterman, Ancient Indian Royal Consecration, p. 266.
n '1 C . S . , III, pp. 1 1 4 - 1 5 ; / ! . N ., II, p. 463.
170
universe. T he controversial aspect o f Buddhist political theory cen

tres on the relationship between the king and the sahgha. This is a
point over w hich we find considerable differences between the ear
ly texts and later com m entaries and chronicles w ritten in Sri Lanka.
The differences suggest that Buddhist political theory grew dyna
mically, particularly after B uddhism became the state religion in Sri
Lanka.
The early Buddhist texts reveal a definite separation between the
social and asocial world, even in the realm o f Buddhist political
ideas. This does not mean that the Buddha was apolitical or that he
consciously turned his attention away from tem poral matters, for
we have seen that he veas concerned w ith the institution o f kingship
and the exercise o f pow er. However, early Buddhism conceived o f
a separation betw een the sphere o f the king, and that o f the sahgha ,
unlike Brahm anism , where regnum (ksatra) and Sacerdotum
(brahma) w ere united. Since the bhikkhu was not part of the social
w orld he could not replace the purohita o f the brahma-ksatra rela
tionship and in keeping w ith this separation the Buddha conceived
o f the dhammiko dhammardja where dhamma w ould play the role o f
the guardian o f the king. Even in the realm o f the dhammiko dham
mardja, the bhikkhu stood outside the w orld o f the king. The entire
w o rd and spirit o f the early Pali canon overw helm ingly points to
this conclusion. Bhikkhus arc explicitly barred from taking an in
terest m the tem poral affairs o f the w orld, or in talking about the
k in g ,117 a ban which heads the list o f objectionable items o f con
versation for bhikkhus.UH Khattavijja (politics) is rated as a low skill
and the Jdtakasu ** reflect the sentim ent that politics and ethics arc
irrcconciliable w ith politics being opposed to salvation.120 The
B uddha condem ned those samanas and brdhmanas w ho acted as
emissaries o f k ings,121 and stated that he was not interested in the
problem s o f war, conquest, victory and the defeat o f m onarchs,
unlike other degenerate samanas and brdhmanas}22 He also listed ten
disadvantages in entering royal courts123 w hich w ere crow ded w ith
sense objects, and obstructed progress tow ards nibbdna .
117 D ,N 1, p. 150; D .N ., HI, p. 29,
l!* D .N ., I, p. 9.
1,y S e e Jataka, e d . by V, Fausboll, Vol. V, p. 2HK, w h e r e according to t he Khatta
vijja o n es ow n interest was to be prom oted even at the cost o f killing ones parents,
120 U .N . Ghoshal, A History o f Indian Political Ideas, p. 66.
121 D .N .. I, p, 9.
122 D .N ., I, p. 8.
123 A .N ,, IV, pp. 163-4.
171
T h e s e p a r a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e t e m p o r a l and. t h e s p i r i t u a l s p h e r e s is
m ost forcefully bro u g h t out in t h e t h e o r y o f the mahdpurisa (great

m a n ).124 Every mahdpurisa bears on his person thirty-tw o bodily
s i g n s , a n d o n l y t w o c o u r s e s a re o p e n to t h e p o s s e s s o r o f t h e s e c h a r
acteristics: He can cither becom e a tathdgata or Buddha and be a

w o rld renouncer, or he can becom e a cakkavatti and be a w orld
rnnniif'rnr
The sitrnifirant
m n h n n tir is
n -----~
had wto
i

c
' rnnint is
_ that*
---------- everv
- . - j ...............r
----m ake a conscious decision to be cither one or the other. He could
n o t be both at the same time, or com bine within him self both
brahma and ksatra, b eca u se the tw o w o r ld s arc separate and o p p o se d
to each o th e r,126 Even under the aegis o f the dhammiko dhammaraja ,
w here the social w orld itself is ruled by the righteous king, the
separation b e tw e e n the tw o w o r ld s co n tin u es and ca n n o t be blur
red. T h e Buddha him self established the norm s for the righteous
king in one o f his previous births and consciously took the decision
to b e a cakkavatti in m anv/ o th e r s .127 In his current h isto ric e x iste n c e
h e ju s t as c o n s c io u s ly a d o p ted th e a ltern ative m o d e l or" the w o r ld
r e n o u n c e r for h im se lf.
T he really controversial point about the separation between the

social and the asocial w orlds centres on the nature o f the rela
tionship betw een the king and the sangha , Did Buddhism envisage a
close relationshinL between the tw o.' even if it is ^ranted that the
spheres o f the king and the sangha were separate? Tam biah and Ling
have argued that there was an intim ate relationship betw een the
king and the sahgha,]2H and that B uddhist civilization is a triangular
relationship betw een the king, the sahgha and the people.12<J H o w
ever, w c suggest that, w hile this close relationship may have de
veloped over time, it is not reflected in early Buddhist literature.
T h e Buddha respected the pow er o f the king, and therefore m ain
tained good relations w ith all the prom inent kings that came into
his orbit, but there is no indication that the king had any crucial role
124 D.JV., Ill, pp. 110-38.
!2S Ibid., p. 110.
126 B im bisaras statem ent to the overseers in his kingdom is significant in this
context. H e says, ye have now received from me instructions in the things o f this
w orld. G o no w and w ait upon the Blessed One. T he Blessed O ne him self shall in
stru ct you in the things o f e tern ity . (T.W . Rhys Davids and H. O ldenberg, The
v muya te x ts, o .o .e :., VOJ. .a v ii, p. \ ivianavagga, p. IW J
127 A . N . , III, p. 221.
12!* S.j. T am biah, IVorld Renouncer, World Conquerer, p. 41.
129 T. Ling, The Buddha, p. 180.
jr '
#T -1
r *
\ r T
r i r
' k
<
172
t o p l a y i n t h e p r o p a g a t i o n o f t h e n ib b d n ir g o a ls o f B u d d h i s m . T h e
king w as nothing m ore than the highest m em ber o f the laity,

w hose patronage as the head o f the social w orld was significant.
B u t t h i s d i d n o t m e a n t h a t t h e k i n g w o u l d p l a y a r o l e in t h e w o r l d
o f the sahgha. Also, while it is true that suggestions m ade to the

B uddha by kings w ere accepted, too m uch should not be m ade o f
s u c h i n c i d e n t s a s t h e B u d d h a f r e q u e n t l y a c c e p t e d s u g g e s t i o n s from
oth er m em bers o f the laity too. Similarly, if a k in g s patronage was
valuable, so was that o f other im portant groups in society. T he
e c o n o m i c r e a u i r e m e n t s o f t h e sahoha n e c e s s i t a t e d som e contact
w ith kings as w ell as w ith other m em bers o f the laity, b u t these
contacts w ere firm ly kept w ithin certain boundaries. In fact, there
is evidence to show that the use o f political pow er, or k$atra, to
further goals w ithin the sahgha w ould end disastrously, as revealed
by D evadattas unsuccessful attem pts to split the sahgha . T he higher
m orality o f the B uddha, standing outside the w orld o f ksatra ,
triu m p h e d .130
T he divorce betw een brahma and ksatra is also apparent in Bud
d h as dealings w ith contem porary kings. It is striking that, while
the B uddha developed the concept o f the cakkavatti w ho was a
dham miko dhammardjat he never expounded this theory to any o f the
co n tem p o rary kings, even to those described as his updsakas . D e
spite Pasenadis extrem e devotion to the B uddha,131 he continued
to rule in a despotic and arbitrary fashion, w ithout any attem pt
being m ade by the Buddha 1 0 even introduce him to notions o f
m o re ethical kingship. Ajatasattu, w ho was a parricide, was as
m uch an updsaka o f the B uddha as the learned and generous gahapati
C itta was. T he B uddha also stood apart from the pow er struggles
o f his day. H e did no t take sides in the conflict betw een Ajatasattu
and the Vajjians, or even betw een A jatasattu and Pasenadi,
although he him self described Pasenadi as the m ore m oral o f the
tw o .13^
T he separation betw een the social and the asocial w orld is Iogi4-
i3i)Cutlavaggat pp. 283304.

131 In tw o unique passages Pasenadi is described as falling at the feet o f the Bud
dha and kissing them . O ne one occasion Pasenadi had ju st returned from a sham
f i g h t , h a v i n g a t t a i n e d h i s o b j e c t a n d b e i n g v i e t o r i u u s . E v e n h e r e t h e Buddha d i d n u t
attem p t to convey his notions o f ideal kingship to the Kosalan king (M . N ., II,
p. 367; A . JV., IV, p. 150).
132 S .N ., I, pp. 82-3.
173
' r'AncicfAnf urifln ("It r*

hhibblttj l'* rtttnAcihAn fn flip
brdhmanas , w ho, as w e have seen, did not separate the tw o w orlds
b u t fused them instead. T he bhikkhu was in constant opposition to
th e b rd h m a n a ; in r e lig io n , e c o n o m ic a c tiv ity and in th e p o lity . T h e
concept o f the dhammaraja was conceived in order to bring m orality
in to the social w orld, n o t to play any special role in the asocial
w o rld o f the sangha. T his is clear fr o m a rare referen ce in th e C a k k a vattisthandda Sutta w hich predicts a tim e in the future w hen there
w ill be a cakkavatti and an arahant Buddha at the same tim e .133
( N o r m a lly th e ca kkava tti and the tathdgata d o not e x is t sim u l
taneously.) The relationship posited between the tw o in the narra
tio n is still one o f separation, w ith the cakkavatti Sankha and the
VWAA J
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M e tte y a B u d d h a , o c c u p y in g su p r em e p o sitio n s in th eir re sp e c tiv e
spheres. T he king w ould have control over universal dom inion,

and the M etteya B uddha over the spiritual w orld o f samanas and
b rd h m a n a s, k in g s and p e o p le , to w h o m he w ill teach th e dham m a.
T h ere is nothing explicit or even im plicit in the sutta to suggest that
the king w ould create ideal conditions for the B uddhist sd$ana
(te a c h in g s ). T h e t w o w orlds rem ain as separate as ev er. A t the en d
o f his career the cakkavatti Sankha is depicted as renouncing the
w o rld under the M etteya Buddha and seeking his ow n salvation,134
It m a y he noted that Sankha has to g iv e u p one w orld to enter th e
other. A part from the act o f renunciation, there is no relationship
b etw een Sankha and M etteya in the Cakkavattisthandda Sutta . 13^
As B uddhism developed, the relationship betw een the king and
the sahgha grew closer, transform ing the original relationship based
o n the patronage o f the sangha by the king, to one o f active involve
m en t in the affairs o f the sahvha . This was nrobablv a natural o u tcom e o f kings using their state pow er to propagate the faith, and
particularly follow ed from the fact that kings became the first con
verts in countries like Sri Lanka, and then helped establish B uddh
ism w h ich percolated d ow n to the people through the king and the
court. T his developm ent can actually be seen in the com parative
accounts o f the first and second B uddhist Councils, initially in the
tJ
133 D .N ., III, pp. 6 0 -1 .

134 it is obvious that even, the cakkavatii acquires no special m erit and requires to
renounce the w orld in order to progress tow ards nibbdm. Thegahap/ui C itta w ho has
the o p tio n to be reooi-i a wkkavatti, expresses dissatisfaction at the idea because it
w o u ld n o t lead him to the real goal o f nibbdna (S.N-., Ill, pp. 26970).
135 D
N .,
II, p p . 6 0 - 2 .
174
Cullavagga o f the Vinaya Pitaka , and then later in the Mahavamsa

and the com m entary to the Vinaya Pitaka, w ritten approxim ately in
the fifth-sixth century a , d . in Sri Lanka. In the Cullavagga account,
the First C ouncil is called to codify the rules and teachings o f the
sahgha. T h e bhikkhus decide to hold the Council at Rajagaha because
o f the abundance o f dw elling places available there. T hey spent the
first m o n th o f the rainy season repairing the dw ellings and subse
quently proceeded w ith the task o f the first council. In the M ahavamsa account, how ever, the rcigm ng king is introduced as playing
a definite role. A fter the dw ellings had been repaired the bhikkhus
announce their intention of.holding a council to the king, A jatasattu. T o his question, w hat should be done? they answ ered that a
place should be provided for the meetings. After the king had a hall
built he retired saying: M y w ork is fin ish e d /136 In the Samanta
Pasadika a fifth-century com m entary on the Vinaya w ritten by
B uddhaghosha, also from Sri Lanka, Ajatasattu retires saying,
Y ours is the authority o f the spirit (dhammacakka ) as m ine is o f
p o w e r (andcakka)
E ven though the king in both the later narra
tions concedes the separation betw een the asocial and the social
w o rld , and then retires fro m the scene, the very fact that he is in
form ed and his patronage specifically sought, suggests that the later
chroniclers from Sri Lanka could not conceive o f any im portant
event in the sahgha taking place w ithout the involvem ent o f the
king.
T h e account o f the second Council is even m ore striking. T he
Cullavagga makes no m ention o f Kalasoka during w hose reign the
Council was supposed to have been held. In contrast, the Mahavamsa
m akes K ing Kalasoka play a very significant role w ith the rival fac
tions appealing to him for h elp .i3H Finally, the king w ent to the
M ahavana, assem bled the bhikkhus , and w hen he had heard w hat
w as said by both sides, decided for him self w hich was the true fa ith
[italics m ine]. T hen he retired saying to the rightly believing bhik
khus. D o w h at ye think well to further the doctrine. H e also
prom ised to be their protector before returning to the capital.139
. 137
ijr.
Mti/idUiwisa, tr, by W. Geiger, p, 1.6.
137 B uddhaghosha, Samanta Pasadika, ed. by Birbal Sharm a, Vol. I , p. 11.
138 T he Mahavamsa, pp_ 223. In the Cullavagga the factions deal w ith the differ
ences th at has arisen betw een the tw o m ajor groups entirely by them selves
(pp. 4 1 6 -30).
139 Mahavamsa, p. 23.
175
helped the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f c lo s e lin k s b e t w e e n the

sahgha and the king. O ne was th e powerful personality o f the
em peror Asoka and his actions in supporting the sangha and the
T w o fa c to rs
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was the rise o f num erous sects within Buddhism which resulted in
the k in g s increasing role as the ultim ate judge of which sect repre
s e n t e d t h e t r u e f a ith a m o n g the v a r i o u s c o n t e n d i n g f a c tio n s . T h i s
fact m ore than any other gave the king a lever to use in the internal
affairs o f the sangha, as f r o m time to time he took upon him self the
r tf
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early Pali literature the sahgha quietly and w ithout much fuss split i f
there were irreconciliablc differences, in later Buddhism the king
takes it u p o n h i m s e l f t o u p h o l d th e t r u e f a ith a n d p u n i s h h e re tic s*
This probably occurred for the first time under Asoka who states in
the Allahabad pillar- inscription that he had expelled the schismatics
from t h e s a n g h a . 140 The p r a c t ic e w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y followed f r o m
tim e to tim e by Buddhist kings of south and south-east Asia. A
striking example o f the penetration o f temporal pow er into the satig h a s s p i r i t u a l a r e n a , r e s u l t i n g in a n e r o s i o n of the b a s ic p r i n c i p le s o f
the sahgha, is cited by G om brich.141 A bhikkhu's explanation for the
penetration o f caste principles into the sangha held the king rec n o n d Klr> f n r t-li
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low caste b h ik kh u in the presence o f the king had so shocked the

king that he forthw ith passed an edict banning the entry o f low caste bhikkhus in the Siyam Nikaya sanghas o f Sri Lanka.14'^ Wc
have here a clear example o f the subversion o f one o f the fun
dam ental principles o f recruitm ent into the sahgha based on an
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irrelevan t in the asocial w o rld o f the sahgha . 144

14(1 E. H u ltzsch , (Corpus Inscriptioumti Itidicarnw, V ol. I, p. 160,
141 R. G o m b rich , Precept and Practice, p. 312.
141 T h e first roots o f the penetration o f caste into the sangim can be traced back to
an O r d in a n c e (kaiikavata) issued by the king in 1266 requiring that the ordinand be
a s k td his easte in th e upasaimtptida (higher ordination cerem on y), O .B . Jayatilika
(cd.),
K atikavat Sankara,
p. 9. cited in Gombrich, p. 307.
143 O n e o f the three major organizations o f bhikkhus in Ceylon (R. Gombrich, Prccept and Practice, p. 309).
It m u st be p oin ted ou t that the op tio n oi disagreeing w ith the king w as alw a ys
o p e n i f the Mukfdius s o desired. Rahula cites cases w h e re the k in g s authority over
ecclesiastical matters w as subject to that o f the sangha. T h e king had no p o w e r to
force th e hands o f the .wuvhci aeainst their w ish es. O n one occasion the m o n k s
---- r>
176
These developm ents in the history o f Buddhism resulted in the

brahma-ksatra division gradually giving way to a system closer to
the Brahm anical model, where brahma and ksatra were part o f the
same system . B uddhism had separated the two at one level but in
tegrated them at another level by making dhamma an integral part of
kingship. This principle o f separation and simultaneous integration
gave w ay gradually in later Buddhism to the king's dhamma includ
ing active involvem ent in the asocial w orld o f the sahgha .145
We have argued that early Buddhism separated the social and
asocial w orlds and conceived o f a system in which the basic link be
tw een the tw o w orlds was based on the patronage offered by the
king, but that this did not give him any special role in relation to
the sangha. H ow ever, Buddhism did envisage a special role for the
king as the suprem e head o f the social w orld. The king as the dham
miko dhammaraja has as great a role in transform ing the tem poral
w orld and creating a ju st and stable society as the Buddha had in
transform ing the spiritual w orld. In Ghoshals w ords, they have a
jointly unique role as universal benefactors,146 The Buddha was
fully conscious o f the collapse o f the old order based on a m ore ega
litarian and less arbitrary society in which there had been greater
com m unity participation. H ow ever he also realized that the old
order had disappeared irrevocably. The collapse o f the tribaf repub
lics and the rise o f centralized monarchy made it obvious that the
political w ill necessary to transform the social w orld w ould have to
be exercised by the king. The Buddhists therefore developed the
idea o f the cakkavatti dhammiko dhammaraja w ho, by a ju st exercise
o f pow er, w ould play a pivotal role in transform ing society. He
w o u ld initiate a revolution from above, w hich w ould eradicate des
titution through charity and welfare and thereby contain the ex
trem e inequities otherw ise inevitable in the social w orld. The cakka
vatti and the Buddha were both instrum ents o f change in their
respective arenas, upon w hom rested the responsibility o f re
ordering hum an life,
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th e greatest p o ssib le in su lt to th e la y m a n , o n a k in g w h o had acted against th e w ish e s

o f th e mahdvihara. {W alp ole Rahula, History o f Buddhism in C eylon , p. 68.)
145 A n e x tr e m e case o f the co lla p se o f th e separation b etw een the social and the
a so cia l w o r ld o f the sangha in relation to k in g sh ip w as the sy stem of la m a ism m
T ib e t w h ic h s o u g h t to u n ite Im p eriu m and Sacerdottum . (V .P , V arm a, Early Buddh
ism and its Origins, p. 3 5 3 .)
146 U . N . G h o sh a h A History of Indian Political Ideas, p. 79.
Conclusion:
Early Buddhism in a Historical
Perspective
In this w o r k w e h a v e a ttem p ted to place early B u d d h ism again st
the background o f the socio-econom ic and political changes occur
ring in India in the sixth century b . c . We have argued that B uddh
is m o rig in a ted and w a s nurtured in a p erio d characterized b y an
expanding econom y, political consolidation and the em ergence o f

new socio-econom ic categories. All these features were not only re
flec te d in early B u d d h ism b u t w ere crucial to the sh a p in g o f its
ethos.
T he transition from the pastoralism o f an earlier era to a surplus
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nization in India and represented a process o f considerable change.

In this process, the gana-sahghas, which had a productive system
c e n te r in g o n the c o m m u n a l h o ld in g o f land, b egan to co lla p se o n e
by one. The gana-sahghas gave way not merely to a process o f poli
tical consolidation but to the expanding econom y and an agrarian
s y s t e m b ased o n th e p riv a te c o n tro l o f land. T h e p ro d u c tiv e sy ste m
o f the gana-sahghas was organized around the clans and the labour
perform ed by the ddsa-kammakaras. The social and econom ic sys
te m o f th e gana-sanghas w a s co m p a ra tiv ely sim p le, in con trast to an
econom y based on the individual h o ld in g o f land and organized
around the gahapati w ho played a crucial role in the expansion o f

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cant social category was a special feature o f this period and was as
im p o rtan t as the collapse o f the gana-sahghas. The tw o develop
m e n ts m u st be seen to g e th e r as th e y are interrelated and c o n stitu te
tw o aspects o f the same phenom enon.

W e have established that the gahapati represented the econom y,
b u t, m o r e sp ec ifica lly , he w a s the head o f the h o u se h o ld as a p ro
ducing unit; he was prim arily land-based and frequently produced
178
fo r th e m arket. T h e gahapatis w ere a high-status group, recognized

as such in the w ider social milieu* including b y the king.1 T his is
apparent n o t only from the Pali texts but from Jaina texts also. T he
gahapatis w ere prosperous, mobile* and dynam ic, and it was
th ro u g h them that the expanding society was being articulated. In
B u d d h ist texts, gahapatis do no t represent a caste or a group w hose
status w as based on birth. Instead, they represented an em bryonic
class, w hich controlled the means o f production and occupied a
d o m in an t place in the econom ic system . We m ay view gahapatis as
the d o m in an t peasantry o f society in the early B uddhist period,
since they dom inated the agrarian system in the area outside the
gana-sahghas , and controlled the bulk o f the land. It is im portant to
em phasize that gahapatis included w ithin their group not only the
category o f rich peasants b u t also the w hole group of peasants w ho
held en o u g h land to supply the needs o f their families w ith o u t hav
ing to w o rk for others. It was this group that em ployed the ddsakam m akaras and served as a link between the rural and em erging
u rb an centres o f the sixth century B.C.
T h e social m ilieu o f the sixth century B . C . was also reflected in
the social origins o f the early Buddhists. We have show n th ro u g h a
statistical analysis o f the background o f early B uddhists that early
B u d d h ism drew m ost o f its support from the ucca kulas o f the khattiya s , brdhmanas and gahapatis , although it also drew som e support
fro m occupational categories like the kumhhakdras, nahdpitas, and
kammakaras, w ho had a low status in the Buddhist system o f stratifica
tion. T h e signiticant conclusion that em erges from the analysis o f
the background o f the early B uddhists was the absence o f gahapatis
fro m the sahgha and their prom inent representation, am ong the
lay-supporters o f B uddhism . We have argued that B uddhist recog
n itio n o f th e gahapati'*s high status is also a.recognition o f the signifi
cance o f the econom ic function as being basic to any society, de
spite B u d d h ism 's advocacy o f renunciation as a means to salvation.
1 It s h o u ld b e e m p h a siz e d th a t th e early B u d d h ist te x ts c o n v e y a p ictu re o f s o c ie ty
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c o n tr a st to th e v ie w in th e B ra h m a n ica l te x ts that p easan ts w e r e h e lp le ss an d d o m in

a ted b y a r u lin g elite. In th e se te x ts th e p easan t p ro d u cers are treated as an e m in e n tly
e x p lo ita b le g ro u p : th u s in fo r m u la tin g th e status hierarch y th ey are regard ed as m ar
g in a l an d s u b s e r v ie n t to th o s e w h o d o m in a te d the ritual and p o litica l d o m a in s. In th e
B u d d h is t te x ts h o w e v e r su ch p r o d u c in g g r o u p s are h ig h ly e ste e m e d fo r th eir su b
s ta n tia l c o n tr ib u tio n to th e e x p a n d in g peasant e c o n o m y ,
179
Conclusion
T h e gahapati*s ro le in the s y ste m o f p ro d u ctio n n o t o n ly m erited
high social status but also the acceptance o f his continuing parti' cipation in the econom y w ithout w hich the sangha itself could not
afford
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t i s support from outside the sahgha was therefore vital and it is in
this context th at the B uddhas discourse to the young gahapati SigaSioalovdda
l d h' e se
O
Sutta s h ou-- en
T he SigdlovddaSutta2 w hich has been called the laym ans social
vinaya, is o f considerable significance in depicting the responsive
1a in t h e
ness o f Buddhism t o its s o c ia l m ilie u * It not o n l y s t r e s s e s t h e im

portance o f support to the renouncers (samana-brdhmanas) as one o f
the central duties o f the ariyasavaka , but also indicates the ideal lay
m an as one w ho w orks hard, d o e s n o t d is s ip a te his w e a l t h but
makes the m axim um use o f it; preserves and expands his property,
and saves a portion o f his wealth for times o f need. The idler is con
dem ned as one w ho finds reasons to avoid w ork and complains o f
the cold, heat, and so on, resulting in a dissipation o f such wealth a?
he already possesses and an inability to acquire new wealth,3
In this context the account o f a conversation between the B uddha
and M ahanam a the Lichchhavi is o f particular significance,4 The in
cident describes a group o f young Lichchhavis stalking and rang
in g in the great forest outside Vesali. These young men, arm ed
w ith bow s and surrounded by a pack o f dogs, appear to have been
dissipating their energy, plundering, eating, and teasing the women
o f the clan. M ahanam a complains o f their behaviour to the Buddha
w ho responds by setting out five conditions for grow th and
prosperity. The conditions are headed by endorsing hard w ork and
w ealth gained by the sweat o f the brow and the strength o f the arm.
Since khattiya clan-holders o f land in the gana-sahghas did not have
to w o rk because the dasa-kammakaras laboured for them, the Bud
dh as hom ily about hard w ork to them is specially significant. The
B uddha ends by reiterating that a kula-putta w ho acquired w ealth
by hard w ork, zeal, and the strength o f the arm, and who also honcu red and revered the samana-brdhmanas, w ould prosper and not
decline.5
T he ariyasavaka o f the Buddha therefore grow s both in this
2 D . N . , III, P P , 1 3 9 -4 9 .
3 D . N . , HI. 142; D .B .,
III,
p . 176.
4 A . N , f II, p p . 3 3 8 - 4 0 ; G .S ., III, p p . 6 2 - 4 .
5 A . N . , II, p . 339.
180
Social D im en sio n s o f E arly B uddhism
w o rld and the next. By continuing to participate in the productive

system , he can support the sangha from outside. A long w ith
g ro w th in w isdom , faith, virtue, love and generosity, the ariyasdva ka prospers as far as landed property, w ealth and grain, his fam ily,
his dasa-kammakara-porisas and cattle are concerned.6
A part from recognizing the central place that econom ic functions
occupied in society and urging a proper w ork ethic for ariyasavakas
(alm ost invariably addressed to gahapatis),7 the B uddha also out*
lined certain social responsibilities for his iay-follow ers. These
focus on a series o f paternalistic relationships betw een parents and
children, husband and wife, teacher and pupil, and m aster and
w o rk er, and these are the basis o f an ordered society. T he relations
betw een m aster and w o rk er are particularly significant. T he em
ployer m ust treat his w orkers hum anely by giving them w o rk
according to their capacity, feeding them well, and giving them
occasional respite from w o rk .8 In return, the ddsa-kammakaras will
respect and obey their m asters and serve them dutifully.9 T he B ud
dha disapproves o f a ddsa or 'upavasa'10 o f a gahapati being envious
o f the gahapatis affluence. This is described as w rongful envy (pdpika issd). For those w h o w ere really low in the social and econom ic
system there was no real redem ption as long as they lived in the so
cial w orld. T he only escape was to renounce the w orld and jo in the
sahgha, w here their low origin w ould not count, since it w ould be
subm erged in their new status as bhikkhus. T heir potential for salva
tion was equal to that o f those w ho had high status in the social
w orld. A part from this, their status in relation to the social w orld
itself w ould rise, and they w ould be equally entitled to respect and
h o n o u r fro m everyone, including the k in g .11 For those w ho re
m ained in the social w orld, how ever, there was no escape from
their low status: only the possibility o f birth in a higher status in the
next life th ro u g h a generous and virtuous life in this one. T he social
ord er envisaged by B uddhists was clearly one in w hich th e gahapati
w as the nodal point.
W hile B uddhism did not envisage the com plete eradication o f in
equalities in society, it certainly sought to contain them . T he vision
* A .N ., IV, p. 208; A .N ., II, p. 423.
7 A . N . , II, p p . 6 7 9 .
8 D . N . , H I, p . 1 4 7 .
9 Ibid.
10 A n u n d erlin g according to F.L. W oodw ord (T he Book Gradual Sayings , V,
p. 27).
11 D .N ., I, p. 53.
181
Conclusion
o f the n ew society con ceived by the Buuulia was ordered
011
m ore
rational principles than the Brahm anical system , and the creation o f
this ideal society w as the responsibility o f the king in his new role
as a cakkavatti and dhumtntko dhammaraja. T he existing political sy s
tem based on absolute kingship as reflected in B uddhist literature
had to be tran sfo rm ed into one in w hich kingship w o u ld be an in.i___________ _
_1
_ j ________________________^ _
sL im iiu ii u i a u u d i an u
j/cu in cai c u a u g c .
t i
____________________________
x lie n e w
p u n u e d i sy ^ itiii
w o u ld be based on charism atic kingship in w hich the cakkavatti was

m o rally responsible for the elim ination o f destitution and the crea4u
-:u
__u_____
u i a______
uvw ____ ______
11 u lu u . i
iictu tu pid y d uidjui
role in stabilizing a society w hich was displaying the stresses o f an
era o f change. T h u s, the cakkavatti was the counterpart in the social
w o r ld o f the tathagata in the asocial spiritual w orld . T he tw o mahctporisas to g eth er w ould reorder hum an existence.
T h e B u d d h a had a positive attitude to the expanding econom y
ancl the contem porary social w orld despite his ideal o f renunciation.
H is n ew society, although no t perfect and therefore no U topia,

w as, h o w ev er, m ore attuned to a period o f rapid change than the
B rahm anical sy stem , w h ich explains its appeal and its success at
th at tim e.
A P P E N D IX A
Select List of Terms Depicting Various
Strata in Early Buddhist Literature

I.
V a*rn a
Reference
C o ntext
(1) D . N , I, p.-80.
The young brdhmana A m battha states that

there are four vannas-khattiyas, brdhmanas,
vessas and suddas. O f the four, khattiyas,
and suddas are attendants o f the brdhmanas.
(2) D .N ./Ill,
pp. 63, 64, 72,
74.
The Buddha interprets the m yth o f the origin

o f the four vannas
** to tw o brdhmanas
* who have
become bhikkhus. First to be demarcated as a
i/anna were khattiyas, w ho were created to
m aintain the social order. T hey were followed
by the brdhmanas, vessas and suddas.
(3) M .N ., II,
pp. 375 ff
King Pasenadi asks the Buddha if there was

any difference between the four vannas. The
Buddha
re p lie s
that from the m an n er in w h ich
they are addressed and saluted the khattiya and

brdhmana are pointed to as chief.
(4)
M . N . ,
II, p. 3 7 7 .
K ing Pasenadi asks the Buddha i f there coui

be any difference between the four vannaT\{
they were possessed o f the five qualities for

striving (for salvation). The Buddha replies
that there would be no difference between
them.
(5) M .N ., II,
pp. 4 03-4.
(6) M .N ., II,
pp. 405-6.
The branmana AssaJayana comes to inquire

from the Buddha about his views on the p u rty
o f the four vannas. H e tells the Buddha that
brdhmanas are the best, and all the others are
low ; only brdhmanas are the sons o f Brahm a
and heirs to Brahm a being born from
B rahm as m outh.
In his reply, the Buddha cites the example o f
Yona and Kamboja, where there were only
tw o vannas, ayya (master) and ddsa; further, the
A ppendix
(7) M .N ., II,
pp. 311-15.
183
ayya could become a ddsa and the ddsa an ayya.

He argues that all four, khattiyas, brdhmanas,
vessas, and suddas, were all equally capable of
salvation.
Avantiputta, the king o f Madhura approaches
the venerable Kaccana and says that brdhmanas
consider themselves to be the best vanna and
regard all others as lo w . He asks fo r Kaccana's
opinion on this claim. In reply Kaccana states
that anyone, whether khattiya, brdhmana, vessa
o r sudda c o u ld e m p lo y o th e rs i f th e y w e re ric h
enough to do so. All would be equally

punishable regardless o f their vanna. Thus, the
four vannas were all exactly the same.
Similarly, in their potential for salvation they
were exactly the same.
(8) A N ., II,
pp. 480-2.
(9) A N . , IV , p. 270.
(10) Cullavagga,
p. 356.
(if) A N ., n, p. 117.
The Buddha describes his dream about four

birds o f different colours (vanna) which come
and sit at his feet. Likewise, people from the
four vannas come within his fold by joining the
sahgha.
When a man joins the sangha he becomes
vevanniyantt, one without a vanna.
Once the bhikkhu joins the sahgha the four
vannas are likened to the river losing its
identity after joining the sea.
A horse trainer destroys his untrainable horse
lest his teachers family (dcariyakula) loses its
status (avanno ahositi).
II. Jati
(1) Pacittiya, pp. 11,
22.
(2) A N ., 1. p. 14y.
There are high jdtis (ukkatta jdti) and low jdtis

(hina jdti). The high are the khattiya and
brahmana. The low are the canddla, nesdda,
vena ratthakara andpukkusa jdti.
Whatever be a person's birth (eva-meva
manussesu yasmim kasmincha jatiyo), whether a
khattiya, brdhmana, vessa, sudda or a canddla
p u k k u s a , he can rea ch th e fin al g o a l i f d e ta c h e d
(3) S .N .,I , p. 165.
from wordly ties.

The Buddha tells the brdhmana Suddhi, who
claims a special status for the brdhmanas based
184
on birth,, that brahmanas are not brahmanas on

the basis o f their inherent status. Any person
can attain the supreme goal if he exerts
h im s e lf.
(4) Sutta Nipata,

Khuddaka
N ik d y a , I,
p. 314.
(5) Sutta Nipata,

Khuddaka
N ikd ya , I, pp.
3346; See also

S.N., I, p. 167.
(6) D .N ., I. p . 79.
When brahmanas lost their dhamma , the suddas,

vessas and khattiyas disagreed amongst.
themselves; the wife despised the husband; and
the khattiyas and brahmanas who are protected
by their jati, forgot their breed and fell to the
power oflust.
The brdhmana Sundarika Bharadvaja asks the
Buddha which jati he belongs to. The Buddha
answers saying that he is neither a brdhmana,
raja putta or vessa, and that even the fact of
having originated in a mta kula is irrelevant for
a m uni,
T h e y o u n g brdhm ana A m h a tth a a h n se s th e
Sakyas for being rough and disrespectful to the

brahmanas. He refers to the Buddha as of Sakyz
jdti.
(7) D.N., I,
pp 86-7.
(8) P d c ittiya ,
p.
421,
/O'!
979
\/t \t
it
The Buddha discounts the relevance o (jdti and

says that only in the context of marriage are
references made to jdti and gotta.
Upali, the great master of the vinaya , is abused
as a nihtnojacco (of low birth) and mala majjano
(one who shampoos others) by angry nuns,
r j h a t ik a r a , th e kitm b h
is re fe rre d to as itara
jacco (of low birth) by his brdhmana friend,
(10) Sutta Nipata.

Khuddaka
N ikdya , I,
pp. 329-30.
Jotipala.
King Bimbisara, on seeing the Buddha
approaching from a distance, is convinced
from the Buddhas noble bearing that he could
not be oflow birth, and could only be of the
khattiya jdti. In his reply to the king's question,
the Buddha says that he is o f the Sakya jd ti , his
gotta affiliation Adicca, and that he has gone
f o r t h fro m th a t ku ia .
(11) D .N., III, p. 63.
The Buddha asks the bhikkhus Vasettha and

Bharadvaja, both brahmanas, whether they
were reviled bv/ other brahm anas
for havinec/
I
joined the sangha. They reply in the affirmative
and say that brahmanas consider themselves to
be the best vanna.
185
A p pendix
(12) Sutta Nipdta,

Khuddaka
Nikaya, I,
The brdhmana, Bharadvaja cells the Buddha

that brdhmanas consider one who is ajdtiyo
brdhmana to be a real brdhmana.
p . 363.
(13) Pdrajika,
pp. 253-4,
The Buddha gives a ruling that insulting

bhikkhus by jdti was forbidden. The various
jatis mentioned are khattiya, brdhmana, vessa
J ... J J .
AUU, 3MWWU.
(14) A .N ., HI,
pp. 93-4
A grouping attributed to Purana Kassapa, one

of the six tittkiya leaders, which consists o f six
idtis. These are O'! the black iari which includes
mutton butchers, pork butchers, fowlers, etc.
Also included are robbers, violent men,
jailors, and all who follow a bloody trade, (ii)
The bluejdti applies to bhikkhus who live as
though they have a thorn in their side and all
others who profess the theory o f action
[kammavadin and kiriyaradinj. (iii) The red jdti
applies to thejainas and the ascetics with one
cloth, (iv) The yellow jdti consists of the
w h ite - r o b e d a n d th e fo llo w e rs o f n a k e d
(15) A .N ,, II,
pp. 467 ft.
ascetics, ^v) The white jdti consists of Ajivikas

and their followers, (vi) The purest white jdti
consists of AjTvika leaders such as Nanda
Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, andMakkhali Gosala.
In his interpretation of the colours, the Buddha
reduces the categories to two, but uses the
term kula rather than jdti (see below).
The brdhmana Dona accuses the Buddha of not
respecting aged brdhmanas. The Buddha replies
b y s ta tin g th a t th e re a re five ty p e s o f
brdhmanas. The first is a Brahma-like brdhmana

and the fifth the brdhmana canddla. The Brahma
like brdhmana is well born on both his mothers
*
(16) M .N ., II, p. 404
and fathers side, has pure descent as far back as

seven generations. He is a brahmac&riya for 48
years and does not live by agriculture, cattlekeeping, trade, bowmanship and the kings
service. Instead, he lives by mendicancy.
According to Assalayana, the brdhmanas are
Brahmas sons bom from the Brahmas mouth
and heirs to the God Brahma. Therefore they
are the best vafttta.
186
ItT
m.

T/- . 1 _
j\ u ia
(1) A .N ., II,
pp. 8 9 -9 0 .
(2) M.N., III,

p.248.
(3) M.N., HI,
p. 240.
(4) A .N ., III,
pp. 94-5.
The two-fold division of kulas it mentioned:

those born in low kulas in the past are the
lcatidala, nesadat vena, ratthakdra and pukkusd
kulas\ those bom in high kulas in the past are
the khattiya ', brdhmanas and gahapati kulas.
H ig h kulas arc asso c iated w ith w e a lth , b e a u ty ,
(5) Sutta Nipata,
eminence and wisdom.

Conversely the low kulas are associated with
stupidity, poverty, ugliness and deformity.
The Buddha re-interprets the six colour
classification of Pur ana Kassapa. Instead he
uses a two-colour scheme of black and white.
White is associated with the high kulas and
black with the low kulas.
The Buddha tells the brdhmana Sundarika
K huddaka
B lia ia d v a ja th a t fo i a m uni h is o rig in in a lo w
N ik d y a , I,
kula is irrelevant.
p. 336; see also

S.N ..
I n 167.
t
j.
(6) Sutta Nipdta,

Khuddaka
Nikdya , I, p. 330.
(7) D .N ,, III, p. 63.
(8)
M .N .,
II, p. 447.
The Buddha tells Bimbisara that he has gone

forth" from the kula of the Adicca gotta and is
ofSakyajih.
The brdhmanas Vassettha and Bharadvaja are
reviled for having joined the sangha by other
brdhmanas.
Khattiya, brdhmana and rajanna kulas are
contrasted with the canddla nesada,1 vena,
ratthakdra and pukkusd kulas in an implicit
r
(9) M .N ., II, p. 281.
(10) M .N., I, p. 119.
(11)
a .n ' , iii ,
p . 375.
division of high and low.

Ratthapala, the son of a gahapati, is described as a
kula-putta. He has much wealth which he gives
up to join the sahgha,
Kula-puttas are associated with certain sippas
such as agriculture, cattle-keeping, trade,
bowmanship, kings service and with
reckoning on the txnger, accounting and
computing.
The Buddha tells DIghajanu Koliyaputta that
ku la -p u tta s s h o u ld '
,sociatc w ith gahapatis and
gahapati-puttas. and engage in agriculture,
cattle-keeping and trade, or counting,
reckoning and computing.
187
A ppendix
(12) M .N ., III,
p. 430.
(13) Cutlavagga,
p. 255.
(14) Pdrajika, p. 274.
The brdhmana Canid, who wishes to visit the

Buddha, is dissuaded from doing so by other
brdhmanas. He replies that, since the Buddha
has gone forth from a high and eminent kula,
he is worth visiting.
The Buddha asks bhikkhus the principle
according to which allotment of the best
facilities should be made in the sahgha. Some
reply that these should go to bhikkhus who are
from khattiya, brdhmana and gahapati kulas. The
Buddha rejects this argument and says that the
best facilities should be allotted to bhikkhus on
the basis of seniority.
The four kulas are defined as khattiyas,
4
'
suddas.
Whether one is from a brdhmana, khattiya, vessa
or sudda kula, %11have equal potential in the
brdhm anas, vesscts a u d
(15) M .N., 11, p. 445.
(16) M .N., I, pp. 35,

40.
quest for salvation.

Reference is made to Kammdrakula (family of a
metalsmith).
IV. Unmarked Categories

(1) A .N ., III,
p. 339.
(2) S .N ., II, p. 247.
(3) S .N ., I, p. 73.
A gift o f alms will ensure rebirth as a wealthy

khattiya, a wealthy brdhmana, or a wealthy
gahapati.
While travelling bhikkhus are likely to come
across learned khattiyas, learned brdhmanas and
learned gahapatis, and be questioned by them.
Pasenadi complains to the Buddha that he has
seen w ea lth y kh a ttiya s, w ealth y brdhm anas and
(A)
* * A . N.. 11.' D.
1. 219
(5) A .N ., III,
pp. 756.
wealthy gahapatis deliberately lying in order to

fulfil worldly desires.
Oneen
MalliVa t e l l t h e RiiHHha that in the
>
-rajas family there are khattiya, brdhmana and
gahapati maidens over w hom she holds
supremacy.
The Buddha tells the brdhmatia]Hnu$soni, w ho
questions him on the aspirations of various
categories, that the khattiya aspires for power
and territory and has dom inion as his ideal; the
brdhmana wants mantras and sacrifices and has
brahmaloka as his ideal; and the gahapati wants
188
(6) M .N ., I, p. 103;
A . N .. II
p p . 3 0 5 , 491;
S . N . , II, p. 246;
Lw o r k and craft and has the c o m p letio n or the

fru it o f w o rk as his ideal.
A ll referen ces use th e c a te g o rie s o f kh a ttiya ,
brdhm ana. gahapati and samana, in d ic a tin g an
im p lic it d iv isio n o f the w o r ld in to th e so cial
an d th e asocial. W ith in th e social w o rld th e
A I N . , II, p. 199.
kh a ttiya , brdhmana an d gahapati re p re se n t social

c a te g o rie s a n d th e sam ana th e asocial w o rld .
(7) D . N ., 11, p p . 69,
T h e r e are e ig h t assem b lies. F o u r o f th e se are in

th e w o rld ot m e n an d fo u r in w o rld o f th e
g o u s. T h e fu iiiie i in tl'ic w o r l d u f u ieii a rc
assem b lies o f khattiyas, hrdhm anas , gahapatis
86 .
* s
R- N ..j- I.pp. 9 7 -8 .
(9) D . N . , I , p. 204.
(10) P d r d j i k a , p. 192.
an d samanas-.
T h e k i n c r recruit's kum dras fro m th e hrdhm anas.
k h a ttiya s , vessas and suddas, re g a rd le ss o f th e ir
o rig in s.
T h e B u d d h a gives th e e x a m p le o f a m a n w h o
say s, H o w I lo n g for, h o w I lo v e th e m o s t
b e a u tifu l w o m a n in th is la n d , w ith o u t
k n o w in g a n y o th e r d etails a b o u t th e w o m a n .
T h e details in c lu d e in fo rm a tio n a b o u t w h e th
th e b e a u tifu l w o m a n is a kh a ttiya , a brdhmana a
vcssa o r a sudda.
W om en are o f four kinds: k h a ttiy a n i,
brahmani, vessi o r suddi.
V. K am m a (work)
(1) P d c ittiy a , p. 11.
(2) A . N . , III,
p p . 375, 378.
T h e r e are tw o k in d s o f w o rk : h ig h a n d lo w
w o rk H ig h w o rk is d e sc rib e d as a g ric u ltu re ,
c a ttle -k e e p in g , o r tra d e . L o w w o rk is th a t o f a
s to r e ro o m k e e p e r, a n d o f a flo w e r sw e e p e r.
F u rth e r, h ig h w o rk is asso c iated w ith w h a t is
n o t d isd a in e d an d n o t d e sp ise d in th e area, a n d
lo w w o rk is th e o p p o site .
W o rth w h ile o c c u p a tio n s o r liv e lih o o d s fit fo r
kula-puttas to p u rsu e are: a g ric u ltu re , c a ttle k e e p in g , tra d e , b o w m a n s h ip , k in g s serv ice,
c o u n tin g , a c c o u n tin g a n d c o m p u tin g ,
rk
K h u d d a ka
!
vr*
*
v*^ * v n t i\
*
*
*
*
N ik d y a , II,
w a s o f lo w o rig in an d h a d p e rfo rm e d th e lo w
w o rk o f th e flo w e r sw e e p e r b e fo re b e c o m in g a
p . 330.
b h ik k h u .
189
A ppendix
VI. Sippa
(1) Pacittiya, p. 11,
There are two kinds o f sippas (occupation o f

crafts): High and low. The high consists of
counting, accounting, and writing. Low crafts
are described as basket-making, leather
worker, barber, and that o f the weaver.
(2) D . N ., I, p. 52;
Ajatasattu m en tio n s a variety o f craftsm en.
D.JT, I, p. 68.
Their pursuit o f these crafts leads to visible

results. The various craftsmen are: mahouts,
horsemen, charioteers, archers, standard
bearers, camp marshalls, camp followers, high
military officers o f royal birth, military scouts,
men brave as elephants, champions, warriors
in buckskins, homeborn slaves, cooks,
barbers, bath attendants, confectioners,
garland makers, washermen, weavers, basket
m a k e rs, p o tte rs , a rith m e tic ia n s, a c c o u n ta n ts .
(3) Pacittiya, pp. 14,

18, 24.
(4) P d rd jik a , p. 365.
(5) S .N ., IV*
p. 145.
(6) M .N., II,
pp. 478-9.
(7) Pdrdjika, p. 51.
(8) Mahdvagga,
p. 262.
(9) D . N . , 1, p. 191.
(10) M .N .,
pp. 272-3.
Pesakdra (weaver).
Tantavava fweave rh
An Antevdsi (acrobat) calls his activity a craft.
j,
>
Basket makers are described as being in their

own settlement.
Mentions Dhaniya the bhikkhu who had been a
potter in the past and who made himself a
beautiful house o f clay.
A bhikkhu who had been a barber in the past.
B hesika, a barber, w h o is a sym p ath iser o f the
Buddhas teachings..
Ghatikara is a potter and o flo w birth.
VII. Artisans or O ther Service Groups

(1) M .N ., 1, p. 41.
(2) D . N ., II, p. 98.
(3) Pacittiya, p. 221.
Samiti, son o f a chariotmaker

Cunda, son o f a metalsmith,
Dantakara (ivory worker),
(4) P d r d j i k a ,
K o s i y a kdra
pp. 321-2.
(5) M .N ,, I, p. 159.
Palaganda (carpenter). He has an assistant.
(silk w eaver).
190
VTTT
Pm
(with
no other_ term
of
,
_ . n. a. m. i c Clatponrips
., _
x
_
descriptions)
(1) Mahdvagga,
p. 255.
(2) Mahavagga,
p. 255.
(3) D .N ., III,
^
r- 1 /1 - 7
(4) A .N ., IV,
p. 130.
(5) A .N ., I, p. 134.
(6) A IN ., I,
pp. 167-8.
Mendakaâfidpdrt employs a large number of

ddsa-kammakaras , and porisas whom the family
feeds and pays wages to.
Niendaka. gahapati has a slave who possesses
the psychic powers of Mendakas family.
When the ddsa ploughs, seven furrows are
made with one ploughshare.
The young gahapati Sigala is asked to treat his
/viirmi'Y
i*t4 rvwiiiiiivt(Mr
l*st tr**u*
V/i r 1-t
ii m
ilu
i*. i^ 4 iv i J Ui?
;
w
w ork according to their capacity and a certain
amount o f leisure. In return the ddsakammakaras will be obedient to their masters.
ddsas and upavdsas (underlings) should not be, envious o f their master s wealth.
Normal food for the ddsa-kammakaras is sour
gruel and broken rice.
Kaji the ddsi of her mistress (a gahapatnt) tries
an experiment and reveals the true temper of
_.
______ .
her m istr e ss.
(7) Pacittiya, p. 241,
Slaves and workmen (ddsa-kammakaras) o f the

Sakyans attack their masters womenfolk as an
a r t o f re v e n g e .
(9) D .N ., 1,
pp. 52-3.
A setthi-gahapati regrets his gift of alms to

samana-brahmanas
*
. He thinks that he should
have given the alms to his ddsa-kammakaras
instead.
The dasa will get respect, even from the king,
if he has renounced the world and becomes a
(10) Cullavagga,
p. 249.
bhikkhu.
The setthi of Rajagaha exhorts his ddsakammakaras to prepare a meal for the Buddha.
(8) S . N . , I, p . 9 1 .
A P P E N D IX B
List o f Categories appearing in Early Brahmi
Inscriptions*
S.
No
1.
In sP ag e
c rip - N o .
tio n
num ber
L ocation
C a te g o ry
O th e r details
A dd itio n al
references fo r
orig in al in sc rip tio n s
181
Sanchi
kam ika
(labourer)
G ift o f the lab o u rer,

A ttha.
A tthas kam ikas
28
danang (Jas B u rg ess,

Epigraphica Indica, 11,
v . 98).
2.
201
29
Sanchi
gahapati
gunapau
4.
206
30
Sanchi
setthin
209
30
Sanchi
lekhaka
(clerk)
6.
246
33
Sanchi
setthin
7.
248
33
Sanchi
setthin
8.
255
34
Sanchi
Setthin
9.
10.
269
271
35
35
Sanchi
Sanchi
vanija
11.
283
36
Sanchi
setthin
12.
320
39
Sanchi
vanija
rdjalipikara
(royal scribe)
G ift o f V esasam andata,

d a u g h te r-in -law o f
P a tith iy a gahapati
G ift o f th e gahapaii
P atithiya fro m
T u m b av an a.
G ift o f N ag a, th e w ife o f
th e K am dadigam iya
setthin.
G ift o f the lekhaka
M ulagiri.
G ift o f K aniyasi, m o th e r
o f setthin.
G ift o f a setthin, an
setthino patjkam
e x ec u to r o f repairs.
kankana danang
(Epigraphica Indica,
II, p, 100).
G ift o f K ujara, b ro th e r
o f a setthin.
G ift o f vdnija S irigupta
G ift o f the rdjalipikara
Subahita,
G ift o f th e samanera the
A beyaka setthin.
G ift o f th e vdnija
Saghadeva.
* S o u rce: H . L u d d ers B erlin, A L ist o f Brahm i Inscriptions . A ll references are to th e

in sc rip tio n n u m b e r and p a g e n u m b e r listed therein. It sh o u ld be n o te d th at th e in scrip tio n s
use th e te rm setthi less rig o ro u sly th an th e B u d d h ist texts.
192
13.
14.
Social*Dimensions o f Early Buddhism

331
345
40
42
Sanchi
sotika
(w eaver)
G ift o f th e sotika
D am ak a.
Sanchi
damtakaras
T h e inscription records
that the carving
(r u p a k a m m a ) w a s d on e
b y the damtakaras o f
V edisa.
15.
346
42
Sanchi
dvesanin
G ift o f A nanda the

forem an (dvesanin) o f
raj an Siri Satakani.
16.
348
42
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f the K urariya

setthin at A cch avad a.
17.
355
43
Sanchi
vdnija
G ift o f the vdnija Isiguta

fro m A svavati.
18.
363
43
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f the setthin Siha,

llic inhabitant o f
K uraghara.
19.
379
44
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f th e setthin
N a gad in a, the
inhabitant o f
R ohanlpada.
20.
416
47
Sanchi
rajuka
G ift o f the su rv ey o r
(r
Tuvar-a
v /tiu k A \ I---------
21.
422
47
Sanchi
setthin
-*
In scrip tion m e n tio n s a

setthin fro m
22 .
423
47
Sanchi
setthin
K am d ad igam a.
G ift o f D ev a b h a g a , w ife
o f th e K a m d a d ig a m iy a
setthin.
.2 3 .
449
48
S anchi
setthin
G ift o f the gahapati

P atith iya from
T uriibavana.
24.
450
49
Sanchi
gahapati
G ift o f D hana, w ife o f

i___
*
UlULltVil
H it
Tumbavana
gahapati fro m
bhdtu [jd j yaya dh [d]
T u m b avan a.
ya ddnang
yut-wt tfutu
.....................i.-.. * _
....................
(Epigraphica Indica
II, p. 3 8 4 ).
25.
76
470
495
50
52
Sanchi
Sanchi
setthin
uiidfi bin
N a g ila .
G ift o f the carn(nrcr
x -----(vadakin) M an oram a.
27
576
36
Sancni
setthin
B uddhapalita, the
inhabitant o f
P andukulika.
28.
581
57
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f N a g a p iy a setthin
o f A ch ch avada.
193
Appendix
29.
725
70
Bharaut
g a h a p a ti
30.
728
70
Bharaut
asavarika
31.
788
Bharaut
brdhmana
(mdnavaka)
32.
857
86
Bharaut
rupakdraka
G ift o f the gahapati

Budhi from
Bibikanadikata,
Gift o f the asavarika
(trooper) Suladha from
Bibikanadikata.
Inscription mentions the
young brdhmana
(mdnavaka)
Biahmadeva.
Gift o f the sculptor
(rupakdraka)
Bitha
gahapatika
102
Kanheri
suvanakdkdra
987
102
Kanheri
vanijaka
36.
993
103
Kanheri
heranika
(treasurer)
37.
1001
105
Kanheri
negama
gahapati
33.
900
91
34.
986
35.
Buddharakhita.
Gift o f som e gahapatika,
son o f Enaja,
Gift o f die goldsmith
(suvamkd kdra) Samidata
o f Kalyana.
Gift o f the vanijaka
(trader) brothers,
Gajasena and Gajamita,
Gift o f Sivapalitanika,
(wife o f the heranika
Dhamnaka).
Establishment o f a cave putasa negamassa
gahapatisa (Jzs
{iena) by the negama
gahapati.
Burgess,
Archaeological Survc
o f Western India, IV,
.
r'
38,
1005
105
Kanheri
manikdra
39.
1032 108
Kanheri
kammdra
40.
1035 109
Mahakal
brdhmana
Gift o f the jeweller

(manikdra) Nagapalita,
the inhabitant of
Soparaka.
Gift o f the kammdra
Nada from Kalyana.
Gift o f a brdhmana o f the
Gotamaêfnj.
41.
1050 111
Kuda
brdhmana
Gift o f the bammani

(ibrdhmana woman)
B h a iy ila , w if e o f th e
*
42.
1051
111
Kuda
mdldkara
43
1053 111
KuHa
rd ia t t i/t rrh t i
batnmhana updsaka
Ayitilu.
Gift o f the mdldkara
(gardener) Sivapirita,
son o f the mdldkara
Vadhuka.
G ift o f G n v a m m j
th e
R\
194

daughter o f the royal
m inister (rdjamaccha)
Hala.
Idhavdniyiya Gift o f the ironm onger
V",w '" V V '/'/ MnViilr4
the inhabitant o f
Karahadaka.
setthiGift o f the gahapati, the
gahapati
setthi, Vasula.
44.
1052
112
Kuda
45.
1056
112
Kuda
46.
1061
112
Kuda
maldkara
47.
1062
113
Kuda
satthavdhagahapati
48.
49.
1063 113
1064
1066 113
50.
1073 114
51.
1075
114
Kuda
setthin
Kuda
satthavaha
M ahad
setthigahapati
Kol
gahapatiputasa setthi
52.
1084
115
Bhaja
halika
53.
1087
116
Karle
setthin
54.
1092
117
Karle
vadhaki
T he gift o f the gardener

(matakara) Muguda [sa],
Gift o f the satthavdha
gahapati Naga, the son
o f Svamin.
Gift o f the setth in

Vasulanaka.
Gift o f the son o f a
satthavdha ~
Gift o f a cave by
Vadasiri fthb wife of]
. . . the son o f the /
gahapati-settki
Sam ghatakhita, and the
endow m ent o f certain
fields situated below the
cave.
Gift o f Samgharakhita,
the son o f i gahapati, a
setthi .
Gift o f Badha, wife o f

hdlika,
Establishm ent o f a cavedwelling, the m ost
excellent one in
Jam budipa by the setthin
Bhutapila.
M aking o f the door o f
the cave by the vadhaki
(carpenter) Sami.
gahapatino vasulasa
setthim
(Archaeological
Survey o f Western
India, IV, p. 87).
gaha [pu] tino

sathavdhasa ttagam
lena deyadhamma
(Archaeological
Survey o f Western
India, IV, p. 88).
gahapatisa setthisa
Samgharakhita
sapulasa v i , , .
(Archaeological
Survey o f Western
India, IV, p. 88);
gahapatiputasa setthi
S a m g harakitasa deyti
dhammam
(Archaeological
Survey "of Western
India , IV, p. 88).
A ppendix
55. 1121 112
Sailarwadi
kdlikayaI
kndubika,
gahapati
56.
1127
124
125
N asik
nyegama
gahapati
195
Gift o f a r a v e by
Siagutanika, wife o f the
hdlikaya (ploughman)
and kudubika
(householder)
Usabhanaka, together
w ith her son the gahapati
N am da.
Gift o f a four-celled lena gahapatisa nyegamasa
lena (Archaeological
(cave) by the nyegama
Survey o f Western
gahapati Vira,
India, IV , p . 1 1 6 ).
57.
1131
125
126
Nasik
ksatfiya,
brdhmana
58
1138
127
128
Nasik
lekhaka
59.
1153
131
Junnar
gahapati
60.
1157
131
Junnar
gahapati
61.
1170
133
Junnar
gahapati
62.
1171
134
Ju n n ar
gahapati
63.
1177
135
Junnar
suvattakdra
64.
1187
137
Pitalkhora
gadhika
(perfumer)
Utamabhadrakdndm
D edication o f a cave by
Ushavadata and his
eha ksatriyd nam . . .
achievement in releasing brdhmanasa hathe
kinita mulena
U tam abhadra w ho had
(Archaeological
been beseiged by the
Survey o f Western
Malayas and his defeat
India , IV, o. 99fii
o f the U tam abhadraka
Ksatriyas (warriors), and
his donation o f a field
bought at the hands o f
the b r d t t n u t r i a AsvibhuU.
Gift o f a lena (cave) by
Ramanaka, son o f the
lekhaka Sivamita.
gahapati pamugasa
Gift o f a caitya by the
(Archaeological
pious hamlet
Survey o f Western
(idhammanigama)
rdiV. t v ^
VJrasenaka, headed by
f.
the gahapatis,
Gift o f a five-celled cave
(pachagabha) by tw o
b ro th e rs. , , the sons o f
a gahapati.
Gift o f the gahapati
Sivadasa, son o f the
gahapati Sayiti.
D onation by various
people and Nadanaka,
the grandson o f some
gahapati.
Gift o f a cistern by the
suvattakdra Saghaka.
Gift o f a pillar by the
family o f the gadhika
Mitadeva from
Patithana.
196
65.
1198
138
A ja u u
vuniju
66.
1206
141
Am aravati
gahapati
67.
1209
141
Am aravati
gahapati
68.
1213
142
Am aravati
vattija
69.
1214
142
Amaravati
vdniya
70.
1216
142
Am aravati
gahapati
71.
1220
143
Am aravati
gahapati
72.
1221
143
Am aravati
gahapati
73.
1222
143
Am aravati
gahapati
74.
1229
144
Am aravati
vdniya
75.
1230
144
Am aravati
gadhika
vdniya
76.
1239
146
Am aravati
vdniya,
heranika
GiA u f a shrine by llic

vdnija Ghanamadada.
Gift o f an updsikd, the
daughter o f a gahapati,
Gift ofSivaka, the son
o f th e gahapati Pusila.
G iftofM ulasiri, the son
o f the van ija
Bodhisam m a, along
w ith his m other.
Gift o f Budhi, son o f the
vaniya Kanha.
Gift o f a caitya by the
gahapati Hagha.
Gift o f the son o f the
gahapati Kanhati.
Gift o f a coping stone by
Ajuna the grandson o f
the gahapati MaritL
Gift o f the grandson o f
the gahapati Papin.
Gift o f a caitya pillar by
the vdniya Kuta.
Gift to the sahgha by the
gadhika (perfumer)
vaniya Siridata. the son
o f the vdniya D ham m ila,
Gift o f the wife o f an
updsaka the vdniya
N a g a tis a , t o g e t h e r w i t h
77.
1244
147
Am aravati
gahapati
78.
1253
148
Am aravati
gahapati
79.
1254
148
149
Am aravati
gahapati
80.
1255
149
Am aravati
gahapati
81.
1260
149
Am aravati
gahapati
her sons the heranika

(treasurer) Buddhi.
Erection o f a pillar for
lamps by the wife o f a
gahapati Sidhatha.
Gift o f the updsika
K sin i, dsughtsr o f the
gahapati Ida.
Gift o f M akhabudhi, the
son o f the gahapati
B udhi.
Fragment which
mentions a gahapati and
the son o f a. gahapati.
Gift by the grandsons o f
Kamma,, daughter o f
Bhagi, wife o f the
gahapati Rahula.
197
Appendix
82,
1Z73
151
152
Amaravati
83,
1277
152
Amaravati
cammakdra
gahapati
Gift of a slab with a

filled vase Ipunagha*
dakapata) by the
cammakdra Vidhika, son
o f the upajkdya (teacher)
Naga.
Gift by Himala, son o f a
gahapati.
84.
1285
153
Amaravati
85.
1333
158
159
Bhattiprolu
vaniya
gamani
Records the erection o f a

coping stone by the
t/aniymi Sidhi.
Inscription mentions a
treasurer (hiratikara)
Buba, the son o f the
gamani.
hiranakdra gamani
puto Bubo
(Epigraphica Indica,
H, p. 328).
APPENDIX C
The Social Background of the

Bhikkhus and Upasakas
S.
No.
1.
2.
Name
Social
background
bhikkhu or
updsaka
Other details
Reference
Akkosaka brdhmana
Bharadvaja
bhikkhu
S . N . t I.
Aggika
brdhmana
Bharadvaja
updsaka
He was incensed that his

brothers had joined the
sangha. He came to insult
the Buddha but was
converted.
The Buddha went to
Aggikas house on his
alms round and was
pp. 161-3.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikaya,
1, pp. 287-90.
insulted by A ggika w h o
3.
Angulimala
brdhmana
bhikkhu
called him a vasala (an

out-caste). Later he was
won over and became an
updsaka.
Angulimala was a
terrible criminal who
harassed the kingdom of
Af.N., II,
pp. 344-51.
Kosala. lie was subdued
4.
5.
Ajita
Arrnata
Kondanna
bmktttatta
Became an
arahant but
there is no
specific
mention of his
joining the
sangha.
brdhmana bhikkhu
Asurind- brdhmana
aka
Bharadvaja
Assalaya- brdhmana
na
bhikkhu
updsaka
and converted by the

Buddha.
A disciple of Bavari,
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikaya,
L p. 424;
D.P.P.N., I,
p 36.
Very distinguished
brdhmana who left home
with the Buddha.
He was the third of the
Bharadvaja brothers.
A . N ., I> p. 33.
He was a young
brdhmana who asked the
JVf.N,, U,
pp. 403-13.
S.N., I. p. 163
A ppendix
199
Buddha about the

superiority o f the
brdhmanas.
8.
bhikkhu
O ne o f the Bharadvaja
brothers w ho was
initially antagonistic to
the Buddha.
S.N., I, p. 164.
Amagan- brahmana
dha
bhikkhu
He believed in the
defilement o f certain
foods betore he joined
the sahgha.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikdya.
I, pp. 304-6.
A ram ad-
updsaka
Enquires from Maha
A .N . h pp. 624.
Ahimsaka brahmana
B haradv-
aja
9.
10.
brdhmana
anda
K -accana w h y k h a ttiy a s
quarrel w ith khattiyas,

brdhmanas quarrel with
brdhmanas, and gahapatis
q u a r r e l w i t h gahapatis.
He wishes to know if
people can rise above
their bondage to sensual
lust?
11. Uggatas- brdhmana

arira
updsaka
12.
Ujjaya
brdhmana
updsaka
13.
U nnabha
brahmana
updsaka
14.
U ttara
brdhmana
updsaka
Pupil o f the brdhmana

Brahm ayu at Mithila,
but an admirer o f the
Buddha. He is sent to see
the Buddha and gives a
favourable report about
the Buddha when he
returns.
M .N ., II,
pp. 383 f t
15, Udaya
brahmana
becomes an
arahant. (there
He was a pupil o f Bavari

and along with some
ISnn
nrher p u p ils h f v isited
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikdya,
I, pp_ 4358.
information
of his having
joined the
the Buddha. All the

pupils questioned the
Buddha and are
described as realizing the
truth.
sangha)
16. U daya
brdhmana
updsaka
Wishes to perform a
great sacrifice. Becomes
an updsaka.
Asks the Buddha his
opinion on the efficacy o f
sacrifice.
A . N ., HI,
pp. 184-8.
A . N ., II, p . 44.
S .N ., IV, p. 188;
p. 233.
H e and his family all

became lay followers
-VUW TV
repeated visits to seek

alms. Udaya was hostile
to the Buddha initially.
S.N ., 1, p. 174.
200
17.
D e v a h i-
brdhm ana
18.
ta
U pavana brdhmana
19.
U ru v ela
Rassapa
20.
22.
N adi
Rassapa
Gaya
Rassapa
Esukari
23.
U pasena brdhmana
24.
KasI
B h arad -
21.
brdhmana
updsaka
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
brdhmana
updsaka
bhikkhu
updsaka
K an d ra-
H e was an upathaka
(attendant) o f the
Buddha.
H e was already a
paribbdjaka since he was
a very fam ous jati la. His
acceptance o f the
teachings is given
considerable im portance
in the text.
B rother o f U ruvela
Kassapa.
A nother brother o f
U ruvela Rassapa.
H e tells the Buddha that
brahmanas lay d ow n
four types n f service fnr
the various vattrns. A fter
listening to the
B uddhas teachings he
becom es an updsaka.
B rother o f Sariputta. He
is listed as chief am ong
those w h o was
charm ing.
H e was a very w ealthy
brdkmana o f
nvi I
%
fc
I-la
iv
S .N ., I, p. 175;
D .P .P .N 1
p. 399.
Mahavagga,
pp. 29-33 .
operated 500 ploughs on

his lands. W hen the
B uddha asked for alms
KasT Bharadvaja told
him that the Buddha
should plough, sow ,
and then eat. Later he
accepted the B uddhas
teachings.
pp. 280-3;
S . N . , 1,
pp. 171-3.
itAi A
25.
S . N . , I, p . 1 7 5 .
brdhmana
updsaka
^yjina
26.
K u n d adhana
fcrJ/iwtJHti
bhikkhu
jo in e d the sahgha w hen

he was very old.
thent
27.
K u tad anta
brdhmana
updsaka
V ery w ealthy and well

know n brdhmana w ho
lived on brahmadeya
land.
Mahavagga,
p. 33.
Mahavagga,
p. 34,
M . N . , II, p. 447.
A .N ., 1, p. 24.
Sutta Nipata,
Khuddaka
T
1 fVH
S
ij.
pp. up to 363
A . N . , I,
pp. 64-5 .
A . N . , I, p. 24;
D. P. P. N. , I,
p. 625
pp. 109-26,
201
A ppendix
28.
ttem v a
brdhmana
29.
K aranapali
brdhmana
30.
M aha
C unda
brdhmana
31.
Jan u sso -
brdhmana
supporter
expresses
h om age by
kneeling
bhikkhu
updsaka
Keniy'a was a iatila w ho

invited the B uddha for a
meal.
H e was em ployed as a
Makdvasga, m>.
259-60; B .O .D .,
IV, p. 336,
A .N ., II,
s u p e rin te n d e n t o f w o rk s
p p . 4 7 7 -9 .
by the Lichchhavis.
H e was a brother o f
Sariputta and one o f the
chief elders o f the sahgha,
Very wealthy and
prestigious brdhmana
A .N ,, III, p. 68;
D .P .P .N .,1 ,
p. 878.
S .N ., II, p. 64.
A.N.-, I, p. 153.
w h o r o d e a r o u n d in a
luxurious chariot w ith

w hite trim m ings. H e
lived from tim e to tim e
ar icchanangaia but was
a perm anent resident o f
Savatthi, In the
Anguttara N ikaya he tells
the Buddha that gifts o f
barley and m ilk should
be given to tevijja
L i+s i t v
32.
Ganaka
M o g g aLlana
A jita
brdhmana
T issa
M etteya
brdhmana 3 became
arahaflts
35.
T odcyya
brd h m a n a
36,
T ikanna
brdhmana
updsaka
37.
D ona
brdhmana
becam e an
anagdmin (ac
c o rd in g to the
co m m entary
33.
34
brdhmana
updsaka
w ho knew the Vedas).

H e was a teacher o f
Savatthi.
Af.N., in,
pp. 6 1 -7 .
Sutta N ipata,
K huddaka
N ikaya,
I, p. 438.
T hey w ere students o f

Bavari
Speaks in praise o f tevijja
brahtnanas initially.
A very prestigious
brdhmana w ho
distributed the Buddhas
relics.
A . N . , I,
pp. 150-3.
D .N ,, U, p. 128,
h e w o u ld be
38.
D h an aftjani
Tandul*
apala
dvara
brdhmana
reb o rn only
once m ore).
Reached (the
highest)
heaven
H e was taught union

w ith Brahm a,
M .N ., II,
pp. 44961.
202
39,
D nananjanl
(Female
40
D hananjanis
husband
brahmana
[F])
brdhmana
M .N ., II, p. 493;
S.N ., 1, p, 160.
upasika
bhikkhu
A brdhmana o f the
Bharadvaja gotta w ho
was initially indifferent
tO
41.
D hotaka brdhmana
became an
arahant
42.
N agita
thera
brahmana
bhikkhu
43.
P m g iy a -*
brahm ana
updsaka
44.
Pilinda
Vaccha
45. Pindota
Rharadvaja
46. Punna
**
M antanIputta
47.
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
*
bhikkhu
B ahudhiti
brdhmana
48.
B avari
brdhmana
Became an
arahant. (N o
reference to
him joining
th e sangha.)
49.
B ilangaka
B haradvaja
brdhmana
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
S.N ., I, p. 160.
XJa Mg
influenced by his wife.

He was called
Bharadvaja thera.
Disciple o f Bavari
H e was fat so he made

his nephew Sihat w ho
w as a novice, w o rk for
him .
I Ie presented the 500
garm ents given to him
by the Lichchhavis to
the Buddha.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka
Nikdya, I, p. 438.
A .N ., II, p. 297,
d . p .p . n ., n,
p. 47.
A .N ., II,
pp. 477-80.
A .N ., I, p. 24.
He had special iddht
n4 ftw m .
He was one o f the great
disciples and was a
nephew o f Anna
Kondanna. He w ent
aw ay to propagate
Buddhism in a district
inhabited by fierce
people.
H e was a very poor
brdhm ana w ith seven
daughters.
H e was a very fam ous
sage w ho had m any
disciples. All became
followers o f the
Buddha.
A .N ., I, p. 23;
C lullavaaoa,
pp. 199-200.
A .N ., I, p. 24;
A .S., HI, 89; IV,
3 4 6 .
S.N.,1,
pp.
1 6 9 -7 1 .
Sutta Nipdtaf
Khuddaka
N ikdya , I,
pp. 419-24;
D .P .P .N ., II
p. 279.
S .N ., I, p. 164.
203
Appendix
50. B rah m adeva
thera
51. B rah m adevas
m other
52. B rahm ayu
Son o f a brdhmam
brdhmana
S .N ., 1,
updsikd
brdhmana
S.N ., I,
pp. 141-2.
pp
brahmana
updsaka
53, M ahabrdhmana
Kaccayana
bhikkhu
54, M aha
brdhmana
bhikkhu
55, B haradvaja
thera
brdhmana
bhikkhu
56. Maha-
brdhmana
updsaka
57. M anatthadha
brahmana
upasaka
58, M ogharaja th em
brahmana
M ogga
llana
He is described as the
forem ost brdhmana o f
Mithila.
He is described as
foremost among those
w ho could expound in
full sayings which were'
brief.
Moggallana was already
a p a rib b d ja k a w hen he
becam e the B uddhas
disciple. Later he rose to
great prominence
w ithin the sahgha.
He was a young pupil o f
the brdhmam Tarukkha,
Along w ith his friend
Vasettha he joined the
sangha.
A wealthy brdhmana
ililu
Becomes
arahant
59. Yam elu
brdhmana
60. Tekula
brdhmana
bhikkhu
61. Yasa
Kakanda
brdhmana
bhikkhu
62. Radha
thera
brdhmana
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
A proud brahmana w ho
respects no one. Later he
falls at the B uddhas feet
and kisses them .
A disciple o f Bavari
1412.
M .N .t II,
pp. 382-95.
A .N ., I, p. 24;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 468-9.
Mahavagga,
pp. 38-41;
A .N ., I, p. 23.
D .N ., I,
pp. 198-212.
S .N .,t I,
pp. 175-7.
S . N ., I,
pp. 177-8.
SuCfo Nipata,
Khuddaka
These hrdhmanas who
had become bhikkhus
w ere the object o f
Buddhas statement that
bhikkhus should not
preach in Sanskrit.
Played a prom inent role
in the second council
held at Vesali.
N ikdya , I, p. 438.
Cullavagga,
pp. 228-9.
Cullavagga,
pp. 416 ff.
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. UO/
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 730-1.
204
/^
u ji

.
rvcvd w
-I
u ia a m u rtu
I. J. ' J. 1 I. .
v n iK K n u
Y y u iIg C i
of
Sariputta.
64. Lohicca
brdhmana
65, Vanglsa
brdhmana
bhikkhu
66. V asettha brahtnana
bhikkhu
updsaka
67. A n o th er brdhmana
V asettha
updsaka
- n . i v . ,
V etthadipika
brdhmana
updsaka
69. Veracchani
brahman i
IF]
brdhmana
updsikd
p .
j .- r ,
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 753.
D .N .,1,
pp. 191-8.
A brdhmana o f Salavatika
w h o ow ned brahmadeya
land.
A . N . , I, p. 24-,
T old peoples future by
n p p .v , n,
tatinini?
II. V skulls till he m et
the Buddha.
p. 802.
Along w ith Bharadvaja
D .N ,, I,
he was a student o f
pp. 198-212.
T iru k k h a . They w ent
to see the B uddha to ask
him about w h o was a real
brdhmana.
a n ., in,
pp. 149, 199;
D .P .P .N ., II,
.
68.
i,
A brdhmana w ho asked
for a share o f the
B uddhas relics.
T he brdhmam sought the
teachings o f the Buddha
while seated on a high
seat. She was told to sit
on a low seat before the
dhamma w as taught to
her. She is described as a
QO
VU 4
-*
D .N ., II, p. 127.
S .N ., III,
pp. 111-4.
te a c h e r h e rs e lf.
70, Sakula
then [F]
72. S ariputta
brdkwiana b h ikk h m i
brdhmana
bhikkhu
72. Sundari- brdhmana

ka
B haradvaja
bhikkhu
He was an inhabitant o f
N alakagam a w ho was
already a paribbajaka
hefore he joined the
sangha. H e was one o f
the m ost im portant
disciples o f the Buddha.
Sundarika Bh5radvaja
asked the Buddha w hat
his jd ti was. T he Buddha
replied that even the fact
o f having originated in a
niea kula was irrelevant
in the case o f a muni.
A .N .,1 , p. 26;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 957,
A N ., I, p. 25;
Mahduagga,
p. 38.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka
N ikaya, I,
pp. 334-9.
205
A p pendix
73. S o n a d i-
b ra h m a n a
u p d sa k a
nda
74. S obhita
thera
brahman#
75. Subha
brahmana
updsdfea
76. V assakara
brahmana
feeds
the
B uddha
updsaka
77. P o k k h a- brahmana
rasadi
A very w ealthy a n d
w h o accepted the
B uddha's teaching
although he did n o t do
so publicly on the
gro u n d that his
follow ers w ould find
fault w ith him .
bhikkhu
Resident o f T u d i near
Savatthi.
C h ief M inister o f K ing
Bim bisara and King
Ajatasattu.
A very rich and
w hose conversion has
great dem onstration
effect. His fam ily atso
D M , I, p p . 9 7 -
108.
A N ., 1, p. 25;
Z X P.P.N ., II,
p. 1 3 0 4 .
D .N ., I,
pp. 169-82.
D .N ., H, p. 71.
D .N ., I, p. 65.
b c L a u it f o ll o w e r s .
7B. Pingala
A* N 1, p. 255.
brdhmana
updsaka
79. San garava
brdhmana
updsaka
Resident o f Savatthi,
described as a brdhmana
w ho kept purifying
himself.
S .N ., I, p. 183.
80. A n o th e r
b rd h m a n a
upa<ttta
R e s id e n t o f
M . N . . 11, p . 4 3 2 .
updsaka
Candalakappa. Declared
the Buddha as his teacher.
He was the object o f a
long discourse oil w ho
is a really spiritual person.
A N ., III, p. 293.
Koccha
Sangarava
81. V erahja brdhmana
hraHmam
82. Jata
B h a rad '
vaja
83. S u d d h ika
t i l -
brdhmana
bhikkhu
5 . A M . P - 165.
brdhmana
bhikkhu
S .N ., I, p . 165.
JJU ia id L L -
vaja
84. EVlaha
K am m ika
B haradvaja
brdhmana
updsaka
S .N .,1 , p. 179.
Social Dimensions
206
85. Paccanlka
86. M atuposaka
87. Lokayatika
88. A
brdhmana
89. A nother
brdhmana
90. A
brahmana
updsaka
S N , I, p . 1 7 9 .
brahmana
updsaka
S . N . , I, p . 181.
brdhmana
updsaka
S . N . , II,
pp. 65-6.
brdhmana
updsaka
S . N . , II,
pp. 64-5.
brdhmana
brdhmana
updsaka
S . N . , II,
updsaka
pp. 155-6.
A . N ., I,
brahmana
Paribbajaka
91. Maha
Kassapa
p p . 1 4 5 -6 .
brdhmana
bhikkhu
Very eminent bhikkhu o f

the sangha w ho played a
very im portant role at
the first Council of
Rajagaha.
After he became a
bhikkhu he went about
m aking a nuisance o f
h i m s e lf w ith th e lay
followers.
Resident o f Savatthi, He
asks the Buddha
whether the doer and
the experiencer are the
same.
92. C ham m ika brahmana bhikkhu
93.
A nother brahmana
brdhmana
updsaka
A . N . , I, p. 23;
D . P . P . N . , II,
pp. 476-83.
A . N . , III, p .
78.
A .N .,1 , p. 145.
G R O U P R EFEREN CES*
9498,
brdhmana
T hey w ere old, decrepit,

bu t w ealthy brahmanas
Sutra Nipata,
Khuddaka
brahman,
w h o c a m e t o a s k th e
Nikdya^ I,
as o f
Kosala
Buddha w hat his

opinion o f the brdhmana
dhamma was.
pp. 311-14,
A group
of
updsaka
*For purposes o f the statistical analysis we have treated each group reference as consisting
o f fiv e n i c m c b c i s . T h i s h a s b e e n d o n e o n th e b a s is o f a ic a s o n a b lc m e a n b e tw e e n t w o
references in the Pali literature. The Vinaya refers to a gatna as consisting ot one feuii tw o kutis.
three kutis or four kutis (Parajika, p. 56), and a reference to a small gdma consisting o f 30
families in the Jdtakas (Jataka I, ed. by V. Fausboll, p. 199).
207
Appendix
99
103.
104108.
A g ro u p
brdhm ana
of
brdhmdnagahapatis o f
V enagapura
Brahtnbrdhmana
anagahapatis
o f Sala
109
updsaka
Their leader was

Vaccha gotta and they all
became lay followers.
M .N ., I, p. 355.
updsaka
MW I
U v g I* t f t s i f t s i
113.
114-
118.
119123,
nagahapatis o f
Veranja
tirahmanagakapatis o f
j" V eludvara
drdhmanagahap-
A .N .. I, pp. 16779.
-------
- -
- r
pp. 3563.
brahmana
upasaka
5 .N ., IV,
pp. 300-3.
brdhmana
updsaka
S.AT.,1, pp. 1834.
atis o f
K hom adussa
1.
2.
Ajita
Ajatasa
ttu
3- Avantiputta
4. A nuru-
khattiya
khattiya
updsaka
updsaka
khattiya
updsaka
khattiya
bhikkhu
ddha
5.
6.
A bhayaraja
kum ara
Abhaya
He was a Uchchhavi
King o f Magadha w ho
was a parricide.
King o f Madhura.
D .fc ., Ill, p. 13.

D .N ., I, p. 74.
A Sakyan and kinsman
Cullavagga,
nn
II I 279-81
o f tine B u d d h a
khattiya
khattiya
7.
Ananda
khattiya
8.
U dena
ichattiya
bhikkhu
updsaka
bhikkhu
updsaka
A lso a
prom inent m em ber o f

the sangha.
Belonged to a raja kula
and was probably King
Bimbisaras son,
A Lichehhavi
Sakyan kinsman o f the
Buddha. Closest
associate o f the Buddha.
King o f KosambI who
along w ith his fam ily,
was a supporter o f the
Buddha.
M .N ., II, p. 316.
II, p. 71;
D . P . P . N , , I,
pp. 127-8.
A.N., II,
pp. 213-16.
Cullavagga,
p r. 279-81.
A .N ., I. p. 24.
Cullavagga,
pp. 412-13.
208
Social Dimensions of Barly Buddhism
9.
U p a n z n d i khattiya
bhikkhu
10.
Kakudha khattiya
bhikkhu
11. Kalara
khattiya
bhikkhu
A Sakyan who was the

object of many o f the
vtnaya rules.
A Koliyan who was an
attendant o f
Moggallana.
N o other details
k h a ttiy a
12. Kaligokhattiya
dha IF]
13. Bhaddiya, khattiya
Kajigodhiyaputto
updsika
bhikkhu
14. K im h ila
khattiva
hhikleitu
15. Khema
therT[T]
khattiya
bhikkhutti
1u.
khattiya
updsika
khattiya
updsaka
C undi
[F]
17.
jeta-
A Sakyan. M other o f
Bhaddiya thera.
A Sakyan. Listed as ,
chief among those w ho
were o f high birth (ucca
kulirn).
A Sakyan who w ent
forth along w ith other
kinsmen o f the Buddha.
Wife o f king Bimbisara.
A bhikkhum o f great
wisdom.
According to the
comm entary she was
the daughter o f king
Bimbisara.
rajakula
kuiTiArA
18.
D ib b a
Mallaputta
khattiya
bhikkhu
19 .
D evada-
khattiya
bhikkhu
Cta
20.
Dlghajanu
Koliya
khattiya
updsaka
A Malla. A senior
bhikkhu who was
incharge of
apportioning lodgings.
A Sakyankinsman of
the Buddha w ho was
jealous of the Buddha.
A Koliyan. Object o f
Buddhas discourse on
Pdcittiya, pp. 50,

123, 129-33.
Cultavagga,
p. 283.
S.N ., II,
pp. 43-8.
S.N ., IV, p. 338.
A .N .,1 , p. 23.
Cultavatwa,
p. 281.
S.N ., III, p. 321;

A .N ., 1, p. 25.
A .N ., II, p, 301;
D .P .P .N ., 1,
p. 880.
CuUavagga,
ovy-'xw*
rr
Cultavagga,
p. 153,
Cultavagga,
pp. 281-4, 300ff.
A .N ., III,
pp. 375-8.
kulaputtas.
jjutia
21.
Nanda
khattiya
bhikkhu
22.
N anda
then [F]
khattiya
bhikkhunt
23-
N andiya khattiya
thera
bhikkhu
A Sakyan and half

brother to the Buddha.
C h ief am ong those o f
meditative powers.
A Sakyan, chief among
those o f meditative
powers
A Sakyan w ho features
along w ith Anuruddha
and Kimbila in the
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., [I,
p. 10.
Mahdvagga.
p. 26.
A .N ., I, p. 26;
D .P .P .N ., 11,
p 9A.
Mahdvagga,
p. 381;
D .P .P .N ., II,
209
Appendix
24 .
25.
N a g a sa -
khattiya
bhikkhu
(A S5kyan)
mala
pp. 115-16;
N andiya khattiya
King o f Kosala who
D .P .P .N ., [I,
p. 45.
S .N ., IV,
pp. 339-45.
S .N ., I,
fe a tu re s p r o m i n e n tl y in
pp. 67102.
the texts? show ed deep

reverence for the
Buddha.
A Malla rdjaputta.
S . N . , II,
updsaka
(A Sakyan)
r
26.
27.
28.
M . N . , I,
Pasenadi khattiya
Pukkusa
Roia
khattiya
khattiya
updsaka
updsaka
updsaka
Malla
A Malla who was

initially indifferent to
the Buddha. Ananda
wished that he would
become a follower since
pp. 100-4.
Mahavagga,
pp. 260-2.
h e w a s i m p o r t a n t , s o th e
29.
Bhagu
khattiya
30.
B o d h i-
k h a ttiy a
31.
rdjakumdra
B haddiya khattiya
32.
B hum ija
thera
33.
A Malla khattiya
bkikkhuni
3^
M aha-
khattiya
m
nam a
k h a ttiy a
Buddha drew him into

the faith.
A Sakyan kinsman of
the Buddha w ho joined
along w ith Anuruddha
and Kimbila.
Cullavagga,
p. 281.
updsaka
B e lo n g e d t o a raja ku la
A . JV., II,
pp. 318-19.
updsaka
and had a palace at

Sumsumaragiri,
A Lichchhavi w ho asked
if Buddha was a juggler.
Belonged to a rdja kula.
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
bhikkhunt
She knocked o ff a weak

bhikkhu while she passed
him.
A Sakyan w h o w as
upset that no one had

gone forth' into the
sangha from his family.
He was a devoted
updsaka and was
reassured about his
f u tu r e h v t h e R n d d h a .
H e was chief am ong the

wpdsflkas w ho gave good
food as alms to the
bhikkhus.
A .N ., II,
pp. 2 0 3 - 7 .
M .N ., II, p. 204;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 387,
Cullavagga,
p. 388.
A . N . , 1, p , 2 6 .
Sotiitl Dimvttsioth <*/ iuitly llutMhim
2U)
,15,
M ahapajiipau
G otam i
Miirriy<i
bhikkhuttt
[F|
36.
M aha
k h a ttiy a
b h ik k h u
Kappina
37.
Rahula
khattiya
bhikkhu
38.
Vaddha
khattiya
bhikkhu
39.
Vappa
khattiya
bhikkhu
nstcr molhei o f 11itBuddha w ho was the

first bhikkhtttit to he
ordained. (Sakyan)
Belonged to a raja k u l a .
He was a very
im portant m cm bcf o f
the sangha,
A Sakyan. O nly son of'
the Buddha.
A Lichchhavi who was
notorious for his bad
behaviour. He charged
Dabba falsely,
Originally a follower o f
I
A . N . J . p. 26;
Cullavagga t
pp. 374fT.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 473-5.
Mahavagga,
p. 86.
Cullavagga,
p. 213.
A .N ., II,
pp. i i y - u .
rtlt A
40.
Sarakani
41.
Slha
scuapati
khattiya
updsaka
42.
Sum ana
raj aku-
khattiya
u p asika
upasaka
mari
43.
Scla then khattiya
bhikkhum
44.
H atthaka khattiya
bhikkhu
45.
Sabbak-
b h ik k h u
k h a ttiy a
am in
46.
A
Vajjian
khattiya
bhikkhu
khattiya
bhikkhu
SB; y aft)
(A Sakyanl
Originally a follower o f
the Niganthas. H e was
asked to continue giving
alms to thcrn even sftcf
accepting the Buddha as
his guide. (A
Lichchhavi)
Sister o f a raja. She is
listed am ong the
eminent upasikas .
She was called Alavika
and belonged to a raja
kula.
A Sakyan
A Vajjian, one o f the
oldest bhikkhus w ho
participated in the
second council o f
, Vesali.
A Vajjian.
r|
S .N ., IV,
pp. 319-21.
Mahavagga,
pp. 248-53.
A.JV., Ill, p. 428;

A .N ., II, p. 299.
S .N ., I, p. 134;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 1289.
Pacittiya, p. 3.
C ullavagga,
pp. 425-30.
S .N ., I, p. 201.
bhikkhu
47.
Tissa
48.
N andaka khattiya
upasaka
A Sakyan. He was a
nephew o f the B uddhas
father.
A Lichchhavi m inister
who exhorts inner
purity after listening to
the Buddha.
S .N ., II, p. 328.
S .N ., IV, p. 333.
ApfiviutiA
A'J.
lO U
kit,tlliyu
klu'iinik.i
updsaka
T hey era ted fi/runo (or

the
at the
30,
Ghariiy.i
updsaka
N igrodharam a in
K apilavatthu, T h ey
w ere S ik y a n s,
khattiya
ill
M N . t III, p . 17-1.
!|F
t.
A n a th a .-
M o s t p r o m i n e n t upasaha
gahapati
pindika
o f the Buddha w ith
pp. 2 4 9 -5 3 .
m an y suttas addressed to
A . N . , L p. 26.
him . Listed a m on g the

ch ief donors ot the
Hpdsafeas.
2.
3.
Agahapatt
U gga
gahapati
gahapati
updsaka
O rigin ally a fo llo w er o f
A N . , 1,
updsaka
A jivikas.
O f H atth igam a in the
pp. 2 0 1 -2 .
A N . , I, p. 26.
Vajjian territory. B est

a m on g those w h o w ait
u p o n th e sdttfiha*
A
5.
6.
U gga
U p a li
gahapati
gahapati
K evatth a gahapati
updsaka
updsaka
updsaka
O fV e sa li. B est a m on g
th o se w h o gave
A . N . , I, p. 26.
agreeable gifts.
O rigin ally fo llo w er o f
M . N . , 11,
N iganthas.
pp. 4 3 -6 0 .
O fN a la n d a , H e asked
th e H u d d h a
p e rfo rm a
D . N . , 1,
p p . 1 8 3 -9 .
miracle.
7.
Jotika
8.
D ig h a v u gahapati
(puttaj
9.
D asam a
gahapati
â/uipari
updsaka
updsaka
updsaka
O f Rajagaha. H e was
the father o f D lgh avu .
H e sent a m essage to the
S .N ., IV,
Buddha through his
pp. 2 9 2 -3 .
father Jotika w hen he

was ill.
G ave various gifts and
built a cell for Ananda.
10.
12.
M .N ., 11,
pp. 15-19;
M . L . S . , II,
11~
AT~ tO
1U*
upasatea
V ery d evoted couple
A N . , I p. 26.
N a k u la - gahapati
m ata
updsikd
w h o are described as the

m ost
intim ate o f the B uddhas
A . N ., I, p. 27.
P otaliya gahapati
updsaka
N a k u la - gahapati
pita
11.
pp. 2 9 2 -3 .
S .N ., IV ,
^disciples.
Potaliya objected to the
B uddha addressing him
as a gahapati because he
had g iven up the
m anagem ent o f
p r o p e r t y . L a te r he
becam e an updsaka.
M .N ., 11,
pp. 2 7 -3 7 .
212
Id.
M endaka gahapati
14. M anadi-
upasaka
gahapati
updsaka
gahapa ti
updsaka
gahapati
updsaka
17. Saudhai a gahapati
updsaka
Very wealthy gahapati o f

Bhaddiyanagara who,
along w ith other
m em bers o f his family,
possessed psychic
powers.
Mahavagga,
pp. 254-9.
S .N ., IV , p. 152.
mT1-G
,
15. V ij a y a m ahiko
16. V ichayo
18.
Sigalagahapati
mata (F|
19.
Sujata
bttikkhum
gahapati
updsika
gahapati
upasikd
(Ft
20.
Visakha
m
21.
Kalyanbhatta-
M entioned in a special
list o f followers.
M entioned in a special
list o f followers.
Had 500 followers o f his
own and features in the
special list o f followers.
M other of Sigala
gahapati. C hief o f those
who was released by
faith.
She was the younger
sister o f Visakha. The
Buddha taught her the
duties o f a wom an.
M ost prom inent updsika
o f the Buddha. She was
A.2V,, 111, p. 149.

A .N ., III, p. 149.
A .N ., HI, p. 149.
A .N ., I, p. 26;
G .S .t- 1, p. 22.
A .N ., III,
pp. 223r-5,
A .N ., I p: 27;
Mahdvagga,
r n n t erred eirrht b o n u s
nn
10
11' 5fl6
by the Buddha.
Provided good almsfood to the bhikkhus.
Cittlavagga,
pp, 1556.
gahapati
upasaka
gahapati
updsaka
23. Sona
gahapati
updsaka
Object o f the Sigdlovdda

Sutta.
A gahapati putta
24. A Raja-
gahapati
updsaka
He was a supporter of
ko
22.
gahapati
Sigala
gaba
(>dhapati
25. Agahupati w ho
the sangha
D.NIll,
pp. 139-49.
S .N ., II,
pp. 279-84.
Pacittiya,
pp. 96-7 ,
gahapati
updsaka
O f Kosambi. He
became a lay follower
through Ananda,
A .N ., I,
pp. 201-3.
original
ly an
AjTvika
follower
26. H aliddi- gahapati
updsaka
O f A vanti,
S.N ., II,
pp. 248-51.
w as
kani
A p p e n d ix
!?7_
C itta
tl/lUsitont*
t"JM /
iv / t b / l
28.
SirivadL
dha
gahapati
upasaka
29.
Sajha
gahapati
updsaka
A i/f'r'V
hc--r----p----^
t---i-f---r----i--r---t---n
c------irfcrl
--- j
--
learned gahapati. He
could aspire to be a
(akkauatti. T he bhikkhu
Sudham m a had to seek
his pardon,
O f Rajagaha. H e was
visited by bhikkhus
when he was ill.
M igaras grandson. He
seduced the beautiful
213
A W 1 t> 96f
---------.?
Cullavagga,
pp. 32-5.
S .N ., IV, p. 151.
Pddttiya, p. 253;
A .N ., I. pp. 179-
t. tKKftttflfr cjunuitiiiK
j
iiivfl,
G R O U P R E FE R E N C E
30.
34.
P atahg- gahapati
am a
gahapatis
updsaka
1.
A m b a p a li urea ktdu
updsijhi
2.
K aludayin
urea kula
3.
K um ara
Kassapa
ucca
bhikkhu
kula.
His
m other
was the
daught
er o f a
setthi.
urea kula,
bhikkhu
his m other
was the
daughter
o f a setthi
C ula
P anthak i t herd
bhikkhu
D .N .. U,
pp. 6 8 -9
A courtesan (jjiwifca) o f
Vesali w ho donated the
A m b a v a n a to the
sahgha.
He was the son o f a
minister o f
KapiJavatthu.
According to the
com m entary he was
able to induce the
Buddha to visit his
father, He is described
as the best am ong those
w ho were good at
reconciling families.
According to the
com m entary Kumara
Kassapa was brought up
by the king since he was
born after his m other
heram e a hhikkhuuT. He
was a brilliant speaker.
He was chief am ong
those w ho were skilled
in mental evolution.
D .N ., 11,
pp. 76-8.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., I,
p. 589.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., I,
p. 632,
A .N ., I, p. 24;
D.XJ.P .N ., I,
p. 897.
214
5.
6,
Sotiitl Ditm'mitms of lutrly Hmltlhism

D han iya
H is w ife
gopaka
hhiithhit
bhikklmni
D lu m y a was a
prosperous o w n er of
Sitfhi Nipiita,
cattle and w as the object

o f the Dhaniya Sutta in
the S t u t a N i p a t a , H e is
Nikaya , I,
Khuddaka
pp. 2 7 1 -4 .
depicted as the picture

o f co n ten tm en t till he
7.
B y aka
seftfn
fjhifsfcliu
kula
m et the Buddha.
By aka w as the grandson
Pardjika, p, 23.
o f a very w ealth y setthi

w h o se son w as Sudiniid.
H e w as born after
Sudinnas m other
pleaded w ith Sudinna
that he sh ould p rovid e
tut.
;i
i <iiiin y
:
jU
w jli i
aji
ni-ii
o th erw ise the w ealth o f

the fam ily w o u ld pass to
the Lichchhavis.
8.
B ijak a s
m o th er
jrew/ii
kuia
bkikkhum
9.
Pukku-
ucca hu h
A m on k w h o
died w ith o u t
bein g
sati
ordained
upasaka
Kaccana
Pa raj i kiii p. 23.

H e is described as a
kulaputta w h o had been
a disciple o f the Buddha
w ith o u t m eeting him .
M . N . , IH,
PP 32232.
H e w as a sugar dealer
Manavagga,
w h o m et the Buddha
w hile travelling from
pp. 2 4 0 -1 .
A ndhakavinda to
Rajagaha.
11.
T ap u ssa
ucca hula
upasaku
A Vanija. A lo n g w ith
Atahdvagga,
Bhatlika he w as the firs
pp. 4 - 6 ,
t o h e a r t h e B u d d h a s
teachings.
12.
Patacara
then [ F]
ucca hula
bhikkhunT
She was the daughter o f

a setthi but she w as the
w id o w o f a servant.
A .N .y 1, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 1 1 2 -1 3
After m any troubles she

join ed the sattgha. She is
listed as ch ie f am on g
th ose w h o w ere
p roficient in the
13.
Punnaji
ucca k u l a
bhikkhu
discipline.
A s e t t h i - p u t t u w h o w as a
friend o f Yasa, son o f
Maitai'uggu,
p. 2 1 .
another setthi gahapti.

14.
B hallika
ucca kula
upasaka
A vanija w h o w as an
associate o f Tapussa.
Mahavagga
pp. 5 - 6 .
A ftp m ti ,v
I,I.J!.1,1...
16.
M igasa-
ucca kula
upasaka
Isidatta 1 ucca kula

Purana I
updsaka
updsaka
IMF]
17.
18.
nA ______
v i jr
11
nurtured kula-putta
setthi-putta whose father
was a wealthy setthigahapati ofBanaras.
She was the daughter of
Purana w ho was the
kings chamberlain.
They were king
Pasenadis chamberlains
and were in charge o f
JIjT.Cj:.,____
iriHFHI
lJ
*
pp. 18-21.
A .N ., III>
pp. 62-5.
M .N ., H, p. 371,
ro y al co n v ey an ce,
19.
20.
A Raja
gaha
setthi
Ratthapala
21. Lady o f
ucca kula
ucca kula
ucca kula
updsaka
bhikkhu
updsika
V e k ik a -
22,
nda[FI
Sudinna
Kaland-
ucca kula
bhikkhu
aka
73
p u tt a
S ir im a
ucca kula
updsika
He built 60 viharas for

the sahgha in a day.
Cullavagga,
pp. 2 3 9 -4 ^
He was a very wealthy

kula putta, who was the
only son o f his parents.
He joined the artMjf/iti
after pressurizing his
parents to give him
permission.
She was an exemplary
lay woman.
M .N ., II,
pp. 281 ff.
Very wealthy setthi putu

who was requested to
provide an heir to the
family.
S h e w a s th e d a u g h te r o f
the courtesan Salavat!.

24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
Subahu ^
Vimala
G avam pati
j
Sona
Kutikanna
Sona
Kolivisa
ucca kula
ucca kula
ucca kula
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
They were friends o f

Yasa and were setthi
putias themselves.
ucca kula
bhikkhu
A setthi-putta.
ucca kula
bhikkhu
A setthi-putta c f Cam pa
w h o w a s v e r y d e lic a te ly
nurtured. He was unused

to w alking on his bare
feet and his feet bled
severely. H e then recon
sidered his decision to
jo in the sangha. The
B uddha taught him
moderation in his effort.
A .N ., I, p. HI;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 934.
Pdrdjika,
pp. 15-24.
A .M ., I ll, p . 4 28;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 1145.
Mahdvagga, p. 21.
Mahdvagga,
p. 213.
216
29.
30
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
Yasas 1 utca kula

father
Yasas ^ ucca kula
m other
urea kuta
Yasas
wife
j
Sunidha ucca kula
Pahcakahga
Mallika
IPl
\- r
p. 21.
updsikd
updsikd
supporter
ucca kula
updsaka
uccii kula
updsikd
Visakha ucca kuta

of
Pa rich ab
Canda
ucca kula
A siban-| ucca kula
dhaka
Mafirtvaj^d,
updsaka
hlpkkhu
updsaka
updsaka
One o f the chief

uiiiiibici muf Ajdittaallu
who along with
Vassakara invited the
Buddha for a meal.
C hief carpenter of
Pasenadi.
Daughter o f the chief
D .N ., 11, p. 71.
M .N .t II,
pp. 212-13.
A .N ., II,
t-t* ,i I s i L>, i i m f t T i r n n ^ . r n alr^rHf
n r,
o f Kosala. She was the

wife o f King Pasenadi
and was very devoted to
the Buddha.
Son o f a Pahehali. He
was an enlightened,
urbane speaker.
A gdwam.
A ydtuam o f Nalanda.
321-2.
01 A _1 7-
r r
'
* ' >
S .N ., H,
pp. 2 3 2 - 3 . K .S ., II, p. 190.
S .N HI, p. 271.
S . A , t III,
pp. 2 7 6 - 8 5 .
S .N ., III,
ucca kula
39.
ucca kula
updsaka
A gamani.
5 . N . , II,
pp. 2 9 1 - 9 .
40.
Pataliya
ucca kula
updsaka
A gam am.
S .A ., IV,
pp, 2 9 9 -3 1 1 .
41.
N andaka ucca kula
updsaka
5 . N . . IV. p. 333.
42.
D ham madina
A setthi
putta o f
Savatthi
A
M ahamaccha
{great
minis
ter)
A ddhakasi
ucca kula
uu^saka
He was a chief minister

o f the Lichchhavis.
He had 50(1 disciples o f
his own.
m ta kula
upasaka
H f w as a s u p p o rte r w h u
Parajiku, p . 305.
updsaka
offered robes to
Upananda.
He was a supporter who
wished to gift a shelter
to the sahgha.
Pdrdjika, p. 367.
43.
44.
45
updsaka
A gdmani.
M aniculako
Rasiya
pp. 2 8 7 - 9 .
ucca kula
uaa kula
bhikkkum
A courtesan: she had to

be ordained through a
messenger for fear o f the
S .N ., IV, p. 348.
Cullavagga,
pp. 397-9.
217
A ppendix
46.
47,
Maha-
urea kula
bhikkhu
p a n th a -
B r o t h e r o f C u la
ka thera
Bhadda
Kapilani
Patithaka (hera.
She went forth' along
w ith Mahapajapati
GotamI and was know n
as one who could
rem em ber previous
lives.
ucca kula
bhikkhum
mta kula
bhikkhu
[FI
1.
A riitlia
vulture
trainer
(gadha
badhi)
2.
Upali
nica
bhikkhu
kuh1,
C itta
nica kula
(son o f
an
He had the pernicious

view that things which
are called stum bling
blocks (antarayika
dhamma) are not
stum bling blocks at all.
A barber o f the
S ak y an s
barber
3.
men who w ould try to

prevent her front
joining the saiigha.
Grandson o f a jet (hi.
w h o jo in e d
the sahgha along with

the Buddhas Sakyan
kinsmen. He rose to
great prom inence and
became a master o f the
vinaya.
A .K M , p. 24.
D .P .P .N ., II,
p, 520.
Pacittiya,
pp. 3G3ff;
A .N ., I, p. 25.
PaiiUiya,
pp. 180-2.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
CuUai,>afif*a,
P. 281.
D .N ., I,
pp. 158-68,
bhikkhu
elep h a n t
4.
5,
tTaiiiCr}
nica kula
Kesi
(horse
trainer)
C unda . nica
kula,
son o f a
m eta l-
sm ith
w orker
(kammdTaputta)
updsaka
updsaka
A .N ., Uf
pp. 117-19.
He fed the Buddha for
the last time at his
house. The Buddha fell
ill after eating this meal
but exhorted the
bhikkhus not to blame
Cunda. He said that
C unda w ould be blessed
with long life, good
birth, fame, inheritance
and sovereign pow er in
d .n
., rr,
pp. 9 8 -9 ,
218
6.
Social Dim ensions o f Early Buddhism
C hanna
nica
kula,
slave
{ddsi
putta)
T alaputa niea
kula , a
head
m an o f
8.
y.
D haniya
bhikkhu
the future. C unda was a

resident o f the Mall a
territory.
H e was the B uddha's
c h a rio te e r at
bhikkhu
K apilavatthu. After the

B uddhas death the
brahmadanda (a penalty)
was im posed upon him
by the sangha. Later he
became an arahant.
He was under the
im pression that his
profession w ould bring
him gains in the future
actors
life t o o b u t w a s t o l d b y
{nata
gdmint)
the Buddha that his

profession was
condem n able. He then
joined the sangha.
He built a house o f clay
for him self and later
nfca
kula,
bhikkhu
D .N ., II, p. 118;
D .P .P .N ., I,
pp. 923-34.
S .N .. III.
pp, 272-3.
Pdrdjika, pp. 51
4.
p o tte r
a n o th e r o n e o f w o o d .
{kumbhakdra)
He took w ood from the

states resources and was
reprim anded by the king.
The Buddha stayed in
M .N ., IH, p. 323
B haggavas house on
one occasion and met
Pukkusati there.
B haggava nica
kula ,
potter
upasaka
(hum/j/iakdra)
nica
ku la ,
bhikkhu
10.
Sati
11
m an s son
(keuattaputla)
Subhadda nica
bhikkhu
kulat
barber
(nahdpita)
He held heretical views

about the existence o f
A'i.N ., I,
pp. 315-18.
reprim anded.
He was barber o f A tunia

w ho joined the sangha
when he was old. H e
bad tw n cons w ho w ent
around collecting alms
from others in order to
feed the sangha. H e was
probably the same
bhikkhu w ho was
relieved at the death o f
the Buddha.
Cullavagga,
p. 406;
Mahduagga,
p. 262.
219
A ppendix
12,
13.
14.
15.
Assa
gamanl
H atha
nica kula
upasaka
nica kula
upasaka
Yodhajlvi
H itA h illA
ijhajjjfj
A poor
tailor
nica
kula,
tailor
{tuniaavdya)
gamam
11 a - __ AUi
4 Ip ^TUVi
L.,1,
fHVH r^M
updsaka
....
karnmakam
17. A
kumbkakdra
18. A darttakdra
19. Bhesika
1.
Acela
K assap-
Acela
Kassapp a (2 )
i av
. - . . I . .... .
kv1
*-1is
a n
a u
v a n ^ u
v n
his wages to feed the

bhikkhus. H e was a
resident o f Vesali
H e gave alms-bowls to
the bhikkhus.
updsaka
H e gave neddle cases to

the bhikkhus.
updsaka
H e carried a message to
,1
.
tv.
i it
i.
.i
- if 1
Cullavagga,
pp. 253-4.
t '. , n .
. . . ______ . . . .
nica kula
(ivory
w orker)
nica
I. . i
KHUt,
d
barber
(nahdpita)
pp. 108-9.
Pdrdjika, p. 348.
PdciUiva. o. 221.
D . N ., I
r
m e u u u u iid uri u c iia u u i
_ .
4A4 i-n
p p . 1 J l J .
Lohicca brdhmana and

was impressed w ith the
Buddha.
undsaka
paribbdjaka
bhikkhu
paribbdjaka
bhikkhu
P4 (1)
3.
condem ned by the

Buddha.
H e wished to build a
vihara for the sangha. but
couldnt because o f lack
o f expertise. He
complained that no one
bothered to instruct him
in the erection o f the
cell.
updsaka
aka
2.
professions are
nica kula
( f-n n.T
r*t--a l iIv~i P a rtb h d**t-
S .N ., Ilf,
pp. 2746.
A lthough all three are

described as gdmani or
headm en (like
Talaputza), their
H
the Ruddha
_ p- miPstintipH
i"
'
on the profit o f the
B uddhas style o f living.
O riginally an Acelaka.
H e joined the sangha
after four m onths o f
probation and became
an arahant.
He was a friend o f C itta
gahapati to w hom he
adm itted that after 30
7------ivf IvAino
t
paribhdjaka he did not
know much. He then
joined the sangha.
.S
' W.. II_
pp. 68-71.
D .N .,
pp. 138-49.
s .n ., m t
pp. 267-8.
220
4.
T im b a r- paribbaj
uka
aka
updsaka
5.
Punna
pariMflj-
upasaka
^ 1 ; __
Ii . ' j i i y <i
t/
9.
putta
M ag an diya
M oliya
SIvaka
V acchnffotta
Saccaka
10-
Sabhiya
6.
7.
8.
paribbaj
bhikkhu
He was antagonistic to
the Buddha initially.
S .N ., HI, p. 205.
updsaka
M .N ., 11, p. 189.
updsaka
T he bhikkhus were
invited for a meal by
Saccaka. H e was
supported by the
Lichchhavis and was a
reputed teacher w ho
was Respected by the
people.
bhikkhu
It.
SusTma
12.
N an d iy a paribbaj
aka
upasaka
13.
P o tth a -
upasaka
bhikkhu
pada
1 '1.
Subbhada
p a r 'i b b d f -
upasaka
aka
15.
Sandaka
paribbaj
aka
M .N ., II, p. 210.
updsaka
aka
paribbdjaka
A4.N., U, p. 65.
V 1M IV U L liv U l t U U l l i l .
UK. 1*
aka
paribbaj
aka
paribbaj
aka
( A N ig
antha,)
S .N .. II.
pp. 212.
J X n ..j jl.
-L-
paribbaj
aka
paribbaj
He questioned the
B uddha on the origin o f
pleasure and pain.
H e w as an Acelaka w ho
bhikkhu
H e was initially
attracted to the Buddha
and the sangha because
they w ere honoured and
well looked after.
Q uestioned the B uddha

011 the existence o f the
soul.
Last disciple to be
ordained by the
Buddha.
H e was a m em ber o f a
group a parihbdjakas
(probably Ajivikas) w ho
accepted the B uddhas
teaching even though
this m eant giving up
h o n o u r and fame. All
the parihbdjakas w ith
him are said to have
done the same.
M .N . I, pp. 2 8 0 309.
nSwtta N ipdta,
Khuddaka
N ikaya, J, p. 353.
S .N ., II,
pp. 102-11
S .N ., IV,
pp. 11-12.
D .N ., I, p. 168.
D , N . f II,
pp. U 5 -1 8 .
A IN ., II,
pp. 211-20;
M X ,5 ., II,
p. 202.
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Thomas, E-J., The Life of the Buddha, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1926.
Varma, V.P., Hindu Political Thought and its Metaphysical Foundations,
Varanasi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1954.
------------ , Early Buddhism and its Origins, Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal,
1973.
Wagle, N .N ., Society at the Time of the Buddha, Bombay, Popular
Prakashan, 1966.
W arder,
A.K.,
O n
th e
R e la tio n s h ip
b e tw een
B u d d h is m
and
o th er
Contemporary Systems, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African

Studies, Vol. XVIII, 1956.
--------------- , Pali M e tre , L o n d o n , L u z a c, 1967.
------------ , Indian Buddhism, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1970.

Weber, Max, The Reltgion of India, Glencoe, The Free Press, 1960.
------------, Economy and Society, 2 vols, California, University o f California
Press, 1978.
Wijesekhara, A., Wheel Symbolism in Chakravartin Concept in A.S.
Altekar etal. (eds), S .K , Beloalkar Felicitation Volume, Banaras, Motilal
Banarsidass, 1957.
Winternitz, M., A History of Indian Literature, 3 vols, Calcutta, University
of Calcutta, 1939.
Bibliography
229
Yalman, N ur, Under the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste, Kinship arid Marriage in
Interior Ceyton , Los Angeles, University o f California Press, 1971
Zelliot, Eleanor, *The Indian Discovery o f Buddhism: 1855-1956' in A,K.
N arain (ed.), Studies in Pali and Buddhism, Delhi, B.R. Publishing
Corporation, 1979.
Zim m er, H ., The Philosophies of India, London, Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1953.
Subject Index
A griculture, 16-20, 23-26
cycles o f cropping and fam ily o rga
nization, 9 2 -3
and econom y, 16
I, i:___________in
aiiu
v u n i vauwii) i /
second urbanization and, 20
sim iles relating to, 18
status o f occupation of, 112
use o f iron in, 16
young m en o f good fam ily and,
102-3
Arya, 6
Ariyasavaka, 6, 179
Asrama grihastha, 40
Bhikkhu
kinship ties and, 30-1
lay follow ers and, 62
m aterial requirem ents, 56
hakyaputta samanas and, 31
B h ik k k u n i
bias against entry into sahgha, 31
distrust of. 33
entrants from gana-sahghas, 34
punishm ent for lapses, 33
restrictions on, 32
Bruhmadeyu land, 57
Brdhmana,
t ' 3946
agriculture and, 43
asceticism after brahmacarya and, 40
Brahm anical schem e o f categorization
and, 9 8 -9
category in religious ethics o f B uddh
ism, 64
clan-nam es in gana-sahghas and, 91
cult o f sacrifice and, 37
laity and, 97, 132
m aterialistic tendencies o f society
and, 42, 64
perform ance o f yanha and, 61
religion and, 6 6 -7
sahgha and, 132-3
term for spiritually elevated person, 5

Brdhmaua-gahapati
agriculture and, 7 2 -3
brdhmana-gdtnas and, 2 5 -6 , 72
( O .A V J
Cl- 1 U
1... 1.)
X V lllg
1 U
dj 1 1 LJ j
''I
Iu V)
J
J -------T
B uddhism
Asian countries -in, 1
B rahm anism , alternative to, 1, 9 6 -7 ,
146
caste-system and, 9 5 -6
categories in religious ethos of, 64
doctrinal differences and, 53
inequality and expanding econom y
and. 177, 180
kings function and role in, 150-76
M ah ars an d , 95
new society and, 97

privileged strata and, 97
system o f production and, 6A
w riting on, 1
Buddhists
categories and schemes o f categoriza
tio n o f, 105, 123
genesis, m yth of, 92
social origins of, 96
B uddhist C ouncils, 3, 127-8, 131, 174
Cakkavatti, 6
as dhammiko-dhatnmaraja, 150, 1649
future role of, 173, 176, 181
responsibilities of, 181
sculptural representation of, 152
uposatha observance and, 63
seven treasures of, 68
w om en and, 34
Canddla
em pirically unverifiable, 106
low status associated w ith. 101, 106
caste. 9 4 -5
Ddna, 5 8 -6 2
Dasa
display o f envy and, 26, 180
232
Subject Index
Dti>n*ka m niaka va
as base o f working population in
gathi-saiijhas and lowest economic
strata, 35
exploitation of, 278
food and wages, 79
group consciousness of, 89
j o i n t l y w o r k in g la n d in gitttu-satiglws,
8 8 -9
and labour, 26, 79, 106
and performance of sacrifice, 61
as producers o f surplus, 29
reversal of roles in ploughing festival,
88
o f 8alcvart
and
masters 18T
/
' ' '<(divan
J
samana-brdhmana relationship opposi
tion to, 28
in economy 16-26, 102
Gahapati-putta. 80-1
Gdmika, 85
Gama, 19, 23
Gdmitu
and agricultural operations, 85
and gahapati, 85
political and economic functions in,
85
self-possession of, 85
Gana-sahghas
catiya worship in, 6 3 -4
communal holding of land by, 88-9
decline
of, 22, 148
/
and gahapati, 86, 91-2
inner tpnsinn in, 89
khattiya clans associated with, 12-6
kinship ties in, 31
and monarchical kingdom s,. 6, 8,
10-11
Gahapati Ch. HI
absence from ranks o f bhikkhu, 148
and agriculture, 70-1, 106
authority role within family, 801, 86
as category among disciples o f sahgha,
84, 134-7, 148-9
as category in system o f production.
120
connotation and te-rrrunoio^gy o f 6,
65-6, 80, 86-93
auu koiiUul u v t i laud dîu prupctiy
69, 86. 92
as donors to sangha and asset holders,
69
and economy, 6 6 -7 178
as employers o f labour, 79-80
and goyigdma in Sri tan k a, 116
and kingship, 678
as kula, 102
as nodal point in relationship struc
ture, 28
and performance o f sacrifice, hi
and pursuit o f pleasure, 83
and seven treasures o f cakkdmtti ,
68
status term, 80-1
and stratification within ranks, 79
as usurers, 77
and ucssa, 1 19
social organization of, 212, 87

and urbanization, 21
and wom en, 34
Hinduism , 1
Iron, 16
Janapada, 13
Jati
and Brahmanical scheme o f stratifica
tion. 29. 100-1. 119; see also strati
fication
empirical relevance of, 104-5
and marriage, 110
JatU ft, 142
iC/iattiyfts, 1 2 - 6
and abhiseka ceremony, 15

and agriculture, 87
and Brahmanical categorization, 98-9
and dominance of brahmanas, 147
and gana-sahghasf 12-6
and political power, 15, 6 6 -7 , 148
and status in sangha, 124, 147
Ksatriyas, 9()
Kingship
and Arthasdstra, 158
Brahmanical conception of, 152
characteristics and constituents of,
155, 160-1
233
Subject Index
(ihuni)na as integral pan. uf, 17f>
legitim ate and d esp otic, 1 5 8 -6 3
origm associated w ith separate fields,
23
origin associated w ith fam ily , private
pruperty, 151
Kula
and
as e m p lo y er s o f slaves and labourers,

79
n orm ative m od el of, 1 6 3 -9
a n d cyrnbols; o f s o v e r e i g n t y ,
St'ijhi, stUhi-(/(Ih up a ri
1 5 2 7
fu n ctio n s o f, 77
and king o f region , 75, 79
o f Rajagaha, 58, 74, 7 6 - 8
and sp ecific location s, 78
srstiis o f, 789 , 106
term in o lo g y related to, 6, 74
B u d d h ist social categorization,
100
em pirical relevance of, 1 0 4 -5
and entry in to sahgha, 1 0 8 -9
and stratification, KM), 1 0 2 -4
Laity
and
5 8 -6 4 , 1 3 1 -2
social co m p o sitio n of, 1
M u n a t L l i k a l k i n g d o m s , 7 11
as treasurer and usurer, 7 7 - 8

and urban centres, 74
and w ealth , 75
Stratification
B rahm anical hierarchy o f services re
jected, 99
B rahm anical fou r-fold sch em e, 100,
1 1 9 -2 0
and B u d d h ist texts, 2, 94, 101
ev id en ce f r o m i n s c r i p t i o n s o f 12 9
indices of, 94
N o rth ern black p olish ed w are, I t , 19

Paribbajaki 31
as an ti-V ed ic and anti-B rahm a nic 37
and gahapatis place in B u d d h ist v ie w

of, 118
principles of, 94, 1 1 1 -3
as lay supporters o f satigha, 132
regional d im en sio n o f
as o p p o se d to tw am a th eory, 3 8 - 9
P u n ch -m ark ed coins, 20
religiou s sanction o f B u d d h ism ah

sent, 109
sch em es o f categorization of, 9 8
Patimokka, 65
in Sri Lanka, 1 1 4 -8
pre A r y a n origins. 37
102
Suddas
i/lsJ
and asocial w o rld , 67
ana brahm anical sch em e o f categor

ization , 98
a id p h ilosop h ical debates, 49
as em p irically unverifiablc, 105
ranks op en to all in, 31

and renunciation 36, 38, 64
Sakyaputta, 31
fu n ctio n in B rahm anical sch em e o f,

106
V edic culture sh un n ed , 37
and jdtis, 101
Smuma-brahmmti, 45
Sahgha
and h u n tin g , 100

%
k*
1
U
1
L
J^
%
U
f
e
X 4
.k
service entitled if w ealth y, 99
and caste, 175

c o m p o sitio n of, 95
1 xl_ i_:. _
aIU
st\
riLIM tilt:,
7
as recipients o f gifts o f ua'fias, 5 6 - 8
Texts
131 aliiiidiiiLtii a n d j a m a , u i v
pdialkl
sources, 5
recrim m pnr m tb, 1 5 - 7
con n otation o f term s in, 5
social origins o f 1*24-5

and strati fixation d t 3
Tali, stratification of, 23, sch em es o f

categorization in, 98, 100, 109;
and fn b a l yam cs
and w o m e n , 32
97/
w o m e n o f im p ortan ce in, 34
1 itf liiya, ml fin titthiya, 5 - 6 , 32, 63,
138
234
Subject Index
Trade
m o v e m e n t o f fo o d g ra in s, 20
p u nch-m ark ed coins facilitate ex p a n
sion of, 20
status o f vdnijja, 102. tOfi, 112
Urbanization
and gatia-saiighas, 21
and N o r th e r n
Black
Bolishcd ware,
1?
and political power, 21
and punch-m arked coin, 20
Vatina, 29, 99, 104, 119, 152
Vartia-samkiUii (see also stratification)
and Brahmanical scheme, 29, 1001,
11tS
and Brahmanical political theory, 152
criteria o f service, 99
empirical relevance of, ) 1)4-5
and entry into gangliaT 1089

and gahapatis absence in scheme of,
119
Vassd-vasa (rain retreat), 18
Vessa
and Brahmanical scheme o f categor
ization, 98
as empirically unverifiable,. 105
functions o f 106, 112
and jdtis> 101
service from claimed, 99
f-
60
W omen
Ananda as cham pion o f rights of,
22-5
l
bias o f the Buddha against, 31
and patriarchal values, 31
Yamm, 59-61
Index of Proper Names

Abhaya, 138
Acarahga Sutra, 11
A graw ala, V.S., 13
Aitereya Brahm ana, 41
Ajatasattu, 8 -9 , 11, 41, 48, 134, 137-8,
148, 161, 172, 174
Ajtvika, 31, 35, 4 8 -9 , 5 1 -2 , 54
Ajjuka; 131
A lsdorf, L., 42
Bougie, C ., 96, 113

Buddha, T he 1, 22
and brahmanas, 9 6 - 7 , 9 9 , 146
and caste, 96
and change, 176
and D evadatta, 512
lack o f historical w riting on, 1
and m ortification, 50
pure birth o f 1101
A m b a p a li , 3 4 , 9 1 , 139
a n d la u g h a, 95
A m battha, 99, 104, UO

A m bedkar, B .R ., 95
A nanda, 20, 3 1 -5 , 84, 96, 128-9, 135,
143
A nathapindik'a, 25, 59, 62, 74, 84, 129,
134-5, 139-40, 145
Anna, 9
A iigulim ala, 159
A nuruddha, 87, 96. 128-31, 143-4
Arthasastra, 12
Asoka, em peror, 175
Assaka, 21
A stadhyayi, 12, 26, 74
Atharva Veda, 41
Avadana Sataka, 11
as ^social reform er, 95

and w om en's entry into saiigha, 34
B uddhaghosha, 80, 151
Bandhula Malla, 148

Basham, A, L., 10, 49, 51, 53
BavarT, 124
Bhaddiya, 128, 144
Bhaggas,. 16
Bhagu, 128, 144
Bhallika, 107, 139
Bhandarkar, IT R., 11
Bharadvaja, 104
Bharu Kaccbaka, 131
Bimbisara, King o f M agadha, 8 -9 , 11,
57. 67, 75 104, 133-4, I 37 140-1
161
B odhirajakum ara, 138
Bose, A. N ., 2 -4 , 27
Bose, N. K., 29
C am pa, 9, 74. 133

C ankl, 105, 111, 132
Carvakas, 35, 48
C hakrabarti, IT K., 21
C hattopadhyaya, ID. P., 197
C how dhary, Radhakrishna, 24, 89
C itta. 82. 135-6
C ullavagga, 58
C unda, 13, 107. 131, 140
D alhanenii (atkkavaiti). 166
D evadatta, 5 1 -2 , 127-9, 144, 172
D hanim adinna, 84
D ham m apada, 46
D ham m apala, 122-3
D haniya (bhikkhu) , 8, 107-8, 125
D harm asiitra, 40
D rekm eier, C ., 14, 168
D um ont, L ., 153
D utt, S., 36, 54
Ekanala, 26
Eliot, C , 96
Esukari, 99
Pick, R., 2 -4 , 16, 96, 105
Fiser, I., 76, 7 8 -9
Gandak river, 7
Ganga river system , 10
G angetic plain, 7 -8 , 1 7 - 9 , 35
236
Index o f Proper Names
Gaya Kassapa, 141

Ghatikara, 108
Ghoshal, U , N 168, 176
Ghositarama, 19
Gokhale, B. G ., 123, 155, 160, 163
Gombrich, R,, 175
GotamI, MahapajapatJ, 32-3, 128, 145,
Tale of, 34
Gonda, J,, 153
Heesterman, J .C ., 169
Hieun Tsang, 141
Hocart, A. M ., 116
Horner, I. B ., 55, 152
Indra, 4(J
Indus Valley civilization, 36
Jaina, 31
Jatakas, 2, 4 15
Bhaddasala, 8
Chavaka, 42
Vessantara. 4 1 - 2
Jayaswal, K P., 11, 15
Jayatilleke, K. N ., 48
Jayawickrame, N , A ,, 4
Jcta, 139
Jetakumara, 25, 138

Jetavana, 19, 25
Jivaka Komarabhacca, 20, 138
jo sh i, M, C ., 21
Kaccana, 96, 131
Kalasoka, 174
Kaji, 27
Kalpa Sutra, 13
Kalupahana, D. J., 36
Ka pi lavatt bu,
19, 9 1, 430
Karayana, 148
Kasi, 9, 11
Kaslbharadvaja, 26
Kautilya, 89, 158
Keith, A. B ., 16
Khomadussa, 134
Kimbila. 128. 144
Koliyan, 15
Kosala, 1 0 -1 1 , 16, 24, 87
Kosam bi, D, 19., 1 6 -7 , 148
\ f ...
ixu.'xM
JLLO,
1f \
iv,
f \i l
-/\t
Kundala Kesi, 55
Kuru Pahcalas, 12
Kutadanta, 60, 132, 134
Law, B. C .t 3 - 4
Lichchhavi, 1 2 -4 , 5 5 -6 , 59, 63, 82,
8 9 -9 1 , 132, 139, 148, 179
Ling. T .. 16, 19. 171
Lillie, A ., 146
Lohicca, 132
Lokayatas, 48
Maccikasanda, 135
Madras, 12
Magadha, 16, 19, 21. 24, 87, 133
&JT. . 10^1
iviciganuiya,
Makkhali Gosala, 53
Mahabharata, 40
Mahacunda, 144
Mabakappina, 131
Mahakassapa, 125, 1 27-8, 130, 146
Maha Kotthita, 131
Mahanama, 87, 91, 139, 143, 179
Maha Sudassana 1 54-6, 165, 167
Mahavagga, 3 / - 8 , 5 7 -8 , 71, 75
Mahavijita, 60, 167
Mahavira, 53
Mallas, 10, 1 2 -3 , 32, 90, 130
Mallika, 56, 138
Manadinna, 84, 129
Matanga, 106
MegasthcneS, 8, 45
Mehta, R., 2 - 4
r ' aa
IT
1V
4JI0iJV
U
/Y
j
X
ji|
r'*
/
Mendaka, 71, 74, 79, 136, 144

M etteya Buddha, 173
Milindapahha, 23, 36
Misra, V. D ., 18
M oggallana, 52, 96, 1 25-7, 146
Nachiketas, 40
Nadi Kassapa, 141
Nakulamata, 136
Nakulapitar, 84, 136
Natrikas. 13
Nerahjara river, 141
Nigantha Nataputta, 136, 144-5
Nikayas
AujiuitdiLi, 7* 40
237
Index o f Proper Names

D igh a, 22, 35, 41
Sharma, J. P ., 168
Sharma, R. S., 151
Sharma, Y. D ., 17
S id d h a rth a , 13
Sigala, 79
Siha, 60, 82, 139
Khuddaka, 4
M ajjhima, 1 1 -1 2
rJ d. l N.
l l yU L L d j
do
1 U
O kkaka, 43
O ldenberg, H ., 95, 101, 147
Sirivaddha, 84, 129

Sonadanda, 1 3 2 -4
Sona Kutikanna, 1 4 2 -3
Pande, G. C ., 3 - 4
Pan ini, 12-3
Parajika, 45
Pasenadi, K in g o f Kosala, 9, 11, 81, 100,
538, 1 6 1 -2 , 172
Patim akha, 38
Pindola Bharadvaja, 78
Piprawa, 19
Pokkarasadi, 1 3 2 -4
Sutta N ipata, 3 - 4 , 12, 21, 42

Sutta Pitaka, 2, 4, 18, 55
Suvannabhum i, 9
Svetaketu, 40
Potaliya Gahapati, 69
Puiina, 79, 95
Punna M antaniputta, 131
Punnika, 95
Purana Kassapa, 53
T am biah, S. J . , 40, 160, 167, 171

Tapussa, 107, 139
Rahula, 143
T axila, 20
T e k u k , 147
T heravada, 3
T herlgatha, 34
T risak , 13
Rajagaha, 2 0 - 2 , 7 4 -5 , 90
setthi of, 139
Raja Vishal Ka Garh, 19
Revata, 144
R g-V ed a, 36
Rhys-Davids, G
A. F . , 24.
1 2 7 3
R h ys-D avid s, T . W ., 36, 95, 153, 157,

166
Roja, 139
Ru b en , W M 90
Ryan, B ., 1 1 4 -7
Saketa, 74, 90
Sakya clan, 10, 12, 15, 148
Sal a, 134
Sandhana, 136
Sanjaya, 126
Sanjaya Belatthiputta, 52
Sankha, 173
iariputta, 52, 96, 1 2 5 -7 , 131, 135, 144,
146
Sati, 95
Savatthi, 19, 22, 90
Sekhiya D ham m a, 38
Senart, E ., 97
Subha, 40, 95
Sudivma Kalandaka. 89
Sujata, 145
Sona K olivisa, 75, 1 4 2 -3
Sundarika Bharadvaja, 61, 104
SunTia, 95 , 107
SuppaVasa, 59
63
U dayin , 137
Uddalaka, 40
U dena, 52, 62
U p a h , 13, 9 5 , 1 3 0 i , 143
U ru vela Kassapa, 38, 5 1 -2 , 140, 144
V aidehi, 27
Vajjian confederacy, Vajjians, /, y - 1 2 ,
14, 91, 138, 148, 172
Varanasi, 74
Varma, V. P. , 12
V asettha, 104
V eludvara, 134
V enagapura, 134
V eriirija, 134
Vesali, 13, 19, 90
V idudabha, 8, 10, 157, 162
V inaya, 2 4
V inaya Pitaka, 18, 27, 38, 55
238
Index o f Pt oper N am es
V isakha M igaram ata, 34, B4, 336-7,

144
W internitz, M ., 3 - 4
Y am elu, 147
W aol^
- -
- '
N
"
'
N
"
' T
A' 1
W arder, A, K ., 4, 54
W eber, M ., 97, 147
ft1
-
- t
4 I1
^ i nn
y a s a , / t , / / ,
^n,
Z i m m e r , H ., 153
4
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This b o o k exam ines th e rela tio n sh ip of B uddhism to its locus, th e

expanding agrarian econom y of the G anga valley d uring the period

received the attention it deserves. The w ork explores the em ergence of

II, The Political, Econom ic, Social, and

M on archies, gana-sartghas and state

E xpansion o f agriculture - T h e second urbanization C ra ft p ro d u c tio n and trade - T he p attern o f

d o m a in s o f p o w er, religion and e c o n o m y K hattiya ,

implications o f clan ownership o f land - Clan ow n

IV. Social Stratification as Reflected in the

The problem - Buddhism and caste - T w o schemes o f

_____________________ _ _ _________________ ___ i

ist view o f stratification

V. The Social Background o f the Early

The problem The method The sahgha - Social ori

social composition o f the early Buddhists *

VI. The King in Early Buddhism

the B uddhist genesis m yth - Seven symbols of

VII. Conclusion: Early Buddhism in a

A. Select List o f T erm s D epicting Various Strata

C. T he Social B ackground o f the B hikkhus

N ote: T he system o f transliteration follow ed here is based on the Pali-English

republican territory; m ore precisely a political unit w here there

mahanagara A scat o f governm ent, an im portant centre o f trade

paribbdjaka O n e w h o has renounced the status o f a householder, a

w andering religious m endicant

samana A w anderer, a recluse

sutta C hapter, division, dialogue, discourse

upasampadd H igher ordination, admission to the privileges o f

w aning, utilized by the Buddhists for the recitation o f the

m m Forest, w ood, place o f pleasure or sport

has left its mark on Indian h istory m ain ly

because it w itnessed an intense preoccupation w ith philosophical

1 Adele M . Fiske, B u d d h ism in India Today in H einrich D u m o u lin and Jo h n C .

Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism

needs to be analysed. Further certain broad generalizations regard

O n e o f the m ajor problem s faced by a historian attem pting an

o f the stratification o f the Pali texts. V ery few secondary w orks

traditionally B uddhist texts as a whole form ed the unit o f study, as

suled by scholars into one category. In the initial stages o f historical

th e stu d y o f social history. M ore than any other branch o f specialist

internal stratification o f the texts. A lthough the pace o f studies on

Social Formations in Ancient India, p. 124.

the subject o f stratification o f the texts is far from satisfactory, some

7 T .W , Rhys David, op. cit., p. 171.

Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism

fVvl 1AiTTf n c t t Y i t l ' i r

by Pande, Warder, W agle and Jayawickrame, The main sources for

for understanding social categories generally.

W hen w e first began this study w e examined in considerable

T he progress made in the field o f textual studies has been particu

spiritually elevated person. The word brdhmana occasionally

Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism

^ovtt v av fAa iJc u

teachings. The Buddhists therefore used the term anna titthiya to in

The Political, Economic, Social, and

Monarchies, gana-sahghas and state formation

The political system at the time o f the Buddha was characterized by

Social Dimensions o f Early Buddhism

institutions that flourished during the period o f the Buddha and

w ith the establishment o f the Mauryan empire.7 This process o f

effectively exercised. Apart from the increasing references to amatyas,

In this movement towards expansion and consolidation the

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