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Abstract
his paper gives an overview of the beliefs in demons as perceived by the ancient Egyptians during the later phases of the Pharaonic period and under the Greco and Roman rule. It focuses in
particular on the so-called guardian demons represented and named on the walls of the Ptolemaic temples such as the temple of Hathor at Dendera. hese igures of protectors are in fact
later reinterpretations of the demonic guardians of the doors and regions of the netherworld as
described in the so-called Book of the Dead. hrough this and other examples taken from iconographic and textual sources mentioning demons, it is discussed how the conception and ritual
practices concerning demons changes signiicantly in Greco-Roman Egypt as compared to the
earlier Pharaonic period.
Keywords
demonology, Greco-Roman Egypt, Ptolemaic temples, Book of the Dead
DOI: 10.1163/156921211X603904
110
111
seen in the iconography of demons of the ancient Near East,4 while in the
Christian sources evil demons are conceived as rather spiritual creatures, whose
physical manifestations can be the symbol of the human conlict with the
inner self. Even in the traditional iconography of the Christian hermit and
saint facing the demons temptations, such as Saint Anthony, where demons
are represented as monstrous creatures, we should indeed remember that the
concern of the hermit was with the incoherencies of his own soul more than
with supernatural creatures.5
In contrast, Homer and some early Greek folk beliefs seem to recall the
ancient Egyptian conception of demons as independent entities belonging to
the outside world. In his Greeks and the Irrational, E.R. Dodds proposes that
Plato actually had re-elaborated an older popular belief, already present in
Homer,6 according to which demons are not part of the inner self but rather
the contrary; namely, they personify external supernatural powers provoking
, disgrace or madness, which plays a central role in the tragedy of Aeschylus.7 he basic meaning of the Greek verb is indeed to be possessed and refers to the action of a generally evil demon on a body or a place.8
As Brenk has proposed in his study on Greco-Roman demonology,9 we may
better speak of daimonology as far as the early Greek intellectual tendency to
interpret intermediate supernatural beings is concerned. he daimon mentioned irst in the folk Homeric tradition is basically an impersonal nature
spirit,10 which is only later encompassed into the Platonic idea of a soul
4
See iconographical examples in: J. Black and A. Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient
Mesopotamia. An Illustrated Dictionary, British Museum Press, London 1992, pp. 6465.
5
P. Brown, he Making of Late Antiquity, Harvard University Press 1978, p. 89, cited in
G.A. Smith, How hin is a Demon, Journal of Early Christian Studies 16, (Winter 2008),
pp. 479512; especially interesting, at pp. 47980, is the quotation of a curious passage on
Origens greedy demons feeding on blood exhalations and becoming thick like a cloud; visibility is a synonym of impurity in such a context. On monastic demonology at large see D. Brakke,
Demons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christian Egypt, Cambridge
2006.
6
See F.A. Wilford, Daimon in Homer, Numen 12:3 (September 1965), pp. 217232.
7
Cf. for instance the passage: , possessed by a demon while being in
disgrace, Eschl. heb. 1006.
8
See the passage: a , the house is possessed by an evil demon, Eschl.,
Ch. 566. For further possible origins of the word see G.J. Riley in: K. van der Toorn, B. Becking,
P.W. van der Horst (eds.), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, Leiden 1999, p. 235.
9
See fn. 3 above.
10
Especially in the Odyssey, a daimon (always mentioned individually and never as a collective) may act similar to the gods but, diferently from the latter, it remains anonymous and
unidentiiable.
112
2. he Iconography of Demons
In the ancient Mediterranean cultures, fantastic animals like the griin and
the sphinx belong to the iconography of the demonic, and demonic bodies are
often connected to the idea of the monstrous. However, what appears as grotesque in our eyes, like multiple animal heads on a human body, may represent the natural combination of certain religious symbols, rather than the
construction of evil through ugliness (as some art historians suggest.)14 For
instance, in the iconography of ancient Egyptian demons, polymorphism
derives from the composite hieroglyphic style of representation itself, as
employed also for the gods depictions.15 During the Graeco-Roman Period,
polymorphic images of gods and demons increase within magical and ritual
Brenk, op. cit., pp. 21402141.
Among the Greek authors, Plutarch has been one of the irst, in his De defectu oraculorum, to speak of the oriental inluence on the Greek thought.
13
See Black and Green, op. cit., pp. 99101. On the Near Eastern inluence on Greek
demonology see W. Burkert, he Orientalizing Revolution, Cambridge 1992, and its later review
in S. Iles Johnston, Deining the dreadful: remarks on the Greek child-killing demon, in:
M. Meyer and P. Mirecki (eds.), Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, Leiden 1995, pp. 361387.
14
See for instance G. Bazins remarks in: he Devil in Art (in: Witchcraft and Demonology
in Art and Literature, ed. By B.P. Levack, Vol. 12, London 1992, pp. 2543), who recognized a
demonic style in art (images of mythological representations of the Arch-enemy showing ugliness, plurality, chaos), which was en vogue in the Eastern civilizations and which he sets in contrast to the Greek art, free from diabolic inluence (p. 29: the Greek genius salvaged the
divine element from the demonic animalism which still surrounds it in the idols of Egypt and
Babylon and found the most perfect form in creation to embody it, the only form in which a
spark of the divine intelligence shinesMan).
15
See E. Hornung, Komposite Gottheiten in der gyptischen Ikonographie, in: Images as
media. Sources for the cultural history of the Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean (1st millennium BCE), Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis (OBO) 175, pp. 120.
11
12
113
contexts related to the temple.16 Starting from the irst millennium BCE, a
greater number of representations of multiple-headed igures can be noted. A
representative example is that of the divine and demonic epithet h rw, with
many faces, which is attested since the Middle Kingdom, but becomes especially popular during the Late and Greco-Roman periods.17 he same epithet
is used for the irst time on a coin of the 22nd Dynasty, where it refers to a
triple headed igure of the god Ash.18 his was a god of Libyan origin that in
Egypt became a manifestation of Seth and which in its earliest depictions is
represented with a single head, human or sethian.19 he later representation of
Ash with three heads is a typical example of how polymorphism becomes an
important feature of the religious iconography in late Pharaonic religion,
which will then inluence the iconography of magical amulets in the Greek
and Roman world.20
he hybrid forms characterizing the iconography of demons in sources of
the Late and Greco-Roman period in Egypt do not intrinsically denote evil as
in Western imagery. hose body parts that, at irst sight, may seem to be
superluous,21 are instead the visual manifestation of multiple powers and
can be connected to the phenomenon of the pantheistic gods of late Egyptian religion.22
16
See remarks of H.G. Fischer, he Ancient Egyptian Attitude Towards the Monstrous,
in: Fs. Porada, pp. 1226. Among the Graeco-Roman temples in Egypt, that of Hibis in
El-Kharga shows the most various repertory of polymorphic igures; cf. examples listed in Hornung, op. cit., p. 19.
17
See references in C. Leitz (ed.), Lexicon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen,
OLA 110116, 7 vols., Leuven 2002, Vol. II, pp. 218219 (from now onwards: LGG).
18
Multiple heads apply to devils and evil creatures of Western folklore as well: curiously
enough, in the 16th Centurys Cosmographia of the German cartographer Sebastian Mnster, a
so-called idol evoked by a witch has a tripartite head which reminds of that of Ash and, as in
the depiction of the latter on the mentioned coin, it depicts a lion, a snake and a vulture.
19
See depictions in the 5th Dynasty temple of Sahure at Abusir: Newberry in JEA 14 (1928),
pp. 220221 (ig. 12).
20
On the Egyptian inluence on Greco-Roman amulets see C. Bonner, Studies in Magical
Amulets, chiely Graeco-Egyptian, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1950, in particular
pp. 2226.
21
On the overdeinition and underdetermination of the demonic bodies in antiquity see
J.Z. Smith, op. cit., pp. 429430.
22
On a recent discussion on the pantheistic gods in late Egypt see J.F. Quack, he so-called
Pantheos on Polimorphic Deities in Late Egyptian Religion, Egyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006,
pp. 175186, with bibliography.
114
115
116
uncanny forces that we ind in some Homeric passages as well as in the Greek
tragedies.30
At irst sight, beliefs in the wandering demons do not seem to change
signiicantly in the course of Pharaonic history. he corpora of the funerary
texts where they are mentioned, like the Pyramid Texts, Coin Texts and
Book of the Dead as well as magical spells for daily use on earth are copied
repeatedly on monuments, mortuary objects and papyri from the end of the
hird Millennium until the Roman period. However, at a certain point in
history, the number of apotropaic spells and amulets for warding of the
malevolent inluence of the wandering demons in daily life increases, showing
that the power of these demons was now felt more consistently on earth than
in the netherworld.
117
Baal and Reshef.33 He was also revered as a militant protector-god who stood
on the prow of the solar ship and speared the giant snake Apophis; and in this
role seems to have been revered in temples in the Dakhleh Oasis and the
Fayyum.34 Seths worship was especially favored by the Hyksos kings ruling
during the Second Intermediate Period as well as by the Ramesside kings. But
subsequently (following the hird Intermediate Period), his name was erased
on many monuments and there is no evidence of temples devoted to this god,
a phenomenon which may be related to this demonization of the foreigners.
Among his many roles in myths and religious traditions of the Pharaonic
period, that one of god of the foreigners seems to have been especially highlighted in the later times. In a papyrus dating to the 30th Dynasty (380343
BCE) that reports a ritual for overthrowing Seth and his crew,35 it is said that
the god returned from Asia to Egypt in order to destroy its temples and kill
the sacred animals. his story may have metaphorically referred to the second
Persian invasion of Artaxerxes III in Egypt (343332 BC), an episode recorded
with negative tones in the Egyptian documents.36
Despite evidence of Seth cults in the Western oases as well as in the Fayyum
in the Roman period, many magical and ritual texts from the Late and Ptolemaic periods depict him as a negative god to be repelled and as a destroyer
(referring to his mythic conlict with Horus).37 Seth became therefore the
33
On Seth and his multi-faceted role in the Egyptian religion see H. te Velde, Seth, God of
Confusion: A Study on his role in Egyptian mythology and religion, Probleme der gyptologie VI,
Leiden 1967. See also H. Brunner, Seth und ApophisGegengtter im gyptischen Pantheon?, Saeculum 34 (1983), pp. 226234.
34
On the cult of Seth in the oases, see O. Kaper, Temples and Gods in Roman Dakhleh: Studies in the Indigenous Cults of an Egyptian Oasis, Ph.D. Dissertation, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen,
1997, Ch. 3; on a village of Seth in the Fayyum see P. Gallo, he Wandering Personnel of
the Temple of Narnouthis in the Fayum and some Toponyms of the Meris of Polemon, in:
J.H. Johnson (ed.), Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and
Beyond, SAOC 51, Chicago 1992. Cf. also D. Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation
and resistance, Princeton 1998, pp. 112115. he beliefs in demons and demonic gods in the
Western oases during the Late Period would be especially worth of attention, given the isolated
religious and ritual life in these areas when compared to the Valley.
35
Cf. Urk. VI = S. Schott, Urkunden Mythologischen Inhalts II, Leipzig 1939; cited in
Y. Koenig, he image of foreigner in the magical texts, in: P.I.M. Kousoulis, K. Magliveras
(eds.), Moving across borders: foreign relations, religion and cultural interactions in the ancient Mediterranean, Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta (OLA), pp. 223238, in particular p. 234, fn. 62.
36
Koenig, op. cit.
37
Plutarchs De Iside is one of the central classical sources on which the identiication of Seth
with Typhon is based. Cf. J.G. Griiths, he Conlict of Horus and Seth from Egyptian and Classical Sources, Liverpool 1960. With the role of iconoclast and god of chaos Seth is mentioned also
in Ovids Metamorphoses, bk. 3, no. 5 and in other ancient authors, cited in K.A.D. Smelik and
E.A. Hemelrijk, Who knows not what monsters demented Egypt worships? Opinions on
Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient Conception of Egypt, in ANWR
118
119
120
48
See L. Kkosy, Temple and Funerary Beliefs in the Graeco-Roman Epoch, 1972. A very interesting contribution to this topic was made at the Totenbuch Symposium 1999 by A. von Lieven
and should be published in OBO series: Book of the Dead, Book of the Living. Book of the
Dead Spells as Temple Texts.
49
he idea of apotropaic guardians with demonic nature guarding temples and palaces and
generally having a hybrid or beastly appearance is one of the major common traits between
Egyptian and Near Eastern religions; the same apotropaic principle was probably expressed also
by the Greek guardian statues mentioned in the Odyssey as a creation of Hephaestus (7.9194);
see C.A. Faraone, Talismans and Trojan Horses. Guardian Statues in Ancient Myth and Ritual,
New York 1982, pp. 1835.
50
A detailed study on the guardian demons depicted in these spells has been published in:
R. Lucarelli, he guardian-demons of the Book of the Dead, British Museum Studies in
Ancient Egypt and Sudan (BMSAES) 15 (2010), pp. 85102. Online version: http://www
.britishmuseum.org/research/online_journals/bmsaes/issue_15/lucarelli.aspx.
121
51
An extract of Spell 146 occurs also in the temple of Hibis at El Kharga, while Spell 144 was
already present in the Osireion of Abydos. For a translation and commentary of the texts of the
Osirian chapels in Dendera, see S. Cauville, Le temple de Dendara : les chapelles osiriennes ; transcription et traduction, commentaire, index, Bibliothque dtude 117119, Cairo 1997 (from
now onwards abbreviated in Cauville, Chapelles, BdE 117119).
52
H.I. Amer and B. Moradet, Les dates de la construction du temple majeur dHathor
Dendara lpoque grco-romaine, ASAE 69 (1984), pp. 255258.
53
In the temple of Horus at Edfu the roof chapels have a similar structure and plant as those
of Dendera but ist decoration is lost so that we cannot establish their function anymore. Also in
the temple of Kharga the roof chapels may be similar to those of Dendera but there is no trace
of a relationship with Osiris. See S. Cauville, Les mysteres dOsiris Dendera: Interpretation
des chapelles osiriennes, Bulletin de la Socit Franaise dEgyptologie (BSFE) 112 (1988),
pp. 2336 (1988) and W. Waitkus, Die Dachkapellen des Edfu-Tempels , dans D. Kurt (d.),
Die Inschriften des Tempels von Edfu 5, Wiesbaden, 1999, pp. 147161.
54
Dendera X, 357359: Cauville, Chapelles, BdE 117, pp. 194f.
55
See for example O. Kaper, he Egyptian God Tutu: A Study of the Sphinx-God and Master
of Demons with a Corpus of Monuments, OLA 119, Leuven 2003, p. 61, S 28, on a piece kept in
the Brooklyn Museum.
122
origin seems to be Bubastis in the Delta, the cult center of the goddess Bastet.56
Also, while the guardians of the netherworld are linked to the places they
guard, the Arrows are mobile, like those malevolent gangs of wandering
demons sometimes sent by gods.57
he Arrows are especially controlled by aggressive protective/apotropaic
deities like Sakhmet, Neith, Bastet and Tutu. Because of their aggressive powers, such demonic gangs are usually under the authority of a god to maintain
control of them and direct them to the proper target. For this reason, in the
monuments of the Greco-Roman period we begin to note an enlarging of the
apotropaic pantheon, even though some apotropaic gods (like Bes and Tauret) were already popular during the Pharaonic period.
Along with temples and ritual papyri, one important witness to the invocation of such protective demons is the monolithic naoi, from the 30th Dynasty
especially. hese were temple shrines carved out of single pieces of stone and
whose decoration may include rows of protective deities and demons like the
Arrows.58
hese traditions of inscribing naoi with images of demon gangs are then
taken up on shrines of the Greco-Roman period. One in particular, from the
time of Domitian, portrays the Arrows as commanded by the sphinx god
Tutu.59 his monument exempliies how apotropaic gods like Tutu in this
period gain importance in relation to the gangs of demonic beings that they
control, more than being venerated on their own. Here and on other monuments of the Greco-Roman period Tutu gains the title Master of Demons.60
Clear evidence of the demonic character of apotropaic gods like Tutu is
their composite iconography: the demons which they control are integrated in
56
See bibliography in Cauville, Chapelles BdE 118., Vol. 2, p. 170, fn. 353. he earliest
appearance of the Arrows dates back, however, to the 22nd Dynasty (stela of Osorkon I); cf.
V. Rondot, Une monographie bubastite, BIFAO 89 (1989), pp. 249270, in particular
pp. 264f.
57
However, each of the seven Arrows is associated to a mound (Egyptian .t) on the stela
of Osorkon II and on the naos of Nectanebo II (see Rondot, op. cit., p. 253); the .w.t associated
to demons who guard them are the main topic of Spell 149 of the Book of the Dead: see
R. Lucarelli, M. Mller and S. Tpfer, Totenbuch 149, SAT, Bonn (forthcoming).
58
Cf. N. Spencer, A Naos of Nekhthorheb from Bubastis: religious iconography and temple
building in the 30th Dynasty, British Museum Research Publication 156, London 2006, in particular pp. 19f.; Rondot, op. cit.
59
V. Rondot, Le naos de Domitien, Toutou et les sept leches, BIFAO 90 (1990),
pp. 303337.
60
On the iconography and function of Tutu see the comprehensive study of O. Kaper,
op. cit.
123
their own bodies. In the case of Tutu, animal heads representing the Arrows
can be found added on his crown.61
he irst of Tutus Seven Arrows, generally represented with a crocodilehead and called great of strength, ph ty in Egyptian, seems to have been
worshipped on his own as a god in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt.62 His name
was also transliterated in Greek as Apathes and used as personal name.63 In
some instances, the name of this demon is determined by the gods hieroglyph
i, showing his divine nature. But in his reptilian forms, ph ty is also included
in the composite manifestation of Tutu.
he veneration of Tutu and Apathes in separate cults brings us another
feature typical of Egyptian demonology in these later periods: that demons
can receive a cult and they become gods. he Egyptian term for god (ntr) or
great god (ntr ), occurs often with the invocations to the Seven Arrows.64
he upgrading of supernatural beings from the status of demons to that of
gods occurs by virtue of these creatures double nature. On the one hand, they
are dangerous demons, bringers of illness and death; on the other hand, they
can also act as benevolent genii protecting those who know the magic spells
that neutralize their malevolence.65 Such a process seems to occur with the
h ty.w demons. In Pharaonic sources, these messenger-demons appear only in
apotropaic lists of dangerous beings as disease-bringers, to be warded of. But
61
See for instance the representation of the head of the god on a fragment from a temple wall
from Athribis, where the anthropomorphic head of Tutu is crowned by the animal forms represented also by the Arrows: Kaper, op. cit., pp. 260262. See also S. Sauneron, Le nouveau
sphinx composite du Brooklyn Museum et le rle du dieu Toutou-Tithos, JNES 19, no. 4
(1960), pp. 269287.
62
He is depicted also on the astronomical ceiling of the wabet in the Roman temple of Shenhur in Upper Egypt; see O. Neugebauer and R.A. Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Texts 3: Decans,
Planets, Constellations and Zodiacs, Brown Egyptological Studies 6, Providence 1969, Pl. 40A 9
(the decoration was probably made under Caligula).
63
A Ptolemaic stela from Karnak is devoted to ph ty, irst arrow of Mut: N. Grimal,
Travaux de lInstitut franais darchologie orientale en 19901991, BIFAO 91 (1991),
pp. 265345, in particular p. 328; a priest of Apathes lived in Memphis and is mentioned on a
shabtis: J. Yoyotte, Une monumentale litanie de granit : les Sekhmet dAmnophis III et la
conjuration permanente de la desse dangereuse, BSFE 8788 (1980), pp. 4675, in particular
p. 73 n. 34. At Philae we also know of a child god bearing the same name; all the references are
cited in Kaper, op. cit., p. 62 fn. 33.
64
See Cauville, Chapelles BdE 117, p. 194 (invocation to the 1st arrow, Dendera X, 357):
Greetings to you, great god whose power is immense (ind h r=k, ntr wr ph ty).
65
On the double nature of the Arrows, see S. Sauneron, Le nouveau sphinx composite du
Brooklyn Museum et le rle du dieu Toutou-Tithos, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 19, no. 4
(1960), pp. 269287, in particular pp. 278f.
124
in Ptolemaic hebes they receive a personal cult, and their epithet is inserted
into demotic personal names to carry a protective function.66
Like the h ty.w, the guardian demons of the Book of the Dead begin to be
objects of cults when appearing as temple guardians. Along with temple iconography, representation of their worship is evident in many Ptolemaic-era
versions of the Book of the Dead, where the deceased is depicted facing the
demons with upraised arms and occasionally even presenting food oferings
to them.67
7. Conclusions
his paper has covered two novel phenomena in Egyptian demonology of the
Late and Greco-Roman periods. First, there is an increasing tendency to
appease malevolent or potentially dangerous demons by worshipping and
granting them the status of apotropaic gods. Second, the creatures of the
ancient Egyptian netherworld, originally envisioned in mortuary texts as door
guardians, are now integrated into temple theology concerning the protection
of holy places, in particular the spaces devoted to the Osirian mysteries. As a
consequence, from the Late Period through the Greco-Roman periods we can
note an enlargement of the oicial pantheon through the integration of originally malevolent demons and guardians of the netherworld, whose worship
was not evident in sources of earlier periods.
Since one of the innovations in Egyptian religion under Hellenism was the
development of new syncretistic gods like Serapis and Harpocrates, the integration of these demonic igures into the oicial pantheon may have been
motivated by an attempt, on the part of priests, to contain the inluence of
foreign gods on local religion.
In two particular areas of priestly literary production of the late Pharaonic
era do we see a particular elorescence of minor gods and demons, Mortuary
texts become a favorite source for developing the igures of guardian demons
to be used also in temple context. In contrast, Oracular Amuletic Decrees
(above) from the end of the New Kingdom collect evidence of more evil
66
See for instance the name p-n-h t.w: J.H.F. Dijkstra, Philae and the End of Ancient Egyptian
Religion. A Regional Study of Religious Transformation (298642 CE), Orientalia Lovaniensia
Analecta (OLA) 173, Leuven 2008, p. 195 and fn. 9.
67
See for instance the illustrations in the Ptolemaic papyrus of Hor (BM 10479): M. Mosher,
he Papyrus of Hor (BM EA 10479) with Papyrus MacGregor: the late period tradition of Akhmim,
Catalogue of Books of the Dead in the British Museum 2, London 2001, Pls. 9 and 10.
125
68
It is especially in the magical texts of the Middle and New Kingdoms that the beliefs in
minor gods and the need of protection against malevolent demons is evident; cf. J.F. Borghouts,
Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts.
69
Bonner, op. cit.