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: Lea Ravensca Octavia Obiraga

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: 1801424070

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: LE66

CHINA AS A RISING GLOBAL POWER

INTRODUCTION :
China's insistence that Taiwan - a democratic country with all the attributes of independent
statehood except recognition - belongs to China and has no right to an independent
sovereignty strikes at the heart of China's legitimacy problem as a global power. For all its
good-neighbourly diplomacy and calls upon the presiding superpower to exercise restraint in
the exercise of its coercive power, China in domestic (Tibet, Xinjiang, democracy
movements, human rights) and quasi-domtestic (PRC-Taiwan) affairs is seen as overbearing
when handling the problem of dissent. Given that most states in the world accept Beijing's
view on the matter, that is, the One China policy which states that there is one China and that
Taiwan is a province of China, this does not appear to be a problem for the society of states.
Irrespective of minority claims within its sovereign territory, China remains an accepted great
power in the IR system.
In military terms it is also a superpower if one accepts that its nuclear arsenal is adequate to
the task of global (deterrent) reach and that its conventional forces can defend China in the
improbable event of attack. Unlike the US and other modern military establishments, China
lacks the latest technology. However, it continues its program of modernization, which it is
increasingly able to afford thanks to a strengthening economy. Thus while China is a great
power, exercising a valued balancing and concerting role in the system, it has yet to be
accepted as a superpower along US lines. In terms of global power, China demonstrates an

ability to engage in global governance when state-managed (as in the UN and its agencies)
and transnational business relations (benefiting from investments from transnational
companies), but where issues of dissent and their wider ramifications are involved
(particularly democracy and human rights issues), global civil society is not overly impressed
with China. Social networks independent of the state, including human rights activists, as
well as postmodernist views on diversity and tolerance, find the authoritarian government of
China troubling and out of touch with the global ethos.
Thus the globalising world is changing the way in which identities are handled and
experienced, but not at the risk of destroying the state system. What appears to be happening
is state adaptation to this condition by seeking the benefits of globalisation while concerting
to control its threats (terrorism and international crime).

LATIN AMERICA
In 2000 President Hu Jianto toured Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Cuba, which have resulted in
much closer economic links. Chinas trade with Latin America has grown at an average
annual rate of around 40 precent since 2003. By 2009, China had become most important
export market.
While Brazil exports to China composed overwhilmingly of commodities, Chinas exports to
Brazil are primarily manufactured goods. In 2010, China was comfortably the largets foreign
investor in Brazil, accounting for about $17 billion of Brazils totalforeign investment inflows
of $48.46 billion. In late 2010 Sinopec announced that was investing $7.1 billion to buy 40
pre cent of Repsol Brazil, the Brazilian subsidiary of Repsol YPF, representing on of the
companys largest investment in Latin America so far. A year eralier, an agreement was
signed under which Sinopec and the China Development Bankwill lens Brazils state-owned
oil company Petrobas $10 billion in return for up to 200.000 barrels a day of crude oil for ten
years.
In affect, Brazil is likely to become an extreamly important member of what might be
describe as the renminbi trading bloc. The fact that China and Brazil enjoy a close diplomatic

and political relationship,, as expressed, for example, in their membership of the BRIC
grouping,will surely serve to encourage such a development.
In 2011, the Peruvian government estimate that Chinese invetsment accounted for more that
$11 billion of $41 billion in existing and commited investment in the countrys energy and
mining sector. By2014, China is expected to overtake the European Union as Latin Americas
second largets trading partner after the United State; China, in short, is already having a
profound economic impact un the USs own backyard.

AFRIKA
The growth of china that was so advanced in economic we can see from the growth in the
sectors of industry or technology that has been produced by china as revenue in its economy.
Trade expansion the result of industry and technology has spread in various parts of the world
where goods that are derived from china has much demanded by.This in turn make china
requires a source of natural recources for could still produce the items for the factories that
produces it.Natural resources which needed by china such as oil and other raw material. It
cannot be denied again that china requires a source of its oil supplier. The main source of oil
for china still derived from arab states be highlighted in the recent but this is what is the
relationship china and africa in this.China policy is through his land have a partnership with
the government in africa to build oil pipeline and conduct infestation.The orientation of china
in africa then can be seen from how an increase in bilateral cooperation relations between
china and nations in africa. Many data showing how chinese presence in africa has risen in
terms of economic cooperation.China exported goods with low prices such as textile,
garments electronic instruments, and machinery whereby then the export market have very
large enthusiasts there in africa. To launch its production activities of the surely china require
natural resources.In this case african countries but rich in natural resources being supplier for
china in terms of import natural resources.China own need mineral resources like nickel and
aluminum as well as requiring also oil. One of the countries who become important partner
for china mentioned above is chad.A big investment by china in oil accepted by the
government of chad.The main focus in the economy is indeed a little also contains of military
issues or political. Ndjamena and beijing own more powerful relation when attendance n
djamena in 2006 in the forum third china-africa cooperation.Through this forum later the
desire to prolong and extend economic relations from china and chad own.This economic

activity itself also supported by military aid and political given china against the government
of chad. The power of the economic relations has owned the two countries china influence is
increasingly drives through geopolitics of oil in oil pipeline project chad-kamerun.Project
construction of oil pipeline chad-kamerun held because chad have to transport oil this
through cameroon before until the marine shipping terminal. Next this project had little
trouble when chad government rejected the involvement of the world bank in funding this
project.So that later in 2011 china started giving its support to the government of chad.See the
chinese investment in this project is part of the extension of the influence of china own in
africa.
The presence of china in africa made by china with the conditions that are conducive with
china did not come with using political as main vehicle to deal with the condition of the
country in africa who unstable.China using sector of the economy where the provision of
support was provided by china in originally as, of release infrastructure and development
assistance in education make china being received within countries who want the request
cooperation. Next up is china own desire to lay ahead western powers especially the united
states make china look for ways of diplomacy so that china own can get support and
spreading their influence in the world. There are two views to see this from the side of china
own.First is the china not just trying to ingratiate the government countries in africa who
invited to cooperation by aid and economic cooperation but china try to find the source of a
supply of oil for her country. Next up is with the investment that is very much in the projects
china can get oil prices are cheap and can also secure the energy supply for her country apart
from the middle east.
THE MIDDLE EAST AND IRAN
Nearky two-thirds of the worlds proven oil reserve are concentrated in the Arabian Gulf.
The Gulf State are responsible for nearly 40 per cent of world crude oil exports, with Saudi
Arabias share around 12 per cent and Irans 7 per cent. China became a net importer of oil
products in 1993 and of crude oil in 1996. It now imports aorund half of its crude oil and it is
estimated that by 2035 China will have to import over 70 per cent.
Chinese oil companies have tried to gain rights to invest and develop oilfields in the region,
including Iraq; and finally, China has encourage companies in the Gulf to invest in Chinese
refineries in orderto try to promote closer links, with the Saudis in particular being majorsuch
investors.

As an emergent global power, China has frequently sought to develop friendly relation with
the more powerfull state in their respective regions-Brazil and South Africa being notable
examples-as thing in turn is likely to enhance its own influence. Until 2010 it managed to
thwart American attempts to impose economics sanctions on Iran and it succesfully resisted
effort to excommunicative Iran after it had been branded as a member of an axis evil by the
Bush administration. China negotiated a major package of oil deals in 2004, as a result of
which it became a key stakeholder and one of the largest foreign investors in the Iranian oil
industry in addition to Iran being one of its biggest suppliers of oil.
As the international relation expert John Garver argues, a dominant China in East Asia
combined with a dominant Iran in West Asia could ultimately become a central element of a
post-unipolar, China-centered Asia in the middle of the twenty-first century. Such a deal
would represent a tacit recognition that East Asia was Chinas sphere of influence and the
Middle East, Americas.
RUSSIA
The condition of which is asia from the united states, under the influence of russia felt the
need to take steps to influence russia lost in teritory isn't a big legacy of the soviet union.They
didn't realize that russia will be able to deal with the united states and to try to find partners to
reduce american domination and drove us out from central asia.
In this case russia chose china as a peer who will in turn partner or cooperation partner in the
face of the united states in central asia. Now the reason russia chose china as partner his
involvement is because russia and china have long begin their cooperation relationship is on
the aftermath of the cold war and the establishment of the treaty began of good
neighborliness and the friendly cooperation and friendship that marker relations be good
cooperation between the two negara.rusia view that the power of china will continue to
undergo development which is very fast and this will certainly give a big influence for
russian do if russia relations of cooperation with the chinese state. Russia realized that the
power of china getting stronger so also with the united. Hence , russia tried to use his land
policy is that in familiar with the name of multi vectored that will be on the run by the
russians as a form of the implementation of the interests of nasionalnya.untuk offset the
influence of the united states in central asia , russia , china and also kelimanegara that is in
central asia form organization likened to the shanghai cooperation organization ( sco ).
The main purpose of the formation of sco this is as to new security concept based on mutual
trust , cooperative security and disarmament , relations with the new countries in partnership

with the alignment is not the point , and a new model of regional cooperation with countries
which features the efforts of all sizes and mutually advantageous cooperation .Sco through ,
russia , china and central asian countries have done some joint military exercises to the united
states as a sign that russia started broken with the united states military base presence in
central asia.
China also has held approach to central asian countries by means of providing economic
assistance and establishing several oil companies investing in central asia.Besides, in terms of
commerce establish cooperation with the countries of central asia and also built several the
construction of a pipeline carrying oil from central asia into china.Through cooperation with
russia, which is interwoven then china will reap considerable that can easily get accessibility
of energy that exists in the area of central asia.
INDIA AND SOUTH ASIA
China and india was trying to expand the presence of strategic and their influence around as
consequent upon their economic power .Both countries tried to mencri the involvement of
more widely with other countries either in regional and global .In this case , should be noted
that both china and india has taken important steps to increase cooperation to one another
.Most of kepentinganchina and india in southeast asia driven based on their interests and
based on the principle of mutually beneficial economic in the fields .
China find a way that is easier to engage with asean compared with india .Because china is
considered denganketakutan greater in southeast asia compared with india because of various
factors , among them the history of power and influence china in this region .
EUROPE
While the American and European economies are of a similiar size, their global influence
differs vastly. The reason is that Europe is devide into many nation-states and the European
Union, which was created to try and tranced these difference and division. As conequence,
the European Union is overwhilmingly inward-rather than outward-looking, constantly
enganged in a process of institutional reform, one treaty following another, the lastest
example being Lisbon. In other words, the EUs inward-looking mentality is combined with a
much older and deeply rooted Eurocentrism the world.
While Europe has been obsessing over its own intitutional arrangement, its global power and
influence has been in rapid decline. In the mid 1990s, the EUs share of global trade was over
25% and by 2030 it will be roughtly 10%. The shift in the centre of economic gravity from

the developed to the developing world has been progressively undermining Europes position.
In consequences, the European mentality has become steadly more defensive. China, is the
quintessential barere and representative of these change, but the European elites, remain
infromed leader anf periodic debates about China in the media which cover more or less the
same ground and rehearse the same kind of issues. It is difficult not to draw the conclusion
that the blissful ignorance about China is based on an anachronistic tha European knows best.
No surprisingly, China regards the European Union every different terms from the United
State. The United State is a global power in contrast to the European Union, which
increasingly behaves more like a regional power and is perceived as such by China. Indeed,
in East Asia, Chinas own region, Europe has not been a serious player since the collapse of
the European empires.
For the most pasrt, Europes response tothe rise of China has been fragmented and
incoherent. As a result, Europe generally speaks with a weak voice and more often than not
with many voice of. Europes economics relationship with China grew considerably over the
decade prior to the Western financial crisis. Resulting in a growing European trade deficit
with China and a loss of jobs in those industries competing with Chinese imports.
What has served to fundamentally redraw the relationship between China and Europe is
Europes ongoing sovereign debt crisis and continuing economic stagnation. The most
dramatic early example of this was a deal for Chinese banks to buy 20 billion of long-term
Greek bonds. The deals are still limited but may well prove a sign of the future. In November
2011, Lou Jiwei, the chairman of the China Investment Corporation, announced that the
sovereign wealth fund was keen to invest in the UK infrastructure sector as an equity
investor, and in January 2012 the fund bought 8,68% of Thames Waters controlling
company. The numerous weaker European economies view Chinese investment in extreamly
positive terms.
Finally, it is worth bearing in mind that European will account for less than 5% of the worlds
population by 2050, compared with 12% in 1950. In such secanrio, it is likely that the United
States and European will slowly drift apart. Furthermore, the growing power of Chinas huge
markets, its deep pockets and its potential largesse mean, as we have seen with the sovereign
deebt crisis, that China has much it might offer Europe. For variety of reason, historrical,
cultural, ethnic, and economic, Europe is likely to remain wedded to the US in the world that
is unfolding. But in a position of American decline and growing Chinese hegemony, the
relationship between Europe and the United State is likely to grow weaker and ultimately
much weaker.

THE RISING SUPERPOWER AND THE DECLINING SUPERPOWER


While the domestic debates in the United States might often suggest the contrary, the
relationship between Chinaand US has been characterized for almost four decades by stability
and continuity. The relationship has remined on an even keel, with the United State gradually
granting China access both to its domestic market and the institutions of the international
system and China in return tempering and dovetailling its actions and behaviouur in
deference American attitudes. The created a sense of ongoing loyality and commitment to the
relationship with China that helped to ensure its endurance. The relationship with the United
State has continued to be and article of faith for the Chinese leadreship throughout the reform
period, largely consensual and uncontested engendering over time a highly informed and
intimate knowledge of America.
The

United State possesed the worlds largest market and was the gatekeeper to and

international system the design and operation of which it was overwhilmingly responsible
for. In the longer term, when China is far stronger,this rate demeaning experience might find
expression.
Compared with Chinas huge investment in its relationship with the United Staes, the
American attitude towards China stands in striking contrast. George W. Bush made strong
moises against China during his first presidential election campaign, China sank down the
Washington pecjing order 9/11 and relations between the twwo rapidly returned to the states
quo ante.
Furtehrmore, given Chinas double-digit economic growth and its huge population, it was
regarded as offering boundless opportnities for US business.
A new and aggresive America was born. Inthe event, an overwhilming majority of nationstates opposed invasion of Iraq, and according to global opinion polls and even more decisive
majority of their citizen. As the occupation faced growing opposition and was precieved to
have failed, the United States became unpopular to an extent not seen in the sixty years since
the Second World War. By accident, these two development happened to coincide, thereby
serving to accentuante their impact.
Mann argued that, notwithstanding Chinas market transfromation, it by no means
automatically followed that China would become democratic.
GROWING CONFLICT

Both China and the United State have sought to play down, both Chinese and American
atitudes have changed as as consequeces, even though there is inevitably a time lag as
assumption, preceptions, policies, and strategies catch up with the new reality. The problems
facing the Chinese leadership are now more complex. Meanwhile the United States is for the
first tme being eobligated to face up to the reality of its own decline. In short, both countries
have as yet taken only the first baby steps into the nwe world. But the change in tone is
unmistakable.
The Chinese are not prone to gesture or posturing. Even though the Deng Xiaoping era is
drawing to close, it will not be abandoned quickly or completely. Because the US-China
relationship has been relatively stable ever since the Mao-Nixon rapporchement, there has
been a tendency to see it as broadly amicable, in fact this is something of a deceit, the
character of their friendship being essentially superficial. Its is burned by false expectations
that are persistently dissaponted, wich has clearly been the case since the financial crisis. The
ongoing tension between the China and the US over currency matters are a classic illustration
of this. Furthermore, as the Harvard economist Dani Rodrik has pointed out, Chinas reliance
on an under-valued currency is partly a consequence of the fact that the indsutrial policies it
pursued before 2001 were nolonger permitted under the relatively draconian terms of its
admission to the WTO. Althought the Chinese government allowed the reminibi to modestly
appriciate once more in June 2010.
It broadened the offensive by arguing that there was a growing conflict between the domestic
pressures on the dollar and its role as a reserve currency and that, as a consequence,the dollar
was no longer capable of acting as the worlds dominant currency.
The Chinese will certainly allow the reminibi to appreciate, because it is increasingly in their
own domestic economic interset, but they will do it in tehir own domestic interest, but they
will do in their own way and at their own speed. The American argument that China
determined to develop a strong military capacity of its own plays on the fears of many
nations, especially in East Asia. So suspicion that China is also embarked on becoming a
military superpower could help to tip the balance of preception towards something closer to
acute anxiety, even paranoia. There is no doubt that the United State feels rather more
comfrotable on the terrain of hard power than China, first because its military superiority is
overwhilmingly and secondly because the language of hard power is deeply inscribed on the
American psyche. The relationship between the United State and China is bound to change
profoundly. Likewise, it is difficult to predict how the United State will respond to a situation

where it is palpably an imperial power in decline confronted with a new and very different
kind of adversary.
THE FUTURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM
A key characteristic of the worlds leading power is its ability to create and organize and
international economic system to which other nations are wiling or obligated to subscribe.
This process of weakning has been apparent for well over a decade, though it was not until
the Western financial crisis that the vulnerability of the existing system was widely
recognized. During the Asian financial crisis, Malaysia and Japan proposed that there should
be an Asian Monetary Fund. This was strongly opposed by both the US and the IMF which
correctly saw the proposal saw the proposal as a threat to the IMFs position and also by
China. China long ago abondend its opposition and has been actively involved with the ten
ASEAN members, together with Japan and South Korea.
As China financial power expands, its ability to make loans and give aid are increasing
dramatically, but this is also true more generally. Specifically, the China Development Bank
and China Export-Import Bank signed loans of at least $110 billion to other developing
country governments and companies during those two years. Menawhile the WTO with the
demise of the Doha round together with the growing popularity of the various ASEAN related
agreements. The process of trade liberalization in East Asia since 2000, indeed with China
playing a key role through the various ASEAN-related agreements.
The rise of China and the decline of the United State are central to the present travails global
economy and the international financial system. The fact that China is such a huge creditor,
based on its prospensity to save and exports and the United State such a colossal debtor.
Reflects a deep change in the balance of economic power between the two countries. The
American consumer boom depended on Chinas wilingness to keep lending to the United
State sthrough the purchase of US Treasury bonds.
In the first few months of 2011, there was evidence to suggest that the Chinese had begun to
diversify their purchase away from the US dollar, probably by buying European government
debt rather than US dollar assets. The United State posistion as the global financial centre and
the dollar as the dominant reserve currency are on a Chinese life-supports system. On the
other hand China is as yet neither able nor wiling to assume that role. A World Bank report
2011 predicted that the dollars predominance would come to an end some time before 2025,
to be replaced by monetary system based on the dollar, euro and renimbi.

In longer run, the most likely resolution to the crisis of the US dominated system is the
emergence of the renimbi as a major international currency and ultimately as a reserve
currency that will replace tha dollar at the heart of the global financial system.
Menawhile, as China power grows, together with that of other developing like India, the
United States, along with Europes, will be obligated to adapt the international system and its
institutions to accommodate their demands and aspirations.
Inthe light of such American adventage, it seem highly unlikely that, at least in the long term,
the present system will survive the decline of the United State. In the short to medium term a
rather more plausible scenario, extrapolating from current trends, would be what might be
described as a twin-track process. China in other words, is likely to operate both within and
outside the existing institutions. In similar fashion, while supporting the IMF, it will back the
Chiang Mai currency support intiative in Eats Asia and extend its financial assitence to
countries around the world, including the indebted south European economies.
The result was dramatic. Between June and November 2010, trade settled in renimbi
amounted to Rmb340 billion compared with zero not much that year earlier.
Within a period of five years or so, it is entierly possible that the renimbi will be highly
internationalized and one of the major currencies in the settlement of trade.

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