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Title:EmotionsandSocialMovements:TwentyYearsofTheoryandResearch 1
Author:JamesM.Jasper
Keywords:affectivesolidarity,emotionalenergy,emotionalliberation,moralshocks,pride,
shame
Abstract:

Thelasttwentyyearshaveseenanexplosionofresearchandtheoryintotheemotions
ofprotestandsocialmovements.Atoneextreme,generaltheoreticalstatementsabout
emotionshaveestablishedtheirimportanceineveryaspectofpoliticalaction.Attheother,the
originsandinfluenceofmanyspecificemotionshavebeenisolatedascausalmechanisms.This
articleofferssomethinginbetween,atypologyofemotionalprocessesaimedtoshowthat
emotionsdonotallworkthesamewaybutalsotoencourageresearchintohowdifferent
emotionsinteractwithoneanother.Thisshouldalsohelpusovercomearesidualsuspicion
thatemotionsareirrational,aswellastheoverreaction,namelydemonstrationsthatemotions
help(andneverhurt)protestmobilizationandgoals.
Text:

Twentyyearsago,emotionswerealmostentirelyabsentfromscholarlyaccountsof
politics,protest,andsocialmovements.Onesearchedinvainforanymentionorindexentry
(Goodwin1997:53).Intheyearssince,emotionsofeverysorthavereappearedinresearchon
socialmovements,inastillgrowingflowofarticlesandbooks.Thisessayrecapssomeofwhat
wehavelearnedfromthatresearchandtheory,identifiessomeofitslimits,andsuggests
wherewemightgonext.
Emotionsarepresentineveryphaseandeveryaspectofprotest(socialmovementsand
protestoverlapsufficientlyformetousethetermsinterchangeablyhere).Theymotivate
individuals,aregeneratedincrowds,areexpressedrhetorically,andshapestatedandunstated
goalsofsocialmovements.Emotionsarebothmeansandends,andsometimesboth.Theycan
helporhindermobilizationefforts,ongoingstrategies,andthesuccessofsocialmovements.
Cooperationandcollectiveactionhavealwaysofferedanopportunitytothinkaboutsocial
actionmoregenerally,andthereturnofemotionsisthelatestinspirationfordoingthis.
Theintellectualpendulumhasswunginthelasttwodecadesfromstructuraltheoriesof
socialmovementstowardculturalonesthatincludemotivationforaction,themeaningof

FortheirextensivecommentsonanearlierdraftIthanktheweeklyPoliticsandProtestWorkshopoftheCUNY
GraduateCenter,especiallyAgathaBeins,VinceBoudreau,LouisEsparza,OlivierFillieule,JeffGoodwin,John
Krinsky,GuobinYang,andElkeZuern.KevinMoranprovidedneededresearchandeditorialassistance.

eventsforpoliticalparticipants,strategicdilemmasanddecisionmakingprocesses,andthe
needforatheoryofactiontocomplementthetheoryofstructuralcontextdevelopedinthe
1970sand1980s(Jasper2010a).Virtuallyalltheculturalmodelsandconceptscurrentlyinuse
(e.g.frames,identities,narratives)aremisspecifiediftheydonotincludeexplicitemotional
causalmechanisms.Yetfewofthemdo.
Theemergingsubfieldofemotionsandmovementshasbeenlimitedbyanumberof
conceptualconfusions,reflectingthebroadersocialscienceofemotions.First,thetraditional
butuntenablecontrastofemotionswithrationalitypersistsintheformofotherdualismssuch
asthebodyversusmind,individualversussocial,oraffectversusemotion(Massumi2002).We
needtorecognizethatfeelingandthinkingareparallel,interactingprocessesofevaluatingand
interactingwithourworlds,composedofsimilarneurologicalbuildingblocks.Perhapsin
reactionagainsttheresidualdualisms,scholarsofemotionsinmovementsoftenconcentrate
onemotionsthathelpprotestorsratherthanonafullrangethathelp,hurt,ordoneither(just
asotherconceptssuchasresourcesoropportunitiestendtobeportrayedonlyasgoodthings).
Second,labelsforspecificemotionsareoftentakenintactfromnaturallanguage
angerandfearbeingthemostcommonbutactuallycoverdifferentkindsoffeelings.Anger,
forexample,canbeagutsurgeofpanicoversomethingintheshadowsoranelaborated
indignationovertheinsensitivityofourgovernment.Shametooseemstohaveatleasttwo
differentforms:one(alsoobservedinnonhumans)isbasedonphysicalhumiliation,akindof
cowing;theotheronasharedmoralcodethatonehasviolated.Associalscientistsweneed
tobuildonthesenaturallanguagelabelswhichafteralldeeplyshapehowpeoplefeelandact
butalsomakebetteranalyticdistinctionsamongthem.
Athirdproblemisthatstatementsaremadeaboutemotionsingeneral,conflating
verydifferenttypesoffeeling.Thewordemotion,likeitscounterpartinmanyother
languages,coversagreatnumberofexpressions,interactions,feelings,andlabels.Although
scholarshavesuggestedthatwedevelopsubcategoriesthatcorrespondbettertothedifferent
kindsofthingstermedemotions(Griffiths1997,Gould2009,Lefranc&Sommier2009:292),
mostcontinuetoobserveandtheorizeonesuchsubcategorywhilecontinuingtoapplythe
termemotionstoit.Whentheirmodelsaremisappliedtootherkindsofemotion,confusion
results.Fewblanketstatementsaboutemotionsasacategorycanholdup.

Inordertoaddressallthreeproblems,Ihaveelsewhere(Jasper2006a,Goodwinetal.
2004)presentedacrudetypologyofemotionsbasedonhowlongtheytypicallylastandhow
theyarefelt.Urgesarestrongbodilyimpulses,hardtoignore,suchaslust,substanceaddiction,
ortheneedtosleepordefecate(Elster1999b).Theirimpactonpoliticsisoftentointerfere
withpromisedcoordinatedaction,sothatorganizerstrytocontrolthem(justastorturersuse
themtobreakpeopledown).Reflexemotionsarereactionstoourimmediatephysicaland

socialenvironments,usuallyquicktoappearandtosubside,andaccompaniedbyapackageof
facialexpressionsandbodilychanges(Ekman1972).Mostauthorsadoptreflexemotionsfear,
anger,joy,surprise,disgust,shock,andsoonastheparadigmforallemotions,thereby
exaggeratingtheintensity,suddenness,anddisruptivecapacityofemotions.

Moodslastlonger,sothatwecancarryamoodfromonesettingtoanother;theydiffer
fromotheremotionsinlackingadirectobject(Damasio2003:43;mytypologyisnotfarfrom
his).Moodsbothconditionourreflexemotionsandarechangedbythem.

Therearetwotypesofrelativelystable,longtermemotions,whichareoftena
backgroundformoodsandreflexemotions(Tranidubsthemreflexiveasopposedtoreflex
emotions:2009:194).Affectiveloyaltiesororientationsareattachmentsoraversions:love,
liking,respect,trust,admiration,andtheirnegativecounterparts.Theyarelesstiedtoshort
termassessmentsofhowwearedoingintheworld,andmoretoelaboratedcognitive
appraisalsofothers(althoughtheobjectsneednotbehumans).Finally,moralemotions
involvefeelingsofapprovalanddisapprovalbasedonmoralintuitionsandprinciples,aswellas
thesatisfactionswefeelwhenwedotheright(orwrong)thing,butalsowhenwefeeltheright
(orwrong)thing,suchascompassionfortheunfortunateorindignationoverinjustice.

Manygeneralmodelsofemotionarebasedononeofthesecategoriesasanexemplar,
andapplypoorlytoothers.Thetypologyalsoaddressesproblem1,sinceanoveremphasison
reflexemotionssuggeststhatemotionsarelikelytoleadustomakemistakes,perhapsevento
thepointofirrationality.Italsohelpswithproblem2,distinguishingforexamplebetween
shameasapermanentfeelingofmoralinadequacy(asincastesystems)fromreflexshameasa
reactiontophysicalintimidation.
PartI:Sources

Untilthe1960sobserversusedtheobviousemotionsofprotesttodismissprotestorsas
irrationalorimmature;fromthe1960stothe1990sanalystsdeniedanyandallemotionsinan
efforttodemonstratethatprotestorsarerational(Goodwinetal.2000).Evenculturally
orientedscholarsconcentratedmoreoncognitivecodesthanonfeltexperiences.Inthe1990s
theintellectualpendulumbegantoswingback,withthereturnoftherepressed.Scholarsof
protestdreweclecticallyonavarietyoftheoriesofemotions.
Adistinctsociologyofemotionshadmaturedinthe1980s.TheManagedHeart
(Hochschild1983)portrayedthemanagementofemotionalexpressionsaccordingtoculturally
informedfeelingrules,especiallythoseimposedbyemployersinaformofexploitation.This
bookeclipsedtheothermainstrandsoftheemergingsociologyofemotions,Kempers(1978)
systematiclinkageofemotionalreactionstoanindividualspositioninhierarchiesofstatusand
power,andHeises(1979)affectcontroltheoryofhowwereacttodisruptedexpectations.

Noneoftheseinfluentialworkswasdirectlyconcernedwithpolitics,althoughoneof
Hochschildsearliestdiscussionsofemotion(1975),concerningwomenandanger,appearedin
afeministvolume.Eventoday,thesethreetraditionshavenotbeenappliedtopoliticalaction
inathoroughandsystematicway(cf.Britt&Heise2000,Kemper2001).
AnotherinfluencewasCollins(1975)discussionoftheemotionalenergygeneratedin
collectiverituals,labeledcollectiveeffervescencebyDurkheim.AspartofCollinsconflict
theory,emotionsandattentionarevaluesthatpeoplecompetefor,andexcitementsand
solidaritiesdrawpeopletocollectiveaction.Onceemotionshadreturnedtothestudyofsocial
movements,Collins(2001,2004)andKemper(2001)bothworkedoutsomeoftheimplications
oftheirtheoriesforpoliticalaction(aswellsee).
Severalscholars,workingfromdifferenttheoreticalperspectives,begantoanalyzethe
emotionsofprotestinthe1990s.Critiquesofrationalchoicemodelswereonesource,since
thattraditionsrestricteddefinitionofrationalityascalculatedmaximizationassumedthat
individualstendtoberationalandyetleftthesuspicionthattherearefewrationalgroundsfor
participatingasopposedtofreeriding(Olson1965).Flam(1990)offeredanemotionalman
modeltocomplementboththeselfinterestedmodelsofeconomicsandthemoralmodelsof
altruismoftenpresentedastheiropposite.Ferree(1992:32)alsocriticizedtherationalchoice
traditionforrenderingambivalence,altruism,andemotionalexperienceinvisibleand
irrelevant.Althoughausefulexerciseinbrushclearing,critiquesofrationalchoicetheoryhad
somelimitsasastartingpointfortheanalysisofemotions:criticshadtoacceptmuchofthe
languageandindividualismoftheirtargetinordertocarryonadialogue;andinteresting
theorizingaboutemotionssoonemergedfromtherationalchoicetraditionitself,especially
Elsterswork(1999a,1999b).
Feminisminspiredabroadercritique,notmerelyofacademicmodels,butofwestern
thoughtmoregenerally,forignoring,denying,anddenigratingtheroleofemotionsinsocial
andpoliticallife.Cixous(1987),Jaggar(1989)andotherschallengedanumberofdichotomies
usedtodenigratewomen:mindversusbody,thinkingversusfeeling,publicversusprivate,and
soon(Calhoun2001).Theassociationofwomenwithemotionsisunfairanddamagingasa
normbutperhaps(forthatveryreason)accurateasadescription.Hochschildinsistedthat
womenareexploitedbybeingcalledupontodomoreemotionworkthanmen.Lackingother
resources,sheobserved(1983:163),womenmakearesourceoutoffeeling,thanksinpart
totheemotionmanagementskillstheyarepressedtodevelopthroughchildhoodgender
socialization.(Thedichotomiesattackedbyfeministsweresometimesstrawtargets,sincethere
areanumberofemotionswomenarediscouragedfromfeeling,especiallyanger.)Taylor(1996)
andHercus(1999)broughtafeministanalysisofangersuppressiontothestudyofsocial
movements(aswellasofotheremotionalprocesses:Taylor1995,Taylor&Rupp2002).

Theemotionalanalysisbegunbyfeminismwasfurtheradvancedbythequeerturnin
socialmovementstudies.Inacommonpatterninwhichparticularsocialmovementsinspire
researchandtheory,feminismscontroversiesoversexandsexualityandthenACTUPand
othergroupsaddressingHIV/AIDSignitedworkoncollectiveidentity(Taylor&Whittier1992,
Stein&Plummer1994)andonthecultureeventuallytheemotionalcultureofprotest
groups(Gamson1995,Gould2001,2003,2009).
Fordecadespsychoanalysisofferedtheonlyserioustoolkitfortalkingaboutemotionsin
politics(e.g.Lasswell1948,Smelser1968).Itspromisefadedascognitivepsychologydeveloped
asanalternativeinthe1970sand1980s(Jasper2004b),sinceFreudshydraulicimageryof
libidinalflows,firstthroughtheindividual(eithersublimatedorreleasedsexually),thenout
intosocialnetworks,reliedonanextrememindbodyconflictthatwaslessandlesstenable.
Goodwin(1997)nonethelessapplieditusefullytodyadictensionsintheHukrebellioninthe
Philippines,asinternalHukdocumentsshowhowleadersstruggledtopreventmembersfrom
leavingtobewiththeirspousesandchildrentotheextentofallowingmentotakeforest
wivesinthearmedcamps.Tradeoffsamongdifferentobjectsofaffectioncanhaveasocial
basis(limitedtimeandattention)ratherthanbeinggroundedinbodilydrives.
Culturalconstructionismofferedotherusefultoolsforunderstandingtheemotionsof
politics,especiallybysuggestingthatemotionsareapartofculturealongsidecognitionand
morality(Jasper1997).Emotionalmechanismscouldbedetectedlurkingunacknowledged
beneathanumberofprocessesotherwisetakenascognitive,suchasframealignmentand
collectiveidentity,ortakenasstructural,suchaspoliticalopportunitiesandnetworks(Jasper
1998).Theculturalapproachtendstohighlighttherhetoricalandperformativeworkthat
organizersdotoconstructsensibilitiesandgeneratemoralshocksthatdrawpeopleinto
participation(Alexanderetal.2006,Tilly2008,Broqua&Fillieule2009).
Tobesure,emotionshadnotbeeneliminatedentirelyfromscholarsvocabulariesin
the1970s.Lofland(1982)wroteofthejoysofcrowds,Gamsonetal.(1982:123)aboutthe
suspicion,hostility,andangerthatcontributetoaninjusticeframe.Missingwasawayto
incorporatetheseinsightsintoabroadertheoryofaction.EvenGamson(1992),incallingfora
socialpsychologicalapproach,failedtoincludehisownworkonemotions.Aculturalapproach
promisedaviewofpoliticalactionthatwouldrecognizeemotionsinavarietyofformsand
settings(Jasper1997),butmanyculturallyorientedscholarsgotnofurtherthanacknowledging
emotions(Krinsky&Barker2009).
Areasonablepictureofemotionshasemergedinthepastdecadethatsocialscientists
canputtouseinempiricalresearch.AccordingtoNussbaum(2001:23),emotionsalways
involvethoughtofanobjectcombinedwiththoughtoftheobjectssalienceorimportance;in
thatsense,theyalwaysinvolveappraisalorevaluation.Theyare,furthermore,salientor

importanttothepersonsownflourishing(30).Shesteersbetweenthetreacherousimagesof
emotionsasautomaticbodilydisturbancesorasanoverlycalculating,reflexiveawareness.
Emotionsareaformofinformationprocessing,oftenfasterthanourconsciousmindsoperate
(Leventhal&Tomarken1986).Theyrunthroughvariouspartsofthebrain,justaswhatwecall
cognitionsdo.TheycanbeobservedinfMRIscans,justasmoreformalthoughtscan.They
helphumansnegotiatetheworldaroundthem.AlthoughIbelievetherearesomelimitstothis
viewithastroublewithmoodsthatarenotdirectlyaboutobjectsandwithaffective
loyaltiesthatpersistovertimeitisafinestartingpoint(andcompatiblewithothertheorists,
suchasBenZeev2000,Marcus2002,Damasio2003).Foremost,itsuggeststhatdifferent
emotionscorrespondtodifferentthingswecareabout,differentgoalswemayhave.
Part2:GoalsofPoliticalAction

Manysocialscientistseitherignorethemultiplegoalshumanspursue,orassumethey
knowthemostimportantones.Positingasinglegoaleasesmathematicalcomputationbut
removesourabilitytoobservepeoplewrestlingwithconflictsamonggoals.Emotionsforceus
tobeexplicitaboutgoals,thetwobeingsocloselyentwined.Inaworkonstrategic
engagementIcategorizedhumangoalsroughlyasreputation,sensualityandconnection,
impactontheworld,andcuriosity(Jasper2006b).Weseealltheseatworkinsocial
movements,sometimesdrivingthemforwardandsometimespullingthemapart(although
curiosityismoreimportantforartisticandintellectualthanforpoliticalmovements,soIshall
ignoreithere).Weobservedistinctemotionsrelatedtohowwellwearedoinginourstruggle
forthesevariousgoals.
Reputation.Thisisoneofthemostcommonhumanmotives:aconcernforduehonor,pride,
recognitionofonesbasichumanity(Honneth1995).Manymovementsthatappear
instrumentallyinterestedinpowerormaterialbenefitsaremotivatedatleastasmuchbya
concernforthehumandignitythatpoliticalrightsimply(Wood2003,Jasper2010b).Pridein
onesidentityisnotagoalrestrictedtothemislabelednewsocialmovementsofthe
advancedindustrialworld.
ForyearsScheff(e.g.1990)hasdetailedtheimpactofpride(anditsopposite,shame)in
differentinstitutionalarenas.Pridegeneratesandsignalsasecurebond,justasshame
generatesandsignalsathreatenedbond(Scheff1994:3).Unacknowledgedshame,in
particular,leadsdirectlytoanger,insult,andaggression,ashedemonstratesinexplainingthe
originsofWorldWarIandWorldWarII(Scheff1994:5).HeaccountsforHitlersappealto
Germansofthe1930sbytracinghisexpressionsofshame,andprovidesausefullistofverbal
andvisualcuesbywhichwecanobserveexpressionsofshameandanger.Whenbothsidesin
aninteractionharborunacknowledgedshame,escalationandpolarizationaremorelikely.

FollowingScheff,Stein(2001)foundsignsofshame,especiallybypassedshame,inher
interviewswithChristianantigaycrusaders.
Manyprotestmovementsrevolvearoundeffortstotransformshameintopride.Inan
essayongayliberation,BrittandHeise(2000)tracetheemergenceofpridefromshamevia
affectcontrolprocessesinvolvingfearandthenanger.Gould(2001,2003,2009)elaborateson
unacknowledgedshameandtheemergenceofprideintheradicalizationofgayandlesbian
activisminthelate1980s.Movementsbystigmatizedgroupsfaceastrategicdilemma:Theyare
tryingtoremovethegroupstereotypes,oreventheverycategories,thatshamethem,yetthey
usethesesameidentitiestomobilizesupporters;tosomeextenttheyarefightingto
underminetheirownsources(Gamson1995,Jasper2010b).
Ifprideforonesgroupisacentralgoal,humblingonesenemiesisanother.Especially
afterhumiliations,revengecanbecomeaprimarygoal,asinthecaseofPalestiniansuicide
bombers(Brym2007:42).Onabroaderscale,Lebow(2008)hasarguedforthecentralityof
honorasamotivationininternationalpolitics,andinpoliticsgenerally.
Ifpunishingenemieshashistoricallybeenamaleobsession,drivenbyunacknowledged
shame,thewomensmovementanditsoffspringshowthereversegoalofcollectiveaction:
emotionalrepairofonesselfimage.Becausetheirpremiseisthatwomenhavebeen
oppressedandinjured,avarietyofwomensselfhelpmovementshaveattemptedtoundothat
damagebyrepairingwomensemotionalexperience.FacedwiththeJanusDilemma(Jasper
2006b:125,Mansbridge1986),thesemovementshaveoftenspecializedinreachingintoattend
totheneedsoftheirownmembersratherthanreachingouttofixtheworldorsomany
criticshaveclaimed(Brown1995,Echols1990).Toomuchinternalfocus,theysay,createsa
victimmentalityandapoliticsofresentment.
Othershavedefendedtheemotionalrepairworkaccomplishedinselfhelpandrelated
movements.Analyzingpostpartumdepression,Taylor(1996)showedhowwomenwhodidnot
havetherightfeelingsbattledAmericansocietyscheerynormsaboutmotherhood.Her
studentWhittier(2009)hastracedseveraldecadesofcontentionoverchildsexualabuse.Far
fromanexclusivefocusoninternalrepair,shefoundeffortstobalancetheJanustradeoff.The
shamethatvictimsfeltabouthavingbeenabusedwasnotsimplyapsychologicalartifact,buta
productofsocialforces.Thus,challengingthatshamebyundertakingemotionalworkinself
helpgroupsandspeakingpubliclyaboutonesexperienceswasnotsimplypsychological
change,butsocialchange(2009:68).Ifshameisthecentralemotionthatneedstobereduced,
somepubliceffortseemsnecessary,sinceshameentailsimaginingoneselfinotherseyes.
Strugglesoveridentitiesmustunfoldontwofronts,bothinternalandexternaltoagroup.

Connection.Ifissuesofreputationfrequentlymotivateparticipation,afeelingofbelongingtoa
groupoftenkeepspeoplethere.Asenseofbelongingisabasichumanneed,involving
emotionsoflove(Berezin2001),pride(Scheff1994),andemotionalexcitement(Collins2004).
ThisidentiticationwithagroupgoesbeyondLoflandsreflexcrowdjoys,providingaffective
commitmentsthattendtopersist.Collectiveidentityhasbeenafashionabletopicinrecent
yearsbecauseofthis,exertingitscausalimpactbecauseoftheaffectiveloyaltiesitgenerates
(Jasper1998,Polletta&Jasper2001,FlesherFominaya2010).Grouployaltiesexpandan
individualslistofgoalstoincludebenefitsforthegroup,beyondanybenefitstheindividual
receivesasamemberofthatgroup.Suchgoalsarenotquiteselfinterestandnotquite
altruism(Flam1990).
Otherconnectionscandrawpeopleoutofcollectiveefforts.Goodwin(1997),wesaw,
mapsthewaysinwhichaffectionsforfamiliesandsexualpartnerscaninterferewithloyalty
andthefulfillmentofdutiestothecollective(alsoKlatch2004).Thesetensionsbetween
attachmenttothenuclearfamilyandtotherebellionareclosetowhatItermtheBandof
BrothersDilemmainstrategicinteraction:alargegrouptriestoattractanindividualsaffective
loyalty,butthatloyaltyoftenfocusesonasubunitofthelargegroup,justassoldiersareoften
mostloyaltothemembersoftheirimmediatefightingunit(Jasper2004a:13).Thesame
friendshiporsexualattractionthatmightdrawsomeoneintoamovementmayalsoprevent
themfrombroadeningtheirloyaltytotheentiregroup.
Sensuality.Shorttermsensualsatisfactionsalsodirecthumanaction:lustthatfallsshortof
love;theeliminationofpain;thedesirefordrugsoralcoholorfood.Urgeslikethese(muchless
thenegativeurgessuchastheneedtosleepordefecate)arenotnormallymotivationsfor
politicalaction.Buttheycandisruptcoordinatedaction,sothatorganizersmusttrytosuppress
them,orprovidefortheirrelief.Moreoften,urgesenterpoliticsasaformofrepression,
sometimeseventorture.Urgescanbemanipulatedsothatwecandonothinguntiltheyare
satisfied,especiallyintensepainthateliminatesallotherawareness.(Althoughwecanalsoturn
controlofourbodiesagainstourcaptors,asinhungerstrikes:Simant2009).Sensualmotives
suchasurgesprivilegetheimmediatetermoverlongertermprojects,sometimesdisrupting
thelatter,althoughthisdoesnotmeantheyareirrational.
Impact.Thedesiretohaveaneffectontheworldisanothergreatfamilyofmotivations,along
withtheattendantemotions.Insocialmovements,thisdesireoftencomesfromamoralvision
orideologywhichsuggeststhattheworldshouldbedifferentfromthewayitis.Intheirpleas
forsupport,activistsmusttemperthepleasuresofhavinganimpactwithacontinuedsenseof
fear,anger,andthreatthatdemandcontinuedaction.Ideologiestoomustportraythe
movementashavinghistoryonitssidebutonlyintheend,someday(Voss1994).The
emotionsthatmaintainenergyandconfidencewillbeunderminedbytoogreatasenseof

accomplishment.Hopefulanticipationofanimpactisperhapsthegreatestspurtoaction
(Gupta2009).HopeisoftenthepositivepoleinwhatIcallmoralbatteries:thecombination
ofpositiveandnegativeemotionswhich,throughtheircontrast,helpenergizeaction.
SIDEBARABOUTHERE
Thefrustrationofnothavinganimpact,orsometimesnotbeingheard,showswhy
protestorsoftenadoptastargetsthegovernmentalproceduresthathavefailedtoprotector
aidthem(onproceduralrhetoricseeGordon&Jasper1996).Attheextremeisoutrageover
staterepression,which,farfromcurtailingprotest,cansometimesigniteit(Brockett2005).
Oneofthedeepestsatisfactionsofcollectiveactionisasenseofconfidenceandagency,anend
thatinturnbecomesameanstofurtheraction(Wood2003).Wealreadybegintoseea
complexemotionalinterplaybetweenmeansandends:attainingsalientgoalscandemobilize
yoursidethroughcomplacencyandmobilizeyouropponentsthroughfearandthreat(Jasper&
Poulsen1993).
Part3:MeansofAction

Ifemotionsmotivateactionbyinformingourgoals,wealsotrytoarouseourownand
othersemotionsasawaytogetthingsdone.Usingsensitizingmechanismssuchasphysical
propsandritualactions(Trani2009),organizerstrytoarouseemotionstoattractnewrecruits,
sustainthecommitmentandthedisciplineofthosealreadyinamovement,andpersuade
outsiders.Thefirsttaskfacingorganizersistonudgeapersonfrombystandertoparticipant.If
mostemotionsrepresentawayofmonitoringandevaluatingtheworldaroundus,theyshould
helpusunderstandthoserarebutimportantmomentswhenpeoplequestionorabandon
routineactioninfavorofnewwaysofactingandthinking.Thesestrategicengagementsareless
frequentthanhabitualaction,butmoreinfluential(Jasper2006b).
Focusingattention.Emotionshelptofocusanactorsattentionononepartoftheworldaround
her.Politicalscientists(Marcusetal.2000:138,alsoNeumanetal.2007)formulatethisideaas
anxiety,generatedwhennormsareviolated;themoretheyareviolated,andthemore
strategicallycentralthosenormsaretopeople,thenthegreatertheanxiety.Whenpeople
facenovelthreats,theypayattention,flippingfrompreconsciousroutinestomorethoughtful
informationgathering.Inotherwords,ontopofadispositionsystemwhichhelpsusdevelop
usefulhabitstowhichwenolongerneedtopaymuchattention,weareequippedwitha
surveillancesystemthatactstoscantheenvironmentfornoveltyandsuddenintrusionof
threat(Marcusetal.2000:10).Whenvotersfeelthreatenedtheirreflexemotionsleadthem
toseekadditionalinformationandprocessitmorethoroughly.(Emotions,especiallyaffective
loyalties,alsooperateinthedispositionsystem,ofcourse.)

10

Theiranxietiesalsohelprecruitpeopletonewformsofaction,includingprotest.One
waythatactiviststrytorecruitothersisbycreatingortakingadvantageofmoralshocks,
informationoreventsthat(muchlikethebreachingexperimentsofethnomethodology[Benski
2005]orthedeflectionsofaffectcontroltheory)suggesttopeoplethattheworldisnotas
theyhadthought.Theirvisceraluneaseoccasionallyleadstopoliticalactionasaformof
redress(Jasper1997).Moralshockshavehelpedrecruitpeopletotheanimalrightsmovement
(Jasper&Poulsen1995),themovementforpeaceinCentralAmerica(Nepstad&Smith2001,
Nepstad2004),abolitionism(Young2001),andantiracistmovements(Warren2010).
Mika(2006)pointsoutthatthestrongrhetoricandimagerythatmayshockafewinto
activismislikelytodeterorevenannoythemajorityanothercaseoftheJanusDilemmaof
reachinginversusreachingout.PETAads,showntofocusgroupsrepresentingthegeneral
public,oftenconflictedwithparticipantsbasicviewsofnationorreligion,especiallysincePETA
referredtotheseothervaluesinaglibway.Wettergren(2005)showshowanticorporate
activistshavetriedtoadministermoralshocksthroughadstothegeneralpublic,althoughshe
doesnothaveevidenceabouttheireffectiveness.
Scheff(n.d.),analyzingamemorialagainsttheIraqinvasion,arguesthatmoralshocks
dependonsurprise,emotionalattunementwithothers(Scheffspride),andthe
acknowledgementofapreviouslyhiddenemotion(grief,inhisexample).Butsomewhoseethe
memorialareonlydrivenfurtherintodenialofattunement,i.e.ofanysocialbondwithour
enemy.Conversationwiththosetendingthememorial,especiallywithScheffhimself,often
makesthedifference,aswellashowthememorialisframed(isitaboutthedead,oraboutthe
war?).Moralshocksaremostoftenpartofaflowofactiontowardpoliticalactivism,nota
singlegreatleap(Gamson1992:73).Theydonotchangepeoplesunderlyingvalues,onlyclarify
oractivatethem.
Radicalization.Gould(2009)suggestsanotherroleformoralshocks:theyoftencometothose
alreadyparticipatinginasocialmovement,withtheeffectofradicalizingthemorreinforcing
theircommitment.In1986Bowersv.HardwickhadthiseffectontheU.S.gayandlesbianrights
movements(Gould2009:chap.2).Roev.Wadehadhadasimilarimpactonanattentiveand
alreadyantiabortionportionofthepublicin1973(Luker1984).Moralshockscanredirector
revivifyexistingefforts.Roeinformedanattentivepublichowcommonabortionactuallywas;
Hardwicktoldthelesbianandgaycommunitythattheirowngovernmentsupportedtheir
oppression.Indignationatonesowngovernmentcanbeespeciallymoving,asitinvolvesa
senseofbetrayal.Violentrepressionofpeacefulprotestisthusafrequentsourceofmoral
shock,dubbedbacklashbyHessandMartin(2006),whoalsodescribetechniquesusedby
authoritiesandprotestorsinbattlingovertheemotionalunderstandingofthebacklash(Martin

11

2006).Lowe(2006:chap.5)suggeststhatmoralshocksareespeciallylikelywhensomeone
holdsasweepingmovementideologythattakestheformofaquasireligion.
RhetoricalDisplay.Moralshocksarehardlytheonlykindofrhetoricactivistsuse.Aswellas
recruitingnewmembers,theymustappealtootherplayersaswellastoabystanderpublic.
Someoftheseappealsdeployemotionaldisplays,otherstrytodownplayemotions.Iffeminists
oftenchallengetheassignmentofemotionsbygender,intheanimalrightsmovementinrural
NorthCarolina,Groves(1995,1997,2001)foundgroupsexploitingthosesameemotional
normsaspartoftheirrhetoricalpackage.Hereactivists,tryingtodownplaytheemotionsofthe
movementinordertoemphasizeitsrational,professional,evenscientificgrounding,favored
menasspokespersonseventhoughthemovementwasheavilyfemale.Beingemotional
becomeslegitimatewhenmendoit,andwomencanpointtomensparticipationinthe
movementtojustifythelegitimacyoftheirownfeelingsaboutanimalcruelty(Groves
2001:226).Intheselfhelpandanimalprotectiongroups,weseetheemotionaldynamicsofthe
DilemmaofCulturalInnovation,overwhethertochallengeortoexploitexistingviewsand
sensibilities(Jasper2004a:13).Thesamewomenmaychallengegenderedfeelingrulesas
feministsandexploitthemasanimalprotectionists.
Emotionaldisplayssendeitherthreateningorreassuringsignalstoaudiences,
dependingonwhatgroupswantfromthem.Sometimesemotionsmustbemanagedaspartof
acoolstyle(Stearns1994).Agroupprayingorsingingseemsundercontrol;agroupshouting
orrunningdoesnot(inaffectcontrolterms,itsactivitylevelishigher).Thetwokindsof
displaysareusefulfordifferentpurposes,aspartoftheNaughtyorNiceDilemma:opponents
andauthoritiesmaycapitulateunderthreat,ortheymayredoubletheireffortsatcontainment
andrepression(Jasper2004a,2006b:106).Thereflexandmoralemotionsgeneratedinthese
interactionsinfluencewhetherrepressionsucceedsorbackfires.
Inadditiontofocusingattention,breakingusoutofourroutines,andpersuading
others,emotionshelpexplainourcontinuingparticipationincollectiveaction.Tobesustained,
participationmustprovidesomesatisfactionsalongtheway.Hereareseveralemotional
mechanismsforthis.
Collectivesolidarities.Asdiscussedabove,librarieshavebeenwrittenaboutcollective
identitiesandpolitics,rangingfromnationalism(e.g.Calhoun1997)toAmericanidentity
politicssincethe1960s(Gitlin1995)totheemergenceofLGBTQmovementssincethe1990s
(Gamson1995).Onceviewedprimarilyasanexerciseinconstructingcollectivememory
(Anderson1983)orthedrawingofcognitiveboundaries(Taylor&Whittier1992),recentwork
hasexaminedtheaffectiveloyaltiesinvolved:loveofthegroup(Berezin2001),hatredfor
outsiders(Scheff1994;leCourGrandmaison2002).Thesemaintainmemberenthusiasm.

12

Groupsseemtobestrengthenedwhentheysharereflexemotionsinresponsetoevents
andwhentheyshareaffectiveloyaltiestooneanother(whatIcallsharedandreciprocal
emotions,respectively:Jasper1998),witheachonecontributingtotheother.Asadeeply
satisfyingformofreputationandconnection,collectiveidentityisagoalasmuchasameans
anemotionalachievementinYangs(2000)phrase.Evennegativesharedemotionscan
strengthenpositivereciprocalemotions:Eventheexperienceoffearandanxiety,not
uncommoninthemidstofprotest,canbeastrongforceincreatingasenseofcollectivityand
beanattractiveforceincollectiveactions(Eyerman2005:43).
InteractionRituals.InasynthesisofDurkheimandGoffman,Collins(2001,2004;alsoSummers
Effler2006)offersatheoryofemotionalenergy,generatedinfacetofacesituations,thatgives
peopleconsciousnessofgroupsandmotivationtoparticipateincollectiveendeavors.His
interactionritualmodelexplainstherelativeintensitiesofthemovementcommitments,and
mightalsohelpaccountforhowsocialmovementsperiodicallygather,insmallerorlarger
collectiveoccasions,sometimestorecreatetheeffervescencethatlaunchedthemovement,
andsometimestoinfusenewemotions,oneofthemosteffectivewaysbeingconfrontation
withtargetsorenemies(Collins2001:31).Ifanyinteractioncangenerateemotionalenergy,
andifthatenergytranslatesintotheconfidencethataidsstrategicengagement(Jasper
2006b:108ff),thenthisisageneralandimportanttheoryofemotionsinpolitics.Ittracesreflex
emotionsastheyevolveintomoodsandultimatelyintoaffectiveloyaltiesandoccasionally
moralemotions.
MoodsareatthecenterofCollinsmodel,hisemotionalenergy.DrawingonKemper
(1978,2001),Collinsdistinguishesongoingpositionsinhierarchiesthatgeneratedistinctive
levelsoflongtermemotionalenergyfrominteractionsthatchangethoselevelsintheshort
term,linkingthetwobypositingthatthoseatthetoparrangeritualinteractionstoreinforce
theirpositions.Thosewithsinkinglevelsofemotionalenergygetdepressed,althoughthose
withsomelevelremaining(andhencesomecapacityforresistanceandagency)mayalsofeel
afraid(Collins2004:129).Ifritualsfailtoarouseemotions,perhapsbecausetheyaretoo
habitualortooconfused,theyfail.Unsuccessfulinteractionritualsdiscourageparticipation
(SummersEffler2010:42ff).Moodsinteractwitheventstogenerateshortrunreflexemotions.
CollinsuseofDurkheimalsosuggestssomeofthemechanismsthatgeneratethereflex
joysofcrowds.Collectivelocomotionandmusichaveunusualcapacitiestomakepeoplemelt
intoagroupinfeelingsofsatisfaction,perhapsbecausesomanypartsofthebrainandbody
areinvolvedatonce.Musicscontributiontosocialmovementshasoftenbeenanalyzedas
thoughitwereprimarilyaboutthecognitivemessagescontainedinthelyrics,fullofcatchy,
memorableideologicalslogans(Eyerman&Jamison1998;Roscigno&Danaher2004).But
musichasastrongemotionalimpactonparticipantswhosing,dance,andmovetogether

13

(McNeill1995).WhenTrani(2008:60)liststwelvecontributionsmusicmakestoprotest,the
firsttwoareexplicitlyemotional(creatingfeelingsfavorabletoconversionandhelpful
emotionalpostures),althoughtwomore(reinforcementofgroupidentityanddemonizationof
opponents)alsohaveemotionalbases.
Discipline.Inanycollectiveaction,individualsmustbecontrolledsothattheydowhatothers
expectofthem.Organizersmustanticipate,block,orallowforurgessuchasthirstortheneed
tourinate.Onereflexdisruptionisfear,whichcanparalyzeorpanicitwastheparadigm
emotionformuchcrowdtheory.GoodwinandPfaff(2001)identifyencouragement
mechanismsthatorganizersusedtomitigateormanagefearinboththeU.S.andtheEast
Germancivilrightsmovements:intimatesocialtiesandsupport;emotionalmassmeetings;
identificationwiththemovement;faithintheirultimatevictory;shaming;trainingincivil
disobedience;andmediacoverage.TwoadditionalmechanismsintheU.S.movementwerethe
possessionoffirearmsandfaithindivineprotection.Takingalongerperspective,Broquaand
Fillieule(2009:164)pointoutthatactivistsworktosuppressemotionsasmuchastoexpress
them,mentioningasanexamplethetwohundredyearsittooktotameandinstitutionalize
streetdemonstrations(partofElias[1978/1939]classbasedcivilizingprocess).Likewomen,
theworkingclasshadtoprovetheywererationalenoughtoparticipateinpolitics.
GroupDynamics.Internalgroupdynamics,crucialtosustaininganymovement,arestillpoorly
understood.Groupleaderstrytominimizeaffectiveloyaltiestoanyoneoutsidethegroupand
maximizethemtothegrouporitsleaders(Goodwin1997).Owens(2009)showshowthe
strongemotionsovertheJanusDilemmahelpeddestroytheAmsterdamsquattersmovement.
Lalich(2004)comparedthegroupHeavensGate,whichexpectedtobetransportedupto
Halleyscomettostartnewincorporealexistences,totheDemocraticWorkersParty,aMarxist
LeninistcelluleintheSanFranciscoBayAreainthe1970sand1980s.Bothrequiredmembers
totakenewnames,cutoutsideties,andremainsilentaboutprioraffectivecommitments.
(Interestingly,bothgroupsdiscouragedanytalkoffeelings,evenasleadersmanipulated
affectiveloyalties.)Emotionsthatareusefulmeansforgroupleadersmaybedamagingtothe
rankandfileasindividuals.
Theemotionaldynamicsofleadersandfollowersarepoorlyunderstood,partofabroad
inattentiontoleadersinsociology(cf.Barkeretal.2001).EvenaculturalanalystlikeMelucci
(1996)viewsleadershipasaseriesofexchangesbetweenleadersandfollowers.Scheffsuggests
theroleofleadersassymbolsoffeelingsinhisanalysisofHitlersappeal,butheprovideslittle
senseoftheinternalstructureofgroupsandtheirdynamics.Evenanation,inhismodel,is
relativelyundifferentiated.Describinghismethodaspart/wholeanalysis,hejumpsbetween
nationandindividualratherthanshowingtheorganizationalandstrategicworkthatlinksthem

14

thestuffofresourcemobilization,politicalalliances,framealignmentandotherorganizing
work.Emotionsarekeypotentialbuildingblocksformovingfromthemicrotothemacrolevel.
Kempers(1978,2001,2006)structuralapproachshouldhelpexplaintheemotionsof
groupinteractions,evenifitisnotthecompletetheoryofemotionsthathewouldlike.
Ongoinghierarchiesofpowerandstatussetupexpectationsforinteractions,andpredictable
emotionsresultwhentheyaremetornotmet.Forinstancefearandanxietyresultfroman
insufficiencyinorreductiontoonespower,guiltfromanexcessorincrease.Thesystemis
complex,andworksbestforreflexemotionsinongoingsocialsystems.Sinceinternal
hierarchies,formalornot,developinprotestgroups,thetheorymayworkhere.Itislesslikely
toworkforbroaderpoliticalarenasthatlackwelldefinedhierarchies.EmirbayerandGoldberg
(2005)drawonPragmatismtodevelopasimilarrelationalapproachtoemotions.
Part4:TheFusionofEndsandMeans

Despitethemanywaysthatemotionsareintimatelytiedtomeansandtoends,they
alsofrequentlyblurtheverydistinctionofmeansandends.Anyflowofactionthrowsupa
constantstreamofemotions,andthemorepositivetheyareorthemoreemotionalenergy
andexcitementtheygeneratethemorelikelyparticipantsaretocontinue.Thesatisfactions
ofaction,fromthejoyoffusiontotheassertionofdignitybecomeamotivationeverybitas
importantasamovementsstatedgoals.Manyauthorshavepointedoutthepleasuresand
painsofprotest,withoutexplicitlyacknowledgingtheemotionsthatcomprisethem.Means
becomegoals,andgoalsonceattainedbecomethemeansforfurtheraction.Meansand
endsoftenfuse.(Becauseinhisviewthemeansaretheendsinaffectiveaction,Weberplaced
itinacategoryofitsown,especiallyincontrasttomeansandendsrationalities.)

Forexamplemanymovementsaimtotransformfeelingrules.Inthemostdocumented
case,wesaw,feministstriedtomakeitacceptableforwomentoexpressnegativeemotions,
especiallyanger.Hochschild(1975)citedPaulEkmansfindingthatwomenaremorelikelyto
suppressanger,whilemenaremorelikelytomaskfear;angerisaimeddownwardin
hierarchies(Kemper1978).Thereasonisthatanger,asAristotleinsisted,isausefulmeansfor
assertingonesrightsandstatus.Callingselfhelpthetaprootoffeminism,Taylor(1996:175)
arguedthatwomensselfhelpplaysamajorroleinchallengingtheemotionnorms
surroundingloveandangerandiscontributingtoanhistoricalshiftinAmericansocietytoward
freeexpression,individualism,andselfdevelopment.Theabilitytofeelanddisplaythe
emotionsassociatedwithpoliticalagencyanger,indignation,pride,andsoonrepresenta
kindofemotionalliberation(Flam2005)everybitasnecessaryascognitiveliberation
(McAdam1982).

15

Thesechangesinemotionaldisplays,makingthemlessgendered,havebeenacentral
goalofthewomensmovement.Buttheabilitytoexpressangerisalsoameansforchallenging
injustices,anormalpartofmostprotestmovements.(AccordingtoSolomon[1971],Maofaced
asimilarchallengeinovercomingpeasantsreticencetoexpressanger.)Asgenderrestrictions
arerelaxed,womengainnewwaystoactintheirowninterests.Again,thisisacommon
patterninsocialmovements(andallstrategicengagement):attainingoneobjectivehelpsin
attainingfutureones.Forthisreason,therehasbeensomeconfusionaboutthegoalsof
movements:ismobilizationitselfanend,ormerelyameans?Itisboth,satisfyinginitselfbut
alsocontributingtofutureaction.
Moodsarecentraltothisinterpenetrationofmeansandends.Eachvictory,evena
smallone,yieldsconfidence,attention,andemotionalenergy,allofwhichareadvantagesfor
furtheraction(Jasper2006b:108ff).Collins(2004)observesthatemotionalenergygeneratedin
oneinteractiongivespeopleconfidentmoodstheycantaketotheirnextinteraction,especially
whentheycreatesymbolstoremindthem.Thesemechanismscanhelpusmakesenseofmany
oftheopportunitiesofpoliticalprocesstheory,forinstance.AneventlikeBrownv.Boardof
Educationin1954waslessasignaloftheweaknessofracistgovernmentthanasourceofhope
thatvictorieswerepossible(Jasper1997:118).Combinedwiththesubsequentreflexanger
fromwhitesupremacists,thishopeoperatedasthepositivepoleofamoralbattery.
Anger,outrage,andotheraggressiveemotionsarenotalwaysawinningapproach.They
embroilprotestorsintheNaughtyorNicedilemma(Jasper2006b:106).Butprotestorsare
certainlybetterofffacingthisdilemmathanhavingtheirchoicesconstrainedbecausenaughty
emotionalexpressionsareprecludedfromthestart,makingthemmorepredictableto
opponents.(Holmes[2004:211]criticizesapproacheswhichassumethatthepoliticaloutcome
ofangrinessisdeterminableinadvance,butinsteadofrecognizingthestrategicdilemmasand
thecontingencyofstrategicinteractionshesimplylabelsangerasambivalent.)
Thekindofangernurturedbythewomensmovementisnotthesameangeryoufeel
whenyourcatclawsitswayupyourleg.Thelatterisaquickreflex,whichsubsideswhenyou
remindyourselfthatthecatwasinturnstartledbythedog.Womensangerisinsteadaformof
righteousindignation,amoralsensibilitybasedonananalysisofinjusticeaswellasagut
feelingofoppression.Womenhadtolearntoturntheirblameoutwards,toseethemselvesas
victims,butalsoasstrongenoughtoresist.Wedontdosomuchcognitiveworkwhenwekick
thecat.
Ifamoodofenergyandagencyfeedscollectiveendeavors,sodoesasenseofloyaltyto
onescollective.Wesawthatcollectiveidentificationisbothanendinitself,abasichuman
satisfaction,andalsoameans.Prideinonesgroup,especiallyitsmoralworth,unanimity,size
(numbers),andcommitment(Tillys(2004)WUNCdisplays,whichheprimarilytookas

16

orientedtowardexternalaudiencesbutwhichalsohasinternalaudiences),enhances
commitmenttocollectiveaction.TotheextentIidentifywithagroup,itsgoalsbecomemine.
Butthatsameidentificationalsoaidscollectiveactionbygivingmetheattentionandenergyto
participate.Inaddition,myendsareanorganizersmeans.Thisfusionofendsandmeansin
collectiveidentityexplainwhyparticipantscanfeeldespondentorbitterwhenamovement
endsevenwhenithasattaineditsstatedgoals(Adams2003).
Finally,wecancirclebacktomoralsensibilities.Justastheyformthebackground
conditionsforreflexemotions(backgroundemotions,Nussbaumcallsthem),theyarealso
oneofthemostlastingaccomplishmentsofsocialmovements.Justasonemovementmay
leaveforfuturemovementssuchadvantagesasknowhow,socialnetworks,framesandother
carriersofmeaning,itmayalsoleaveawayoffeelingabouttheworldthatlatermovements
canbuildupon(Jenkins1992,Nepstad&Smith2001).InnineteenthcenturyBritainand
America,compassionforanimalswasborrowedtohelpcreatemovementstoaidpooror
abusedchildren;inthefollowingcenturythesamestylesofcompassioncouldbeappliedto
distantsufferingacrosstheglobe.
Insum,theroutinesofprotestmustoffersatisfactionsalongtheway,especially
consideringhowremotemanymovementgoalsare.Thepleasuresofconversation,the
excitementofinteraction,theabilitytoarticulatemoralintuitions,asenseofmakinghistory,
andothers:thesekeepparticipantsgoing,regardlessofthelikelihoodofobtainingstatedgoals.
Conversely,theattainmentofinterimgoalsisoneofthemostenergizingofthesepleasuresof
participation.Emotionsarepartofaflowofactionandinteraction,notsimplytheprior
motivationstoengageortheoutcomesthatfollow.Becausetheyaresometimesveryshort
termsatisfactions,theyoftenconflictwithlongertermgoals,leadingtoregret,butregretisnot
thesameasirrationality.
Part5:FutureResearch

Emotionsinteractwitheachotherconstantly,posingchallengestoresearchoutside
carefullycontrolledexperiments(andeventomanyofthose).Perhapsthemostinteresting
interactionisbetweenlongstandingaffectivecommitmentsormoralemotionsandshortrun
reflexemotionsthattapintothoseasbackground.Thisisthekeytoamoralshock(Young
2001).Butourmoodsalsofilterourreactionstoinformationandevents.Affectiveloyaltiesand
moralemotionsalsointeractwitheachother,ascollectiveidentitiesarefrequentlydefinedby
sharedmorals,justasourmoralemotionsdifferforvariousgroups(wearequickertoseemoral
failingsinouropponents,perhaps,thanonourownteam).Wealsohavemoralemotionsabout
ourreflexemotions,aswhenweareashamedofhavingreactedinappropriately(Elster1999a).

17

Emotionsalsocomeincombinations(Flam2005).Angertingedwithmoralshame
differsfromangertingedwithindignation,withdifferentimplicationsforaction.Acombination
ofanegativeandapositiveemotionoperatesasamoralbatterydrivingactionforward.We
needtounderstandtherhetoricandpracticesorganizersusetoalterthesecombinationsto
fosteraction.
Emotionsarealsosequenced(Barker2001).Williamson(2011)speaksofemotion
chains,givingatemporaldimensiontothepairsofemotionsfoundinmoralbatteries.
ExaminingwhetherpeoplereturnedayearlatertoaReclaimingcamp(afeministnewage
religiousmovement),shefoundthatanincreaseinhopeduringtheeventincreasedsomeones
chanceofreturning,whileanincreaseinfearloweredit.Aninitialincreaseinconfusionalso
increasedtheodds,reflectingacommonreligiousrecruitingtechnique.Changesincouragehad
noeffect.SummersEffler(2010)alsolinksemotionstolongtermtrajectoriesofprotestgroups.
Anothercomplicationisthatwecanfeelindifferentways.Icanhavebodily
sensationsthatIamnotawareofordonotplaceaverballabelon(Gould2009:18ff).Ican
displayemotionsthatIdonotfeel(Hochschildssurfaceacting).InthispaperIhavetreated
emotionsasthoughtheywerethingswithneatlabelsthatwemostlyrecognize.Forallitslimits
Iseenootherstartingplace,sinceweasanalystsmustapplylinguisticlabels.Andinfact,when
humanslabeltheirownfeelings,thoselabelsbegintogivetheirfeelingsshapeanddirection.
Thisiswhatcultureandlanguagedoforandtous.
Emotionscanbecomplex,butonethingthatshouldnothinderourstudyofthemisa
shortageofresearchtechniques.Almostanytechniquethathasbeenusedtoexplaincognitive
meaningscanbeadaptedtostudyingemotions.Weinterprettexts,buildings,gardens,rituals,
andotherhumanartifactsfortheemotionsdisplayedorarousedinaudiences.Weobserve
peopleininteraction,aswellasaudioandvideotapingthem.Weinterviewandsurveythem.
Weparticipateourselves,sothatthroughintrospectionwecanobserveorreconstructourown
complexemotions.Weasksubjectstokeepdiariesoftheirfeelings,orweprodthematcertain
timesfortheircurrentemotions.Weplacetheminlaboratoriesorfocusgroupstoobserve
theminteractingwithotherpeopleorcomputers.Onechallenge,aswithcognitivemeanings,is
tolineupthefeelingsthataredisplayedwiththosethatarefelt,andmultiplemethodsare
typicallybestforthis.
Emotionsareacorepartofactionanddecisions,whichweanalystsignoreatourperil.
Actions,whetherconsciouslymadeaschoicesornot,comewithlonglistsofpotentialrisks,
costs,andbenefits.Weneedtoincludetheemotionalrisks,costs,andbenefits,sincethese
guideactionsandchoices.Thesewereexcludedfromrationalistictraditionsastoohardto
reckonwith,butsurelytheyguidedecisions.Ifwearetounderstandtheactionsundertaken,

18

weneedtounderstandtheemotionsthatguide,accompany,andresultfromthem.Ifpolitical
actorscareaboutthem,analystsmusttoo.
Emotions,freedfromthepejorativemindbodydualismsofthepast,promiseto
advanceourcomprehensionofagentsandtheirmotivation.Recentoverviewsofsocial
movements,intheUnitedStatesandabroad,havepointedtoemotionsasakeyingredientin
anytheoreticaladvance(e.g.Cefa2007,Jasper2007,2010a).Theypromiseatheoryofaction
tobalancethetheoriesofstructurethatdominatedsocialmovementtheoryandresearchuntil
recently.Evensocalledstructuressuchasvotingsystems,wellarmedpolice,orcleavages
amongeliteopponentsoperateatleastpartlythroughtheemotionstheyarouse.Justasthe
interpretiveturninsocialsciencehasallowedustoreenvisionthecausalmechanismsbehind
earlierconcepts(Jasper2007),soanemotionalvisionishelpingusfindhiddenmechanisms
beneathmanyoftheconceptswehavetakenforgrantedforsolong.
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FutureIssues:
Howdoreflexemotionsinteractordependuponbackgroundemotionssuchasaffective
loyaltiesandmoralemotions?
Whatemotionsarefrequentlycombinedinpoliticalaction?
Whatsequencesofemotionsdowefindinpoliticalengagements?Whichareinternally
generatedandmanagedbyorganizers,andwhichreflectprotestorsinteractionswith
opponentsandotherplayers?
Whatemotionaldynamicshelpusexplainhowprotestorsgrapplewithstrategictradeoffsand
dilemmas?
Howdotheemotionsofplayersotherthanprotestorselectedofficials,police,opponents,
journalistsandsoonhelpexplainhowengagementsunfold?
Whataretheemotionalconstraintsonsocialmovements,includingthosegeneratedbyso
calledpoliticalstructures?
Canwerethinkthemajorconceptsofpastresearch,suchasmaterialresources,political
opportunities,frames,collectiveidentity,andnarratives,inordertofindemotionalprocesses
hiddeninsidethem?
Glossary:
AffectiveCommitmentsorLoyalties:relativelystablefeelings,positiveornegative,about
othersoraboutobjects,suchasloveandhate,likinganddisliking,trustormistrust,respector
contempt.

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EmotionalEnergy:amoodofexcitementandenthusiasm,generatedininteractionritualsand
successfulstrategicengagement,thatencouragesfurtheraction.
EmotionalLiberation:apackageofemotionsthatremovesblockagestoprotest,includinga
shiftofaffectiveloyaltiesfromdominantidentitiesandinstitutionstoprotestorientedones,
reflexemotionsofangerratherthanfear,moodsofhopeandenthusiasmratherthandespair
orresignation,andmoralemotionsofindignation.
Moods:energizingordeenergizingfeelingsthatpersistacrosssettingsanddonotnormally
takedirectobjects.Theycanbechangedbyreflexemotions,asduringinteractions.
MoralEmotions:feelingsofapprovalordisapproval(includingofourownselvesandactions)
basedonmoralintuitionsorprinciples,suchasshame,guilt,pride,indignation,outrage,and
compassion.
MoralShock:thevertiginousfeelingthatresultswhenaneventorinformationshowsthatthe
worldisnotwhatonehadexpected,whichcansometimesleadtoarticulationorrethinkingof
moralprinciples.
PrideandShame:moralemotionsofselfapprovalorselfdisapproval,whichentailafeelingof
connectionordisconnectionfromonessocialbonds.
ReflexEmotions:fairlyquick,automaticresponsestoeventsandinformation,oftentakenas
theparadigmforallemotions,suchasanger,fear,joy,surprise,shock,anddisgust.
ReciprocalandSharedEmotions:inaformalorinformalgroup,reciprocalemotionsarethose
themembersfeelforeachother(suchaslove),andsharedemotionsarethosetheyhavein
commontowardotherobjects(suchasangeragainstopponents).
Urges:urgentbodilyneedsthatcrowdoutotherfeelingsandattentionuntiltheyaresatisfied:
lust,hunger,substanceaddictions,theneedtourinateordefecate,exhaustionorpain.
**
Sidebar:MoralBatteries

Combinationsandinteractionofemotionsarecrucialtoaction,yetstillrelatively
unexplored.Onecategory,whichIcallmoralbatteries,consistsofapositiveandanegative
emotion,andthetensionorcontrastbetweenthemmotivatesactionordemandsattention.An
emotioncanbestrengthenedwhenweexplicitlyorimplicitlycompareittoitsopposite,justas
abatteryworksthroughthetensionbetweenitspositiveandnegativepoles.

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Prideandshamearethemoststudiedmoralbattery,especiallyforthelesbianandgay
rightsmovements,inwhichactivistsexplicitlytrytomoveparticipantswiththepromiseof
replacingshamewithpride.Becauseshameisdeenergizing,smalldosesofpridemustbe
aroused,sometimesthroughsmallpoliticalvictoriesbutmoreoftenthroughquietidentity
work.Thesatisfactionofselfapprovalthatisprideisallthemoremotivatingifonecurrently
disapprovesofoneself,apainfulmoralemotion.

Pityandjoyareanothercombination,whichIfirstnoticedinresearchontheanimal
rightsmovement.Glossymagazinesandbrochuresfrequentlyalternatedarticlesaboutabused
animalsinpainandfamiliesofhappyanimalsthathadbeenrescuedorthatlivedinthewild.As
thereaderimaginedthetransformationfrompitiabletocontentedandhealthystates,the
impliedactionwasclear:thetortured,sufferinganimalshadtoberescued.

Hopeforchangecombinedwiththefears,anxieties,andothersufferingofthepresent
areamoregenericformofmoralbattery.Mostsuccessfulorganizersexaggeratethepromiseof
thefutureaswellasthesufferingofthepresent.Thecontrastbetweenthewaythingsarenow
andthewaythingsmightbehelpsmotivateprotestandpoliticalaction.
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FlamH,KingD.2005.EmotionsandSocialMovements.London:Routledge
GoodwinJ,JasperJM,PollettaF.2001.PassionatePolitics:EmotionsandSocialMovements.
Chicago:Univ.ofChicagoPress
HoggettP.2009.Politics,Identity,andEmotions.Boulder:Paradigm
JaoulN,BlomA,ed.2009.OutrageCommunities:ThePoliticizationofEmotionsinSouthAsia,
specialissueofSAMAJ
SommierI.2010.Lestatsaffectifsouladimensionaffectuelledesmouvementssociaux.In
PenserlesMouvementsSociaux,ed.OFillieule,EAgrikoliansky,ISommier,185201.Paris:La
Dcouverte
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